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diff --git a/old/61913-0.txt b/old/61913-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 63d863f..0000000 --- a/old/61913-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23005 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Reformation in Europe in the -Time of Calvin, Vol. 7 (of 8), by J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll -have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using -this ebook. - - - -Title: History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 7 (of 8) - -Author: J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -Translator: William L. B. Cates - -Release Date: April 24, 2020 [EBook #61913] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION *** - - - - -Produced by Brian Wilson, David Edwards, Colin Bell, David -King, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - -History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 7 of 8 - - - - - DR. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ’S HISTORY. - - -1.—THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 5 Vols. -$6.00 - -2.—THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. 7 Vols. $14.00 - - -[_From a Review by Prof. F. Godet of Neuchâtel._] - -What a difference there is between the perusal of a work of this kind -and that of one of the religious novels with which our public is now -satiated. In these latter, notwithstanding all the good-will of the -authors, there is always, or nearly always, something unwholesome. -Imagination, that admirable gift of God, is employed to transport us -into the _chiaro-oscuro_ of fictitious scenes, which communicate a kind -of fascination from which it is difficult to emerge, to return to the -humdrum of every-day life, and to confine ourselves to the narrow limits -of our every-day duties. Here on the contrary we find the full light of -historic truth, imagination restored to its true object—that of giving -life to real facts. The faith of this martyr, it really struggled, -really triumphed—this blood, it really flowed—this pile, its flames -lighted up the surrounding country, but in doing so they really consumed -their victim. When we read these true histories our hearts do not swell -with vain ambition or aspire to an inaccessible ideal. We do not say: -“If I were this one, or that one.” We are obliged to commune with -ourselves, to examine our consciences, to humble ourselves with the -question: What would become of me if I were called to profess my faith -through similar sufferings? Each one of us is thus called to less -self-complacency, to greater humility, but at the same time to greater -contentment with his lot, to greater anxiety to serve his God with -greater faithfulness and greater activity. - -We warmly recommend this work to those who are glad to find wholesome -nutriment for the strengthening of their faith, to those who by contact -with a vivifying stream wish to give renewed vigor to their spiritual -life. They will find in its narrations all the energy and brightness -which a living faith communicated to the author, whose mind retained all -its youthful freshness, and at the same time that wisdom which Christian -experience had brought to full maturity. - - -ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS. - - - - - HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - BY THE - - REV. J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ, D.D., - - TRANSLATED BY - - WILLIAM L. R. CATES, - - ‘Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand elles - ont passé - leur temps. - - ‘Au règne de Christ, il n’y a que le nouvel homme qui soit florissant, - qui ait de - la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.’ - - CALVIN. - - - VOL. VII. - - ENGLAND, GENEVA, FRANCE, GERMANY, AND ITALY. - - NEW YORK: - ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS, - No. 530 BROADWAY. - 1877 - - - - - EDITOR’S PREFACE. - - -A whole year has elapsed since the publication of the sixth volume of -the _History of the Reformation_. But this delay is owing to the fact -that the editor has been unable to devote to this undertaking more than -the scanty leisure hours of an active ministry; and not, as some have -supposed, to the necessity of compiling the _History_ from notes more or -less imperfect left by the author. The following narrative, like that -which has preceded it, is wholly written by M. Merle d’Aubigné himself. - -The editor repeats the statement made on the publication of the last -volume—that his task has consisted solely in verifying the numerous -quotations occurring in the text or as foot-notes, and in curtailing, in -two or three places, some general reflections which interfered with the -rapid flow of the narrative, and which the author would certainly have -either suppressed or condensed if it had been permitted him to put the -finishing touches to his work. - -We can only express our gratitude to the public for the reception given -to the posthumous volume which we have already presented to them. -Criticism, of course, has everywhere accompanied praise. The estimates -formed by the author of this or that character have not been accepted by -all readers; and the journals have been the organs of the public -sentiment. - -One important English review[1] has censured the author for placing -himself too much at the evangelical point of view. It is unquestionable -that this is indeed the point of view at which M. Merle d’Aubigné stood. -This was not optional with him; he could not do otherwise. By -conviction, by feeling, by nature, by his whole being, he was -evangelical. But was this the point of view best adapted to afford him a -real comprehension of the epoch, the history of which he intended to -relate? This is the true question, and the answer seems obvious. If we -consider the fact that the theologians of the revival at Geneva have -been especially accused of having been too much in bondage to the -theology of the sixteenth century, we shall acknowledge that this -evangelical point of view was the most favorable to an accurate -understanding of the movement of the Reformation, and to a just -expression of its ideas and tendencies. No one could better render to us -the aspect of the sixteenth century than one of those men who, if we may -so speak, have restored it in the nineteenth. - -The criticism most commonly applied to M. Merle d’Aubigné is that he has -displayed a bias in favor of the men of the Reformation, and especially -in favor of Calvin. That the author of the _History of the Reformation_ -feels for Calvin a certain tenderness, and that he is inclined to -excuse, to a certain extent, his errors and even his faults, may be -admitted. But it is no less indisputable that this tendency has never -led him to palliate or to conceal those errors or faults. He pronounces -a judgment: and this is sometimes a justification or an excuse. But he -has in the first place narrated; and this narration has been perfectly -accurate. The kindly feeling, or, as some say, the partiality of the -writer, may have deprived his estimate of the severity which others -would have thought needful; but it has not falsified his view. His -glance has remained keen and clear, and historical truth comes forth -from the author’s narratives with complete impartiality. These -narratives themselves furnish the reader with the means of arriving at a -different conclusion from that which the author has himself drawn. - -May we not add that M. Merle d’Aubigné’s love for his hero, admitting -the indisputable sincerity of the historian, far from being a ground of -suspicion, imparts a special value to his judgments? For nearly sixty -years M. Merle lived in close intimacy with Calvin. He carefully -investigated his least writings, seized upon and assimilated all his -thoughts, and entered, as it were, into personal intercourse with the -great reformer. Calvin committed some faults. Who disputes this? But he -did not commit these faults with deliberate intention. He must have -yielded to motives which he thought good, and, were it only in the -blindness of passion, must have justified his actions to his own -conscience. In the main, it is this self-justification on Calvin’s part -which M. Merle d’Aubigné has succeeded better than any one else in -making known to us. He has depicted for us a living Calvin; he has -revealed to us his inmost thought; and when, in the work which I am -editing, I meet with an approving judgment in which I can not join -without some reservation, I imagine nevertheless that if Calvin, rising -from the tomb, could himself give me his reasons, he would give me no -others than those which I find set forth in these pages. If this view is -correct, and it seems to me difficult to doubt it, has not the author -solved one of the hardest problems of history—to present the true -physiognomy of characters, and to show them as they were; under the -outward aspect of facts to discover and depict the minds of men? - -Moreover, the greater number of these general criticisms are matters of -taste, of tendency, of views and of temperament. There are others which -would be important if they were well-founded. Such are those which bear -upon the accuracy of the work, almost upon the veracity of the author. -Fortunately it is easy to overthrow them by a rapid examination. - -‘M. Merle,’ it has been said,[2] ‘makes use of his vast knowledge of the -works of the reformers to borrow from them passages which he arbitrarily -introduces out of their place and apart from the circumstances to which -they relate. Thus sentences taken from works of Calvin written during -the last periods of his life are transformed into sentences pronounced -by him twenty or twenty-five years earlier. That which on one occasion -was written with his pen is, in regard to another occasion, put into his -lips. We may, without pedantry, refuse to consider this process in -strict conformity with that branch of truth which is called accuracy.’ - -It is true that, in Vol. VI., M. Merle d’Aubigné applies to the year -1538 words uttered by Calvin about twenty-five years later, at the time -of his death in 1564:—‘I have lived here engaged in strange contests. I -have been saluted in mockery of an evening before my own door with fifty -or sixty shots of arquebuses. You may imagine how that must astound a -poor scholar, timid as I am, and as I confess I always was.’ But these -words, spoken by Calvin many years after the event, referred precisely -to that year, 1538. The historian has quoted them at the very date to -which they belong; nor could he have omitted them without a failure in -accuracy. - -The following is, however, the only proof given of this alleged want of -accuracy:— - -‘At the time when Calvin had just succeeded in establishing in Geneva -what he considered to be the essential conditions of a Christian church, -he had published, in the name of his colleagues, some statement of the -success which they had just achieved, and had given expression to the -sentiments of satisfaction and hope which they felt. Of this statement, -to which events almost immediately gave a cruel contradiction, M. Merle -has made use to depict the personal feelings and disposition of Calvin -_after_ the check which his work had sustained. The conditions are -altogether changed. Instead of triumphing, the reformer is banished; -and, nevertheless, the language which he used in the days of triumph is -employed to characterize his steadfastness and constancy in the days of -exile.’ - -The document here spoken of is a preface by Calvin to the Latin edition -of his Catechism. In the original edition it bears date March, 1538. It -is now before us; we have read and re-read it, and we can not imagine by -what strange illusion there could be seen in it a _statement of the -success which Calvin and his colleagues had just achieved._ It does not -contain one vestige of _satisfaction_ or of _hope_, not a trace of -_triumph_. It is an unaccountable mistake to suppose that it was written -in _days of triumph_. It was written in March 1538, in the very stress -of the storm which, a few days later, April 23, was to result in the -banishment of the reformer and the momentary destruction of his work at -Geneva. This storm had begun to take shape on November 25, 1537, at a -general council (assembly of the people), in which the most violent -attacks had been directed against Calvin and against the government of -the republic. From this time, says M. Merle, ‘the days of the party in -power were numbered.’[3] In fact, the government favorable to Calvin was -overthrown February 3, 1538. On that day the most implacable enemies of -the reformer came into power. Thus, in March, Calvin, far from thinking -of a triumph, was thinking of defending himself. The preface which -stands at the head of his catechism is not the statement of success -already seriously impaired, but an _apologia_ for his proceedings and -his faith, a reply to ‘the calumnies aimed against his innocence and his -integrity,’[4] to ‘the false accusations of which he is a victim.’[5] -The following is the analysis of the preface, given by Professor Reuss, -of Strasburg, in the Prolegomena to Vol. V. of the _Opera Calvini_, p. -43:— - -‘The occasion for publishing, in Latin, this book was furnished by Peter -Caroli, doctor and prior of the Sorbonne. This doctor, after having -spread abroad iniquitous rumors against Farel, Viret, and Calvin, broke -out passionately in open accusations against these men, his colleagues, -who were equally distinguished by their faith and their moral character, -imputing to them the Arian and Sabellian heresies and other similar -corruptions. At this time there existed no other public monument of the -faith of the Genevese church but the _Confession_ of Farel and the -_Catechism_ of Calvin; and these, as they were written in French, were -almost unknown to the rest of the Swiss churches. For this reason Calvin -translated into Latin his own _Catechism_ and the _Confession_ of Farel, -in order to make known through this version to all his brethren in -Switzerland the doctrine which he had hitherto professed at Geneva, and -to show that the charge of heresy brought against it was without -foundation.’[6] - -It must be added that Calvin, in this preface, does not confine himself -to the refutation of the charges of heresy drawn up against him by -Caroli; but he vindicates his own course at Geneva, particularly in that -vexatious affair of the oath which gave rise to the debate of November -25, 1537, the overthrow of the government on February 3, 1538, and the -expulsion of Calvin and his friends on April 23 following. This document -is, with the letters written by Calvin at this period, the most precious -source of information as to the reformer’s feelings during this cruel -struggle; and in quoting it at this place the author has made a -judicious use of it. - -Let us quote further some words from an article in the _Athenæum_, of -which we have already spoken. In the course of criticisms, sometimes -severe, the writer acknowledges that ‘there are to be found in this -volume, in unimpaired vigor, the qualities we admired in its -predecessors. Few narratives are more moving than the simple tale of the -death of Hamilton, the first of the Scotch martyrs; and the same may be -said of the chapter devoted to Wishart.’ In regard to Calvin the same -writer tells us—‘M. Merle possessed, as we have already remarked, a -knowledge truly marvellous of the writings of Calvin; and there are few -books which enable us to understand so well as M. Merle’s the mind of -the reformer—not perhaps as he was on every occasion, but such as he -would have wished to be.’ - -Professor F. Godet, of Neuchâtel, expresses the same opinions and -insists on them.[7] After having spoken of ‘that stroke of a masterly -pencil which was one of the most remarkable gifts of M. Merle -d’Aubigné,’ he adds—‘It is always that simple and dignified style, calm -and yet full of earnestness, majestic as the course of a great river, we -might say—like the whole aspect of the author himself. But what appears -to us above all to distinguish the manner of M. Merle is his tender and -reverential love for his subject. The work which he describes possesses -his full sympathy. He loves it as the work of his Saviour and his God. -Jesus would no longer be what he is for the faith of the writer if he -had not delivered, aided, corrected, chastened, governed and conquered -as he does in this history. St. John, in the Apocalypse, shows us the -Lamb opening the seals of the book containing the designs of God with -respect to his church. M. Merle, in writing history, appears to see in -the events which he relates so many seals which are broken under the -hand of the King of Kings. In each fact he discerns one of the steps of -his coming as spouse of the church or as judge of the world. And just as -the leaves of the divine roll were written not only without but within, -M. Merle is not satisfied with portraying the outside of events, but -endeavors to penetrate to the divine idea which constitutes their -essence, and to unveil it before the eyes of his reader. Do not -therefore require him to be what is called an objective historian, and -to hold himself coldly aloof from the facts which he recalls to mind. Is -not this faith of the sixteenth century, of which he traces the -awakening, the struggles, defeats and victories, _his own faith and the -life of his own soul_? Are not these men whom he describes, Calvin, -Farel, Viret, bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh? Are not these -churches, whose birth and first steps in life he relates, his own -spiritual family? The reader himself, to whom his narrative is -addressed, is for him an immortal soul, which he would fain make captive -to the faith of the Reformation. He does not for an instant lay aside, -as narrator, his dignity as a minister of Christ. The office of -historian is in his case a priesthood. Not that he falls into the error -of determining at all cost to glorify his heroes, to palliate their -weaknesses, to excuse their errors, or to present facts in a light -different from that objective truth to which he has been led by the -conscientious study of the documents. The welfare of the church of -to-day for which he desires to labor, may as surely result from the -frank avowal and the severe judgment of faults committed, as from -admiration of every thing which has been done according to the will of -God.’ - -The same judgment was lately pronounced by the author of a great work on -French literature, recently published,[8] Lieutenant-Colonel Staaf. It -is in the following terms that the author introduces M. Merle d’Aubigné -to the French public:—‘M. de Remusat has said of this work—“It may have -had a success among Protestants (_un succès de secte_), but it deserves -a much wider one, for it is one of the most remarkable books in our -language.” We might add one of the most austere, for it is at once the -work of a historian and of a minister of the Gospel. It would be a -mistake to suppose that the author has sacrificed the narrative portion -of his history to the exposition and defence of the doctrines of the -Reformation. Without seeking after effects of coloring, without -concerning himself with form apart from thought, he has succeeded in -reproducing the true physiognomy of the age whose great and fruitful -movements he has narrated. All the Christian communities over which the -resistless breath of the Reformation passed live again in spirit and in -act in this grand drama, the principal episodes of which are furnished -by Germany, France, Switzerland, and England. In order to penetrate so -deeply as he has done into the moral life of the reformers, M. Merle was -not satisfied with merely searching the histories of the sixteenth -century; he has drawn from sources the existence of which was scarcely -suspected before they had been opened to him.’... ‘Now, at whatever -point of view we may take our stand, it is no subject for regret that -for writing the story of the conflicts and too often of the execution of -so many men actuated by the most generous and unalterable convictions, -the pen has been held by a believer rather than by a sceptic. It was -only a descendant and a spiritual heir of the apostles of the -Reformation who could catch and communicate the fire of their pure -enthusiasm, in a book in which their passions have left no echoes. M. -Merle d’Aubigné—and this is one of the peculiar characteristics of his -work—has satisfied with an antique simplicity the requirements of his -twofold mission. It is only when the conscience of the historian has -given all the guarantees of fairness and impartiality that one had a -right to expect from it that the pastor has indulged in the outpourings -of his faith.’ - -We close with the words of Professor F. Bonifas, of Montauban:[9] ‘In -this volume are to be found the eminent qualities which have earned for -M. Merle d’Aubigné the first place among the French historians of the -Reformation: wealth and authenticity of information, a picturesque -vivacity of narration, breadth and loftiness of view, a judicious -estimate of men and things, and in addition to all these a deeply -religious and Christian inspiration animating every page of the book. -The writer’s faculties remained young in spite of years; and this fruit -of his ripe old age recalls the finest productions of his youth and -manhood.’ - -A last volume will appear (D.V.) before the end of the present year. - -AD. DUCHEMIN. - -LYONS, _May, 1876_. - -Footnote 1: - - The _Athenæum_ of September 25, 1875. In this article we find a - curious anecdote which we admit, not without some reserve. It serves - as a support to the considerations which follow. The writer of the - article relates that he once heard a discussion between M. Merle and - Professor Ranke respecting certain features in the lives of his - favorite heroes. The former defended them at all points; while the - German historian, with his sceptical temperament, seemed to take a - malicious pleasure in bringing forward their weaknesses. At the close - of the discussion M. Merle exclaimed with some impatience—‘But I know - them better than any one, those men of the sixteenth century. I have - lived with them. I am a man of their time.’ ‘That explains every - thing,’ replied Professor Ranke, ‘I could not believe when reading - your books that you were a man of the nineteenth century.’ As our own - age differs so greatly in every respect from the age of the - Reformation, it must be counted a very fortunate circumstance that a - man of the sixteenth century has arisen to depict for us that great - epoch. - -Footnote 2: - - _Journal de Génève_, 30 April-1 May. - -Footnote 3: - - Vol vi. p. 412. - -Footnote 4: - - ‘Purgationem objecimus.’—Calv. _Opp._ tom. x. p. 107. - -Footnote 5: - - ‘Nos iniquissime in suspicionem adductos.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 6: - - ‘Cujus libelli latinitate donandi occasionem præbuit Petrus Caroli, - Sorbonæ Parisiensis doctor atque prior.... Is igitur iniquis contra - Farellum Viretum et Calvinum sparsis rumoribus, tandem eo prorupit ut - palam illos viros, collegas et doctrina et moribus præstantissimos - hæreseos accusaret, arianismi scilicet et sabellianismi, aliarumque - talium pravitatum. Nulla alia tunc publica exstabant fidei ecclesiæ - Genevensis monumenta præter illam (Farelli) quam diximus confessionem - et Calvini catechismum quæ tamen utpote Gallici conscripta, ceteris - Helveticis ecclesiis fere incognita erant. Calvinus itaque suum - catechismum et Farelli confessionem latine loquentes fecit ut omnibus - istis fratribus fidei doctrinam a se huc usque Genevæ traditam et - falso hæreseos accusatam hac versione declararet.’ - -Footnote 7: - - _Le Christianisme au dix-neuvième Siècle_, of February 18, 1876. - -Footnote 8: - - _La Littérature française, depuis la formation de la langue jusqu’ à - nos jours_, by Lieutenant-Colonel Staaf. The first edition bears the - date of 1870. The fifth (1873) is now before us. - -Footnote 9: - - _Revue Théologique_, Montauban, October, 1875. - - - - - CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME. - - -BOOK XI.—(_continuation._) - -CALVIN AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM. - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -CALVIN’S RECALL TO GENEVA. - -(AUGUST 1540 TO MARCH 1541.) - - -The Ministers of Geneva—Departure of Morand and Marcourt from the -Town—Great Famine—Advice of Calvin—His Recall determined on—The Message -taken by Louis Dufour—Calvin’s First Answer—Journey to Worms—Letter from -the Syndics and Council of Geneva—Calvin’s Anxieties—Consultation of his -Friends—His Answer—Its Conditions—Viret called to Geneva—Viret at -Geneva—The Minister Bernard—His Letter to Calvin—Calvin at Worms—Calvin -and Melanchthon—Their Intimacy—Their Reciprocal Confidence—Colloquy of -Worms—Song of Victory—Triumph of Christ—Calvin’s Confidence in -Viret—Calvin’s Letter to Bernard—Calvin restored to Geneva by -Farel—Trials—Humility and Faith 1 - - -CHAPTER XX. - -CALVIN AT RATISBON. - -(1541.) - - -Calvin’s Uneasiness—Concessions of the Lutherans—Calvin’s -Steadfastness—Discourse of Cardinal Farnese—Calvin’s Answer—Papal -Tyranny—The True Concord—Unity and Diversity—The Roman See not the -Apostolic See—Incontinence—Profanation of Religion—A great Monster—True -Ministers—Church Property—The Pope’s Crosier—Protestants and -Turks—Calvin’s part at Ratisbon—Theology of Rome—Evils to be -remedied—Calvin’s Moderation—Reference to the General Council—Calvin’s -Departure from Ratisbon 24 - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -CALVIN’S RETURN TO GENEVA. - -(JULY TO SEPTEMBER, 1541.) - - -Repeal of the Sentence of Banishment by the General Council—Letter from -the Syndics and Council of Geneva to the Pastors and Councils of Zurich -and Basel—Severity of their Language—Its Expression of the common -Feeling—All Difficulties removed by Letters from Geneva—Calvin’s -Motto—His departure from Strasburg—His Stay at Neuchâtel—At -Berne—Arrival at Geneva—Ostentation avoided—Calvin’s House—What he had -acquired at Strasburg—His Appearance before the Council—Going -forward—Commission of the Ordinances—Beginning of Calvin’s -work—Assistance of Farel and Viret requested—The Grace of God and the -Work of Man—A Day of Humiliation—The Truth with Charity 42 - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -THE ECCLESIASTICAL ORDINANCES. - -(SEPTEMBER, 1541.) - - -Project of the Ordinances—Its Presentation to the Councils—Passed in the -General Council—Spirit and Purpose of the Ordinances—Calvin’s Model the -Primitive Church—Geneva an Evangelical Stronghold—The Christian -Life—Remonstrances—The Ministry—Instruction of the Young—The Poor -and the Sick—Prisoners—Election of Pastors—The Ministers’ -Oath—The Doctors—The Elders—The Consistory—Worship—Common -Prayer—Discipline—Manner of judging of this Discipline—Government of the -Church of Geneva—Theocracy and Democracy—State Omnipotence—Government of -the Church assumed by the State—Calvin not responsible—The Danger unseen -by him 60 - - -CHAPTER XXIII. - -CALVIN’S PREACHING. - - -Preaching Calvin’s Principal Office—Two to Three Thousand Sermons—His -Exposition of Holy Scripture—Quotations—How a young Man shall cleanse -his Way—The Love of Money—A Stranger on the Earth—Transitory -Devotion—Self-love—The lost Lamb—God’s Will that all should be -Saved—His Grace unbounded—How to come to God—The Blood of -Christ—Predestination—Ignorance of it is Learning—No political Part -played by Calvin—His clear Conception of the Evangelical Ministry 81 - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - -CALVIN’S ACTIVITY. - -(FEBRUARY, 1542.) - - -State of Feeling at Geneva—Calvin the Soul of the Consistory—His -Attention to small Matters—Catholicism at Geneva—Believing -what the Church believes—The Virgin and the Church—Politics -no Concern of the Consistory—The Regulation of Morals its -Business—Impartiality—Moderation—Calvin a Peacemaker—Meekness and -Strength—Latent Hostility of the former Ministers—New Ministers—Ami -Porral—His Triumphant Faith—His Christian Death—Living Christianity—The -Work prospering—Development of Religious Life—Disciplinary -Action—Reconciliation—Accomplishment of the Reformation—Luther’s -Part—Calvin’s Part—Luther the Founder of the Reformation—Calvin its -Lawgiver—Calvin a Mediator—Epochs of Light—Means of National Elevation -96 - - -BOOK XII. - -THE REFORMATION AMONG THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS—DENMARK, SWEDEN, NORWAY. - - -CHAPTER I. - -AWAKENING OF DENMARK. - -(1515 to 1525.) - - -John Tausen—His Youth—His Entrance into the Monastery—His Departure for -Germany—His Studies at Louvain and Cologne—At Wittenberg—Christian -II.—His Marriage—Indulgences—Revolt of Sweden—Royal Vengeance—Martin -Reinhard—His foreign Tongue—Encountered by Ridicule—His Departure from -Denmark—Liberal Laws Promulgated by Christian—Religious -Reforms—Carlstadt in Denmark—His Dismissal—Fresh revolt in Sweden—Flight -of the King—Assistance of his Allies asked for in vain—The Sister of -Charles the Fifth—Her Death in _Heresy_ 120 - - -CHAPTER II. - -A REFORMATION ESTABLISHED UNDER THE REIGN OF LIBERTY. - -(1524 to 1527.) - - -Frederick, Duke of Holstein—His Call to the Throne—His Leaning to -Evangelical doctrine—His Impartiality towards Rome and the -Reformation—Promulgation of religious Liberty—The New Testament in -Danish—The Translator’s Preface—Uneasiness of the Clergy—The King’s Son -in Germany—His Adhesion to the Reformation—Growing Decision of the -King—A Sermon of Tausen—Tausen at Viborg—Continuance in his Work—The -Reformation at Copenhagen—Determination of the Bishops to -Persecute—Imprisonment of Tausen—His preaching through the Air Hole—His -Liberation by the King—Reformation at Malmoe—The Eloquent -Tondebinder—The Gospel embraced by the whole Town of Malmoe—Translation -of Luther’s Hymns into Danish—Increasing Progress in all Parts of the -Country—The Bishops’ Invitation to Eck and Cochlæus—Their Refusal to go -to Denmark—The King’s Discourse to the Bishops—Complete religious -Liberty—Vain Efforts of the Bishops—Royal Ordinance—Apparent Submission -of the Clergy 140 - - -CHAPTER III. - -TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER THE REIGN OF FREDERICK I. THE PEACEFUL. - -(1527 to 1533.) - - -Struggles and Controversies—Tausen’s Writings—A New Bishop—Various -Reforms—Tausen’s Zeal—Diet of Copenhagen—The Bishops and the -Ministers—Increased Number of Sermons by the Ministers—Silence of the -Bishops—Tausen and his Colleagues—Their Confession of Faith—The -Articles—Surprise of the Prelates—Accusations of the Bishops—Reply of -the Evangelicals—Their Demand of a public Discussion—Refusal of the -Bishops—Presentation of a Memorial to the King by the Ministers—No -Answer to it—Triumph of the Evangelical Cause—Disorders—Frederick’s -political Position strengthened—Intrigues of the ex-King—Invasion of -Norway by Christian II.—A short Struggle—Christian taken Prisoner—His -Demand for a Safe-conduct—His Letter to Frederick—Treated as a Prisoner -of State—Sentenced to Imprisonment for Life—Confined in a walled-up -Keep—Forsaken—Luther’s Intercession for him—Death of Frederick—His Four -Sons 166 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -INTERREGNUM. CIVIL AND FOREIGN WAR. - -(1533.) - - -Reviving Hope of the Bishops—Their Efforts—Their Intrigues—Restriction -of religious Freedom—Their Purpose to elect the King’s fourth -Son—Adjournment of the Election—Tausen sentenced to Death—Rising of the -Townsmen—Rescue of Tausen—The Bishops threatened—Banishment of -Tausen—Brigitta Gjoë—Persecution of Evangelicals—Polemics—Popular -Writings—Attack of Lübeck on Denmark—Rapid Progress of the Invaders—A -Diet in Jutland—Long Debates—Election of Christian III. in spite of the -Bishops 194 - - -CHAPTER V. - -CHRISTIAN III. PROCLAIMED KING—TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION IN DENMARK, -NORWAY, AND ICELAND. - -(1533 to 1550.) - - -Vigorous Prosecution of the War by the new King—The Enemy driven -from the Provinces—Siege of Copenhagen—Extreme Sufferings of the -besieged Town—Entry of Christian into his Capital—His Determination -to crush the temporal Power of the Bishops—Arrest of the -Bishops—General Council of the Nation—Bill of Indictment against the -Bishops—Their Deprivation—Their Liberation—The King’s Invitation to -Pomeranus—Reorganization of the Church by Pomeranus—New Constitution -of the Church—The Reformation in Norway—In the main a Work of the -Government—The Reformation in Iceland—The two Bishops of -Iceland—Oddur’s Translation of the New Testament—An Evangelical -Bishop—His Death—Popish Reaction—Triumph of the Gospel 211 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE EARLIEST REFORMERS OF SWEDEN. - -(1516 to 1523.) - - -Various Influences—The Brothers Olaf and Lawrence—Their early -Studies—Their Application to Theology—Olaf at Wittenberg—His Intimacy -with Luther—His Return to Sweden—The two Brothers and Bishop -Mathias—Present at the Massacre of Stockholm—Mathias one of the -Victims—Lawrence Anderson Successor of Mathias—He is favorable to the -Reformation—Olaf and Lawrence at their Father’s Funeral—Their Refusal of -the Services of the Monks—Violent Opposition—Their Death demanded by -Bishop Brask 231 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE REFORMERS SUPPORTED BY THE LIBERATOR OF SWEDEN. - -(1519 to 1524.) - - -Gustavus Vasa Prisoner in Denmark—His Escape from Confinement—His -Struggle for the Independence of Sweden—His Flight from Place to -Place—News of the Massacre of Stockholm—Concealment in the -Mountains—Farm Labor—Recognition of Him—Betrayal—Pursued like a wild -Beast—His Attempt to rouse the People—Unsuccessful Efforts—A Rising at -last—Speedy Triumph—Gustavus nominated King—His Leaning to Reform—His -Welcome to the Reformers—Anderson Chancellor of the Kingdom—Olaf -Preacher at Stockholm—Partisans and Adversaries—Conspiracies of the -Bishops—Bishop Brask—Citation of Olaf and Lawrence before the -Chapter—Their Attitude—Anathema 244 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -STRUGGLES. - -(1524 to 1527.) - - -The ‘Illuminated’ at Stockholm—Their Expulsion—Olaf’s Marriage—His -Excommunication by Bishop Brask—His Defence undertaken by the -King—Revenues of the Clergy diminished by the King—Ostentation of -Archbishop Magnus—Feast of St. Erick—The Clergy humbled by the -King—Fears of the Bishops—Public Disputation proposed by Magnus—Accepted -by the King—Olaf and Galle—Regrets of the Catholics—Tempers heated on -both sides—A Pretender—The Bishops’ Support of Him—Declaration of the -King—His Resolution to complete his Task—Convocation of the States of -the Kingdom—A royal Banquet—Humiliation of the Bishops 265 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -VICTORY. - -(1527.) - - -An Episcopal Conspiracy—The Diet of 1527—Complaints of the -King—Exactions of the Clergy—Audacity of Bishop Brask—The King’s -Abdication—Triumph of the Bishops—Excitement of the People—A -Disputation before the Diet ordered—The King entreated to resume the -Sceptre—His long Resistance—His final Consent—Political -Reforms—Religious Reforms—Compact of Westeraas—Disarming of the Romish -Hierarchy—Suppression of the armed Revolt—Coronation of Gustavus I. -283 - - -CHAPTER X. - -‘CESAROPAPIE.’ - -(1528 to 1546.) - - -Assembly of Orebro—Authority of the Scriptures—Education -of Pastors—Ecclesiastical -Rites—Concessions—Obstacles—Discontent—Progress—Lawrence Petersen—His -Nomination as Archbishop of Upsala—Marriage of the King—Marriage of the -Archbishop—Hostility of the Monks—Olaf’s Desire for a complete -Reformation—The King’s Desire to put it off—Coolness between the King -and the Reformer—Complaints of Olaf—Irritation of the King—The Mock Suns -of 1539—A Storm raging against Olaf—Brought to Trial with Anderson—Both -condemned to Death—A Ransom accepted by the King—Resignation and -Reinstatement of Olaf—The King Head of the Church—Luther’s -Counsels—Church Order half Episcopalian and half Presbyterian—Severity -of Gustavus—Excuses—Refusal of Gustavus to join the League of Smalcalde -298 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE SONS OF GUSTAVUS VASA. - -(1560 to 1593.) - - -The King’s Farewell to the People—His Illness—His Death—Erick the new -King of Sweden—Debates on the Lord’s Supper—Controversies—Madness of -King Erick—Massacres—Death of Burrey—Deposition of Erick—His harsh -Captivity—Catholicism favored by King John—Catholicism in the -ascendent—Arrival of Jesuits—Their Profession of Evangelical -Doctrines—Their Attempt to convert the King—Fratricide—Death of the -ex-King Erick—Conversion of John III. to Popery—Sudden Change of the -King—His Death—The Assembly of Upsala in 1593—Adoption of the Confession -of Augsburg 322 - - - - -BOOK XIII. - -HUNGARY, POLAND, BOHEMIA, THE NETHERLANDS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE FIRST REFORMERS AND THE FIRST PERSECUTORS IN HUNGARY. - -(1518 to 1526.) - - -First Gleams—Louis II.—Mary of Hungary—Beginning of the Reformation—The -first Preachers—Their Wish to see Luther—Threatenings of -Persecution—Intolerance of the Catholic Clergy—Louis II. and Frederick -the Wise—The Gospel at Hermannstadt—Noteworthy Progress—Severe Ordinance -against the Reform—First Act the burning of the Books—Flight of -Grynæus—New Efforts—An Execution at Buda—Another Storm 342 - - -CHAPTER II. - -SOLYMAN’S GREAT VICTORY. - -(1526.) - - -Solyman’s Army—Hungary entirely unprepared—Vain Attempts to raise an -Army—The small Troop of King Louis—Battle of Mohacz—Death of Louis -II.—Sorrow of the Queen—Consolation offered by Luther—A Hymn of -Resignation—Two Kings of Hungary—Martyrs at Liebethen—Edict of -Persecution 356 - - -CHAPTER III. - -DEVAY AND HIS FELLOW-WORKERS. - -(1527 to 1538.) - - -Mathias Biro Devay—Student at Wittenberg—Various Lords Protectors of -Reform—Slackening of Persecution—Reform at Hermannstadt—Solyman’s -Refusal to oppress the Protestants—Confession of Augsburg welcomed by -Hungarians—Devay’s Return to Hungary—His Pastorate at Buda—His -Fellow-workers—Devay cast into Prison—His Appearance before the Bishop -of Vienna—His Defence and Acquittal—Imprisoned again—Asylum offered -Him by Count Nadasdy—Controversies with Szegedy—Devay at -Wittenberg—Melanchthon’s Letter to Nadasdy—Devay at Basel—The -Printing-press and Schools—Stephen Szantai—His Enemies the -Bishops—Conference appointed by Ferdinand—Embarrassment of the -Arbitrators—Embarrassment of Ferdinand—Efforts of the Bishops—Banishment -of Szantai 366 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -PROGRESS OF EVANGELIZATION AND OF THE SWISS REFORMATION IN HUNGARY. - -(1538 to 1545.) - - -The Doctrines of Zwinglius in Hungary—Occasion of Trouble to some -Minds—Political Divisions—Fresh Invasion of the Turks—Dispersion of -Evangelical Divines—Abatement of Moslem Violence—Renewed Courage of the -Christians—Progress of the Reformation—Devay in Switzerland—His Adoption -of Calvin’s Doctrines—Luther’s Grief—Martin de Kalmance—Hostility -excited against him—Persecution instigated by the Priests—Ordinances of -Ferdinand—Courage of the Christians of Leutschau—Stephen Szegedin—His -Knowledge and Eloquence—His Writings—His Acceptance of Calvin’s -Doctrines—Hated by the Papists—His Banishment 388 - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE GOSPEL IN HUNGARY UNDER TURKISH RULE. - -(1545 to 1548.) - - -Rome the Persecutor—Islamism tolerant—Council of Trent—The Union of -Christians in Hungary—Confessions of Faith—Szegedin in the South of -Hungary—His second Banishment—Emeric Eszeky—The Gospel at Tolna—Refusal -of the Turks to persecute—Spread of the Gospel—Rule of the Turks -favorable to the Gospel—The Faith embraced in the whole of Transylvania -406 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -BOHEMIA, MORAVIA, AND POLAND. - -(1518 to 1521.) - - -The United Brethren—Relations with Luther—Luther’s Goodwill—Discussions -on the Lord’s Supper—The Calixtines—Poland evangelized by the -Bohemians—First Successes—Luther’s Reformation in Poland—Jacob Knade at -Dantzic—The Gospel well received—Religious Liberty—A Revolution at -Dantzic—Reorganization of the Church—Appeal of the Catholics to the -King—Harshness of Sigismund—Final Triumph of the Gospel—The Gospel at -Cracow—Embraced by many eminent Persons—Words of Luther—Attempted -Reformation in Russia 417 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE POLISH REFORMER. - -(1524 to 1527.) - - -John Alasco—At Zurich—His Intercourse with Zwinglius—His Stay at -Basel—His Intimacy with Erasmus—Study of Holy Scripture—His Diligence -and Progress—Spiritual Enjoyments of his Life at Basel—Praised by -Erasmus—Alasco compelled to leave Basel—His Travels—Return to Poland—His -Life at Court—His Weakness—Suspected of Heresy—An Investigation—Alasco’s -Renunciation of Reform—His Fall—Honors—Awakening of Conscience—His -better Knowledge of the Truth—Liberty—New Honors—Alasco’s Refusal of -Them—His Departure from Poland—On his Way to the Netherlands 433 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE POLISH REFORMER IN THE NETHERLANDS AND IN FRIESLAND. - -(1537 to 1546.) - - -Alasco’s Marriage—Trials and Consolations—Religious Condition of -Friesland—Alasco in Poland—His Return to Friesland—His Relations with -Hardenberg—Seeking after Separation from Rome—Alasco Superintendent of -Friesland—Prudence and Zeal—Accusations—Threats—Hatred of the Monks—A -Letter of Alasco—God or the World—The Reformer’s Victory—Patience and -Success—Various Sects—A false Christ Unmasked—Government of the -Church—Doctrine—Oppositions—New Strength—Tribulations—A hidden -Protector—Viglius of Zuychem—His elevated Position—Secret Report on his -Tendencies—His real Sentiments—Contrast 455 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -BEGINNING OF REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS. - -(1518 to 1524.) - - -Freedom and Wealth—Ambition of Charles V.—Precursors of the -Reformation—The Reformation at Antwerp—At Louvain—Erasmus -attacked—Violent Proceedings of the Monks—Persecuting Edict—Arrest of -Jacob Spreng—His Recantation—His Grief and Repentance—The -Inquisition—Cornelius Grapheus, an Erasmian—His Imprisonment—Useless -Abjuration—Henry of Zutphen, Evangelist—His Stay at Wittenberg—His -Preaching at Antwerp—-His Arrest—His Rescue by the People—His Fate in -Holstein—Demolition of the Convent of the Augustines—Numerous Adhesions -to Reform—The Heavenly Spouse—Faith and Courage—Conventicles—A -Martyr—Tolerance of some of the Bishops—One of the -‘Illuminated’—Luther’s Counsels 480 - - -CHAPTER X. - -OUTWORKS. - -(1525 to 1528.) - - -Charles V.—His Policy in the Netherlands—Charles of Egmont’s -Letter to the Pope—The Pope’s Answer—Jan van Bakker—His -Faith—His Breach with Rome—His Imprisonment—His Trial—Refusal to -recant—Condemnation—Martyrdom—A Legend—Fruitless Attempt at Outward -Reformation—New Edict of Persecution—The Humanist Gnapheus—The Widow -Wendelmutha—Attempt to make her give Way—Her Condemnation—Execution—The -Renewed Gospel 506 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE VICTIMS OF CHARLES V. - -(1529 to 1535.) - - -Compassion of Charles V.—Rage of Charles of Egmont—Executions -Multiplied—Martyrdom of William of Zwoll—Victims of Charles V.—Death of -Margaret of Austria—Mary of Hungary, Governess of the Netherlands—Her -false Position—Cornelius Crocus—John Sartorius—Controversies—Some Books -of Sartorius—New Edict of Persecution—A courageous Town—A Family of -Martyrs—Crimes and Horrors—Sorrow and Distress—The Enthusiasts—Cruel -Fanaticism—Unhealthy Fermentation—‘Illuminated’ Prophets—The Tailor -Bockhold—Excesses and Follies—Illuminism the Offspring of -Persecution—The Netherlands breaking off from Lutheranism to embrace -Calvinism 524 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -LOUVAIN. - -(1537 to 1544.) - -Peter Bruly at Ghent—The Evangelists—Antoinette and Gudule—Pastor Jan -van Ousberghen—The Faithful—An innocent Walk—Conventicles—Boldness of -the Sculptor Beyaerts—Epidemic at Louvain—Arrests—Arrests by -Night—Twenty-three Prisoners—The Examinations—The Wise confounded by -simple Women—Paul de Roovere—Insulted—Terrified—His Recantation—New -Victims—Great Display of Force—Executions—Antoinette van -Roesmals—Buried alive—Giles Tielmans—His simple Faith—His unbounded -Charity—His evangelical Zeal—Trouble and Terror among the -Faithful—Imprisonment of Giles Tielmans—The Evangelist Ousberghen—His -Arrest—Trial—Fears—Condemnation—A great Light—Execution of -Ousberghen—Execution of Giles Tielmans 546 - - - - - BOOK XI.—(_continuation._) - CALVIN AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM. - - - CHAPTER XIX. - RECALL OF CALVIN TO GENEVA. - (AUGUST 1540 TO MARCH 1541.) - - -The friends of the Reformers were once more in the majority at Geneva. -The very mistakes of their enemies had restored their moral authority -and enlarged their influence. It would have been difficult in so short a -time to have committed a greater number of mistakes, or mistakes of a -graver character. Beza undoubtedly gives utterance to the general -feeling when he declares that ‘the city began to claim again its Calvin -and its Farel.’ - -The ministers who were filling their places were not men likely to make -their predecessors forgotten. They were not up to their task. In their -preaching there was little unity, little understanding of the -Scriptures; and people were not wanting at Geneva to make them sensible -of their inferiority. It was for them a period of trouble, humiliation, -strife, and unhappiness. The wind was changed. These poor pastors in -their turn were objects of ill-will; and they complained bitterly of the -censures and the insults which they had to undergo. The council did -nothing more than send out of the town a poor blind man who had given -offence to them, and ordered them to go on peaceably with the duties of -their ministry. But the ministers were by this time aware of the mistake -which they had made when they consented to take the place of such men as -Farel and Calvin. Morand, who was of a susceptible nature, was shocked -to find himself exposed to what he called ‘intolerable calumnies and -execrable blasphemies.’ He was at the same time indignant that justice -was not done on the ‘lies.’ He gave in his resignation to the council, -expressing his desire ‘that his good brethren might have better reason -to stay with them; otherwise,’ said he, ‘look for nothing but ruin and -famine.’ He then went away without further leave. This was on the 10th -of August.[10] - -When Marcourt heard of the departure of his colleague he was upset and -indignant. What! leave him alone on the field of battle! and that -without giving any warning (the other two pastors went for nothing)! He -relieved himself by giving vent to his feeling. ‘Bad man!’ he exclaimed, -‘traitor!’ And he loudly condemned before all the people the pastor who -had deserted. They were going on together tolerably well, and they could -at least complain to one another. Before the council Marcourt took a -high tone. ‘Put a stop to these insults,’ said he, ‘or I too will go -away.’ The council merely charged him to invite Viret to come and take -the Place of Morand. To have such a colleague would have been an honor -to Marcourt; but Viret had no mind to go to Geneva while Calvin was in -exile. Marcourt took his resolution and, like Morand, departed abruptly, -without leave. It was the 20th of September. - -[Sidenote: Flight Of Morand And Marcourt.] - -After the departure of these two ministers, the only ones who had any -talent, the council, in their turn, had to say, What is to become of us? -Their best pastors having abandoned them, there remained only two -incapable men, De la Mare and Bernard. The gentlemen of the council felt -themselves greatly straitened. The destitution was extreme, the danger -pressing, and the distress great. Then a cry was uttered: a cry not of -anguish but of hope. Calvin! they said, Calvin! Calvin alone could now -save Geneva. The day after the departure of Marcourt, the friends of the -Reformer in the council made bold to name him; and it was decreed ‘that -Master A. Marcourt having gone away, commission was given to Seigneur A. -Perrin to find means of getting Master Calvin, and to spare no pains for -that purpose.’ The Reformer was therefore apprised of the desire which -had arisen for his return. When a people have banished their most -powerful protector, the most pressing duty is to get him back again. The -Genevese had their mournful but profitable reflections. - -By the departure of Morand and Marcourt Geneva was left in a state of -great dearth, and the friends of Calvin did not shrink from saying so. -Porral reproached De la Mare with overthrowing Holy Scripture. The -preacher hastened to complain to the council. ‘Gentlemen,’ said he -(September 29), ‘Porral alleges that what I preach is poison; but I am -ready to maintain on my life that my doctrine is of God.’ Porral, -over-zealous, then began to open the catalogue of what he called the -_heresies_ of the preacher. ‘He has said that the magistrate ought not -always to punish the wicked. He has said that Jesus Christ went to his -death more joyfully than ever a man to his nuptials,’ &c. &c. ‘I -maintain that these assertions are false,’ added Porral. De la Mare was -angry and demanded justice. ‘But other business was pressing and nothing -was done in this matter.’[11] - -Calvin disapproved of these attacks directed against the pastors in -office. - -‘Beloved brethren,’ he wrote to his friends at Geneva, ‘nothing has -grieved me more, next to the troubles which have well-nigh overthrown -your church, than to hear of your strifes and debates with the ministers -who succeeded us. Not only is your church torn by these dissensions, but -more—and this is a matter of the gravest importance—the ministry is -exposed to disgrace. Where strife and discord exist, there can hardly be -the faintest hope of progress in the best things. Not that I desire to -deprive you of the right, which God has given to you as to all his -people, of subjecting all pastors to examination for the purpose of -distinguishing between the good and the bad,[12] and of putting down -those who under the mask of pastors display the rapacity of wolves. My -wish is only that, when there are men who in a fair degree discharge the -duties of the pastor, you should think rather of what you owe to others -than of what others owe to you. Do not forget that the call of your -ministers was not given without the will of God; for although our -banishment must be attributed to the craft of the devil, still it was -not the will of God that you should be altogether destitute of a -ministry, or that you should fall again under the yoke of Antichrist. -Moreover, do not forget another matter, namely your own sins, which -assuredly deserve no light punishment. - -‘This subject calls for a great deal of discrimination. Assuredly I -would not be the man to introduce tyranny into the church.[13] I would -not consent that good men should be obliged to submit to pastors who do -not fulfil their calling. If the respect and deference which the Lord -awards to the ministers of his word and to them alone be paid to certain -persons who do not deserve them, it is an intolerable indignity. -Whosoever does not teach the word of our Lord Jesus Christ, whatever -titles and prerogatives he may boast, is unworthy to be regarded as a -pastor. But our brethren, your present ministers, do teach you the -Gospel; and I do not see why you should be allowed to slight them or to -reject them. If you say that there are features in their teaching and -their character which do not please you, remember that it is not -possible to find a man in whom there is not much room for improvement. -If you are incessantly disputing with your ministers, you are trampling -underfoot their ministry, in which the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ -ought to shine forth.’ - -[Sidenote: Embassy Of Dufour.] - -If the council did not come to a decision on the question which Calvin -had decided, it was because, as it declared, it had other business in -hand; and the most important of all was the recall of that great teacher -who had displayed so much fairness and moderation. The council felt more -and more that the powerful mind and the high authority of Calvin were -indispensable in Geneva; and therefore again and again they pressed for -his return. On September 20 the Little Council gave Perrin the -commission of which we have spoken. On October 13 the Two Hundred -decreed that a letter should be written to the Reformer, ‘begging him to -consent to assist us.’ Michel Dubois was to be the bearer of the letter, -and ‘was to make earnest appeals to the friends of the Reformer to -persuade him to come.’ On the 19th the same council decided ‘that, for -the promotion of the honor and glory of God, every thing possible must -be done to get Master Calvin back.’ The next day the people assembled in -General Council decreed that, ‘for the advancement and extension of the -word of God, a deputation should be sent to Strasburg to fetch Master -Calvin, who is very learned, to be evangelical minister in this town.’ -On October 22 Louis Dufour, a member of the Two Hundred, was instructed -to take the message of the councils to Strasburg; and on the 27th, -twenty golden _écus au soleil_ were voted to him for the purpose of -fetching Master Calvin. They insisted upon it; they reiterated their -determination; they decided the matter, and then decided it over again; -they did not hesitate to repeat it again and again. The matter was of -such importance that entreaties must be urgent. Dufour set out. Would he -succeed? That was the question, and it was very doubtful.[14] When -Calvin received the first message, previous to that of Dufour, he was so -much excited and thrown into so great a perplexity that for two days he -was hardly master of himself.[15] Remembering the distress of mind which -he had suffered at Geneva, his whole soul shrank with horror from the -thought of returning thither. Had not his conscience been put to the -torture? Had not anxieties consumed him? ‘I dread that town,’ he -exclaimed, ‘as a place fatal to me.[16] Who will blame me if I am -unwilling to plunge again into that deadly gulf? Besides, can I believe -that my ministry will be profitable there? The spirit which actuates -most of the inhabitants is such as will be intolerable to me, and I -shall be equally so to them.’ Then turning his thoughts in another -direction he exclaimed—‘Nevertheless I desire so earnestly the good of -the church of Geneva, that I would sooner risk my life a hundred times -than betray it by desertion.[17] I am ready therefore to follow the -advice of those whom I regard as sure and faithful guides.’ It was to -Farel that Calvin thus poured out his heart. It was his advice that he -sought, and there was no doubt what this advice would be. - -[Sidenote: Calvin At Worms.] - -The Reformer also consulted his Strasburg friends, and agreed with them -that he could not abruptly quit the church of which he was then pastor; -and, above all, that he must be present at the assembly of Worms, as he -had already been present in the spring at that of Hagenau. He therefore -wrote to the lords of Geneva: ‘It has been arranged by the gentlemen of -the council of this town that I should go with some of my brethren to -the assembly of Worms, in order to serve not one church alone, but all -churches, among which yours is included. I do not, indeed, think myself -so wise, so great, or so experienced that I can be of any great use -there; but, since a matter of such high concern is at stake, and as it -has been arranged not only by the council of this town, but also by -others, that I should go there, I am obliged to obey. But I can call God -to witness that I hold your church in such esteem that I would never be -wanting to it in the time of its need in any thing which I could -possibly undertake.’[18] - -Calvin’s letter was written on the 23d of October; and Dufour brought -him a letter from the council dated the day before. When the delegate -reached Strasburg Calvin was already at Worms, where an important -conference was about to be held between the Protestant and the Catholic -theologians, for the purpose of endeavoring to come to an understanding -with each other, in pursuance of the plan agreed upon at Hagenau. The -Genevese messenger appeared before the senate of Strasburg, and made -known to them the purpose of his journey. The senate replied that Calvin -was absent, and that without his consent they could make no promise. -Dufour then determined to follow the Reformer to the town which Luther, -by his Christian heroism, had made illustrious. ‘I will ascertain -exactly,’ he said, ‘what he thinks of our call.’ A courier carried to -Worms the news of the arrival of the Genevese deputation, and the -Strasburg magistrate entrusted him with a letter for his deputies, Jacob -Sturm and Mathias Pfarrer, in which he enjoined them to do all they -could to prevent Calvin making any engagement with the Genevese. The -high estimate formed of Calvin in Germany, the fact that an imperial -city sent this Frenchman as a deputy to assemblies convoked by the -Emperor to take into consideration the deepest interests of the Empire, -might well contribute to work a change in the opinion of some of the -citizens of the little republic with respect to Calvin, of whom it had -hitherto been possible to say: ‘A prophet is not without honor save in -his own country.’ The Genevese deputy arrived two days after the -courier, and delivered to Calvin the letter of the Council of Geneva. He -read it, and it is easy to imagine the impression which it must make on -him. It ran as follows: - - ‘To the Doctor CALVIN, Evangelical Minister. - - ‘Our excellent brother and special friend, we commend ourselves to - you very affectionately, because we are fully assured that you have - no other desire but for the increase and advancement of the glory - and honor of God, and of his holy Word. On behalf of our Little, - Great, and General Councils (all of which have strongly urged us to - take this step), we pray you very affectionately that you will be - pleased to come over to us, and to return to your former post and - ministry; and we hope that by God’s help this course will be a great - advantage for the furtherance of the holy Gospel, seeing that our - people very much desire you, and we will so deal with you that you - shall have reason to be satisfied. - - ‘This 22d October, 1540. - - ‘Your good friends, - - ‘THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA.’[19] - -This letter was fastened with a seal bearing the motto—_Post tenebras -spero lucem_. - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Perplexity.] - -The invitation to Geneva was clear, affectionate, and pressing. But the -courier, who had reached Worms two days before, had brought to the -Strasburg deputies a letter from their senate the purport of which was -entirely the reverse. All those who had heard the letter read, and -Calvin most of all, had been astonished at the eagerness to keep the -Reformer which the magistrates of this free city expressed. ‘I had never -imagined,’ he said, ‘that they set such value upon me.’[20] He thus -found himself pressed on two sides, Geneva and Strasburg: and if the -fancy were not too high-flown, we might say that the Latin and the -German races were at this moment contending for the man who but a little -while before was driven away from the town in which he lived. The -decision which Calvin had to form was a solemn and difficult one. His -whole career in this world was at stake. He called together such of his -friends as were then at Worms for the purpose of consulting with them. -To return to Geneva was, in his view, to sacrifice his life, but he was -resolved to take this course if his friends counselled it. ‘The -faithful,’ thought he, ‘must heartily abandon their life when it is a -hindrance to their drawing nigh to Christ. They must in such case act -like one who throws off his shoulders a heavy and tiresome burden when -he wants to go quickly elsewhere. Let us take our life in our hands, and -offer it to God as a sacrifice.’[21] - -Calvin’s counsellors not being of one mind, it was agreed to wait until -the deputation from Geneva should arrive.[22] But having received -letters from Farel and from Viret, Calvin called his friends together -again, and laying before them all the reasons which he could find, said, -‘I conjure you, in giving your advice, to leave my person altogether out -of the question.’[23] In this very town of Worms, where Luther, in the -presence of Charles V., had not shrunk from offering the sacrifice of -his life, Calvin declared himself ready to do the same. His language was -deeply pathetic. ‘Tears flowed from his eyes more abundantly than words -from his lips.’[24] His friends were moved at the sight of the sincerity -and depth of his feelings. His discourse was more than once interrupted -by emotion. His soul was deeply stirred. He perceived that upon this -moment hung a decision which must affect his whole life. They were no -terrors of imagination which disturbed him. The struggles and the -distress which he passed through at Geneva probably exceeded his -anticipations. He was quite overpowered and wishing to conceal from his -friends the passion of his grief, and to pour out his heart freely -before God alone, he twice left the room and sought retirement.[25] The -opinion of his friends was that for the time he should not make an -engagement, but that he might hold out a hope to the Genevese. Calvin, -however, went further. In the midst of the conflict through which his -soul had just passed he had resolved on the course which terrified him. -He would go to Geneva, and he said to the friends of the Reformation, ‘I -beg of you to promise that when this diet is over, you will not throw -any obstacle in the way of my going to Geneva.’ The thought that it was -God’s will that he should be there was constantly presenting itself to -his conscience afresh, and this even in spite of himself. The Strasburg -deputies reluctantly assented. Capito wished to keep him. Bucer desired -that he should be free to accept the call, ‘unless, indeed,’ he added, -‘any contrary wind should blow from your own side.’[26] - -[Sidenote: His Reply To Geneva.] - -Calvin wrote to Geneva on November 12, 1540, as follows:—‘Magnificent, -mighty, and honorable Lords, were it only for the courtesy with which -you treat me, it would be my duty to endeavor to meet your wishes. But -there is, besides, the singular love which I bear to your church, which -God once committed to my care, so that I am forever bound to promote its -good and its salvation. Nevertheless, be so good as to remember that I -am here at Worms for the purpose of serving, with what small ability God -has given me, all Christian churches. For this reason I am, for the -present, unable to come and serve you.’[27] There was one point which -Calvin put forward in all his letters to the council. He would not go to -Geneva merely as a teacher and preacher, but also as a guide -(_conducteur_), and with power to act in such a way that the members of -the church might conform to the commandments of God. On October 23, -1540, he wrote: ‘I doubt not that your church is in great distress and -in danger of being still further wasted unless help comes. For this -reason I will strive, with all the grace which God has given me, _to -bring it back into a better state_.’ On November 12, in the letter which -we quote, he wrote, ‘The anxiety I feel that your church _should be well -governed_, will lead me to try every means of succoring its need.’ On -February 19, 1541, he says to them, ‘I beg you to bethink yourselves of -all the means of _wisely constituting your church, that it may be ruled -according to the command of our Lord_.’[28] Calvin was therefore anxious -to make the rulers at Geneva understand that one condition of his return -was that the church should be well governed and morals well regulated. -He did not wish to take any one by surprise. If he is to be pastor at -Geneva, _he will reprove the disobedient_, as the word of God commands. - -He foresaw, nevertheless, that this would be difficult, and his distress -was not relieved. The reasons for and against contended with each other -in his mind. He was wrapt in confusion and darkness. He was weighed down -with a burden. His agitation made it impossible for him to judge calmly, -according to right and reason. ‘With respect to this call from Geneva,’ -he wrote to his friend Nicolas Parent, ‘my soul is so full of perplexity -and darkness, that I dare not even think of what I am to do. When I do -enter upon the subject I see no way of escape. Plunged in this distress, -I distrust myself and give myself up to others to guide me.’ He was in -the condition depicted by a poet, in which - - Erreurs et vérités, ténèbres et lumière - Flottent confusément devant notre paupière, - Où l’on dit: C’est le jour! et bientôt: C’est la nuit! - -He added, ‘Let us pray God to show us the right path.’[29] We are -reminded that Luther had likewise had a similar period of distress in -this very town of Worms in 1521.[30] - -[Sidenote: Viret At Geneva.] - -While these things were passing at Strasburg and at Worms, the revival -of the Gospel at Geneva was becoming more and more manifest. In -December, 1540, the council, anxious to provide for the good of the -church, had besought the lords of Berne with earnest entreaties to send -them Viret, then pastor at Lausanne. A letter had also been written to -Viret himself. Calvin having expressed a desire to see this friend at -work in Geneva, the Vaudois evangelist had replied that he was ready to -do all that he could; even adding that ‘_he would willingly shed his -blood for Geneva_:’ and he had arrived there at the beginning of 1541. -He had immediately applied himself to preaching the word of God, a task -for which he was very well fitted, say the registers, and his preaching -bore much fruit. Viret was certainly the man that was wanted in this -town, the scene of so many conflicts and storms. ‘He handled Scripture -well,’ says Roset, who had doubtless heard him, ‘and he was gifted with -eloquence which charmed the people.’[31] _He taught with meekness those -who were of the contrary opinion_, and thought, as Calvin says, that -kindliness ought to be shown even to those who are not worthy of it. His -gentle accents penetrated men’s hearts, and his actions added force to -his words. For the children of Jean Philippe, who perished on the -scaffold, he obtained permission to return. These children, by the -unrighteous laws of the time, had been the victims of the offences of -their father. He set himself to the re-establishing of order in the -church, and to restoring the Gospel to honor in Geneva. The civil -magistrate was among the first to profit by his exhortations; and in the -middle of January it was decreed that ‘since the Lord God had done so -much good to Geneva, his holy name should be called upon at the opening -of the sittings of the council, and wise ordinances should be passed, -that every one might know how he ought to act.’ The people in general -desired the return of Calvin, and were more and more friendly to the new -order of things. - -It was thus with Jacques Bernard, the most influential of the two -ministers still remaining at Geneva. Observing the change which was -taking place in public opinion, he too faced about. We can even imagine -that he was moved to do so by grave reasons. On the first Sunday in -February he set out with a heavy heart to the _Auditoire_ at Rive, where -he was going to preach. The distress of the church, the departure of -Morand and Marcourt, the reduction of the ministry to two pastors, De la -Mare and himself, the sense of their inadequacy to a task so large and -for a people so numerous, weighed upon his heart.[32] He appeared in the -pulpit before an audience sad and dispirited, who, overpowered by grief -on account of their terrible forlornness, burst into tears.[33] The poor -old Genevese and ex-Cordelier, a lover of his native place, was greatly -affected. He felt impelled to urge upon his hearers that they should -turn to the Lord their God; and he began to utter a humble and earnest -prayer, supplicating Christ, the sovereign bishop of souls, to take pity -on Geneva, and to send to the city such a pastor as the church stood in -need of. The people followed his prayer very devoutly. - -On February 6 Bernard wrote to Calvin, and after relating to him the -above circumstances, he added: ‘To speak the truth, I was not thinking -of you, I had no expectation that you would be the man that we were -asking of God. But the next day, when the Council of the Two Hundred had -assembled every one wished for Calvin. On the following day, the General -Council met, and all cried out: _We want Calvin, who is an honest man -and a learned minister of Christ_.[34] When I heard this, I praised God -and understood that this was the Lord’s doing and was marvellous in our -eyes, _that the stone which the builders refused had become the -head-stone of the corner_. Come then, my revered father in Jesus Christ; -it is to us that you belong; the Lord God has given you to us. All are -longing for you; and you will see how welcome your arrival will be to -all. You will discover that I am not such a man as the reports of some -may have led you to suppose, but that I am a sincere friend to you and a -faithful brother. What do I say? You will find that I am entirely -devoted to you and full of deference to your wishes. Delay not to come. -You will see Geneva a nation renewed, assuredly by the work of God, but -also by the ministrations of Viret. The Lord Jesus grant that your -return may be speedy! Consent to come to the help of our church. If you -do not come, the Lord God will require our blood at your hands, for he -has set you for a watchman over the house of Israel within our walls.’ -Marcourt had written to Calvin a similar letter.[35] - -[Sidenote: Calvin And Melanchthon.] - -Calvin had been named deputy to Worms by the council of Strasburg, on -account of the abilities which he had displayed at Frankfort and at -Hagenau. These two conferences he had attended merely in his private -capacity. But the council perceived, says Sturm, ‘that his presence -might do much honor to Strasburg in that assembly of distinguished men.’ -The Dukes of Luneburg, important members of the empire, had likewise -elected him their representative, so that he was invested with a twofold -office.[36] Calvin, notwithstanding his youth and his timidity, his -foreign nationality and language, felt that he could not resist the -importunities, one might almost say the violence, which were employed to -get him to accept this important calling. ‘However much,’ said he -afterwards, ‘I continued to be myself, in reluctance to attend great -assemblies, _I was nevertheless taken as if by force_ to the imperial -diets, at which, whether I liked it or not, I could not avoid being -thrown into the company of many men.’[37] He had, moreover, the -happiness of meeting there two men in whose society he took much -delight, two colleagues and friends of Luther whom he had previously -seen, one of them at Frankfort, the other at Hagenau, but with whom he -now associated more intimately. They were Melanchthon and Cruciger. The -former had acknowledged his agreement with him on the doctrine of the -Lord’s supper. Cruciger requested of him a private conversation on the -same subject; and, after Calvin had explained his view, he stated that -he approved it as Melanchthon had done. Thus two Wittenberg theologians -and one of Geneva easily came to an agreement. Sincere and prudent men -therefore do not find concord so difficult a thing as is supposed. - -At Worms was formed that intimate friendship between Melanchthon and -Calvin which might be so serviceable to each of them as well as to the -Church. But troublesome spirits were not wanting in this town. Among -others there was the dean of Passau, Robert of Mosham, who at Strasburg -had already had a discussion with Calvin, in which the advantage did not -remain with the Roman Catholic champion. He considered it a point of -honor to seek his revenge, and he was once more thoroughly beaten by the -learned and powerful doctor. The superiority of Calvin, and the -remembrance of his former defeat, inspired terror in the heart of the -dean, and he got out of his depth.[38] Melanchthon, who was present at -their conference, followed Calvin with as warm an interest as he had -manifested twenty-one years before at the disputation of Luther with Dr. -Eck at Leipsic. He admired the clearness, the accuracy, the depth and -force of the theological propositions and proofs of the young French -doctor; and charmed at once by an intellect so clear and a knowledge so -profound, he proclaimed him THE THEOLOGIAN _par excellence_. This -designation was worth all the more as originating with Melanchthon; but -all the evangelical doctors who heard him were struck not only with his -language, but with the wealth and weight of his thoughts and his -arguments. - -[Sidenote: Their Mutual Confidence.] - -From the time of this intercourse at Worms, there always existed between -Melanchthon and Calvin that warm affection and that peculiar esteem -which are felt by the dearest friends. Esteem was perhaps uppermost in -Melanchthon, and affection in Calvin. On the one side the friendship was -founded more on reflection (_réfléchi_), on the other it was more -spontaneous. But on both sides it was the product of their noble and -beautiful qualities. They esteemed each other and loved each other -because they both had the same zeal for all that is true, good, and -lovely, and because, with a noble emulation, they were striving to -attain these blessings and to diffuse them in the world. When the best -among men draw together, and especially when Christianity purifies and -consecrates their union, then their characters and their hearts are -exalted, and their mutual love cannot fail to exert a beneficial -influence. This friendship between two such men at first surprises us. -They are usually set in contrast with one another; the Frenchman being -looked upon as an example of extreme severity, and the German of extreme -gentleness. How then, it may be said, could the soft, sweet tones of the -soul of Melanchthon set in vibration the iron soul of Calvin? The reason -is that his was not an iron soul. So far, indeed, as the great truths of -salvation were concerned, Calvin was no more to be bent than an iron -bar; for these he was ready to die. But in his relations as a husband, a -father, and a friend, he had a most tender heart. Even if, in the -controversies of the age, the discussion turned on matters of doctrine -not affecting salvation, he could bear with and even love his opponents -as few Christians have done. - -The friendship of Melanchthon and Calvin was not one of those earthly -ties which pass away with the years; this affection was deep-seated and -its bonds were firm. The two friends had long interviews with each other -at Worms. Melanchthon never forgot them. ‘Would that I could talk fully -and freely with thee,’ he wrote to Calvin at a later period, ‘as we used -to do when we were together!‘[39] Having received a work of Calvin’s in -which he was mentioned, Melanchthon said to him—‘I am delighted with thy -love for me; and I thank thee for thinking of inscribing a memorial of -it in so famous a book, as in a place of honor.’ ‘Yes, dear brother,’ -wrote he on another occasion, ‘I long to speak with thee of the -weightiest matters, because I have a high opinion of thy judgment, and -because I know the uprightness of thy soul, thy perfect candor. I am now -living here like an ass in a wasp’s nest.’[40] - -Calvin, although he loved Melanchthon, did not fail at the same time to -tell him freely his opinion whenever he appeared too yielding. He had -been told that, on one occasion of this kind, Melanchthon tore his -letter to pieces; but he found that this was a mistake. ‘Our union,’ he -said to him, ‘must remain holy and inviolable; and since God has -consecrated it we must keep it faithfully to the end, for the prosperity -or the ruin of the Church is in this case at stake. Oh! that I could -talk with thee! I know thy candor, the elevation of thy sentiments, thy -modesty and thy piety, manifest to angels and to men.’[41] Oftentimes -Melanchthon, when worn out with the toil imposed on him by his -attendance at the assemblies in company with Calvin, worried by the -Catholic theologians, and not always agreeing with the Lutherans, -overwhelmed with weariness, would betake himself to his friend, throw -himself into his arms and exclaim, ‘Oh, would God, would God, I might -die on thy bosom!‘[42] Calvin wished a thousand times that Melanchthon -and he might have the happiness of living together. He did not hesitate -to say to Melanchthon, ‘that he felt himself to be far inferior to him:’ -and nevertheless he believed that, if they had been oftener together, -his friend would have been more courageous in the conflict. - -The friendship which united Melanchthon and Calvin at Worms, and -afterwards at Ratisbon, did not remain without fruit. If Melanchthon, -who was head of the Protestant deputation, displayed on that occasion -more energy than usual, if the Romish theologians were almost brought -over to the Evangelical doctrines, it must be attributed to the -influence of Calvin. The metal, till then too malleable, acquired by -tempering a greater degree of firmness. - -Calvin, however, was saddened by what he saw. It might be possible to -come to some arrangement with the papacy, which would in appearance make -some concessions; but he had no doubt that if Protestantism were once -caught in Rome’s net, it was lost. It was this which appears to have -taken up his attention in the last days of the year, when mournful -thoughts are wont to cast a gloom over the mind. But he did not stop -there. He knew that Christ did conquer and will conquer the world. ‘When -we are well-nigh overwhelmed in ourselves,’ he said, ‘if we but look at -that glory to which Christ our head has been raised, we shall be bold to -look with contempt on all the evils which impend over us.’[43] One -circumstance might contribute also to remind him of the victories which -Christ gives. On the first day of the year 1541 he was at Worms. Here it -was that, twenty years before, Luther had appeared before the emperor -and the diet, and by his faith had won a glorious victory. Calvin -doubtless remembered this. ‘Moreover,’ says Conrad Badius, an -eye-witness, who was admitted to the lodgings of the Protestant doctors, -‘the pope’s adherents were so astounded and distracted by the mere -presence of the servants of Jesus Christ, that they did not dare to lift -up their heads to utter a word.’[44] - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s ‘Song Of Victory.’] - -Deeply affected by the formidable struggle which had been going on for -nearly a quarter of a century, and persuaded that Christ would put all -his enemies under his feet, Calvin gave utterance to this thought in a -_Song of Victory_ (_Epinicion_). It is the only poem of his that we -possess, and it contains some fine lines. ‘Yes,’ sang Calvin, ‘the -victory will be Christ’s, and the year which announces to us the day of -triumph is now beginning. Let pious tongues break the thankless silence -and cause their joy to burst forth. His enemies will say, What madness -is this? Are they triumphing over a nation which is not yet subdued, are -they seizing the crown before they have routed the army? True, impiety -sits haughtily on a lofty throne. There still exists one who by a nod -bends to his will the most powerful monarchs, his mouth vomiting deadly -poison and his hands stained with innocent blood. But for Christ death -is life and the cross a victory. The breath of his mouth is the weapon -with which he fights, and already for five _lustra_ he has brandished -his sword with a vigorous hand, not without smiting. The pope, leader of -the sacrilegious army, wounded at last, groans under the unlooked-for -plagues which have just fallen upon him, and the profane multitude is -trembling for terror. If it be a great thing to conquer one’s enemies by -force, what must it be to overthrow them by a mere sign? Christ casts -them down without breaking his own repose: he scatters them while he -keeps silence. We are a pitiful band, few in number, without apparel, -without arms, sheep in the presence of ravening wolves. But the victory -of Christ our king is for that very reason all the more marvellous. Let -his head then be crowned with the laurel of victory, let him be seated -on the chariot drawn by four coursers abreast, that his glory may shine -forth before all. - - Que tous ses ennemis qui lui ont fait la guerre - Aillent après, captifs, baissant le front en terre: - -Eck still flushed with his Bacchic orgies, the incompetent Cochlæus, -Nausea with his wordy productions, Pelargus with his mouth teeming with -insolence—these are not chief men, but the shameless multitude have set -them for standard-bearers in the fight. Let them learn then to bow their -necks under an unaccustomed yoke. And you, O sacred poets, celebrate in -magnificent song the glorious victory of Jesus Christ, and let all the -multitude around him shout _Io Pæan!_‘[45] - -[Sidenote: Calvin And Viret.] - -At the end of February Calvin set out for Ratisbon, to which place the -conference of Worms had been transferred by the emperor. He had informed -the council of Geneva of this absence on February 1, 1541. ‘I am -appointed deputy,’ he said, ‘to the diet of Ratisbon, and since I am -God’s servant and not my own, I am ready to serve wheresoever it may -seem good to him to call me.’ Touching the arrival of Viret at Geneva he -added, ‘He is a man of such faithfulness and discretion, that having him -you are not destitute.’[46] This sojourn of Viret at Geneva was in -Calvin’s eyes a matter of great moment. He had grave fears for the city. -‘I greatly fear,’ said he, ‘that if this church had remained much longer -in its state of destitution, every thing would have turned out contrary -to our wishes; but now I hope; the danger is past.’[47] - -The preparations for his journey had not allowed Calvin to reply -immediately to Bernard. The letter of this Genevese pastor was not -altogether agreeable to him. Bernard’s application to him of a prophecy -referring to Jesus Christ (_the head-stone of the corner_), was in his -eyes a piece of flattery which could only disgust him (_usque ad -nauseam_, he wrote to Farel). However, he knew his man, and so the more -willingly took his letter in good part. He wrote to Bernard from Ulm, -March 1, that the arguments which he advanced for his return had always -had great weight with him; that he was most of all terrified at the -thought of fighting against God, and that it was this feeling which -never allowed him entirely to reject the call; that he thanked him for -his entreaties, and that, seeing his kind intentions, he hoped that the -feeling of his heart corresponded to his words, and he promised on his -own part all that could be expected of a friend of peace, oppose to all -strife. ‘But, at the same time,’ he added, ‘I beseech you, in God’s -name, and by his awful judgment, to remember what he is with whom you -have to do, the Lord, who will call you to give to him an exact account -at the judgment day, who will submit you to a most rigorous trial, and -who cannot be satisfied with mere words and empty excuses. I ask of you -only one thing—that you consecrate yourself sincerely and faithfully to -the Lord.’[48] Thus is it always; his own great motive the will of God; -and as to Bernard, he must be a true servant of God. The truth before -every thing. - -Calvin, meanwhile, was gradually becoming familiar with the thought of -returning to Geneva. The same day (March 1) he wrote, it is true, from -Ulm to Viret, and said to him, ‘There is no place under heaven that I -more dread;‘[49] but he added, ‘The care required by this church affects -me deeply; and I do not know how it happens that my mind begins to lean -more to the thought of taking the helm.’ The decisive blow had been -struck by Farel. It was he who, in 1541, restored to Geneva this Calvin -whom he had first given to the city in 1536. - -About the end of February the Reformer received from his friend a letter -so pressing and so forcible, ‘that the thunders of Pericles seemed to be -heard in it,’ according to the expression of Calvin’s friend, the -refugee Claude Feray, who at the Reformer’s request wrote to Farel and -thanked him ‘for this vehemence so useful to the whole Christian -republic.’[50] No one knew better than Farel that Calvin alone could -save Geneva. The Reformer now, therefore, began to change his attitude. -Hitherto he had turned his back on the town that called him; from this -time he set his face towards the city of the Leman. Almost at the same -time Bullinger and other servants of God from Berne, from Basel, and -from Zurich, prayed the council and the pastors of Strasburg not to -oppose the return of the Reformer. - -[Sidenote: Victims Of The Plague.] - -Meanwhile, however powerful the thunder-peals of Farel might be, there -were other circumstances which undoubtedly had an influence on Calvin’s -decision. Other thunders were heard, besides those of which Claude Feray -speaks, which deeply affected the Reformer, and which must have made it -easier to exchange Strasburg for Geneva. The plague was raging in the -former town, and was causing great mortality. Claude Feray was one of -its first victims. Another friend of the Reformer, M. de Richebourg, had -two sons at Strasburg, Charles and Louis; Louis was carried off by the -epidemic three days after Feray. Antoine, Calvin’s brother, immediately -took the other son, Charles, to a neighboring village. Desolation was in -the house of the Reformer. His wife and his sister Maria quitted it -likewise and went to join their brother Antoine. Calvin was in -consternation as he received at Ratisbon, in rapid succession, these -mournful tidings. ‘Day and night,’ said he, ‘my wife is incessantly in -my thoughts; she is without counsel, for she is without her husband.’ -The death of Louis, the sorrow of Charles, thus deprived within three -days of his brother, and of his tutor Feray, whom he respected as a -father, powerfully affected Calvin. But it was the sudden death of the -latter, who had been his most trustworthy and most faithful friend at -Strasburg, which above all filled him with grief. He thought sorrowfully -of himself. ‘The more I feel the need,’ said he, ‘of such an adviser, -the more I am persuaded that the Lord is chastising me for my offences.’ -Prayer, however, and the Word of God refreshed his soul. He wrote to M. -de Richebourg a touching letter, which he closed by entreating the Lord -to keep him until he should arrive at that place to which Louis and -Feray had gone before.[51] - -Footnote 10: - - Roset, _Chron. MS._, book iv. ch. xxxvii. xlii. _Registers of the - Council_ for the day—Gautier. - -Footnote 11: - - Roset, _Chron. MS._, book iv. ch. xlv. - -Footnote 12: - - ‘Nec tamen id eo spectat, ut auferatur jus illud vobis a Deo collatum - (ut et suis omnibus), ut examini subjiciantur pastores omnes.’ Calv. - _Opp._ x. p. 352. - -Footnote 13: - - ‘Neque auctor velim esse tyrannidis ullius in Ecclesiam - invehendæ.’—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 353. - -Footnote 14: - - See _Reg._ for the days mentioned. Roset. Roget, i. p. 191. Gaberel, - _Pièces justificatives_. - -Footnote 15: - - ‘Biduo tanta animi perplexitate æstuasse ut vix dimidia exparte apud - me essem.’ Calvin to Farel, Oct. 21, 1540. _Opp._ xi. p. 90. - -Footnote 16: - - ‘Locum illum velut mihi fatalem reformido.’—_Ibid._ p. 91. - -Footnote 17: - - ‘Malim vitam centies exponere, quam eam deserendo prodere.’—_Ibid._ p. - 92. - -Footnote 18: - - Calvin, _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 30. - -Footnote 19: - - Calvin, _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 32. _Opp._ xi. p. 94. - -Footnote 20: - - _Calvin to Farel_, Nov. 13. _Opp._ xi. p. 114. - -Footnote 21: - - Calvin, _Comment. on John_ xii. 25 (1553). - -Footnote 22: - - ‘Adhibui statim fratrum consilium, aliquid agitatum est.’—Calv. _Opp._ - xi. p. 114. - -Footnote 23: - - ‘Obtestatus sum, quibus potui modis, ne me respicerent.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 24: - - ‘Quam plus lacrymarum efflueret quam verborum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 25: - - ‘Ut secessum quærere coactus fuerim.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 114. - -Footnote 26: - - ‘Modo ne quis ventus istinc flaverit.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 27: - - Calvin’s _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 33. - -Footnote 28: - - _Ibid._ i. pp. 30, 34, 37. - -Footnote 29: - - See Letter, _Opp._ xi. p. 132. - -Footnote 30: - - _History of the Reformation_. First Series, vol. ii. book vii. ch. - viii. - -Footnote 31: - - Roset, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xlvii. - -Footnote 32: - - ‘Sed qui sumus pro tanto populo?‘—Bernard. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 148. - -Footnote 33: - - ‘Populum in lacrymis effusum videns.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 34: - - ‘Clamant omnes: Calvinum probum et doctum virum Christi ministrum - volumus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 148. - -Footnote 35: - - _Ibid._ p. 86. - -Footnote 36: - - ‘Duces Luneburgici Calvinum et me nominaverunt ut suo nomine in - colloquio adessemus.’—Sturmius, _Antip._ iv. p. 25. - -Footnote 37: - - Preface to the _Psalms_, p. 9. - -Footnote 38: - - ‘In ea disputatione qua Passaviensem decanum Calvinus percelluerat, - territum a Calvino primo Argentinensi congressu.’—Sturmius, _Antip._ - iv. 21. - -Footnote 39: - - ‘Ut soliti sumusquoties una fuimus.’—Calv. _Opp._ Amst. ix. p. 174. - -Footnote 40: - - ‘Ὡσπερ ὄνος ἐν σφηχίαις.’—Calv. _Epp._ edit. 1575, p. 109. - -Footnote 41: - - ‘Pietas vero angelis et toti mundo testata.’—Calv. _Epp._ edit. 1575, - p. 67. - -Footnote 42: - - ‘Utinam, utinam moriar in hoc sinu!‘—Calvinus contra Heshusium. - -Footnote 43: - - Calvin on _John_ xvi. 33. - -Footnote 44: - - Badius to Th. de Bèze.—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 48 of the Preface. - -Footnote 45: - - Magnifico celebrem Christi cantate triumphum - Carmine. Io Pæan cætera turba canat. - - —_Epinicion._ Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 425. This song of victory consists of - 124 lines. Only a few fragments have been published. The poem was - translated into French metre by Conrad Badius of Paris, and of this - version we have cited two lines. - -Footnote 46: - - _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 37. - -Footnote 47: - - Calvin’s letter to Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. - p. 156. - -Footnote 48: - - Calvin’s letter to Bernard. Ulm, March 1, 1541.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. - 166. Letter to Farel.—_Ibid._ p. 170. - -Footnote 49: - - ‘Nullum esse locum sub cœlo quem magis reformidem... Jam nescio qui - factum sit ut animo incipiam esse inclinatione ad capessenda ejus - gubernacula.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 167. - -Footnote 50: - - ‘In illis (literis) enim Periclis tonitrua mihi audire videbar.’—Cl. - Feræus to Farel. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 171. - -Footnote 51: - - See Calvin’s letter to Farel, March 29.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 175, and - his letter to Richebourg, _ibid._ p. 188. - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - CALVIN AT RATISBON. - (1541.) - - -Calvin had at this time anxieties of another kind, which may well have -contributed to make the republic of Geneva preferable to the Germanic -empire as a residence. When the conference was broken off at Worms in -1541, he had been elected deputy to the assembly of Ratisbon. It was -with reluctance that he went there, either because he felt that he was -no diplomatist, and did not consider himself at all fit for business of -that kind,[52] or because he anticipated that his stay at Ratisbon would -occasion him much annoyance. He was doubtless hoping always for the -final victory of Jesus Christ, the theme of his song of triumph; but the -conferences which he had already attended, the prolixities, the -questions of mere form which arose, the direction which the Reformation -seemed to be taking, all this disquieted and offended him. He had not -gone to these Germanic assemblies with any large expectations or -ready-made plans. He had no doubt that the Protestant divines would seek -to extend the kingdom of Christ, but he saw more clearly than they did -the obstacles which they would encounter. Many things afflicted and -irritated him; and, perhaps, he could not at all times control his -temper. The Catholics, it is true, made some [Sidenote: Concessions of -the Lutherans.] concessions on important points; but even this failed to -tranquillize Calvin, nay, it excited his suspicions, as it did those of -Luther and the Elector of Saxony. Dr. Eck, who was one of the -commissioners, was not a man to inspire much confidence in Calvin. The -latter would sometimes speak rather hard words about him. This -theologian had had an apoplectic fit, the consequence, it was rumored, -of his intemperance, but he was gradually recovering. ‘The world,’ wrote -Calvin to Farel, ‘does not yet deserve to be delivered from this -brute.’[53] He acknowledged the pacific sentiments of Cardinal -Contarini, the papal legate, who at the same time that he was a -thorough-going Catholic so far as the Church was concerned, leaned -towards reconciliation with the Protestants with respect to matters of -faith. But Calvin, who assuredly saw more clearly than others, did not -doubt that the Roman dignitary really wished to bring back Protestants -into the pale of the Church. The only difference which he perceived -between him and the nuncio Morone was this—Contarini wishes to subdue -us, but without shedding our blood; he tries to gain his end by all -means except by fighting, while Morone is altogether sanguinary, and has -always war on his lips.[54] Calvin instituted a contrast between Morone -and Contarini. The former is a man of blood, the latter a man of peace. -Is it just to say that he hated Contarini?[55] We think not. - -He was much displeased with most of the princes. If any occasion of -pleasure presented itself, they would always say, ‘Business to-morrow.’ -If Calvin anywhere went into the Lutheran churches, he was saddened by -the sight of images and crosses, and by certain parts of the service. -The relations of the theologians with princes and with courts appeared -to him to be bonds of servility and worldliness. - -He could not approve even the methods of procedure adopted by his best -friends, Melanchthon and Bucer. To Farel he wrote thus: ‘They have drawn -up ambiguous and colored formulæ on transubstantiation,[56] to see if -they could not satisfy their opponents without making any real -concession to them. I do not like this. I can, nevertheless, assure you -and all good men, that they are acting with the best intentions, and are -aiming only at the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. They fancy that -our antagonists will presently have their eyes opened on the subject of -doctrine, and that it is therefore best to leave this point undecided. -But they are too accommodating to the temper of the times.’ - -On February 23 the emperor had arrived at Ratisbon. Electors, princes, -archbishops, bishops, and lords of all degrees had gathered around the -chief of the empire, and all contributed by their presence to give -special importance to the assembly. They wished by subtle negotiations -to make an end of the Reformation. Never had there been so great danger -for the Protestant opposition of being weakened and dissolved into the -Romish hierarchical system. The pope had sent to Germany the amiable and -pious Contarini as a capital bait for the Protestants; and these, when -once caught, he would have thrown into his own fish-pond, and carefully -secured them there. Melanchthon himself had desired that Calvin should -attend the assembly, because he felt sure that the young doctor would do -there what he himself would not have resolution enough to do. Calvin’s -part at Ratisbon was not only to see what others did not see, but also -to cry out to his too confiding friends—Beware! The time which he spent -at this Germanic diet forms one of the most important epochs of his -life; one in which he was called to act on the loftiest stage. The -firmness with which he unveiled the designs of the papacy and -strengthened the feeble Protestants had much to do with the breaking off -of the insidious negotiations which Contarini himself at last felt bound -to abandon. The Reformation of the sixteenth century was at this time -menaced in Germany. It was necessary to save it. The sayings of Calvin -hit hard. Some have said they were exaggerated; and yet ecclesiastical -occurrences of succeeding years justified them. Learned and pious -Catholics have uttered against Rome many of the same reproaches as the -Reformer did. If Calvin did not recognize in the Roman Catholic Church -some worthy and truly pious men, he was mistaken. But there is no -evidence of such a mistake on his part. When he replies to a discourse -of a nephew and legate of the pope—of the pope himself—it is only the -Romish hierarchy that he attacks; and the more he finds the Germans -disposed to give way, the more he feels it to be his duty to speak -clearly, decisively, and courageously. ‘If the trumpet give an uncertain -sound, who will prepare himself to the battle?’ - -[Sidenote: Speech Of Cardinal Farnese.] - -Pope Paul III. had sent to the emperor his nephew, Cardinal Farnese, -‘who was only just past boyhood.’ This young prelate had faithfully -addressed to Charles V. the discourse which he had received from his -uncle; and this was a bill of indictment against the Protestants. To -this manifesto of the papacy Calvin felt it to be his duty to reply,[57] -and thus to re-establish the truth which was trampled under foot. Never, -perhaps, had the Reformation and the Papacy come into more direct -collision, and this in the persons of their most considerable -combatants, and, as it were, in the presence of the emperor and the -diet. The epoch at which this dialogue appeared, the distinguished -character of the interlocutors, the importance of the subjects -discussed, the necessity that a history of the Reformation should not be -limited to external movements but should penetrate to principles, and -the circumstance that this work of Calvin’s has remained so long -unknown—all these considerations compel us to fix our attention upon it. -We cannot forget what Luther called ‘the kernel of the nut, the flour of -the wheat, and the marrow of the bones.’ The Reformation is above all an -idea: it has a soul, a life. It is the depth of this soul that Calvin -here lays open. Let the pope and the reformer speak. The latter speaks -with all the energy imparted to him by his character, his youth, and his -indignation. Pope Paul III. addresses the mighty Emperor of Germany, and -we may properly say that Calvin, although indirectly, does the same. -This strange colloquy is well worth the trouble of listening to it. - -_The Pope._ ‘We are desirous of the peace and the unity of Germany; but -of a peace and a unity which do not constitute a perpetual war against -God.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘That is to say, against the earthly god, the Roman god. For -if he (the pope) wished for peace with the true God, he would live in a -different manner; he would teach otherwise and reign otherwise than he -does. For his whole existence, his institutions, and his decrees make -war on God.’ - -_The Pope._ ‘The Protestants are like slippery snakes; they aim at no -certain object, and thus show plainly enough that they are altogether -enemies of concord, and want, not the suppression of vice, but the -overthrow of the apostolic see! We ought not to have any further -negotiations with them.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘Certainly, there is a snake in the grass here. The pope, who -holds in abomination all discussion, cannot hear it spoken of without -immediately crying “Fire!” in order to prevent it. Only let any one call -to mind all the little assemblies held by the pontiffs these twenty -years and more, for the purpose of smothering the Gospel, and then he -will see clearly what kind of a reformation they would be willing to -accept.[58] All men of sound mind see clearly that the question is not -only of maintaining the status of the pope as a sovereign and limited -episcopacy, but rather of completely setting aside the episcopal office -and of establishing in its stead and under its name _an antichristian -tyranny_.[59] And not only so, but the adherents of the papacy put men -out of their minds by wicked and impious lies, and corrupt the world by -numberless examples of debauchery. Not contented with these misdeeds, -they exterminate those who strive to restore to the Church a purer -doctrine and a more lawful order, or who merely venture to ask for these -things.’ - -_The Pope._ ‘It is impossible to tell in what way to proceed in order to -come to any agreement with such people as these, for they are not in -agreement even with one another. The Lutherans want one thing, the -Zwinglians want another, to say nothing of other sects.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘This is a malicious fiction. Let the institutions of Jesus -Christ and the worship of the early church be re-established; let every -thing be cast away that is opposed to these, and which can proceed only -from Antichrists, and concord will thus be immediately restored among -all who are of Christ, whether they be called by their enemies Lutherans -or Zwinglians. If there be any who demand other things than those which -I have just spoken of, the Protestants do not count them of their -number.’[60] - -_The Pope._ ‘Even if it were possible to bring about a union, if the -Protestants could be brought to obey the holy see, this could not be -effected without making many concessions to them.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘It is needful only to concede what the Lord concedes and -commands. Why does man refuse this?’ - -_The Pope._ ‘If these things were allowed, the consequence would be a -breach in the unity of the Church; for such changes would never be -accepted in France, nor in Spain, nor in Italy, nor in the other -provinces of Christendom.’ - -[Sidenote: Unity And Diversity.] - -_Calvin._ ‘Let the free and sincere preaching of the Gospel be -everywhere restored, and there will be no more diversity among the -faithful in Christ Jesus; for we ask only for the truth which the Lord -has proclaimed for the salvation of his people. With respect to -diversities of practice the churches must be left at liberty.[61] The -unity of the Church does not consist in sameness of rites but in -sameness of faith. In the ages of the apostles and of the martyrs a -sincere unity was maintained among the Christians, notwithstanding -differences of ritual observances. But since the several churches of -different countries received under the Roman pontiff the same rites, the -sole foundations of salvation have been miserably shifted. The just -lives by faith, not by ceremonies. No church may insist on any thing -which is not of faith as indispensable to Christian communion. There is -therefore nothing on the part of the Protestants which makes it -difficult, much less impossible, to establish a pious and solid -agreement amongst all the churches.’[62] - -_The Pope._ ‘And if the general council should not approve these -changes, and should possibly establish the contrary, what hope would -there be of then bringing back unity to Germany, which would have had -time to grow strong in its new opinions?’ - -_Calvin._ ‘What! a council would not only not approve what has been -established by the word of Christ himself, but would publicly abrogate -it! Good God! what a monster of a council! Such are the fine hopes held -out to us by the Roman see. Why should we still wait for this assembly, -since if it were held, we should have to repudiate it?’ - -_The Pope._ ‘There would be danger, moreover, lest the Protestants, -while making some concessions, should attain in return their chief -desire, the separation of Catholics from the apostolic see!’ - -_Calvin._ ‘From the Roman see, if you please, but not from the apostolic -see. The Catholic Protestants[63] have no other wish but to get the see -of Satan overthrown, and the true see of Christ set up in its place—that -see on which rest the apostles and not the Antichrists. Now the point -supremely insisted on by the papists is their will to reign in the -Church, to be masters of every thing in it, and to leave nothing to -Jesus Christ.’ - -_The Pope._ ‘We can easily conceive what sort of peace we may have with -those Protestants who, sometimes by letters, sometimes by threatening -speeches, and sometimes by artful practices, daily lead astray men of -all ranks.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘These illicit methods are as unusual among us as they are -familiar to the Roman bishops. It is not merely a few individuals in -Germany that the Protestants wish to enlighten, but the whole world, if -the Lord permit, in order that all may enjoy together the true and sole -religion of Jesus Christ.[64] - -_The Pope._ ‘Since piety, alas, has grown cold, men are naturally -prompted to pass over from a faith too severe to one more lax, from a -more continent religion to one more voluptuous, and from submission to -independence.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘Who could endure such a piece of impudence? Whence, then, has -come the ruin of religion which all pious men mourn? Whence comes the -contempt of God and of sacred things? Whence, but from the apathy, the -ignorance, and the malice with which Rome has buried Christ’s truth, or -rather has banished it from the world! Every one knows what these -pontiffs have been for four or five hundred years past. _It is easy_, -says the pope, _to get men to pass from a continent life to a voluptuous -one._ Who can hear such things without laughing? Every one knows in what -sort of continence and austerity the Roman court lives, and all who are -trained in it. Men who have corrupted the whole world by their -waywardness, and defiled the earth with every kind of debauchery, have -the impudence to reproach others with effeminacy and self-indulgence. Is -it not known that the dissoluteness of Rome has been shameless, that -luxury, incontinence, and a fabulous licentiousness which has burst all -bonds, prevail in the midst of its creatures? And such men dare to -exhibit themselves as guardians of obedience, of continence, and of -severity!‘[65] - -[Sidenote: Who Profanes Religion?] - -_The Pope._ ‘Not only do they lead men astray, but they pillage the -churches, drive away the bishops, profane religion, and all this with -impunity.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘Those do not lead men astray who bring them back from deadly -errors to Jesus Christ. Those do not pillage churches who snatch them -from the hands of plunderers in order to put true pastors in them. Those -do not drive away bishops who establish the religion of the Gospel. -Those are not guilty of profanation whose work is to restore. What is -the doctrine of these men, but that we should trust in the Lord Jesus -Christ and live for him; while those of the pope’s party would have us -trust in the saints, their bones and their images, in ceremonies and in -human works? Where is the parish, where is the abbey, the bishopric, or -the rich benefice, which is not held by men whose only accomplishments -are hunting, seduction, and other follies and iniquities? Men who, when -they become bishops, to be consistent with their profession as now -understood, show themselves to be hunters, epicures, haunters of -wine-shops, libertines, soldiers, and gladiators? This, verily, is -sacrilege and pillage of churches! Has it been possible for Protestants -to drive away a bishop, seeing it is so rare a thing to find a man that -can fairly pass for one?’ - -_The Pope._ ‘It is not the business of particular assemblies but of a -general council to deal with religion; and if, without consulting -France, Spain, Italy, and the other nations, any new doctrines should be -established in Germany, unity no longer existing, we should have in the -body of Christ a great monster.’[66] - -_Calvin._ ‘What! if doctrine and preaching be regulated according to the -apostolic institution so that the people may be edified, it is a -monster! But if in the whole of Christendom there be nothing but -ceremonies without intelligence, prostituted to purposes of impious -gain; if there be no reading of Scripture, no exhortations from which -the people can gather any fruit; if foolish monks or extravagant -theological quibblers (_théologastres_) do nothing but plunge men in -darkness—this is no monster! - -‘If Christians are taught to offer to God legitimate worship, to cast -off all confidence in their own virtues, and to seek in Christ alone -full salvation and all hope of blessings to come, this is a monster! But -if the worship of God be turned upside down by innumerable -superstitions; if men be taught to place their confidence in the vainest -of all vanities, to call upon dead men instead of upon God; if new -sacrifices without end are invented, new expiations and new mediators; -if Jesus Christ be hidden and almost buried under a mass of impious -imaginations; this is no monster, and we may walk in this way without -fear! - -‘If the sacraments are brought back to their primitive purpose, which is -that faithful souls may enter more completely into communion with Jesus -Christ and devote themselves to a holy life, this is a monster! But if -petty priests abuse these mysteries; if they substitute for the holy -supper a profane ceremony, which annuls the benefit of Christ’s death, -and buries the sacred feast under a confused medley of rites, some of -them without meaning, others puerile and ridiculous, there is nothing -monstrous in all this! - -[Sidenote: True Ministers.] - -‘If ministers are given to the churches who nourish the people with -sound doctrine, who walk before them as examples, who watch diligently -over the safety of the church, remembering that they are fathers and -shepherds and must not cherish any other ambition than that of bringing -the people into obedience to one master alone, that is Christ; if they -govern their families with prudence, bring up their children in the fear -of God, and honor the married state by virtuous and chaste living—then -this is not only a monster, it is more monstrous than a monster! But if -the pope, that Romish idol, as God sitteth in the temple of God, showing -himself that he is God; if he claim to hold the whole world in the most -miserable bondage; if his satellites have no care to publish the Word of -God, but persecute it as much as they can with fire and sword; if, while -they pour contempt on marriage, they not only seek to invade the nuptial -bed, but also defile the land with their obscenities; this is perfectly -endurable and has nothing monstrous in it! - -‘If one venture to open one’s mouth in favor of a proper application of -the wealth of the church; if one attempt to repress the pillage of these -thieves, and to get that property expended for the uses to which it was -destined; this is a frightful monster. But of these vast resources of -the church let there be no portion for the maintenance of faithful -ministers, nothing for the schools, nothing for the poor, to whom they -ought to belong; let insatiable gulfs absorb and waste them in luxury, -licentiousness, play, poisonings and murders; all this is very far from -being a monster! What shall I say? At this day there is nothing -monstrous in a world in which every thing is notoriously out of order, -crazy, profligate, perverted, deformed, twisted, confused, in ruins, -dissipated and mutilated. Nothing monstrous, except the moving of a -little finger to apply a remedy to such vast evils. Monsters! That must -be transported to the end of the earth!‘ - -_The Pope._ ‘It is necessary to oppose all these particular assemblies -in which matters in controversy are discussed, and to convoke a council. -Then the Protestants will either submit to its decrees or will persist -in their own views. In the latter case, the Emperor and the King of -France, between whom negotiations are now going on, will take advantage -of their alliance to correct and to recall them to better thoughts.’ - -_Calvin._ ‘So then, in case the Protestants are not willing to place -themselves and every thing belonging to them in the hands of the Roman -pontiff, they are to be subdued by arms; so long as a single man remains -who shall dare to open his lips against the abominable supremacy of the -Roman see, there shall be no end and no limit to the shedding of blood. -Such is the shepherd’s crook of which he will make use to drive the -sheep into the fold. But the prophet says, _Take counsel together and it -shall come to nought; associate yourselves, O ye people, and ye shall be -broken in pieces_.[67] There are men, grievous to tell! traitors, -enemies of their country, who are everywhere scattering the seeds of -intestine war; who, as soon as they think that men’s minds are quite -prepared, brandish their torches and kindle a fire; who, the moment they -see a spark, make haste to throw dry wood on it and raise a flame with -their poisonous breath, until at last the whole of Germany shall be -nothing but one vast conflagration.’[68] - -If Calvin is rather sharp in his reply, the pope, it must be owned, had -not infused into his attack much mildness or fairness. ‘It is not easy -to decide, _to speak in a Christian manner_,’ he had said, ‘which are -the worst enemies of Jesus Christ, the Protestants or the Turks. For the -latter kill only the body, but the former destroy the soul.’ This saying -shocked even the judicious and impartial Sleidan. ‘Have not the Turks,’ -said he, ‘spread their religion everywhere by arms? And who among us -have shown more zeal to exalt the grace and the virtue of Jesus Christ -than the Protestants, who have in this respect surpassed the Catholics -themselves?’ The pope even did not shrink from having recourse to the -same methods as the Turks. He had sent to the emperor his own nephew to -scheme the destruction of the Reformation and to extinguish it, if need -be, in the blood of the Evangelicals; while no one more earnestly than -Calvin stigmatized beforehand that fratricidal war, to which the desire -to crush the Reformation afterwards gave rise. The blow having been -violent, the return blow was energetic. Calvin was wrong, however, in -one respect—in that he did not fully and publicly acknowledge that there -were honorable exceptions to the licentiousness of priests and to the -other evils of the papacy. But he has elsewhere exhibited this fairness; -for he distinguishes among the Catholics two classes—those in whom -_malice predominates_, and those who are deluded _by a false appearance -of truth_.[69] - -[Sidenote: Calvin At Ratisbon.] - -This work bears the date of March, 1541. Calvin arrived at Ratisbon at -the beginning of March, and remained there about four months. The -emperor was there longer still. It may be supposed that a work so -remarkable, written as a reply to the discourse addressed by the pope to -Charles V., was read at the time by the emperor’s ministers, perhaps -even by the emperor himself. Calvin did not put his name to it, probably -in order that attention might be paid to the considerations which are -put forward in it, without regard to their authorship; perhaps also in -order not to implicate the town of Strasburg which showed him such noble -hospitality and of which he was the deputy. But his name is read, so to -speak, in every line of this eloquent memoir. Sleidan positively names -Calvin as its author.[70] - -Calvin’s part at Ratisbon it is not difficult to recognize. It was such -as Luther’s would have been, had he been present. He firmly believed -that the Protestants, and even his dear Melanchthon, under the influence -of their desire to reconcile the two parties, were inclined to make too -many concessions. This tendency must be resisted. Seeing how the waters -were rushing along and threatening to carry every thing before them, he -felt it his duty to stand in their way like a rock to arrest the -disaster. ‘Believe me,’ he wrote from Ratisbon to Farel, May 11, ‘in -actions of this kind brave souls are wanted who may strengthen -others.[71] Pray then all of you with earnestness to the Lord that he -may fortify us with his spirit of boldness.’ The next day he wrote to -him, ‘So far as I can understand, if we are willing to be satisfied with -a half-Christ, we shall easily be able to come to an agreement.’[72] Did -Calvin, allured by the position which he felt bound to take, go too far? -The footing was slippery. He did perhaps go too far in words, but not in -deeds. - -The legate Contarini had declared to the emperor that, as the -Protestants deviate in various articles from the common consent of the -Catholic Church, it would be better, all things considered, to refer the -whole matter to the pope and to the next council. ‘What can be hoped for -from such a gathering?’ said Calvin. ‘There will not be one in a hundred -willing and able to understand what is for the glory of God and for the -good of the Church. It is notorious what sort of theology is held at -Rome, principally in the consistory. Its first principle is that there -is no God; its second, that Christianity is nothing but -foolishness.’[73] Calvin does not mean that this is the doctrine which -Rome professes, but only that the papacy behaves as if it were so. -Having neither the true God nor true Christianity, it is in the -Reformer’s sight without God and without faith. He continues—‘Suppose, -then, that we have a council, the pope will be its president, the -bishops and prelates will be judges in it.... They will come to it in -the most deliberate manner to gainsay and to resist every thing which -would infringe on their avarice and ambition, and on that tyrannical -supremacy in the exercise of which they have no greater enemy than Jesus -Christ. When the council is held, it will contribute rather to destroy -than to put things again into a right state.’ - -Contarini had recommended to the bishops various reforms; such as to be -watchful over their dioceses lest the religion of the Protestants should -propagate itself in them; and to establish schools in order that people -might not send their children to those of the Evangelicals. ‘He had -indeed many other evils to deal with,’ said Calvin, ‘if he had a wish to -give good medicine. The world is full of the worship of idols, in the -shape of relics and images, to such an extent that there could hardly be -more of it among the pagans. Every one makes gods for himself after his -fancy (_à sa poste_), out of saints, male and female. The virtue of -Christ is as good as buried, and his honor virtually annihilated. The -light of truth is almost extinct; hardly any sparks of it remain.’[74] - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Moderation.] - -However decided Calvin was with respect to the errors of Rome, he was, -nevertheless, far from being a narrow-minded and passionate man; and he -did not hesitate to acknowledge whatever good there was in his -opponents. We have already seen that he looked upon the archbishops of -Cologne, of Mentz, and of Treves as friends of liberty, of peace, and -even of a reform. At Ratisbon he also bore favorable testimony to -Charles V. ‘It is no fault of the emperor,’ said he, ‘that some good -beginning of agreement was not arrived at, without waiting for the pope, -or the cardinals, or any of their following.’[75] His estimate of the -electors was still more favorable. ‘The electors,’ says he, ‘at least -most of them, were of opinion that in order to bring about a union of -the churches, the articles which had been passed should be received; and -this would have been a very good beginning of provision for the Church. -The world would have learnt that it ought not to trust in its strength -and its free-will; and that it is through the free grace of our Lord -that we are enabled to act well. The righteousness which we receive as a -free gift from Christ would have been set forth, in order to overthrow -our pernicious confidence in our own works. It would have been better -known that the Church cannot be separated from the word of God. The -shameful and dishonest traffic in masses would have been suppressed; the -tyranny of the ministers of the Church would have been restrained, and -superstitions would have been corrected.’[76] These were, in fact, the -great points conceded by the legate of Rome, Contarini; and Calvin, -undoubtedly, was no stranger to that conquest. - -He complained most of all of the princes of the second order, ‘who had -for their captains,’ he adds, ‘two dukes of Bavaria, who were reported -to be pensioners of the pope to maintain the relics of holy Mother -Church in Germany, and thus to bring about the ruin of the country. For -to leave things as they are, what is it but to abandon Germany as in -desperate case? They want the pope to be the physician, to put things in -order; and thus they thrust the lamb into the wolf’s jaws that he may -take care of it.’ Every thing was, in fact, referred to a general -council. ‘It seems like a dream,’ says Calvin, ‘that the emperor and so -many princes, ambassadors, and counsellors should have spent five whole -months in consulting, considering, parleying, giving opinions, debating -and resolving to do at last just nothing at all.’ - -Calvin, however, did not lose courage. ‘At present,’ he adds, ‘seeing -that this diet of Ratisbon has all ended in smoke, many persons are -disconcerted, fret themselves and despair of the Gospel ever being -received _by public authority_. But more good has resulted from this -assembly than appears. The servants of God have borne faithful testimony -to the truth, and there are always a few who are open to conviction. It -is no slight matter that all the princes, nay, even some of the bishops, -are convinced in their hearts that the doctrine preached under the Pope -must be amended. - -‘But our chief consolation is that this is the cause of God and that he -will take it in hand to bring it to a happy issue. Even though all the -princes of the earth were to unite for the maintenance of our Gospel, -still we must not make that the foundation of our hope. So, likewise, -whatever resistance we see to-day offered by almost all the world to the -progress of the truth, we must not doubt that our Lord will come at last -to break through all the undertakings of men and make a passage for his -word. Let us hope boldly, then, more than we can understand; he will -still surpass our opinion and our hope.’[77] - -Such was the faith that animated Luther and Calvin, and this was the -cause of their triumph. - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Departure From Ratisbon.] - -As soon as Calvin saw that there was nothing more for him to do at -Ratisbon, he ardently desired to leave the town, and with much -earnestness begged permission to depart. Bucer and Melanchthon stoutly -opposed it; but they yielded at last. He extorted his discharge, he -says, rather than obtained it. On the arrival of deputies from Austria -and Hungary, to demand aid against the Turks, the emperor commanded the -adjournment of the religious debates, for the purpose of considering the -means of resisting Solyman, who had already entered Hungary. ‘I would -not let slip the opportunity,’ says Calvin, ‘and so I got off.’[78] - -Footnote 52: - - ‘Minime idoneus mihi ad tales actiones videor, quidquid alii - judicent.’—To Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. - 156. - -Footnote 53: - - ‘Nondum meretur mundus ista bestia liberari.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 217. - -Footnote 54: - - ‘Contarinus sine sanguine subigere nos cupit, Mutinensis totus est - sanguinarius et bellum subinde in ore habet.’—To Farel, March 29. - _Ibid._ p. 176. - -Footnote 55: - - ‘Er hasste ihn.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 334. - -Footnote 56: - - ‘Philippus et Bucerus formulas de transsubstantiatione composuerunt - ambiguas et fucosas.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. 217. - -Footnote 57: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 52. In his annotations Calvin veils himself under - the name of Eusebius Pamphilus. - -Footnote 58: - - ‘Quæ pontificii conventicula his viginti annis aut amplius ad - opprimendum evangelium habuerunt,’ etc.—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 472. March - 1541. A summary of the cardinal’s discourse is given in Sleidan’s - _Hist. of the Reform._ ii. book xiii. p. 207. Edit. of the Hague, - 1767. Calvin’s reply is in the _Opp._ v. p. 461. It is omitted in the - previous collections of his works. - -Footnote 59: - - ‘Everso sublatoque episcopali munere, sub ejus nomine tyrannidem - prorsus antichristianam stabilire.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 472. - -Footnote 60: - - ‘Si qui autem alia requirant, hos nec protestantes inter suos - deputabunt.’—_Ibid._ p. 475. - -Footnote 61: - - ‘Cæterarum observationum ecclesiis sua relinquenda est - libertas.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 477. - -Footnote 62: - - ‘Nihil itaque a protestantibus exsistit, cur difficile nedum - impossibile sit solidam et piam ecclesiarum concordiam - restituere.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 478. - -Footnote 63: - - ‘Catholici protestantes.’ Calvin evidently denotes by this phrase the - Protestants who, like himself, wish for one universal church, one in - faith, in charity, and in hope, although it may have diversities in - church government and in forms of worship. The conception of such a - church is a grand one. - -Footnote 64: - - ‘Totum etiam orbem ad consortium veræ et unicæ religionis Christi - permoveri.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 481. - -Footnote 65: - - There is a whole body of Catholic literature devoted to the - description of the immorality of Romish ecclesiastics; works of a - grave character, satirical and humoristic works, &c. See the _De ruina - ecclesiæ_ of Nic. de Clémengis, rector of the university of Paris, who - calls the ecclesiastics _Porci Epicurei_. Bebel, _Triumphus Veneris_. - Théobald, _Conquestus in Concil_. _Const._, says—‘Sacerdotes non solum - tabernas sed etiam lupanaria intrare: puellas, maritatas atque - noviciales, corrumpere; episcopos eodem vitio laborare.’ - -Footnote 66: - - ‘Esset magnum monstrum in corpore Christi.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 489. - -Footnote 67: - - Isa. viii. 9, 10. Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 499. - -Footnote 68: - - ‘Donec uti uno incendio Germaniam viderint conflagrare.’—_Ibid._ p. - 498. - -Footnote 69: - - Calvin on 1 Tim. i. 17. - -Footnote 70: - - This was noticed by the editors of Calvin’s works. See vol. v. - _Prolegomena_, p. liii, 1866. ‘Hoc Farnesii consilium. . . ubi - mensibus aliquot post emanasset, Johannes Calvinus excusum typis - commentario vestivit’ (p. lv). - -Footnote 71: - - ‘Crede mihi, in ejusmodi actionibus opus est fortibus animis qui alios - confirment.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 216. - -Footnote 72: - - ‘Si essemus dimidio Christo contenti, facile transigeremus.’—_Ibid._ - p. 217. - -Footnote 73: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 654. Acts of Ratisbon. It is thought that the notes - in which these remarks and others occur are Calvin’s because they are - found in his French edition of the Acts, and not in the Latin and - German editions. Internal evidence confirms this supposition, for his - style and his mind are in them. - -Footnote 74: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 658, 659. - -Footnote 75: - - _Ibid._ p. 663. - -Footnote 76: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 671. We are glad to see Calvin’s moderation - acknowledged by Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 341. - -Footnote 77: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 680-684. - -Footnote 78: - - ‘Occasionem præterire nolui; sic elapsus sum.’—Calvin to Farel, July, - 1541.—_Opp._ xi. p. 252. - - - - - CHAPTER XXI. - CALVIN’S RETURN TO GENEVA. - (JULY TO SEPT. 1541.) - - -Having turned his back on the diet, Calvin thought of nothing but -Geneva. ‘The diet ended as I had predicted,’ he had written; ‘the whole -scheme of pacification went out in smoke. As soon as Bucer returns we -shall betake ourselves with all speed to Geneva, or, indeed, I shall set -out alone without further delay.’ Bucer, in fact, was to accompany -Calvin and to assist him with his counsel to see whether it would be -right for him to remain in that town. But when he returned to Strasburg -he was detained there and also detained his friend. ‘I have regretted a -thousand times,’ says the latter, ‘that I did not set out for Basel -immediately after my return from Ratisbon.’[79] In that Swiss town he -was to obtain more particular information about the state of affairs on -the shores of the Leman, and especially about the suit between Berne and -Geneva, concerning the ‘Articulants’; a suit in which Basel had been -appointed arbitrator. At Strasburg it was thought that Calvin ought not -to settle in that disturbed town so long as this cause of trouble -continued to exist. - -If Calvin was evidently more decided than he had hitherto been, the -cause was not only what was taking place in Germany, but also what was -passing at Geneva. To put the matter into legal shape, to set in broad -daylight the feelings of respect for the reformer which now animated the -people, and thus to deprive Calvin of every pretext for declining the -call which was sent to him, the general Council had been assembled on -May 1, and ‘had revoked the edict of expulsion of the ministers passed -in 1538, and declared that they esteemed them servants of God, so that -for the future Farel and Calvin, Saunier and the others might go in and -out at Geneva at their pleasure.’[80] - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Return To Geneva.] - -This measure of the people of Geneva was a large one, but the Council -did not stop there. Fearing, with good reason, that Strasburg would wish -to keep to herself the great man whom Geneva had banished, they -addressed two distinct letters to the ministers and the magistrates of -Zurich and Basel, begging them to support their request at Strasburg. -They wrote also to the Council and the ministers of the latter town. As -these letters are important and very little known, it may be proper to -give some passages from them. - -‘You are not ignorant,’ said the Genevese syndics and senate in their -letter to the pastors, ‘that our ministers have been unjustly driven -from our town, not in the regular course of justice, but rather as the -result of much injustice, tumult, and conspiracy; and you know the -troubles and horrible scandals in which we have been thereby -plunged.[81] For an evil so dangerous there is no remedy but the -presence of able, prudent, and God-fearing pastors, qualified to repair -this disaster. We, therefore, have recourse to you who have given us -abundant evidence of your tender solicitude for our Church, endeavoring -to persuade our magistrate to reinstate in the ministry our faithful -ministers Farel, Calvin, and Courault. This could not be effected at the -time because of the harshness and obstinacy of the perpetrators of the -disturbances; and thus a great multitude of just and pious men were -plunged in distress and tears.[82] But now our most merciful Father -having visited us in his goodness, we beg you to use your endeavors to -restore to us our faithful pastors, who were rejected by men that were -seeking the gratification of their own evil desires rather than the will -of God.’[83] In such terms did the syndics and the Council of Geneva -request the ministers of the towns to which they applied to aid them in -recovering their pastors. - -The letter of the syndics and the Council of Geneva to the Councils of -Zurich and Basel was no less emphatic. They said to them ‘that although -for twenty years their town had been kept in agitation by violent -storms, it has known no tumults, no seditions, no dangers, to compare -with those with which the anger of God has visited us, since by the -craft and contrivances of factious and seditious men,[84] the faithful -pastors, by whom their church had been founded and maintained, to the -great edification and consolation of all, have been unjustly driven away -by the blackest ingratitude—the benefits, assuredly no ordinary ones, -which the Lord had conferred by their ministry, being entirely -forgotten.’ The Genevese added ‘that from the hour of that exile Geneva -had known nothing but troubles, enmities, strifes, contentions, breaking -up of social bonds, seditions, factions and homicides.[85] The city -would, consequently, have been almost wholly destroyed, if the Lord in -his great compassion had not looked upon it with love and sent Viret to -gather together the wretched flock, which was at that time reduced to -such a pitch of confusion that it was scarcely, if at all, possible to -recognize in it any of the features of a church: and that there was -nothing which the Genevese desired more ardently or with more unanimity -than to see their ministers restored to the former position in which God -had placed them. And, therefore,’ they continued, ‘we pray you in the -name of Christ, most honorable lords, to entreat the illustrious -senators of Strasburg not only to give back to us our brother Calvin, of -whom we have the most urgent need, and who is so eagerly looked for by -our people, but further persuade him to come to Geneva as soon as -possible. Learned and pious pastors, such as he is, are most necessary -for us, because Geneva is, as it were, the gate of France and Italy;[86] -because day by day many people resort to it from these lands and from -other neighboring countries; and because it will be a great consolation -and edification to them to find in our town pastors competent to meet -their wants.’ - -A letter of like character was sent to Strasburg. All the letters were -subscribed, ‘The Syndics and the Senate of the city of Geneva’ (Syndici -et Senatus Genevensis civitatis). - -[Sidenote: Rudeness Of Phrase.] - -Men’s minds were at that time in a state of great agitation. Hostile -opinions were not expressed in mawkish phraseology; and the Council, as -it was bent on having Calvin at any cost, conveyed its meaning -unmistakably. There might be, perhaps, some rudeness of expression; the -writing was forcible rather than refined; but we certainly possess in -these letters the views of the Genevese magistrates and people, -especially of the best among them, respecting Calvin, the authors of his -banishment, and the condition of Geneva after his departure. The -latitudinarian and often unbelieving spirit of our days would fain -reconstruct this history after the fashion of the nineteenth century; -but in these documents we have assuredly the impress of the olden time. -The chief magistrates of the republic could not possibly have expressed -themselves as they did if their statement of facts could have been -contradicted by the people, their contemporaries, as they have been -several centuries afterwards. The syndics who signed these letters were -not upstarts raised to office by a party. They had long been in the -Council, and all of them had previously been syndics, one in 1540, two -of the others in 1537, and one of these two as early as 1534, and the -fourth in 1535.[87] It is not to be doubted that the view taken at this -epoch by the chiefs of the Genevese nation will be likewise the view of -impartial and enlightened men of every age. It has been said that the -faction which expelled Calvin does not deserve the grave reproaches -which have been cast upon it by modern historians. The syndics and -councils of 1541 can hardly be placed in the ranks of modern historians. - -These letters were everywhere well received. The pastors of Zurich wrote -word to the Council of Geneva that their Council, eager to give them -pleasure, had written to the Council and the ministers of Strasburg, and -likewise to Calvin at Ratisbon, begging the former to press Calvin, and -requesting the latter to comply with the call from Geneva.[88] - -This testimony, borne by the leading men in the State and in the Church -at Zurich, Basel, and Strasburg, after they had received the letters of -which we have just given some account, is a confirmation of their -contents, and shows that the view set forth in them was the opinion of -European Protestantism, ever ready to do homage to the greatest -theologian, who was, at the same time, one of the greatest men and -greatest writers of the age. - -[Sidenote: Calvin And Farel.] - -Calvin had already said more than once that he would return to Geneva, -but he had not yet fulfilled his intention. Even the powerful voice of -Farel had not succeeded in getting him to set out, but it had called -forth a touching expression of his humility. ‘Certainly,’ said he to -Farel, ‘the thunders and lightnings which thou didst hurl so wonderfully -at me have disturbed and terrified me. Thou knowest that I extremely -dread this call, but I do not fly from it. Why then fall upon me with so -much violence as almost to abjure thy friendship? Thou tellest me that -my last letter deprived thee of all hope. If it be so, forgive, I pray -thee, my imprudence. My purpose was simply to apologize for not going -immediately. I hope that thou wilt forgive me.’[89] It is beautiful to -see this great man, this strong character, humbling himself with so much -simplicity before Farel, as a child would do before a father. Doubtless, -like Paul on the road to Damascus, he had at first _kicked against the -pricks_. But, ‘oxen,’ says he, ‘gain nothing by so doing, except the -increase of their own suffering; and just in the same way when men fight -and kick against Christ, they must—whether they will or not—submit to -his commandment.’[90] - -When speaking to Farel of his struggles, Calvin had from the first also -indicated the source of his strength and his victory. ‘I should be at no -loss for pretexts,’ he said, ‘which I might adroitly put forward, and -which would easily serve for excuses before men. But I know that it is -God with whom I have to do, and that artifices of that sort are not -right in his sight. Wouldst thou know my very thought, it is this—Were I -free to choose, I would do any thing in the world rather than what thou -requirest of me. But, when I remember that I am not in this matter my -own master, I PRESENT MY HEART AS A SACRIFICE AND OFFER IT UP TO THE -LORD.[91] _Having bound and chained my soul, I bring it under the -obedience of God._‘[92] - -This is Calvin. The words which we have underlined are essential as the -explanation not only of the resolution which he took at this time, but -also of his whole life. They may be considered as his motto.[93] - -[Sidenote: Departure From Strasburg.] - -Calvin set out from Strasburg at the end of August or beginning of -September. He went on his way to Geneva, he says, ‘with sadness, tears, -great anxiety and distress of mind. My timidity offered me many reasons -to excuse me from taking upon my shoulders so heavy a burden; and many -excellent persons would have been pleased to see me quit of this -trouble. But the sense of duty prevailed and led me to comply and return -to the flock from which I had been snatched away, but in whose salvation -I felt so deep a concern that I should have had no hesitation in laying -down my life for it.’[94] Bucer had been unable to accompany him; but -the Strasburgers understood well what they were losing. They had -declared ‘that they would always consider him as one of their citizens,’ -says one of his biographers. ‘They also wished him to retain the income -of a prebend, which they had assigned him as the salary of his -professorship of theology; but as he was a man utterly free from the -greed of worldly good, he would not so much as keep the value of a -denier.’ Further, the magistrates of this town gave him a letter for the -Council of Geneva, in which they said that it was with regret they let -him go, ‘seeing that at Strasburg he could better promote the interests -of the church universal, by his writings, his counsel, and other -proceedings, according to the surpassing graces with which the Lord has -endowed him; and that they prayed the citizens of Geneva to be united -and to give ear to him as a man earnestly devoted to the enlargement of -the kingdom of Christ.’ They added that ‘if they set the general need of -the churches above their own advantage and profit, _they would send him -back forthwith_, in order that in Germany he might more effectively -serve _the church universal_.’ The Strasburg pastors, who had previously -written to the Council, speaking of Calvin, said—‘Christ himself is -despised and insulted when such ministers are rejected and unworthily -treated. But to this hour all is well with you, since you recognize -Jesus Christ in this man, his illustrious instrument, who has never had -any other thought than to devote himself to your salvation, even at the -cost of his own blood.’ They added, on the present occasion—‘He is at -last coming to you, this instrument of God, this incomparable man, the -like of whom this age can hardly name.’[95] - -Calvin halted at Basel, visited his friends, and appeared before the -Council, who commended him affectionately to Geneva (September 4). -Thence he passed on to Soleure; and in this town he heard tidings which -greatly grieved him. He was told that troubles had arisen in the church -of Neuchâtel. Farel had privately remonstrated, in terms earnest but -charitable, with a person of rank who was causing scandal in the church, -and his remonstrance producing no effect, he censured him publicly in -his sermon, in conformity with the apostolic precept, i. Tim. v. 20 -(July 31). The kinsfolk of this person were much annoyed, and stirring -up the townsmen against the reformer got him deprived and banished. When -Calvin, who had such a warm affection for Farel, heard these things, he -could not pursue his journey. Instead of going on to Berne, he hastened -to Neuchâtel to his friend. He was able to console him, but he could not -get his condemnation withdrawn.[96] Only at a later period, Calvin, -acting in concert with other pastors, wrote from Geneva a letter which -was carried by Viret. The latter having represented to the seignory of -Neuchâtel that when a minister is to be deposed, it is necessary to -proceed by form of trial, likewise spiritual, and not by way of sedition -or tumult; and his representation being supported by Zurich, Strasburg, -Basel, and Berne, the Council of Neuchâtel resolved to keep its -reformer. While at Neuchâtel with Farel, on the evening of September 7, -Calvin wrote to the Council of Geneva stating the cause of his delay. He -also reminded them in this note of the duty of governing their town well -and holily. The next day he went to Berne, delivered to the Council the -letters which he had brought from Strasburg and from Basel, and then set -out for Geneva. - -For many days past preparations had been making in the town for his -reception. ‘On Monday, August 26, thirty-six _écus_ were voted by the -Council to Eustace Vincent, equestrian herald, to go for Master Calvin, -the preacher, at Strasburg.’ It was announced in the Council, August 29, -that Master Calvin was to arrive one of these days. They talked of the -lodgings which must be assigned to him, and propositions rapidly -succeeded each another. At first they thought of the house which was -occupied by the pastor Bernard, whom they would remove to the house of -_la Chantrerie_. Then, September 4, there was further discussion. ‘_La -Chantrerie_, being opposite to St. Peter’s church, is most suitable,’ -they said, ‘for the abode of Master Calvin, and some garden (_curtil_) -will be provided for him.’ On the 9th it was announced in the Council -that he was to arrive the same evening. The houses in question being, -doubtless, in an unfit state, orders were given to Messieurs Jacques des -Arts and Jean Chautemps to make ready for him the house of the Sieur de -Fréneville, situated in the Rue des Chanoines, between the house of -Bonivard, on the west, and that of the Abbé de Bonmont, on the east. But -after all it was in another house, the fourth proposed, that he was to -be received.[97] - -[Sidenote: Arrival Of Calvin At Geneva.] - -It does not appear that Calvin had himself announced to the Council the -day of his arrival; nor are we acquainted with any document which in a -clear and positive manner indicates this date, worthy of remark though -it be. All that we know is that on the 13th he was there, and appeared -before the Council. Instead of the 9th he may have arrived on the 10th, -the 11th, or even the 12th. We may suppose that Calvin wished the -Genevese not to know the day of his arrival, fearing lest they should -give him a rather noisy reception. _I have no intention of showing -myself and making a noise in the world_, he said on another -occasion.[98] However this might be, if the arrival of the reformer were -unostentatious like himself, it filled many hearts with great joy. This -is attested by the contemporary biographies. Congratulations were -uttered, and this among the whole body of the people, but above all in -the Council, on this _singular favor of God_ towards Geneva, a favor so -great and so tardily acknowledged.[99] ‘He was received,’ says the -French biography, ‘_with such singular affection_, by this poor people, -who acknowledged their fault, and were _famishing_ to hear their -faithful pastor, that they were not satisfied till he was settled there -for good.’[100] Such is the testimony of contemporaries, friends of -Calvin. Will history add any thing to it? Did Calvin traverse _in -triumph_ the districts over which three years before _he had wandered as -a miserable fugitive_? Did he make his solemn entry into Geneva, in the -midst of _the uproarious joy of the population_? _Did he address the -assembled masses?_[101] So far as we know, there is no document that -speaks of such things. Nothing would be more contrary to Calvin’s -disposition. If he could have foreseen that a ceremonious reception was -preparing for him, he would rather have crossed the lake, and made his -entry into Geneva by way of Savoy. - -It appears that the house of the Sieur de Fréneville, who had quitted -Geneva, could not be made ready the same day. The reformer was, -therefore, received in the house of Aimé de Gingins, abbot of Bonmont, -who, although he had been elected bishop by the chapter, in 1522, had -not been accepted by the Pope, but in the absence of the bishop, was -discharging almost all his functions. This house had been the scene of -one of the most striking passages of the Reformation; the appearance of -Farel before Messeigneurs the abbot and the Genevese clergy, in 1532. Of -smaller size than that which now occupies its site, it had a garden, -from which, as well as from the house itself, were seen stretching far -away to the north-east the lake, its shores, the Jura, and rich tracts -of country. Calvin was alive to the enjoyment of this smiling landscape, -these beautiful waters, these stern mountains. That straight line of the -Jura, pure and severe, is it not a type of his work? When, a little -while after, he was looking for a house for Jacques de Bourgogne, -Seigneur of Falais, who desired to settle near him, he mentioned to him -a dwelling situated doubtless near his own, from which he would have, he -said, ‘as fine a view as you could wish for in the summer.’ In winter -the north wind made this exposed situation less pleasant, but the view -was still very fine, and the storms which raged on the lake would -doubtless sometimes appear in Calvin’s eyes to be in harmony with those -which agitated the city. Subsequently, perhaps in 1543 or 1547, -certainly before 1549, Calvin quitted this house for the adjoining one, -that of M. de Fréneville, which the State had just bought; and in this -he continued to reside, so far as appears, to the end of his life.[102] -One of the chief pleasures of Calvin on his arrival was that of meeting -Viret again. - -[Sidenote: What He Had Acquired At Strasburg.] - -The reformer came back to Geneva an altered man. Three years, four -months, and twenty days had elapsed since his departure; and his sojourn -in Germany had exercised a marked influence on him. Strasburg had given -him what Geneva could not offer. He had in him by nature the stuff of -which great men are made. But during these three years his ideas had -been widened, and his character had been completed. He had entered into -a wider sphere. Intellectual life at Geneva was almost exclusively -Genevese; at Strasburg it was Germanic, and, at least in the case of a -few, European. It was important that the reformer of the Latin race -should be thoroughly acquainted with the reformers of the Germanic race, -and that there should be between them some spiritual fellowship. Even if -there must be independence with respect to their work, there ought at -the same time to be unity. There was no town in Europe better fitted -than Strasburg to furnish a thorough knowledge of the reformation of -Luther and of that of Zwinglius. The doctors of this city, it is well -known, held constant intercourse with Wittenberg and Zurich, and -endeavored to bring about a union between them. Calvin, in this town, -ran no risk of getting Germanized. His was one of those powerful natures -which do not lose their native impress. Moreover, French refugees were -numerous there, and amongst these he found his first sphere of labor. -All the faculties of the Genevese reformer had gained something by this -contact with Germany. His general information had been enlarged, his -knowledge had become deeper and richer, his soul had attained more -serenity, his heart was more kindly and tender, his will at once more -regulated, stronger, and more steadfast. He knew that the future had -battles in store for him; they would find him more gentle, more apt for -endurance, but at the same time resolved to remain immovable on the rock -of the Word, and to conquer by the truth. Strong by nature, he was now -more completely invested with that divine _panoply_ of which St. Paul -speaks.[103] He was fitted not only to feed a little flock, but to form -a new society, to organize and to govern a great church. He was -returning to Geneva simple and humble as before, and nevertheless a -superior man. - -Calvin having arrived from Strasburg on September 13, went to the Town -Hall, and was received by the syndics and Council. Some hearts had, no -doubt, been beating high in anticipation of this interview; and the -reformer himself did not set out to it without emotion. When he came to -Geneva, in 1534, he was twenty-seven years of age, rather young for a -reformer. He was now thirty-two, the age of our Saviour at the time of -his ministry. He could already speak with authority; nevertheless, it -might be said of him as of St. Paul—_his bodily presence is weak_. He -was of middle stature, pale, with a dark complexion, a keen and piercing -eye, betokening, says Beza, a penetrating mind. His dress was very -simple, and at the same time perfectly neat. There was something noble -in his whole appearance. His cultivated and elevated spirit was at once -recognizable; and although his health was already feeble, he was about -to devote himself to labors which a man of great strength might have -shrunk from undertaking. Amiable in social intercourse, he had won all -hearts in Germany; he was now to win many at Geneva.[104] - -On presenting himself before the Council, Calvin delivered to the -syndics the letters from the senators and pastors of Strasburg and -Basel. He then modestly apologized for the long delay which he had made. -He had intended to vindicate his own conduct and that of his colleagues -who were banished with him three years and a half before; but the very -warm reception given him in the town, and by the magistrates, showed him -that Geneva had quite got over the prejudices of that period. A -vindication would have involved recalling to mind painful facts and -ungracious sentiments; and this was not the business which he had to do -at this moment. His Christian heart, his intelligent mind, joined to -counsel him otherwise—_to forget_. He therefore did not vindicate -himself either before the Senate or before the people. - -[Sidenote: Going Forward.] - -He felt the need of going forward and not backward. ‘We must not take -our eyes from the brow and fix them in the back,’ he said one day. ‘I go -straight to the mark.’ ‘As for myself,’ said he at this memorable -sitting of September 13, ‘I offer myself to be a servant of Geneva -forever.’ He meant really and truly _to serve_, but in the truest and -most beautiful sense of the word. To Farel he wrote (September -16)—‘Immediately after offering my services to the Senate, I declared -that no church could subsist except by establishing a well-constituted -government, such as the Word of God prescribes, and such as was adopted -in the early church.’[105] He next touched delicately on some points in -order to make it clear to the Council what he desired. ‘However,’ he -continued, ‘this question is too extensive for discussion on this -occasion. I request you to nominate some of your body to confer with us -upon this subject.’ The Council named for that purpose four members of -the Little Council, the former syndic, Claude Pertemps; the former -secretary, Claude Roset; Ami Perrin, and Jean Lambert; and two members -of the Great Council, Jean Goulaz and Ami Porral, both ex-syndics.[106] -These six laymen, in co-operation with Calvin and Viret, were to draw up -articles of a constitution for the church. The other three pastors -appeared willing to go with their two colleagues. We do not see, -however, that the Council offered to its _conqueror_ its _homage_ with -_almost grovelling submissiveness_.[107] There was agreement, there was -respect on the part of the Council, but there was no humiliation; and we -cannot admit that Calvin considered _his right of lordship over Geneva -as an article of faith_ which God himself had proclaimed.[108] At this -sitting he called himself servant, and not lord; and the only -reservation which has to be made is that he would always consider -himself before all a servant of God. The Council afterwards resolved to -return thanks to Strasburg for having sent Calvin, and at the same time -to request that he might be allowed to settle permanently at Geneva. -Calvin himself no longer hesitated; and this appeared in the courage -with which he set about the organization of the church. Geneva and -Calvin were henceforth inseparable, as much so as the city and the river -which flows by and waters it. The council likewise adopted certain -resolutions respecting the person and the family of the reformer. It -gave orders (September 16) to send for his wife and his household, and -for this purpose bought three horses and a car. Next, his salary was -fixed, and ‘considering,’ said the Council (October 4), ‘that Calvin is -a man of great learning, a friend to the restoration of Christian -churches, and is at great expense in entertaining visitors, it is -resolved that he shall receive an annual salary of five hundred florins, -twelve measures of wheat, and two _bossots_ of wine.’[109] On the same -day it was ordered that some cloth should be bought, with furs, to make -him a gown.[110] - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Colleagues.] - -And now the work must be begun. Calvin saw the difficulties of the task. -He did not put his trust in himself; he hoped above all for the help of -God; but he desired also the co-operation of his brethren. Three days -after his appearance before the Council he wrote to Farel: ‘I am settled -here as you wished. The Lord grant that it may turn out well! For the -present I must keep Viret. I will not on any account permit him to be -taken from me.’ He wished also to have Farel with him. He thought that -the presence of these two as his colleagues was essential to success, -and he spared no effort to secure them.[111] ‘Aid me here,’ he said to -Farel, ‘you and all the brethren with all your might, unless you mean to -have me tortured for nothing.’ But, whatever distrust he felt of -himself, he had no doubt of the victory. ‘When we have to contend -against Satan,’ he continues, ‘and when we join battle under the banner -of Christ, he who has invested us with our armor and impelled us to the -fight will give us the victory.’[112] - -But although he attributed the victory to God he knew that he himself -must fight. This observation applies to his whole life. Of all men in -the world Calvin is the one who most worked, wrote, acted, and prayed -for the cause which he had embraced. The co-existence of the sovereignty -of God and the freedom of man is assuredly a mystery; but Calvin never -supposed that because God did all he personally had nothing to do. He -points out clearly the twofold action, that of God and that of man. -‘God,’ said he, ‘after freely bestowing his grace on us, forthwith -demands of us a reciprocal acknowledgment. When he said to Abraham, “I -am thy God,” it was an offer of his free goodness; but he adds at the -same time _what he required of him_: “Walk before me, and be thou -perfect.” This condition is tacitly annexed to all the promises: they -are to be to us as spurs, inciting us to promote the glory of God.’ And -elsewhere he says: ‘This doctrine ought to create _new vigor in all your -members_, so that you may be fit and alert, with might and main, to -follow the call of God.’[113] Never, perhaps, did Calvin exhibit his -great capacity for action more remarkably than at the epoch of which we -are treating. It is certainly a mistake to assert that ‘Calvin regarded -himself, by virtue of the Divine decree, as little more than an -instrument in the hand of God, without any personal co-operation.’[114] -What! could Calvin, who far more than Pascal was the conqueror of the -Jesuits, have said as they did: _Sicut baculus in manu!_ This Calvin is -the man of Roman or infidel tradition, but not the man as he appears in -history. - -[Sidenote: A Day Of Humiliation.] - -After requiring that evangelical order should be established in the -church, Calvin’s first act was to call the people to humiliation and -prayer. The evils which then desolated Christendom were afflicting to -him. The pestilence, after striking the reformer in his affections at -Strasburg, was raging cruelly in many countries, and was threatening -Geneva. In addition to this, Solyman was overrunning Hungary. But in -this act of humiliation Calvin had another object in view. A new life -must begin for Geneva, and how was it to be prepared except by -repentance and prayer? There was need of a change of inclination, and -this could only be effected by the voice of conscience making itself -heard, and opposing with its authority the moral evil existing in each -individual. Then a real sense of the need of redemption would awaken in -men’s hearts, and they would lay hold of the Gospel which the -Reformation brought them. Calvin, therefore, set forth in the council: -‘That the Christian churches are grievously troubled, both by the plague -and by the persecution of the Turks; that we are bound to pray for each -other; that it would be well to return to God with humble supplications -for the increase and the honor of his holy Gospel.’ Consequently, ‘in -the same month of October, one day in the week was appointed for solemn -prayer in the church for all the necessities of men, and for turning -away the wrath of God.’[115] Wednesday was the day definitely fixed. -When the day came, therefore, all shops were closed, the great bell -called the people together, the churches were crowded, the ministers -implored the mercy of the Lord, and Calvin’s discourse was grave, and -full not only of force but of charity. ‘With the truth,’ he said, ‘we -must join love, to the end that all may be benefited, and be at peace -with one another.’[116] - -Footnote 79: - - Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, 25th July and 13th August, 1541. _Opp._ - xi. pp. 259, 262. - -Footnote 80: - - Chron. MS. de Roset, book iv. ch. 18. Registers of the Council. - Gautier. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, i. p. 304. - -Footnote 81: - - ‘Non ignoratis in quos _tumultus et horrida scandala_ ab eo quo pii - ministri nostri, magna quidem _injuria_, _tumultu_ et conspiratione - potius quam judicii ordine, ab urbe nostra injuste profligati - fuerunt.’—Archives of Geneva. Gautier, Hist. MS., p. 474. Calv. _Opp._ - xi. p. 227. - -Footnote 82: - - ‘Unde ingentem piorum et proborum virorum turbam ad gemitum et - lacrimas adegerunt.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 227. - -Footnote 83: - - ‘Per eos rejecti qui propriam sectabantur concupiscentiam, potius quam - Dei voluntatem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 84: - - ‘Posteaquam factiosorum seditiosorumque hominum arte et - machinationibus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 222. - -Footnote 85: - - ‘Nihil præter molestias, inimicitias, lites, contentiones, - dissolutiones, seditiones, factiones et homicidia.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. - p. 222. - -Footnote 86: - - ‘Cum hic velut ostium Galliæ, Italiæque simus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. - 122. - -Footnote 87: - - The syndics were—J. A. Curtet, A. Baudière, Pernet-Desfosses, and - Domaine d’Arlod.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 152. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, - i. p. 320. - -Footnote 88: - - Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 184, 186, 234. - -Footnote 89: - - Calvin to Farel, March 1, 1541. ‘Sane me vehementer conturbarunt ac - consternarunt tua fulgura. . . Ignosce quæso imprudentiæ meæ. . . . - Spero te veniam daturum.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 170. - -Footnote 90: - - Calvin, _Henry_, i. p. 395. Calvin on Acts, iv. 5. - -Footnote 91: - - ‘Cor meum velut mactatum Domino in sacrificium offero.’—Calvin to - Farel, Oct. or Nov. 1540. _Opp._ xi. p. 100. - -Footnote 92: - - ‘Animum vinctum et constrictum subigo in obedientiam Dei.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 93: - - A seal of Calvin’s bears this motto, and the emblem is a hand - presenting a heart to heaven. - -Footnote 94: - - _Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix. - -Footnote 95: - - Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 47. Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 97, 267, - 271, 273. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 309. - -Footnote 96: - - Ruchat, v. pp. 164-167. Calvin to the lords of Geneva, _Lettres - françaises_, i. p. 38. To the lords of Neuchâtel, _ibid._ pp. 39-43. - Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 275-293. Registers of the Council for the day. - -Footnote 97: - - Registers of the Council, August 29 and September 9. _De la Maison de - Calvin_, by Th. Heyer. _Mémoires d’Archéologie_, ix. pp. 394, 403. - -Footnote 98: - - _Préface des Psaumes_, p. 8. - -Footnote 99: - - ‘Summa cum _universi_ populi ac senatus imprimis _singulare_ Dei erga - se beneficium serio tunc agnoscentis _congratulatione_.’—Beza, _Vita - Calvini_, p. 7. - -Footnote 100: - - Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 47. - -Footnote 101: - - ‘So durchzog er jetzt im _Triumph_ . . Er hielt _unter dem Jubel der - Bevölkerung_ seinen _feierlichen Einzug_ in Genf . . _richtete an die - versammelte Menge Worte_,’ &c.—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 381. - These flights of imagination are astonishing in a writer like - Kampschulte. M. Roget, with reference to a passage of Henry, rejects - as we do the idea of outward demonstrations.—_Peuple de Genève_, i. p. - 312. - -Footnote 102: - - Heyer, _Mem d’Archéologie_, ix. pp. 396-398, 405, 406. The house of - the abbé de Bonmont, in which Calvin first lived, is that in the Rue - des Chanoines, which, as rebuilt in 1708 by the syndic Buisson, now - bears the number 13, and belongs to M. Adrien Naville, president - several times of the Société Evangélique and the Evangelical Alliance. - -Footnote 103: - - Την πανοπλιαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ephes. vi. 11. - -Footnote 104: - - Beza, _Vita Calvini_, ad finem. - -Footnote 105: - - ‘Non posse consistere ecclesiam, nisi certum regimen constitueretur,’ - &c. Calvin to Farel, September 16, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 281. - -Footnote 106: - - Goulaz was succeeded by Balard.—Calvin to Farel, Sep. 16, 1541. _Opp._ - xi. p. 281. - -Footnote 107: - - ‘Mit fast kriechender Unterwürfigkeit . . sich so tief vor ihm - erniedrigte.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 385. - -Footnote 108: - - ‘Sein Herrscherrecht über Genf . . ein von Gott selbst erklärter - Glaubenssatz.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 109: - - The Genevese florin was rather more than half a franc in value. The - salary of the reformer was therefore about 250 francs. But taking into - account the higher value of money at that period, it may be reckoned - that this sum would be equivalent at the present time to about 4,000 - francs (160_l._). This is the estimate of M. Franklin, of the Mazarin - Library, and we think it is accurate. - -Footnote 110: - - Registers of the day. Gautier, Hist. MS., 481. - -Footnote 111: - - ‘Totus in eo erat ut et Viretum . . et Farellum collegas perpetuos - haberet.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 9. - -Footnote 112: - - Calvin to Farel, Geneva, September 16, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 281. Calvin - speaks thus with reference to Farel’s despondency. - -Footnote 113: - - Comment on II. Cor. vii. 1; Gen. xvii. 1. - -Footnote 114: - - ‘Calvin fühlte sich fast nur noch als Werkzeug in der Hand Gottes, - . . . ohne jedes persönliche Zuthun.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. - 306. - -Footnote 115: - - Roset, Chron. MS., book iv. chap. 53. Registers of October 26, 1541. - -Footnote 116: - - Calvin on Ephes., iv. 15. - - - - - CHAPTER XXII. - THE ECCLESIASTICAL ORDINANCES. - (SEPTEMBER 1541.) - - -As soon as Calvin arrived at Geneva his active exertions were called for -in several directions. But his great business was the composition of the -_Ordinances_, and taking part in the deliberations of the commission -appointed for the purpose by the Council. ‘Calvin,’ says one of his -biographers, ‘drew up a scheme of church order and discipline.’ Although -he was in reality its author, it is nevertheless probable that others, -and particularly Viret, had a hand in it. Many difficulties, many -different opinions must have appeared in the course of the discussions; -but Calvin was determined to show much forbearance and consideration for -his colleagues. ‘I will endeavor,’ he said, ‘to maintain a good -understanding and harmony with all with whom I have to act, and -brotherly kindness, too, if they will allow me, combining with it as -much fidelity and diligence as I possibly can. So far as it depends on -me, I will give no ground of offence to any one.’[117] Such was the -spirit in which Calvin entered on the work. In the same strain he wrote -to Bucer; ‘If in any way I do not answer to your expectation, you know -that I am in your power and subject to your authority. Admonish me, -chastise me, exercise towards me all the authority of a father over his -son.’[118] It appears, however, that Calvin encountered no opposition on -the part of the members of the commission. The six laymen who had been -associated with him were more or less in the number of his adherents. -Objections were to come from other quarters. After about fourteen days, -says Calvin, our task was finished, and the plan was presented by the -commissioners to the Little Council.[119] It had been determined -(September 16) that the articles should be submitted to examination by -the Little Council, the Council of the Two Hundred, and the General -Council. On September 28 the Council began to apply itself to the -document laid before it. If the commission began its work the day after -it had been instituted, the fourteen days of which Calvin speaks extend -to September 28. It appears that the syndics, informed beforehand of the -presentation of the project, had caused the members of the Council to be -called together for that day, in order to consult about the ‘Ordinances -concerning religion.’ But the Council was not complete. ‘Many of the -lords councillors had not obeyed the summons to appear.’ Are we to -suppose that they would have preferred not to meddle with this business? -This was, probably, the reason in some cases, but there may have been -other reasons. Whatever the fact may be, it was resolved that the -absentees ‘should be again summoned for the next day,’ and that -remonstrances should be addressed to those who had not appeared.’[120] - -On the 29th of September, then, the Council began to read the articles -of the ‘Ordinances on Church Government,’ and they continued their work -on the following days. Many of them were accepted, others were rejected. -This task of examination in the Council was rather a long one. ‘We have -not yet received any answer,’ wrote Calvin to Bucer, on October 15, -seventeen days after the document had been presented. Some people were -much astonished at these prolix discussions; but Calvin said, ‘I am not -greatly disquieted by the delay.’ He thought it natural that some of the -councillors should object to his propositions. ‘Meanwhile,’ said he, ‘we -are confident that what we ask will be granted.’ Nevertheless, anxious -that the members of the Council should obtain information from others -rather than from himself on the points which seemed to make them -hesitate, the reformer suggested a plan which appeared to him advisable, -namely, that the Council should previously enter into communication on -this subject with the churches of German Switzerland, and should not -come to any decision without ascertaining their opinion. He was sure of -their support. ‘We earnestly desire that this should be done,’ he -added.[121] - -At length the Council communicated its remarks. The commission, and in -this Calvin was predominant, did not yield on any essential article. It -did make, however, some concessions, for example, as to the frequency of -the Lord’s Supper. Calvin had asked that it should be celebrated once a -month. It is known that he personally would have liked a still more -frequent celebration. The Council insisted on its continuing to be -observed only four times a year; and Calvin yielded. He altered and -softened some expressions. He thought this course legitimate by reason -of the weakness of the time. On the 25th of October, the preachers, -probably Calvin and Viret, brought to the Council the amended Articles, -and at the same time addressed to them ‘becoming admonitions praying -them to settle and pass them.’ The matter was adjourned to the next day; -and the ordinary Council was convoked for that day under the penalty -stated in the oath of a councillor (_sous la peine du serment_). On -October 27, they were still busied with the Ordinances; and this -ecclesiastical constitution was finally established ‘as it was contained -in writing in the articles.’ On November 9, the scheme was presented by -the ordinary Council to the Council of the Two Hundred; and the latter -adopted it after making one or two unimportant amendments. On November -20, it was read to the General Council, in which it passed ‘by a very -large majority.’ Consent, however, was not so unanimous as to show that -there were no longer any opponents of these ordinances. According to -Theodore Beza, there were some among the people and also among the -leading citizens, who, while they had indeed renounced the Pope, had -only in outward appearance attached themselves to Jesus Christ. There -were, likewise, some ministers who did not venture openly to reject the -ordinances, but who were secretly opposed to them. Calvin, by -perseverance and moderation, overcame these difficulties. He showed that -not only the doctrine but also the administration of the church ought to -be in conformity with the holy Scriptures. He supported his view by the -opinion of the most learned men of the age—of Œcolampadius, Zwinglius, -Zwickius, Melanchthon, Bucer, Capito, and Myconius, whose writings he -quoted; but, in a conciliatory spirit, he added that churches which were -not so advanced must not be condemned as if they were not Christian. The -articles, after the insertion of some trifling amendments and additions, -were definitively accepted (January 2, 1542) by the Three Councils.[122] - -[Sidenote: Aim Of The Ordinances.] - -What, then, were the spirit, the aim, and the constitution of the church -demanded by Calvin? - -The Kingdom of God is the essence of the church. Jesus Christ came to -establish it by communicating to fallen men a divine life. The Reformers -had this in mind when, in January, 1537, they had presented to the -Council the first articles concerning the organization of the church, -‘because it had pleased the Lord the better to _establish his kingdom -here_.’ But this kingdom can be established only by means of _the -church_ or _the assembly_ of believers. It is, therefore, important that -this church should be organized in conformity with holy Scripture; and -this is Calvin’s practical point of view in the new Ordinances. They -begin with the following words: - -‘In the name of God Almighty: - -‘We, Syndics, Little and Great Councils, with our people assembled at -the sound of the trumpet and of the great bell, according to our ancient -customs, - -‘Having considered that it is a matter worthy above all others of -recommendation that the doctrine of the holy Gospel of our Lord should -be indeed preserved in its purity, that the Christian church should be -duly maintained, that the young should for the future be faithfully -instructed, and that the hospital should be kept in good condition for -the support of the poor, it has seemed good to us that the spiritual -government, _as our Lord institutes it by his Word_, should be reduced -into proper form to be kept among us; and thus we have ordained and -established for observance in our own town and territory the -ecclesiastical policy set forth below, _seeing that it is taken_ from -the Gospel of Jesus Christ.’[123] - -Thus Calvin wished to establish the church of Geneva after the model of -the primitive church. More than that, it was in the _word_ itself, in -_the Gospel of Jesus Christ_, that he would seek its nature, its rules, -and its character. Here is no question of tradition, not even of the -most ancient. This is the characteristic feature of the church as Calvin -wished to establish it. - -[Sidenote: Geneva An Evangelical Fortress.] - -In pagan antiquity legislators had made it their foremost aim to train -their peoples for war by exercises adapted to develop their strength and -their dexterity. Moses, at the same time that he set forth a living God, -the Creator, and his holy will, had been obliged, in order to keep the -people from evil, and to represent in figures things to come, to bind -them up in a network of numerous ceremonies. The Popes of modern Rome, -putting at the head of their system their own infallible and absolute -sovereignty, checked the development of the peoples; while by their -indulgences and their absolutions, they loosened the bonds of duty, and -struck a blow at morals. Calvin, who knew that _sin is the ruin of -nations_, desired for Geneva the conditions which are essential to the -real prosperity of a people, namely, that it should be good, pure, and -sound in body and in mind. His purpose was larger still. He wished to -make of the city which received him that which it in fact became—a -fortress, capable not only of offering resistance to Rome, but, in -addition, of winning the victory over her, and of substituting for her -superstitions and her despotism truth and freedom. Nothing less than the -salvation of modern Christendom was to be the result of his efforts. In -order to make of Geneva a _Villafranca_, as at a later period it was -sometimes named, it was not enough that he should deliver discourses, as -had frequently been demanded of him; it was necessary to watch over this -seed of the Word when cast into men’s hearts to the end that it might -flourish there. The ruin of Rome had been her separation of morals from -faith. Had not the world seen a Pope, John XXIII., when charged ‘with -all the mortal sins, infinite in number, and likewise abominable,’[124] -make answer ‘that he had indeed, as a man, committed some of these sins, -but that it was not possible to condemn a Pope except for heresy’? -Immorality had found its way not only into the abodes of the laity, but -into convents, presbyteries, bishoprics, and the palace of the Pope. And -thenceforward the Papacy was ruined. Calvin longed for Christianity in -its integrity, for its faith and its works. It is not enough that a -stream of water be near a meadow. It may pass beside it, and leave it -dry. There must be conduits and canals by which the water may pass, -spread over, and fertilize the lands. Calvin thought that he was bound -to do something of this sort for the establishment of the church which -he had at heart. - -The earnestness with which he insisted on the necessity of a truly -Christian life is, perhaps, the distinguishing characteristic of Calvin -among all the Reformers. ‘There ought to be perceptible in our life,’ -said he, a ‘_melody_ and _harmony_ between the justice of God and our -own condition, and _the image of Christ ought to appear in our -obedience_. If God adopt us for his children, it is to this -_life_.’[125] In the _Ordinances_ he did not stop to demonstrate this -doctrine; it was not the place to do so. He kept to the practical side. -‘With regard to what belongs to the Christian life,’ said he, ‘the -faults which are in it must be corrected.’ And, contrary to the common -opinion, he adds with regard to the remonstrances to be made, -‘Nevertheless, let all this be carried out _with such moderation, that -there may be no severity to burden_ any one; and also let correction be -only mild (_médiocre_), to bring back sinners to our Lord.’ - -[Sidenote: The Ministry.] - -Calvin especially sets himself to establish what the ministry in the -church ought to be; and in doing this he shows not only what the -ministers, but also what the members of the Church ought to be: for St. -Paul says to the faithful, _Be ye imitators of me, as I also am of -Christ_. ‘There are,’ says Calvin, ‘four orders of offices which our -Lord has instituted for the government of his Church: Firstly, pastors; -next, teachers; after them, elders; and, fourthly, deacons.’[126] He -names pastors before teachers; _faith_ first, according to the -Scriptures, and afterwards _knowledge_. - -Speaking first of pastors, Calvin insists on the importance of doctrine, -or of faith in Christ, since so long as we have not this, ‘we are,’ said -he, ‘only dry and useless wood; but all those who have a living root in -Christ are, on the contrary, fruitful vines.’ ‘The first thing,’ say the -_Ordinances_, ‘is _touching doctrine_. It will be right for the -ministers to declare that they _hold the doctrine_ approved in the -church; and it will be necessary to hear them treat particularly _the -doctrine of the Lord_.’[127] But he takes great pains to show that he -means a living doctrine, and not a dry, scholastic dogma. ‘It must be -such as the minister may communicate to the people to edification.’[128] -And, as he elsewhere says, ‘since there is no truth if it is not shown -by its fruits,’ he desires that the minister should teach by his life, -‘being a man of good moral character, and always conducting himself -blamelessly.’[129] On this point he insists. He knows that morals are -the science of man; and, nevertheless, as was said at a later period, -that ‘in the times we live in, the corruption of morals is in the -convents, and in the devotional books of monks and nuns....’[130] He -enlarges, therefore, on this topic, and gives a long catalogue of vices -which are altogether intolerable in a minister, the model of the flock. -‘Manifest blasphemy,’ he said, ‘and all kinds of bribery, falsehood, -perjury, immodesty, thefts, drunkenness, fighting, usury, scandalous -games, any crime entailing civil disgrace, and many other sins besides.’ -Any minister who commits these crimes ought to be deposed from his -office, so that a lesson may thus be given to all Christians. He admits, -however, that there are vices the correction of which ought to be -attempted by brotherly admonition, such as ‘a manner of dealing with -Scripture which is unusual, and gives rise to scandal; curiosity, which -prompts idle questioning; negligence in studying the holy books. -Buffoonery (_scurrilité_), lying, evil-speaking (_détraction_), -licentious words, injurious words, rashness, cunning tricks (_mauvaises -cautèles_), avarice and excessive niggardliness, unbridled anger, -quarrelling, &c.’[131] Calvin has been frequently censured for his -severe morality; but a celebrated French moralist, a member of the -Academy, La Bruyère—said, ‘An easy and slack morality falls to the -ground with him who preaches it.’ Calvin thought the same. - -But he knew that rules and prohibitions would not suffice. He was -acquainted with that saying of the wise man of Israel, ‘Train up a child -in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from -it.’[132] Thus say the _Ordinances_—‘At noon on Sundays let there be a -catechizing, that is to say, instruction of young children in all the -three churches. Let all citizens and inhabitants be under obligation to -bring or send their children to it. Let a certain formulary be provided -as a basis of this instruction; that while doctrine is imparted to them, -they may be questioned about what has been said, to see if they have -really understood and retained it. When a child is sufficiently -instructed to dispense with the catechism, let him solemnly repeat the -substance of its contents, and thus make a sort of profession of -Christianity in the presence of the church.’[133] Calvin knew and taught -that ‘when little children are presented to the Lord, he receives them -humanely and with great gentleness,’ and he added ‘that it would be a -too cruel thing to exclude (_forclorre_) from the grace of God those who -are of this age.’ He wishes ‘the elders _to have an eye to them_, that -they may watch over them.’[134] He thus says in his _Ordinances_, what a -great poet has repeated in his verses: - - O vous, sur ces enfants, si chers, si précieux, - Ministres du Seigneur, ayez toujours les yeux.[135] - -[Sidenote: Schools And Charities.] - -It is not with children alone that he concerns himself, it is with all -the weak. He thinks of the sick. He fear that many neglect to find -consolation in God by His word, and die without the doctrine which would -then be to them more salutary than ever; and he requires that no one -should be sick more than three days without sending for a minister. He -takes thought for the poor, and will have the deacons receive and -dispense ‘as well the daily alms as possessions, annuities, and -pensions.’[136] He does not forget the sick poor, and will have ‘them -cared for and their wounds dressed.’ He demands for the town hospital a -paid physician and surgeon, who shall also visit the other poor. He -thinks also of foreigners. Many came to Geneva to escape persecution. He -therefore founds a hospital for wayfarers.[137] He demands a separate -hospital for the plague. But with regard to beggary, he declares it -contrary to good police, and wishes that ‘officers should be appointed -to remove from the place the beggars who would offer resistance -(_belistrer_); and if they were rude and insolent (_qu’ils se -rebecquassent_)’ he demands that they should be brought before one of -the syndics.[138] With respect to the last class of the unfortunate, -prisoners, he wishes that every Saturday afternoon they should be -assembled for admonition and exhortation, and that if any of them should -be in chains (_aux ceps_) and it is not thought advisable to remove -them, admission should be granted to some minister to console them; for -if it is put off till they are to be led out to die, they are often so -overcome by terror that they can neither receive nor understand any -thing.[139] - -For these functions and for others, great care must be taken in the -choice of men for the ‘four orders of offices which the Lord has -instituted for the government of his church.’ - -‘No one is to intrude into the office of a minister without a call.’ We -have seen that the examination turns on doctrine and on morals. There is -no room for hesitation in regard to this: but there was in Calvin’s mind -some doubt as to the mode of their election. He had always acknowledged -that two orders ought to have a share in it: the pastors and the people. -But in the _Institution chrétienne_, in which he speaks in general -terms, he insists _that the common freedom and right of the church_ (_du -troupeau_) _shall be in no respect infringed or diminished_. He desires -that ‘the pastor should preside at the elections, in order to lead the -people _by good counsel and not for the purpose of cutting out their -work for them according to their own views, without regard to others_.’ -‘The pastors,’ he adds, ‘ought to preside at the election in order that -the multitude may not proceed in a frivolous, fractious, or tumultuous -manner.’[140] Now Calvin in the _Ordinances_ went beyond this rule. He -established ‘that the _ministers should in the first instance elect_ the -man who was to be appointed to the office; that afterwards he should be -presented to the Council; and that if the Council accepted him, he -should be _finally_ introduced to the people by preaching, to the end -that he might be received by the common consent of the faithful.’[141] -Assuredly the right of the church was hereby _curtailed_. Calvin might -be mistaken in his estimate, and might suppose that the bold Genevese -would dare to reject the elect of two authorities, the spiritual and the -temporal. It did not turn out so; the consent of the people was an empty -ceremony and was ultimately dispensed with. The source of the evil was -the circumstance that church and nation were the same body; and that the -nation supplied the church with a great number of members who had -neither the intelligence nor the piety necessary to the choice of -competent and pious ministers. When the church is composed of men who -openly profess the great truths of the Gospel and conform their lives -thereto, it is possible to trust to the flock, which does not exclude -the natural influence of pastors. But when the church is a vast medley, -when perhaps even the incompetent elements predominate in it, it is -necessary to assign a larger share in the election to the ministers. -Calvin, however, made it too large, for it annulled that of the members -of the church. But election in a church by numbers is always a difficult -matter. The _Ordinances_ added ‘that for the purpose of introducing the -elected minister, it would be proper to adopt the practice of laying on -of hands, as in the time of the apostles; but that considering the -superstitions which have prevailed in past ages, the practice shall be -disused from regard to the infirmity of the times.’[142] The laying on -of hands was at a later period re-established. - -The elected minister was to take, at the hands of the syndics and -council, an oath, prepared subsequently, by which he pledged himself ‘to -serve God faithfully, setting forth his word purely, with a good -conscience making use of his doctrine for the promotion of his glory and -for the benefit of the people, without giving way either to hatred or to -favor or to any other carnal desire, taking pains that the people may -dwell together in peace and unity, and setting an example of obedience -to all others.’[143] - -[Sidenote: The Teachers.] - -After the order of ministers, Calvin places ‘that of teachers,’ which he -calls also ‘the order of schools.’ The _reader in theology_ is to make -it his aim ‘that the purity of the Gospel be not corrupted by ignorance -or erroneous opinions.’[144] ‘Sound doctrine,’ said he elsewhere, ‘must -be carefully entrusted to the hands of faithful ministers who are -competent to teach it;’ and in this way he established, after St. Paul -(I Tim. ii. 2), the necessity for schools of theology. - -He did not stop here; he pleaded the cause of letters and the sciences. -‘These lessons’ (theological) said he, ‘cannot profit unless there be in -the first place instruction in languages and natural science.’ Then, -anxious ‘to raise up seed for the time to come,’ he applies himself to -the case of childhood. ‘It will be needful,’ he says, ‘to erect a -college for the instruction of children, in order to prepare them as -well for the ministry as for the civil government. Consequently, he -demands for young people ‘a learned man who shall have under his charge -readers (professors) as well in languages as in dialectics, and, in -addition, masters to teach young children.’[145] Calvin, endowed with -great clearness of understanding, would have none of ‘those subtilties -by means of which men who are greedy of reputation push themselves into -notice, and which are puffed out to such a size that they hide the true -doctrines of the Gospel, which is simple and makes little show, while -this ostentatious pomp is received with applause by the world.’ But -while aware of the uselessness and the danger of half knowledge and of -‘those flighty speculations which make the simplicity of the true -doctrine contemptible in the eyes of a world almost always attracted by -outward display,’ he attached importance to the acquisition of -information, and to variety of knowledge on many subjects. Hence, in all -lands into which his influence has penetrated, it is found that the -people are well taught, and true science held in honor. - -After the teachers come the elders, of whom there were to be twelve, -that is to say, nearly two elders to each minister. They were to be -‘people of good life and honesty, without reproach and beyond suspicion, -above all fearing God and having much spiritual discretion.’ Lastly come -the deacons, whose functions we have already pointed out.[146] - -[Sidenote: The Consistory.] - -The assembly of the ministers and the elders formed the consistory. The -twelve elders were elected, not by the church, but by the Council of -State or Little Council. They were not taken indiscriminately from among -the members of the church. Two were to belong to the Little Council, -four to the Council of Sixty, and six to the Council of the Two Hundred. -Before proceeding, however, to the election, the Council summoned the -ministers to state their views on the subject; and when election had -been made, it was presented to the Council of the Two Hundred, for its -approval.[147] These elders appointed or delegated by the Councils were -substantially magistrates; but the fact that the ministers were -consulted, the influence which the pastors must have over their lay -colleagues, and the very nature of their functions made them rather -beings of two species, belonging partly to the church and partly to the -state. This fact indeed gives peculiar importance to this body. It has -frequently been called a tribunal; but it was not such in reality. -Exhortation and conciliation played the principal part in its -proceedings. It has also been said that matters of doctrine belonged to -the ministers, and matters of morality to the elders. This is not the -exact truth. The two classes of men who formed the consistory had to do -with errors of both kinds. Lastly, this body had been likened to the -Inquisition. We cast aside with indignation this assimilation of -Genevese presbyterianism to the terrible, secret, and cruel institution -which depopulated provinces, which cost Spain alone the loss of five -millions of her subjects, which filled her with superstitions and -ignorance and lowered her in the scale of nations, while Geneva, under -the influence of her pastors, and her elders, increased in intelligence, -in morality, in prosperity, in population, in influence, and in -greatness. - -The pastors took charge of the public worship. The preaching of the Word -was to be the essential feature of it. ‘The duty of the pastors,’ say -the Ordinances, ‘who are sometimes also named in the Scriptures -overseers (_episcopos_), elders, and ministers, is _to announce the Word -of God_ for instruction, admonition, exhortation, and reproof.’[148] The -Reformation deprived the priest of his magic, his power to transform by -a word a bit of bread and make of it the body and blood of Christ—Jesus -Christ in his entire being as God and man. This glory, with which the -head of the priest had till this time been encompassed, was now taken -from him; the minister was servant of the Word, and this was his glory. -The service of the Word became the centre of all the functions of a -minister. ‘Every time the Gospel is preached,’ said Calvin, ‘it is as if -God himself came in person solemnly to summon us, to the end that we may -no longer be like people groping in darkness, and not knowing whither to -go.’[149] The times for preaching were multiplied by Calvin. On Sunday -there were sermons at daybreak, again at nine o’clock, and at three -o’clock; and six in the course of the week.[150] - -[Sidenote: Frequent Communion.] - -While, however, Calvin most energetically rejected the superstition of -the mass, he knew that Christ would have in his church not only the -teaching of the truth by the word, but besides this, union with him. To -_know_ him was insufficient; it was needful to _have_ him. He insisted -on the fact that Christ verily imparted to his disciples not only his -doctrine, but in addition to that his life. This is recalled to mind by -the sacrament of the Supper, which becomes in truth a means of communion -with the Saviour, by quickening faith in his body which is broken for -us, in his blood which is shed for remission of sins. We find him also -again and again expressing his desire for a frequent communion. He did -not obtain this, and doubtless understood that as he had to do with a -multitude often caring little about this union, it would not do to have -the Supper too frequently repeated. But it remained ever true that the -Lord, having promised his presence to every assembly gathered in his -name,[151] could not be absent from the feast to which he invited his -people, and there gave heavenly food to those who had faith to receive -it. - -Lastly, Calvin assigned an important place to the public prayers. Those -which he composed himself, which appear in his liturgy, are rich not -only in doctrine but in spiritual power. He wished also that all the -people should take an active part in the worship by the singing of -psalms. The whole service was simple but serious, full of dignity and -calling the people to worship in spirit and in truth.[152] - -The elders had the function of _overseers_, which is expressed by the -Greek word ἐπίσκοπος. One of these was elected in each quarter of the -town, _in order to have an eye everywhere_.[153] ‘They used to be -accompanied,’ says Bonivard in his _Police Ecclésiastique_, ‘by the -tithing-men (_dizeniers_) from house to house, asking of all the members -of the household a reason for their faith. After that, if they think -that there is any evil in the house, general or particular, they -admonish to repentance.’ The consistory ‘met once a week, on Thursday -morning, to see if there were any disorder in the church and to discuss -remedies, when needful.’ Those who taught contrary to the received -doctrine and those who showed themselves to be despisers of -ecclesiastical order were to be called before it, for the purpose of -conference and to be admonished. If they became obedient they were to be -dismissed with kindliness; but if they persisted in going from bad to -worse, after being thrice admonished, they were to be separated from the -church.[154] - -Private vices were to be privately rebuked; and no one was to bring his -neighbor before the church for any offence which was not notorious or -scandalous, except after being proved rebellious. With respect to -notorious and open vices, the duty of the elders would be to call before -them those who are tainted with them, for the purpose of addressing -friendly representations to them and, if amendment should appear, to -trouble them no further. If they persisted in doing wrong, they were to -be admonished a second time. If, after all, this should have no effect, -they were to be denounced as despisers of God, and to be kept away from -the Lord’s Supper until a change of life was seen in them.[155] - -We cannot deny, however, that the Ordinances were severe, and that men -and women were summoned before the consistory on grounds which now -appear very trivial. Consequently, this discipline has been spoken -against in the modern world. But minds more enlightened do justice to -Calvin. ‘Without the transformation of morals,’ says a magistrate of our -own times, distinguished for his moderation and the fairness of his -views, ‘the reformation at Geneva would have been nothing more than a -change in the forms of worship. The new foundation which was needed for -a perpetual struggle would have been wanting. Nothing less than the -genius of Calvin, admitted even by his opponents, would have sufficed to -inspire with enthusiasm and to transform a people, and to breathe into -it a new life. In order to effect a religious revolution, as he -understood it, the submission of all the outward actions of life to a -severe discipline was necessary; but the burden of this discipline in -the sixteenth century must not be estimated by the conceptions of the -nineteenth.[156] In that age it would everywhere meet with the principle -of obedience in full force; and it was lightened for all by the -knowledge that no social position was exempted from its operation.’ - -[Sidenote: Supremacy Of The State.] - -Calvin knew that a hand mightier than his must establish religious and -moral order in Geneva. ‘If God do not work by his spirit,’ said he, ‘all -the doctrine that may be set forth will be like a trifle thrown to the -winds.’ There was at this time a sort of public manifestation of this -thought. In the month of December, 1542, the Council ordered that the -monogram of the name of Jesus should be engraved on the gates of the -town (_Jésus gravés en pierre_).[157] The chronicles of Roset say that -the Council ‘ordered to be engraved on the gates of the new walls which -were being built, _the name of Jesus above the armorial bearings_.’[158] -It is very commonly stated that this resolution was adopted at the -request of Calvin; but neither the registers of the Council, nor those -of the consistory, nor Roset, mention it. This does not indeed imply -that he had nothing to do with it; and this inscription was at all -events placed by order of the Council, which was friendly to Calvin. But -it was nothing new. Roset states that ‘this name was engraved on the old -gates of the city, _time out of mind_.’ It had been placed there on the -demand of the syndics, in 1471, and the custom appears to be still more -ancient. - -Opinions differ as to the nature of the government of the church of -Geneva in the sixteenth century. Some have called it a _theocracy_, and -have seen in it the predominance of the church over the state. This view -is the most widely spread, and is current among both friends and -opponents of the reformer. In our days the contrary view has been -maintained. It has been asserted that at the time of the reformation of -Geneva, the authority of the state was completely substituted for that -of the ecclesiastical power; that the Council from that time intruded on -ground which was altogether within the province of the church. In fact, -it went to such a length as to regulate the hour and the number of -sermons; and a minister could neither publish a book, nor absent himself -for a few days, without the permission of the Council.[159] - -[Sidenote: State Control Of The Church.] - -This last point of view is the true one; but there were sometimes -circumstances which modified this state of things. Much depended on the -relations of Calvin with the governing body. If he were not on good -terms with them, the Council rigorously imposed its authority. Thus it -was that in the affair of Servetus, Calvin, in spite of reiterated -demands, could not induce the magistrate to soften the punishment of the -unhappy Spaniard. But when their relations were agreeable, Calvin’s -influence was undoubtedly powerful. There is no need to suppose that the -state of things was always the same and absolutely self-consistent. But -if the legislation be considered by itself, apart from the -circumstances, which we have just pointed out, and without regard to the -conviction which possessed Calvin’s mind that when essential matters of -faith are at stake we must obey God, and not man, then it is not untrue -to say that ‘Calvin impressed on his organization a lay, not to say a -democratic, stamp; that he did not invest the clergy either with -exclusive authority or even with the presidency of the church; and that -assigning carefully the part of the magistrate and that of the ministry -he set at the summit of his scheme a secular episcopate, which he placed -in the hands of the state.’[160] - -It is true that this episcopate was placed in the hands of the state; -but it is not certain that it was Calvin who placed it there. It was the -state that assumed it. Before Calvin’s arrival, and while Farel and his -friends were evangelizing Geneva, the Council had constantly exercised -this overseership; and it was unwilling to throw it up by resigning it -afterwards to the ministers. The Ordinances were not accepted exactly in -the form in which Calvin had conceived them. The commission, of which -the majority were laymen, and the Council itself, introduced corrections -and additions, as we have previously remarked. But we insist on this -point in order that the part of Calvin and that of the Council in this -business may be clearly distinguished from each other. If the draft -names the _elders_, the official copy adds, ‘Otherwise named _appointees -of the seignory_ (_commis par la seigneurie_);’ and elsewhere, -‘_deputies of the seignory to the consistory_.’[161] This is important. -If the subject be the examination of a minister, and his introduction to -the people, the official copy adds, ‘being first of all, after -examination had, _presented to the seignory_.’ If the draft says, ‘To -obviate any scandals of life it will be necessary that there should be -some form of correction;’ the official copy adds, ‘_which shall pertain -to the seignory_.’ If the draft says of the schoolmaster, ‘that no one -is to be received unless he is approved by the ministers;’ the official -copy adds, ‘_having first of all presented him to the seignory_, and -that the examination must be made _in the presence of two lords of the -Little Council_.’ If the draft set out how the elders and the ministers -are to proceed in their admonitions, the Council adds, ‘We have ordered -that the said ministers are not to assume to themselves any -jurisdiction; but that they are merely to hear the parties, and make the -above-mentioned representations; and upon their statement of the case we -shall be able to consult, and to deliver judgment, according to the -exigencies of the case.’ - -Finally, the following additional article, proposed by the commission, -was inserted in the official text, at the end of the Ordinances. ‘And -let all this be done in such a manner that the ministers may have no -civil jurisdiction, and make use only of the spiritual sword of the Word -of God, as St. Paul enjoins upon them. And that this consistory shall in -no respect trench upon either the authority of the seignory or ordinary -courts of justice; but that the civil power may continue in its -integrity. And if there should be need of inflicting any penalty and of -attaching the parties, that the ministers with the consistory, after -hearing the parties and making such representations as shall be proper, -are to report the whole to the Council, which, on their statement, will -consider of their decree, and give judgment according to the -facts.’[162] - -The Council displayed its zeal even in mere trifles. Not once only, but -every time the word _elder_ occurs, it added to it or substituted for it -the words _appointed or deputed by the seignory_. And whenever the -report, to designate the Council, employs the word _Messieurs_, the -official copy does not fail to insert in its place _the seignory_. - -If Calvin had a large share in the Ordinances, assuredly the Council had -its share too. The corrections which Calvin’s work received at their -hands are all the more remarkable because at no other time did they hold -him in greater esteem. The members of the seignory were friends of his, -and the reformer having yielded to their entreaties so frequently -repeated, it would have been natural that they should exhibit some -deference to him; but, on the contrary, their manner of proceeding had a -little stiffness in it. Calvin having, it seems, some fears about the -alterations which the Council might have introduced into his scheme, -requested, in concert with his colleagues, to see them; but the Council -decided _that it was not for the preachers to revise them_,[163] and -that the whole should be delivered the same day to the Council of the -Two Hundred. - -[Sidenote: Limits Of Calvin’s Responsibility.] - -According to all these data, the responsibility of Calvin in the -ecclesiastical government of Geneva does not seem so great as is -supposed; and the circumstance that the deputies or nominees of the -Council formed the majority in the consistory is certainly significant. -Many of the alterations or additions were just. This was especially the -case with the article which assigned to the ministers the spiritual -sword alone. Calvin must have acceded to it with joy. But others were -real encroachments of the civil power. It is probable that the reformer -was pained to see them, for he wished the church to have for its supreme -law the word of its divine head. He would never have made a compromise -on doctrine; but considering the great work which had to be done in -Geneva, he believed—as otherwise he must have renounced the hope of -accomplishing it—that he ought to make concessions on some points of -government. He always condemned ‘the hypocrites who, while omitting -judgment, mercy, and faith, and even reviling the law, are all the more -rigorous in matters which are not of great importance.’ _He did not -strain at a gnat while he swallowed a camel._ The dangers involved in -the intrusion of the state into the affairs of the church were not -recognized in his time; and the sacrifices which he made were more -important than he imagined. - -Footnote 117: - - Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 299. - -Footnote 118: - - Calvin to Bucer, Oct. 15, 1541.—_Opp._ xi. p. 299. - -Footnote 119: - - In a letter to some anonymous correspondent Calvin speaks of about - twenty days. ‘Intra viginti dies formulam composuimus.’ This passage - cannot invalidate the other account, and is not far from agreeing with - it. - -Footnote 120: - - Registers of September 28. - -Footnote 121: - - Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. Registers of September 29. - -Footnote 122: - - Registers, October 25 and 27; November 9 and 20, 1541; and January 2, - 1542. Roset, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. 50. Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 8. - Gautier, book vi. p. 485. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 15; xi. p. 379. - -Footnote 123: - - Calv. _Opp._ x. 15-30. Scheme of ecclesiastical ordinances. This - introduction (p. 16) is found at the head of the ordinances in the - Registers of the Venerable Company of Pastors, to which they were - officially communicated. - -Footnote 124: - - Memoir sent to the Council of Constance. See also _Pici Mirandulæ ad - Leonem P. M. de Reformandis Moribus_. - -Footnote 125: - - _Institution de la Religion Chrétienne_, book iii. ch. 6. - -Footnote 126: - - Calvin on John xv. 4, 5. - -Footnote 127: - - _Ordonnances ecclésiastiques._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 17. - -Footnote 128: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 129: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 130: - - Pascal. - -Footnote 131: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 19, 20. - -Footnote 132: - - Proverbs, xxii. 6. - -Footnote 133: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 28. - -Footnote 134: - - _Ibid._ p. 28. - -Footnote 135: - - Racine.—_Athalie._ - -Footnote 136: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 23. - -Footnote 137: - - _Ibid._ p. 24. - -Footnote 138: - - Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 27. - -Footnote 139: - - _Ibid._ pp. 27 and 28. - -Footnote 140: - - See, for these quotations, _Institution chrétienne_, book iv. ch. 3. - sect. 15. - -Footnote 141: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. Opp. x. p. 17. - -Footnote 142: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 18. - -Footnote 143: - - _Ibid._ pp. 31, 32. - -Footnote 144: - - _Ibid._ p. 21. - -Footnote 145: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 21, 22. - -Footnote 146: - - _Ibid._ pp. 22, 23. - -Footnote 147: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 22. - -Footnote 148: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 17. - -Footnote 149: - - Calvin on Matt. xxiv. 14. - -Footnote 150: - - _Ordonnances_, Calv. x. pp. 20, 21. (The article of the Ordinances - appears to say _five_, not _six_.) ‘On work-days, in addition to the - two customary preachings, there shall be preaching at St. Peter’s - three times a week, to wit, on Monday, Tuesday, and Friday, before it - begins at the other places.’—Editor. - -Footnote 151: - - ‘Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in - the midst of them.’—Matt. xviii. 20. - -Footnote 152: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 25, 26. - -Footnote 153: - - _Ibid._ p. 22. - -Footnote 154: - - _Ibid._ x. p. 29. - -Footnote 155: - - _Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 30. - -Footnote 156: - - _Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire de Genève_, - 1541-1814, by M. the Syndic Auguste Cramer. These autograph notes have - not been printed. - -Footnote 157: - - Registers of the Council of December 27, 1542. - -Footnote 158: - - Roset, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. chap. 61. In the middle ages the - name of Jesus took an _h_ (Jhesus or Jehesus). It was represented by - the letters J H S, with a mark of abbreviation above them. These three - letters were subsequently considered to be the initials of the formula - JESUS HOMINUM SALVATOR.—Blavignac, Armorial Genevois. _Mémoires - d’Archéologie_, vol. vi. p. 176. - -Footnote 159: - - Roget, _L’Eglise et l’Etat_, Geneva, 1867, p. 7. - -Footnote 160: - - Cramer, _Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire_. - Geneva, 1853, p. 5. - -Footnote 161: - - Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 21, note 4. - -Footnote 162: - - _Ordonnances_, &c. Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 16, 17, 21, 22, 29, 30. - -Footnote 163: - - Registers of the Council, November 9, 1541. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - CALVIN’S PREACHING. - - -A great work had thus been accomplished; it remained to make practical -application of its principles. The machine must work, must bring into -act on the spiritual forces, and produce a movement in the pathway of -light. As soon as Calvin had settled at Geneva he had resumed the duties -of his ministry. On Sundays he conducted divine service, and had daily -service every other week.[164] He devoted three hours in each week to -theological teaching; he visited the sick, and administered private -reproof. He received strangers; attended the consistory on Thursday, and -directed its deliberations; on Friday was present at the conference on -Scripture, called the _congregation_; and, after the minister in office -for the day had presented his views on some passage of Scripture, and -the other pastors had made their remarks, Calvin added some -observations, which were _a kind of lecture_. He wished, as he -afterwards said, that every minister should be diligent in studying, and -that no one should become indolent. The week in which he did not preach -was filled up with other duties; and he had duties of every kind. In -particular, he devoted much attention to the refugees who flocked to -Geneva, driven by persecution out of France and Italy;[165] he taught -and exhorted them. He consoled, by his letters, ‘those who were still in -the jaws of the lion;’ he interceded for them. In his study he threw -light on the sacred writings by admirable commentaries, and confuted the -writings of the enemies of the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Principal Office.] - -Calvin’s principal office, however, was that which, in the Ordinances, -he had assigned to the minister; namely, _to proclaim the Word of God -for instruction, admonition, exhortation, and reproof_.[166] It is -important to observe that he gives to preaching a practical character. -He felt the need of this so strongly that he established it in the -fundamental law of the church. For all this, it has been said that we -find in his discourses chiefly ‘political eloquence, the eloquence of -the forum, of the agora.’[167] Unfortunately, the finest minds have -believed this on mere hearsay. Reproaches of another kind have been made -against him. It has been supposed that his sermons were full of nothing -but obscure and barren doctrines. Calvin is certainly quite able to -stand up for himself, and needs not the help of others. His works are -sufficient, and if they were read as they deserve to be, although he -might not be found eloquent after the present fashion, he would be found -invariably Christian; a man possessing great knowledge of the world, -with a strong popular element. - -It is indispensable, however, to give in this place some account of -Calvin’s preaching. He was, with Luther, the most important actor at the -epoch of the Reformation; and there is no character in history more -misunderstood than he is. It is a duty to come to the aid of one who is -assailed—were it even the weakest that offers his aid to the strongest. -Besides, it is no task of special pleading that we undertake. We shall -confine ourselves to laying before the reader the documentary evidence -in the trial. - -Two or three thousand of Calvin’s sermons are extant. He could not spend -weeks on the composition of a homily. During great part of the year he -preached every day, sometimes twice a day. He did not write his sermons, -but delivered them extempore. A short-hand writer took down his -discourses during their delivery.[168] These sermons opened the -treasures of the Scriptures, and spread them abroad amongst men; and -they were full of useful applications. - -[Sidenote: Calvin’s Sermons.] - -Calvin usually selected some book of the Bible, and preached a series of -sermons on the divine words contained in it. These were published in -large _infolios_. One volume appeared which contained a hundred and -fifty-nine sermons on Job; another which consisted of two hundred -sermons on Deuteronomy; in a third were given a hundred on the Epistles -to Timothy and Titus. There are volumes of sermons on the Epistles to -the Ephesians, the Corinthians, the Galatians, &c. How can it be thought -that on these sacred books Calvin would deliver harangues of the -_forum_? We have seen, from the Ordinances, that he esteemed it a great -fault in a preacher to adopt _an unusual manner of treating the -Scriptures, which gives occasion for scandal; a curious propensity to -indulge in idle questionings, &c._ While so many prejudices with regard -to Calvin exist among Protestants, there are Catholics who have done -justice to him. One of these, a writer not generally friendly to him, -has acknowledged that, according to this reformer, ‘the first and -principal duty of the preacher is to be always in agreement with Holy -Scripture. It is only on condition of his faithfully and conscientiously -setting forth the divine word, that he has any right to the obedience -and confidence of the church. From the moment that he ceases to preach -the pure Gospel, his right to speak is extinct.’[169] It is a pleasure -to record this just and true judgment. It is entirely in agreement with -what Calvin said of himself from the pulpit. ‘We must all,’ he said, ‘be -pupils of the Holy Scriptures, even to the end; even those, I mean, who -are appointed to proclaim the Word. If we enter the pulpit, it is on -this condition, that we learn while teaching others. I am not speaking -here merely that others may hear me; but I too, for my part, must be a -pupil of God, and the word which goes forth from my lips must profit -myself; otherwise woe is me! The most accomplished in the Scripture are -fools, unless they acknowledge that they have need of God for their -schoolmaster all the days of their life.’[170] In Calvin’s view, every -thing that had not for its foundation the Word of God was a futile and -ephemeral boast; and the man who did not lean on Scripture ought to be -deprived of his title of honor, _spoliandus est honoris sui titulo_. -This was not the rule laid down for the orators of the agora. - -Calvin used to preach in the cathedral church of St. Peter, which was -more particularly adapted for preaching. A great multitude thronged the -place to hear him. Among his hearers he had the old Genevese, but also a -continually increasing number of evangelical Christians, who took refuge -at Geneva on account of persecution, and who belonged, for the most -part, to the most highly cultivated of their nation. Among them were -also some Catholic priests and laymen, who had come to Geneva with the -intention of professing there the reformed doctrines, and to these men -it was very necessary to teach the doctrine of salvation. But if, in the -sixteenth century, people came from a great distance to hear Calvin, -will they be ready at this day, without stirring from their homes, to -make acquaintance with some of those discourses which at that period -contributed to the transformation of society, and which were, as usually -stated on the title-page, ‘taken down _verbatim_ from his lips as he -publicly preached them’? They are considered by many persons the weakest -of his productions, and it is hardly thought worth while even to glance -at them. It is generally asserted that what was printed in the sixteenth -century is unreadable in the nineteenth. Times are indeed changed; but -there are still readers who, when studying an epoch, desire to see at -first-hand the words of its most distinguished men. It is our duty to -satisfy such readers. - -Calvin ascended the pulpit. The words which he uttered, instead of -resembling those which were heard in the political gatherings of Greece -and Rome, bore rather the impress of the sermon on the mount, addressed -by Jesus Christ to his disciples assembled around him. We may enter the -church of St. Peter’s any day that we like, and our judgment will soon -be formed on these questions. - -Calvin has a word about the young, which is still a word in season for -our day. - -‘_Wherewithal_,’ said he one day, ‘_shall a young man cleanse his way? -By taking heed thereto according to thy word._ If we desire that our -life should be pure and simple, we must not each one devise and build up -what seems good to himself; but God must rule over us and we must obey -him, by walking in the way which he appoints for us. And if in this -passage it is the young man that is spoken of, we are not to suppose -that it does not also concern the old. But we know what the ebullitions -of youth are, and how great is the difficulty of holding in check these -violent affections. It is as if David said—The young go astray like the -beasts which cannot be tamed; and they have such fiery passions that -they break away just at the moment when they seem to be well in hand. -But if they followed this counsel to take heed to themselves according -to the word of God, it is certain that though their passions naturally -break through restraint, we should see in them modesty and a quiet and -gentle demeanor. Let us not put off remembering God till we are come to -the crazy years of old age, and till we are broken and worn out in -body.’[171] - -The same day Calvin addressed those who loved money, and pointed out the -way to find true happiness. ‘_I have rejoiced_, says David, _in the way -of Thy testimonies as much as in all riches._ What must we do to taste -this joy? It is impossible,’ says Calvin, ‘that we should know the -sweetness of the word of God, or that the doctrine of salvation should -be pleasant to us, unless we have first cut off all those lusts and -sinful affections which too much prevail in our hearts. It is just as if -we expected to get wheat to grow in a field full of briars, thorns, and -weeds, or to make a vine flourish on stones and rocks where there is no -moisture. For what is the nature of man? It is a soil so barren that -there is nothing more so; and all his affections are briars, thorns, and -weeds, which can only choke and destroy all the good seed of God.’[172] - -[Sidenote: Sermon To Worldlings.] - -On another occasion Calvin addressed the friends of the world; and -quoting these words of David—‘_I am a stranger on the earth, hide not -thy commandments from me_,’ he added, ‘There are some who in imagination -make their permanent nest in this world, who expect to have their -Paradise here, and feel no want of the commandments of God for their -salvation. They are satisfied if they have their meat and drink, if they -are able to gratify their appetites, have pleasures and delights, be -honored and held in respect. This is all they ask for, and they rise no -higher than this perishable and decaying life. Suppose a man given up to -avarice, to uncleanness, to drunkenness, or to ambition, and although he -should never hear a word of preaching, although he should never be -spoken to about Christianity or the life eternal, for all that he would -be quite content. To such men indeed it is irksome, it is to talk of -gloomy things, to speak to them of God. They would like never to hear -his name mentioned nor receive any tidings of him. But as for David, it -is as if he said—If I had regard only to the present life, it would be -better that I had not been born, or that I had been a hundred times -destroyed. And wherefore? Because we are merely passing through this -world and are on our way to an immortal life.’[173] - -Subsequently he deals with another class of characters; he directs his -attention to those who have only sudden and transitory fits of devotion, -and who only turn to God by fits and starts. ‘We ought not to have fits -(_bouffées_), as many persons have, for glorifying God; and with whom, -lift but a finger, it is all reversed. There may be some to-day who will -feign that they are very devout. What a fine sermon! they will say. What -admirable doctrine? And to-morrow how will it be with them? They will -for all this go on mocking God and uttering taunts against his Word; or -if God should send them adversity, then they will be fretted with him. -True, the present life is subject to many vicissitudes; to-day we may -have some sorrow; to-morrow we may be at ease; afterwards some sudden -trouble may fall upon us; and then once more we come right. But -notwithstanding this succession of changes, men must not bend to every -wind; but while passing over the waves of the sea must be strong in that -righteousness and uprightness which is the word of God.’[174] ... - -Calvin was struck with that exclusive self-love which exists in man. He -believed, as was said by Pascal, a man whose intellect in many respects -resembled his own, that ‘since sin occurred man has lost the first of -his loves, the love for God; and the love for himself being left alone -in this great soul, capable of an infinite love, this self-love has -extended itself and overflowed into the void left by the love for God; -and thus he has loved himself alone and all things for himself, that is -to say, infinitely.’ Calvin energetically demands of man love to God. -‘If a man,’ says he, ‘is so sensitive that he is moved to avenge himself -the moment he is wounded, and yet does not trouble himself at all when -God is insulted and his law thrown to the ground, does it not show -clearly that he is altogether fleshly, yea, more, that he is brutal -(_tenant de la brute_)? It is a common characteristic of men, that if -any wrong is done to them, they will be disturbed about it to the end. -Let the honor of a man be touched, he flies immediately into a rage, and -cares for nothing but to proceed against the offender. Let a man be -robbed, his anger will be unappeasable. He is concerned about his purse, -his meadows, his possessions, his houses, whichever it may be, and he -will feel that he is wronged. But the man who has well regulated -affections will not have so much concern for his own honor or for his -own property as for the justice of God when this is violated. We ought -to be affected by offences committed against God rather than by what -merely concerns ourselves. There are very few who care at all about -those offences. And if there be some who will say, “It grieves me that -people thus sin against God,” and who nevertheless allow themselves to -do as much evil or more than others, they show plainly that they are -mere hypocrites. They persecute men rather than hate vice, and they -prove that what they say is only feigning.’[175] - -Calvin in treating of other subjects appears full of grace and -simplicity. Surrounded as he was by violent enemies, he felt a lively -sympathy with David when in his Psalms he gives utterance to that cry of -anguish,—‘O Lord, how are mine enemies multiplied!’ Calvin likewise knew -what it was to be hated by furious enemies. - -[Sidenote: The Wandering Sheep.] - -He draws a touching picture of terror. It is a graceful parable. ‘_I -have gone astray like a lost sheep; save thy servant!_ David,’ he says, -‘was so terrified at his enemies because he suffered such great and -cruel persecutions. He was in the midst of them like a poor hunted lamb, -which when it catches sight of a wolf, flees to the mountains to hide -itself. Here was a poor lamb escaped from the jaws of the wolf, and so -terrified that if it come to a well, it will plunge in headlong rather -than pursue its way, for it knows not what to do nor what is to become -of it. And thus David, being terrified, cried out—Lord, redeem thy -servant! thus indicating that he leaned entirely on God’s protection and -this is what we must do.’[176] - -These fragments are taken from sermons on the Old Testament; it is worth -while to hear Calvin also on the New. People suppose that he put forward -gloomy doctrines, which shut man out from salvation instead of leading -him to it, and that he concerned himself with predestination alone. This -opinion is at once so widely diffused and so untrue that it is the -indispensable duty of the historian in this place to establish the -truth. Let us hear him on I Timothy, ii., 3, 4, 5. Calvin declares that -it is the will of God that all men should be saved. - -‘The Gospel,’ he says, ‘is offered to all, and this is the means of -drawing us to salvation. Nevertheless, are all benefited by it? -Certainly not, as we see at a glance. When once God’s truth has fallen -upon our ears, if we are rebels to it, it is for our greater -condemnation. God, therefore, must go further, in order to bring us to -salvation, and must not only appoint and send men to teach us -faithfully, but must himself be master in our hearts, _must touch us to -the quick and draw us to himself_. Then, adapting himself to our -weakness, he lisps to us in his Word, just as a nurse does to little -children. If God spoke according to his majesty, his language would be -too high and too difficult; we should be confounded, and all our senses -would be blinded. For if our eyes cannot bear the brightness of the sun, -is it possible, I ask you, for our minds to comprehend the divine -majesty? We say what every one sees: _It is God’s will that we should -all be saved_, when he commands that his Gospel shall be preached. The -gate of Paradise is opened for us; when we are thus invited, and when he -exhorts us to repentance, he is ready to receive us as soon as we come -to him.’ - -Calvin goes further and rebukes those who by their neglect set limits to -the extent of God’s dominion. - -‘It is not in Judea alone and in a corner of the country that the grace -of God is shed abroad,’ he says, ‘but up and down through all the earth. -It is God’s will that this grace should be known to all the world. We -ought, therefore, as far as lies in our power, to seek the salvation of -those who are to-day strangers to the faith, and endeavor to bring them -to the goodness of God. Why so? Because Jesus Christ is not the Saviour -of three or four, but offers himself to all. At the time when he drew us -to himself were we not enemies? Why are we now his children? It is -because he has gathered us to himself. Now, is he not as truly the -Saviour of all the world? Jesus Christ did not come to be mediator -between two or three men, but _between God and men_; not to reconcile a -small number of people to God, but to extend his grace to the whole -world. Since Jesus invites us all to himself, since he is ready to give -us loving access to his Father, is it not our duty to stretch out our -hand to those who do not know what this union is in order that we may -induce them to draw nigh? God, in the person of Jesus Christ, has his -arms as it were stretched out to welcome to himself those who seemed to -be separated from him. We must take care that it be not our fault that -they do not return to the flock. Those who make no endeavor to bring -back their neighbor into the way of salvation diminish the power of -God’s empire, as far as in them lies, and are willing to set limits to -it, so that he may not be Lord over all the world. They obscure the -virtue of the passion and death of Jesus Christ, and they lessen the -dignity which was conferred on him by God his Father; to wit, that -_to-day for his sake the gate of heaven is opened_, and that God will be -favorable to us when we come to seek him.’ - -But Calvin asks how are we to bring a soul to God, and how are we to -come to him ourselves? - -‘We are but worms of the earth, and yet we must go out of the world and -pass beyond the heavens. This, then, is impossible unless Jesus Christ -appear, unless he stretch out his hand and promise to give us access to -the throne of God, who in himself cannot but be to us awful and -terrible, but now is gracious to us in the person of our Lord. If when -we come before God, we contemplate only his high and incomprehensible -majesty, every one of us must shrink back and even wish that the -mountains may cover and overwhelm us. But when our Lord Jesus comes -forward and makes himself our mediator, then there is nothing to terrify -us, we can come with our heads no longer cast down, we can call upon God -as our Father, in such wise that we may come to him in secret and pour -out all our griefs in order to be comforted. But such a glory must be -given to Jesus Christ that angels and other dignities may be assigned to -their own rank, and that Jesus Christ may appear above all and in all -things have the pre-eminence. This dignity must always be preserved for -him, in that he shed his blood for us and reconciled us with God, -discharging all our debts. - -‘In every age the world has deceived itself with trifles and trash as -means of appeasing God, just as we might try to pacify the anger of a -little child with toys. Christ must needs devote himself, at the cost of -his passion and death, in order to reconcile us (_nous appointer_) with -God his Father, so that our sins may no longer be reckoned against us. -We cannot gain favor in the sight of God by ceremonies or parade; but -_Christ has given himself a ransom for us_. We have the blood of Jesus -Christ and the sacrifice which he offered for us of his own body and his -own life. In this lies our confidence, and by this means we are -forgiven.’[177] - -[Sidenote: Predestination.] - -This, then, is what Calvin says—‘The gate of paradise is open to us; the -Lord is willing to receive us.’ What! some will say, does he give up the -doctrine of the election of God, and of the necessity of the operation -of the Holy Spirit for the regeneration of man? Certainly not. Calvin -believed, in its full import, this saying of the Saviour—‘You have not -chosen me, _I have chosen you_.’ It has been acknowledged by men endowed -with a fine intellect, who at the same time did not hold the Christian -faith, that there is an election of God, not only in the sphere of -grace, but in that of creation. One of them has said—‘The life of -children, who differ _so much from each other, although they spring from -the same stock_, and pass through a similar course of education, is well -adapted to confirm the followers of Augustine in their doctrine. Minds -are not wanting that take offence every time they hear the doctrine of -grace set forth without disguise. Have these same minds ever reflected -on that strange fatality which stamps us with a mark distinct and deep -from our birth and our infancy? If these minds are religious, to what -doctrine will they have recourse (to explain this) which does not -resolve itself into the doctrine of grace?‘[178] - -[Sidenote: Calvinism A Kind Of Madness.] - -Calvin said to Christians, in conformity with the Scriptures, that it is -God who seeks them and saves them; and that this goodwill of God ought -to make them rejoice, _deliver them from fears in the midst of so many -perils, and render them invincible in the midst of so many snares and -deadly assaults_. But he makes a distinction. There are the hidden -things of God, which are a mystery, and of these he says—‘Those who -enter into the eternal council of God _thrust themselves into a deadly -abyss_.’ Then there are the things which are known, which are seen in -man, and are plain. ‘Let us contemplate the cause of the condemnation of -man in his depraved nature, in which it is manifest, rather than search -for it in the predestination of God, in which it is hidden and -_altogether incomprehensible_.’[179] He is even angry with those who -want to know ‘things which it is neither lawful nor possible to know -(predestination). _Ignorance_,’ says he, ‘_of these things_ is -_learning_, but _craving to know them is a kind of madness_.’[180] It is -a singular fact that what Calvin indignantly calls a madness should -afterwards be named _Calvinism_. The reformer sets himself against this -craving as a raging madness, and yet it is of this very madness that he -is accused. - -In Calvin there is the theologian, sometimes indeed the philosopher, -although before all there is the Christian. He desires that every thing -which may do men good should be offered to them. ‘But with regard to -this dispute about predestination,’ he says, ‘by the inquisitiveness of -men it is made perplexing and even perilous. They enter into the -sanctuary of divine wisdom, into which if any one thrusts himself with -too much audacity, he will get into a labyrinth from which he will find -no exit, and in which nothing is possible to him but to rush headlong to -destruction.’[181] We are not sure that Calvin did not allow himself to -be drawn a step too far into the labyrinth. But we have seen the deep -conviction with which he declares that _the gate of heaven is opened, -that the will of God is that his grace should be known to all the -world_. This is enough. - -Calvin did not, however, hide from himself the fact that a minister of -God’s Word must look forward to many contradictions and struggles. Thus, -in his sermon on the duty of a preacher, it is said to the minister—‘It -is thy duty to prepare thy hand betimes, so that no assault should -overcome thee. Thou must not retreat nor fly before the foe (_que tu -placques làtout_), but take warning that henceforth thou must needs -fight.’[182] - -Such was Calvin as a preacher. He points out the evils which are in -man’s heart, but he proclaims still more loudly the love and the power -of Him who heals him. He makes man feel that he is powerless, but he -breathes into his soul the power of God. He casts down, but he also -lifts up; and if he humbles, he is still more in earnest in getting men -to run straight to the mark, in entreating them not to go astray in -cross-ways, but to ‘get rid of all distractions.’ Forwards! forwards! he -cries to the loiterers, and he shows them the means of advancing. - -[Sidenote: Calvin Not A Politician.] - -Calvin certainly was not narrow-minded; and while he was before all a -member of the kingdom of God, he did not think it his duty to take no -interest in the concerns of nations and of kings. He never forgot his -persecuted fellow-religionists; and if for their deliverance it was -needful to appeal to the powerful, to the princes, of the earth he did -so. Is he to be accused of having therein played the part of a -politician? Would it not have been a sad blemish on so fair a life to -have forgotten his countrymen who were cast into prisons or bound on the -galleys? But Calvin, having gained the rock on which the tempest could -not harm him, did not cease to direct his attention to such of his -brethren as were still pelted by the storm and well-nigh swallowed up in -the abyss. He prayed; he cried aloud; he called upon those in power to -stay the sword which was unsheathed against the righteous; he was able -likewise, in grave emergencies, from the pulpit to invite to prayer and -humiliation, to recall to mind the martyrs of old time, to declare that -persecutors will have to render an account, to show that faith in the -living God is an impregnable fortress; to urge those who, having come -from a distance, had taken refuge at Geneva, to behave themselves -holily, and to entreat all Christians, especially the weak, to make no -blameworthy concessions, but to continue steadfast in the purity of the -faith. What is there in all this incompatible with the evangelical -ministry? What is there in all this that is not even obligatory and that -could not fail to be approved of God? No, Calvin was neither a Dracon -nor a Lycurgus; neither a political orator nor a statesman. His pulpit -was no tribune for harangues; his work was not that of a secret chief of -Protestantism. He was before all things an evangelist, a minister of the -living God. Far from addressing himself to the people in general, he -laid hold of the individual, and on him he made a deeper and more -lasting impression than modern preachers have done with their vague -discourses. - -Footnote 164: - - ‘Alternis hebdomadibus totis concionabator.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. - 8. Calvin’s letter to Myconius, Geneva, March 14, 1542. Calv. _Opp._ - xi. p. 337. _Ordonnances_, edit. of 1561. Bèze-Colladon, _Vie - française de Calvin_, pp. 55, 56. - -Footnote 165: - - ‘Multos ex Gallia et Italia.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 9. - -Footnote 166: - - _Ordonnances._—Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 17. - -Footnote 167: - - Sayous, _Études sur les écrivains de la réformation_, i. p. 173. - -Footnote 168: - - The title-page of the volume on Deuteronomy states—‘Taken down - faithfully and _verbatim_, as M. Jean Calvin publicly preached them.’ - -Footnote 169: - - Kampschulte, _Joh. Calvin_, i. p. 406. - -Footnote 170: - - _Vingt-deux Sermons de M. Jean Calvin sur le Psaume_ cxix. Geneva: by - François Estienne, for Estienne Anastase, 1562, p. 38. - -Footnote 171: - - _Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c—Second Sermon, pp. 26, 27. - -Footnote 172: - - _Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Second Sermon, pp. 41, 42. - -Footnote 173: - - _Ibid._ Third Sermon, pp. 52, 53, 61, 62. - -Footnote 174: - - _Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Eighteenth Sermon, p. 368. - -Footnote 175: - - _Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Twentieth Sermon, pp. 405, 406. - -Footnote 176: - - _Ibid._ Twenty-second Sermon, pp. 452, 453. - -Footnote 177: - - _Sermons de J. Calvin sur les Epîtres de saint Paul à Timothé et à - Tite_, 1561, p. 67, &c. - -Footnote 178: - - Sainte-Beuve, _Port-Royal_, iii. p. 403. - -Footnote 179: - - _Institution Chrétienne_, book III. ch. xxiii. § 8. - -Footnote 180: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 181: - - _Institution Chrétienne_, ch. 21, § 1, 2. - -Footnote 182: - - _Calvin d’après Calvin_, published by the Evangelical Alliance of - Geneva for the third Jubilee of May 27, 1564, p. 28. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - CALVIN’S ACTIVITY. - (FEBRUARY 1542.) - - -[Sidenote: State Of Mind At Geneva.] - -With Calvin words and deeds went hand in hand. If he took part in -external affairs, we understand that he did so in the midst of his -flock. He was preacher and pastor, although he is chiefly known as -teacher and reformer. Apart from Calvin, without the institutions of -which he was the promoter, the evangelical reformation, religious and -moral, would not have been accomplished in Geneva. We may also add that -national independence and political liberties would not have been -maintained in this town. The old Genevese population would have been -unable to do this. Undoubtedly there had been men among this small -people who had displayed great energy in repulsing the ambitious -attempts of the Dukes of Savoy, in taking from the bishops the temporal -privileges which they had usurped, in restoring civil liberties and in -uniting Geneva to the Swiss cantons. All these measures were essential -to the Reformation, for which a free people was indispensable. We have -already narrated their achievements; and we have been reproached, -unjustly, we think, for having done this at too great length. But at the -time when Calvin appeared in the city of the first Huguenots, morality -was far from being irreproachable; religion, scarcely disengaged from -the forms and errors of Rome, was with the majority neither personal nor -evangelical, deep-seated, pure, vital, or active; and civilization -itself was hardly at a higher level there than it had reached in other -countries. The heroes of independence had need themselves of being -enlightened by the light of the Gospel, and of being transformed by its -fire. Their first education was defective, and it was necessary to begin -it again. Their intercourse with all that surrounded them exerted an -influence over them which needed to be counterbalanced. The great -advantage of the Reformation having been, in their view, their -deliverance from the pretensions of priests and of princes, it was -needful that they should learn to recognize in the Gospel the tidings of -a higher order, of a spiritual enfranchisement, which would deliver them -from sin and would give them the liberty of the children of God. They -had availed themselves of the reformation as a political instrument; -they must now learn to have recourse to it as a religious, moral, and -divine instrument, capable of making them citizens of another and more -glorious city. Many did this. Calvin’s return was not exclusively the -work of a party. A profound conviction existed, both in the most -influential men and in the minds of the people in general, that Calvin -was the man they wanted. The Genevese population was therefore disposed -to accept the institutions which he offered them. But there were -nevertheless some secret discontents, which were to break out some day, -and would become for Calvin and for the consistory the occasion of -frequent and obstinate conflicts. - -The presidency of the consistory was not vested in Calvin, but in one of -the syndics. The reformer knew how to keep his own place, and gave due -honor to the lay magistrate. While, however, he was not president of -this body, it may be truly said that he was its soul.[183] The -consistory met immediately after its establishment. The report of its -sittings did not begin till Thursday, February 16, 1542; but nine -meetings had previously been held. - -Calvin was not a theocrat, as he has been called, unless the term be -taken in the most spiritual sense. A breath of eternal life inspired -him; he was full of love for souls; a practical man in the best sense of -the word. Many of the characteristics of St. Paul reappeared in Calvin. -While, like Paul, he strenuously maintained the great doctrine of grace, -he took an interest in the comforts of life of those to whom his -preaching was addressed, and sometimes applied himself to the humblest -details. He was well informed even on matters which do not seem to be in -his province. For instance, he made inquiries after a house for his -friend De Falais, and offered him one with ‘a garden, a large yard, and -a fine view.’[184] But it was especially in the consistory that he -displayed the same interest in small things as in great. Conversation, -dress, food, all were interesting to him. He protected women against the -bad treatment of their husbands; he taught parents and children, masters -and servants, their mutual duties; and saw that the sick were treated -with all needful attention. At the first sitting of the consistory -(February 16, 1542), De Pernot, from the district of Gex, who had -somewhat the air of those loungers (_flâneurs_), who are found in all -parties, related to the venerable body that he had been to Mount Salève -with Claudine de Bouloz and some companions. The Genevese had before -this time begun to enjoy pleasure excursions on this mountain. This -excursion was perhaps for De Pernot one of those parties of pleasure to -which some mystery is attached. He walked with the Genevese maiden; they -chatted and laughed as they came down the mountain, and, as Racine says: - - Ils suivaient du plaisir la pente trop aisée. - -Now, in the midst of this gaiety and these pretty trifling speeches, -there was, said Pernot to the consistory, some talk about marriage. -Moreover, he added, when they arrived at Collonges-sous-Salève, Claudine -had drunk with him ‘to their marriage, in the presence of credible -witnesses.’ But Claudine denied it altogether. She drank, she owned, but -agreed to nothing else, because she had not the permission of her -parents. Thus, then, a dispute about a promise made on the mountain and -at the inn was one of the subjects to which the grave Calvin had to give -his attention. There were other questions of more importance. Domestic -disagreements, altercations, duels, games of chance, above all -licentious conduct, were frequently brought before the consistory; but -such cases gradually diminished in number.[185] - -[Sidenote: Subjects Before The Consistory.] - -The consistory had besides much to do with Roman Catholicism, which was -of too long standing in the episcopal city to be expelled from it at a -single stroke. Now, hostility to Rome was at this time general. It -prevailed in the ministers and their friends by reason of their -attachment to the Holy Scriptures, which condemned the system of the -papacy. It prevailed in the other citizens by reason of the conviction -which possessed them that Protestantism alone could maintain their -independence. It influenced the French refugees who, having escaped from -prison, and from the death to which their brethren were still exposed, -felt their hearts stirred with indignation at the sight of Roman -Catholicism, the source of these hateful persecutions. Further, many -persons were cited before the consistory on suspicion of being -Romanists. These people were not very courageous; in their own church -they were placed under a _régime_ of fear; and a soul that is led by -fear is always the weaker. [Sidenote: Examination Of Jeanne Peterman.] -On March 30, 1542, Dame Jeanne Peterman appeared before the consistory. -She was unwilling to abjure her faith, but she endeavored to confess it -as faintly as possible, and even had recourse to strategem to avoid -making an avowal of what she believed. She made a well-tangled skein, -and endeavored thereby to entangle the members of the consistory. They -wanted to clear up the matter, and she tried to darken it. ‘You have not -received the holy supper,’ they said to her, ‘and you go to mass; what -is your faith?’ ‘I believe in God,’ she said, ‘and wish to live in God -and holy church. I say my _Pater Noster_ in the Roman tongue, and I -believe just as the church believes.’ ‘What do you mean by that?’ ‘That -I do not believe except just as the church believes.’ ‘Is there no -church in this town?’ ‘I do not know.’ ‘Are not the sacraments of our -Lord administered here?’ ‘I believe in the holy supper, as God said, -_This is my body._’ ‘Why are you not content with the supper -administered in this town, but go elsewhere?’ ‘I go where I please; our -Lord will not come here in full array, but where his word is there is -his body. He said that there would come ravening wolves.’ After Calvin -had given her an admonition according to the Word of God, she said that -on the previous Sunday a German, a very respectable man, asked her how -she prayed, and that she had replied, ‘You do not find people here -saying to the Virgin Mary, Pray for us.’ She did not on this occasion -add that she herself invoked her. As she often said, ‘I believe in God,’ -which deists themselves might have said, she was asked, ‘What then is -your faith toward God?’ She replied, ‘The preachers ought to know better -than I do about God. I am not a learned person like you. There is no -other God for me but God.’ She was pressed more closely. ‘In what way -will you take the holy supper?’ ‘I do not mean to be either an idolater -or an hypocrite. The Virgin Mary is my advocate. The Virgin Mary is a -friend of God, daughter and mother of Jesus Christ. I do not know about -the church.’ By this she doubtless meant that she would not enter into -controversy on this subject. ‘I do not know,’ she added, ‘whether the -faith of others is right. _Our lady is a good woman, and I wish to live -in the faith of holy church._’ Thus the poor woman hardly got any -further than _the Virgin_ and _the church_. This was a long way. It -appears that it was the president-syndic and not Calvin who had pressed -her, for she ended by saying, ‘The lord syndic is a heretic, and I do -not wish to be one.’ The pastors said to her, ‘There is only one -mediator, Jesus Christ; as for the saints, male or female, let people do -as they will.’ The consistory required that the poor woman should be -corrected in an _evangelical_ manner, in order that she might not go to -other places to worship idols; ‘that remonstrance should be made, and -that she should go daily to sermon.’ Again, appearing before them on the -following Thursday, she spoke with more decision. ‘I cannot receive the -supper,’ she said; ‘I have taken it and will take it elsewhere, until -the Lord touch my heart.’ Thereupon she was declared _to be out of the -church_. ‘In my time,’ she said; ‘the Jews have been driven out of this -town, and a time will come when the Jews will be all over the town.’ If -the prediction has not been fulfilled with respect to the Jews, those -who adhere to the faith of this woman are now very numerous there; and, -perhaps, this is what at bottom she meant to predict.[186] - -Matters of the same kind as that which we have just indicated, and -others, such as extravagance in dress, licentious or irreligious songs, -improprieties during divine service, usury, frequenting of taverns and -gaming houses,[187] drunkenness, debauchery, and other like offences -were frequently brought before the consistory. It had nothing to do, or -only indirectly, with political events, or even with measures for the -suppression of the libertine party, for this was effected by judicial -methods, and the consistory was not called upon to take cognizance of -such matters. There is not a word about the trial of Servetus in 1543; -the consistory had nothing to do with that proceeding. The only allusion -that we find to it does not occur till a month after that odious act, -November 23, 1543. On that day a woman, accused of frequenting a certain -house, replied that she had only been there twice, the day after the -supper ‘and the day _the heretic_ was burnt.’ The name of Servetus is -not even mentioned. In this circumstance there is, perhaps, a hint for -those who look upon Calvin as the principal offender in the death of the -unfortunate Servetus. Assuredly he was blameworthy, and his whole age -with him.[188] - -[Sidenote: Impartiality.] - -If the consistory proceeded with severity against immorality and -licentiousness, its activity was no less conspicuous in a charitable -direction, and one favorable to the public liberties.[189] It did not -forget that it was bound to protect the little ones who were oppressed, -and all those who were in any misfortune. Calvin recalled the saying of -Jesus Christ about those of his people who are brought low, and said, -‘If their insignificance give occasion to the world to fall upon them, -they ought to know that God does not despise them. It would be a thing -too absurd for a mortal to make no account of those who are so precious -in the sight of God.’[190] The consistory used its influence with the -council on behalf of reforms which were for the advantage of the people. -It demanded a reduction in the price of wheat, improvement of prison -discipline, and restriction of imprisonment for debt. It censured -fathers who were too severe with their children, and creditors who were -too exacting with their debtors. It was severe against those who held a -monopoly, and against forestallers of food. It urged moderation in the -citations made before the consistory, and desired that they should be -confined to scandalous cases. Men have been heard at various periods, -even men of the humblest class, lifting up their voices against Calvin -and his consistory without any suspicion that they were insulting their -own friends and benefactors. Was not the suppression of drunkenness, of -immorality, of gaming-houses, of quarrelling, and other evils of the -like kind a benefit, and a very great benefit to the people? One who has -set forth in the most accurate and impartial manner the proceedings of -the consistory has said, ‘We must not, indeed, expect absolute -impartiality nor abundance of good nature in the face of the resistance -which was offered to the consistory; nevertheless, the facts speak, and -are all in favor of the reformers.’[191] - -The realization of the plan formed by Calvin, the moral and religious -restoration of Geneva, called for great efforts on his part, and exposed -him to much opposition, many affronts and contemptuous speeches which -were flung in his teeth. He bore it all without cherishing resentment. -This man, whose name was familiar throughout Christendom, the leader who -could cope with Rome, the great teacher whose letters kings received -with reverence, when called by a fish-wife, in the presence of his -colleagues, ‘a tavern haunter,’ took it with admirable patience. Wrongs -done against the persons of the pastors were treated by the consistory -with greater lenity than opposition to evangelical doctrine, invocation -of the devil, or invocation of the Virgin and the saints. Calvin, -admitting that outward appearance has its value in the policy of the -world, but holding that it ought not to be considered in the spiritual -kingdom of Christ, held the balance true between a working man and a -member of the most honorable families. Sons of the latter were more than -once reprimanded and punished, even though the father was friendly to -the reformation. Hence troubles frequently arose, although the fathers -continued faithful to the established order. In the midst of these -agitations Calvin remained calm. He wrote to Myconius, ‘It was in my -power, when I came here, to triumph over my enemies, and to attack at -full sail the party which had done me wrong; but I have abstained. I -have also most carefully avoided all kinds of reproach, lest in uttering -a word, however innocent, I should seem to intend to persecute the one -or the other.’[192] - -The knowledge which he gained during his first residence at Geneva, and -the reflections which had occupied his mind during the three years of -his exile, had been profitable to the reformer; his wisdom and his -meekness had been ripened by experience. - -Calvin and Viret had resolved to use their utmost efforts to procure -peace; ‘for,’ said the former, ‘it is necessary not only that we abstain -from debate, but that we take great pains to put an end to dissension -among others, removing every occasion of hatred and rancor.’ He was well -acquainted with the state of men’s minds in Geneva, and likewise with -the sentiments of his colleagues.[193] ‘There are some of them,’ he -wrote to Myconius, ‘who are no friends of mine, and others who are -openly hostile; but I take all the pains I can to prevent the spirit of -discord from creeping in amongst us. We have in the town a seed of -intestine discord, but we strive by our patience and gentleness[194] to -prevent the church suffering from it. Every one knows, by experience, -the humane and amiable disposition of Viret.[195] I am not more severe -than he is, at least in this respect. Perhaps you will hardly believe -this, but for all that it is true. I value so highly general peace and a -cordial union that I do violence to myself; so that even those who are -opposed to us are obliged to give me this praise. This is so well known -that day after day men who were previously my avowed enemies are -becoming my friends. I conciliate others by my courtesy, and in some -measure succeed, although not on all occasions.’ - -The opponents of Calvin in his own time were not the only ones to do -justice to him; those likewise whom he has had in later times have done -the same. ‘This kindly and conciliatory conduct of Calvin after his -return,’ one of these has said, ‘is one of the most beautiful pages of -his history.’ It is impossible not to value this testimony; but is it -fair to add that it would have been more meritorious if Calvin had had -less consciousness of it, and that what he wrote to his friends on the -subject often leaves on the mind of the reader an unpleasant -impression?[196] We must, in the first place, remark that, in -attributing patience and gentleness to himself, Calvin is not speaking -exclusively of himself. He says _we_, which includes, at least, -Viret.[197] Next, we must note that he was bound to give an accurate -account of the state of things to the friends who had done every thing -to promote his return to Geneva. And, lastly, that if Calvin is to be -condemned for this communication, we shall have to condemn likewise -(which no one will do) Christians more perfect than he was; St. Paul, -for instance, who said, ‘Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of -Christ.’ - -[Sidenote: Gentleness And Strength.] - -In Calvin gentleness was combined with strength. He understood the -difficulties of his task, and devoted himself to it with great -seriousness and indefatigable zeal. He had now to set in motion the -chariot which he had taken so much pains to construct. He had to teach -each man his duty, to restore the public worship, to attend to the -young, the poor and the sick, to do the work of peace-maker, of -consoler, and of reformer. It was to him that recourse was had about -every thing, sometimes even about affairs of the state. He had not two -consecutive hours, he says, free from interruption. ‘You cannot -believe,’ he wrote to Bucer, ‘in what a whirlwind and confusion I am -writing to you. In this place I am entangled in such a multitude of -affairs that I am almost beside myself.’ And to Myconius he said, -‘During the first month of my ministry I was so overwhelmed with painful -and distressing labors that I was well-nigh exhausted. How difficult and -wearisome is the task of reconstructing a fallen building!‘[198] - -[Sidenote: New Ministers.] - -Calvin consequently felt the need of assistants who would earnestly -co-operate with him. He endeavored to retain Viret at Geneva. ‘With -Viret,’ he said, ‘I can bear the burden tolerably well; but if he is -taken from me I shall be in a more deplorable position than I can -say.’[199] Viret was, however, obliged to resume his duties at Lausanne -in July, 1542. The _Ordinances_ had provided that there should be at -Geneva five ministers and three coadjutors, the latter also to be -ministers. Now, on his arrival Calvin had found, in addition to Viret -and Bernard, Henri de le Mare and Aimé Champereau, the last elected in -1540. But these ministers were ‘rather an obstacle than an aid.’ He -found them too rough, full of themselves, having no zeal and still less -knowledge, and, further, ill-disposed towards himself. ‘I endure them,’ -he adds; ‘I behave myself towards them with kindliness. I might have -dismissed them on my arrival, but I preferred to act with moderation.’ -Here again, we find Calvin steadily adhering to a line of conduct which -does him honor. This same year, 1542, four new pastors were appointed -for the church of Geneva: Pierre Blanchet, who showed himself apt to -teach; Matthias de Geneston, who successfully delivered his first -sermon. ‘The fourth sermon,’ wrote Calvin to Viret, ‘surpassed all my -expectations.’ The other two pastors were Louis Treppereau and Philippe -Ozias, surnamed _de Ecclesia_. Of one of these Calvin said ‘that he had -given a specimen of his ability, such as he had expected from him;’ -whether good or bad he does not inform us. In 1544 Geneva had twelve -pastors, but six of them were serving in the country churches. The best -known of these new ministers was Nicolas des Gallars, seigneur de -Saules, near Paris, whom Calvin highly esteemed, and who afterwards -filled an important position in the French reformation, at Poissy, at -Paris, and at La Rochelle. Some unfrocked monks arrived at Geneva, -expecting to find there, in addition to the liberty of not being -Romanists, that of not being Christians; but Calvin distrusted people of -this sort. There were some pastors whom it was necessary to dismiss, -either because they were indolent in their work, or because they were -extravagant in their preaching, or because they did not conduct -themselves becomingly.[200] - -In addition to the labors and the anxieties of his public office Calvin -had some personal sorrows to bear. - -[Sidenote: Ami Porral.] - -A heavy trial which fell upon him in the month of June, 1542, was at the -same time a precious seal sent on his ministry by God. The first -magistrate of the republic was Ami Porral, one of those citizens who had -labored with the utmost earnestness to secure the independence of Geneva -and its union with Switzerland. He had a cultivated mind, and had -written a book on the history of Geneva, for which the Council expressed -to him its acknowledgments.[201] Among the old Huguenots no one had more -joyfully received the reformation and the reformer. In the spring time -he fell ill. No sooner had Calvin heard of it than he hastened to his -house, in company with Viret. ‘I am in danger,’ said the first syndic; -‘the malady from which I suffer has been fatal in my family.’ These -three excellent men then had a long conversation together on various -subjects, Porral speaking with as much facility as if his health had -been sound. His sufferings increased during the two days which followed; -but his understanding seemed more lively than formerly, and his speech -more fluent. A great number of the citizens of Geneva came to see him; -and to each of these he gave a serious exhortation, which was no idle -babbling, but was discreetly adapted to the special circumstances of -each individual. For three days he appeared to be recovering, but on the -fourth day his illness increased, and danger was imminent. Nevertheless, -the more he suffered in body the more full was his mind of animation and -life. It was he who had censured De la Mare for the strange expressions -which we have already noticed. Bernard had taken the part of his -colleague, and the result was a coolness between the syndic and the two -ministers. Porral now sent for them, and a reconciliation was made after -he had seriously admonished them. On the day which proved to be his -last, Calvin and Viret arrived at his house at nine o’clock in the -morning. The pious reformer, fearing lest he should fatigue his friend -if he made a long address, simply set before the dying man _the cross of -Jesus Christ, his grace and the hope of everlasting life_.[202] ‘I -receive the messenger whom God sends to me,’ said Porral, ‘and I know -the power of Christ to strengthen the conscience of true believers.’ -Then he bore witness to the work of the ministry as a means of grace, -and to the benefits which flow from it, ‘in so luminous a manner,’ says -Calvin, ‘that we were both of us astonished, and, I might almost say, in -a state of stupor.’ Porral had experienced it. He said, in drawing to a -close, ‘I declare that I receive the remission of sins which you -announce in the name of Jesus Christ, as though an angel from heaven -appeared to proclaim it to me.’ Then he commended, ‘in a marvellous -manner, the unity which makes one single body of all the true members of -the church.’ He was pained at the recollection of former differences, -and, turning to several friends who were at this moment standing by him, -he implored them to be of one mind with Calvin and Viret. ‘I have -myself,’ said he, ‘been too obstinate in certain matters; but my eyes -have been opened, and I see now what mischief may come of disagreement.’ -He afterwards made a confession of his faith, short but sincere, serious -and clear. Then, turning to Calvin and Viret, Porral exhorted them to -perseverance and steadfastness in the work of the ministry. He set forth -the difficulties which they would encounter. One might have called him a -prophet unveiling the future. He spoke with admirable wisdom of things -which concerned the public good. ‘You must continue to put forth your -utmost efforts,’ he said to those who surrounded him, ‘for the purpose -of reconciling Geneva with her allies.’ The contest with Berne was -especially dwelt upon. ‘Although some blustering fellows may cry out -very loudly,’ said he, ‘fear not, and be not discouraged.’ After a few -more words Calvin prayed, and then departed with Viret. - -Idelette, informed of Porral’s danger, came in the afternoon. ‘Whatever -may befall,’ the Christian syndic said to her, ‘be of good courage; -remember that you did not come here by chance, but that you were -conducted hither by the wonderful council of God, in order that you -might be of service in the work of the church.’ A little while after he -made a sign that his voice failed him. However, he made known that he -perfectly recollected the confession which he had made, and added that -in this faith he died. - -Having recovered a little strength, he pronounced with faith, but with a -feeble voice, the song of Simeon. ‘Lord,’ said he, ‘now lettest thou thy -servant depart in peace, according to thy word; for mine eyes have seen -thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of all people; a -light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel.’ He -added, ‘I have seen, I have touched with my hand that merciful Redeemer -who saves me.’[203] He then lay down to rest, as if to wait for the -Lord; and after that he spake no more, only showing from time to time, -by some sign, that his spirit was present. - -At four o’clock, Calvin came with the other three syndics, Porral’s -colleagues. The dying man made an effort to speak to them, but could -not. Calvin, affected, began to speak himself, ‘and spoke,’ says he, ‘as -well as he could, his friend listening to him in perfect peace. Hardly -had we left him, before he gave up his pious soul to Jesus Christ. He -had been entirely renewed in his mind.’[204] - -This death clearly shows that Calvin’s work was not merely to establish -order in the church and to prescribe for all a moral life. He was the -instrument of still greater good. Porral had found Jesus Christ, perhaps -in his latter days; he had become a new creature; he called upon God as -his Father; he was in possession of that peace which passeth all -understanding, and had the hope of eternal life. Calvin was not the -teacher of a scholastic theology; he was the minister of a living -Christianity, and none are his true disciples but those in whom the -Christian life exists. - -No sooner had Porral passed away than Calvin was threatened with a -greater affliction still. Idelette, who regarded the first syndic as her -husband’s protector, seems to have been deeply affected by his death. At -the beginning of July she was ill and prematurely gave birth to a child. -Her life was in danger, and Calvin feared that the loss of his friend -might be followed by that of the faithful companion of his life. To -Viret, then at Lausanne, he wrote, ‘I am in very great anxiety.’[205] -But God preserved to him this precious helper for some years more. - -[Sidenote: Development Of Religious Life.] - -In the midst of his griefs, Calvin had great consolations. The Christian -work was prospering. He was not easy to satisfy; and yet, as early as -November, 1541, he wrote to Farel—‘The people are quite disposed to -conform to our wishes. The preaching is well attended, the hearers -behave well. Many things, it is true, have to be set right, both with -respect to the understanding and with respect to the affections, but the -cure can only be effected by degrees.’ In March, 1542, he wrote to -Myconius—‘What consoles and refreshes me is the fact that we are not -laboring in vain or without fruit. Fruit, indeed, is not so abundant as -we might desire; nevertheless, it is not so very rare, and there are -tokens of a change for the better. A fairer future shines before us, if -only Viret be left us.’[206] - -[Sidenote: Pierre Tissot And His Mother.] - -Thus the action of the reformer, of his friends and of the institutions -which he had established, under the blessing of God, gradually wrought a -change in this Genevese population, so passionate, so full of -excitement, and so much addicted to pleasure. A real religious life -developed itself in many individuals, and its influence was general. -Luxury diminished; simplicity, morality, and the other virtues, which -are the fruit of faith, increased. There still remained, indeed, some -evil; enmity and discord frequently sprung up, sometimes among the -people in general, sometimes in families; but there was also much that -was good. Calvin believed ‘that we ought to adopt a way of living so -regulated that it should make us beloved of all, while at the same time -we should be prepared to incur hatred for the love of Christ;’ and -further ‘that we are bound to take pains to settle the differences which -exist among others.’ Occupation of this sort did not fail him, and he -was frequently successful. Calvin’s manner of proceeding has been so -much misrepresented that it is necessary to give some examples of it in -order to re-establish the truth. We shall have brought before us at the -same time a scene characteristic of the period. Françoise, mother of the -noble Pierre Tissot, treasurer of the republic, was a woman of irritable -and intractable temper. Her bad disposition was the occasion of trouble -in the family, and made herself unhappy. The fact was the more to be -regretted because it concerned a family of high standing, so that any -dissension prevailing in it was the worse example. It was resolved that -an attempt should be made to effect a reconciliation between the mother, -her son, and her daughter-in-law, Louise. - -The task was entrusted to Calvin and the syndic Chiccand. They summoned -the treasurer before them. ‘Your mother,’ they said, ‘is annoyed with -you and your wife.’ ‘I give honor and reverence to my mother,’ replied -the treasurer, ‘as God commands.’ The mother having made her appearance -in the hall of the consistory, Tissot, who desired to maintain a -decorous and honorable deportment, approached and saluted her, and -wished her ‘Good-day’; but she replied passionately—‘Keep your -“good-days” to yourself, and the devil fill your belly with them!’ -Thereupon Tissot said to the consistory—‘I make my mother a larger -allowance than my father fixed for her, and it is regularly paid her. If -my mother does not like the wheat which I send her I give her money to -buy other. I furnish her with wine, the best that is to be had. She has -but lately asked me for eight _écus_ for her servant. I paid the -apothecary and the physicians the expenses of her recent illness. My -wife during that time visited her, but my mother refused to eat the -soups which she prepared for her. With regard to my brother Jean,’ -continued the treasurer, ‘I have used all the means which appeared to me -likely to bring him back to an honorable life, but without effect; he is -a profligate.’ - -Françoise was not slow to reply. ‘My allowance has not been paid the -last year, as the treasurer alleges. His wife never brought me broth in -my illness, nor did he ever give me any of his wine, except two -_bossots_, which I cannot drink.’ ‘I gave her good wine,’ said the -treasurer, ‘but she put it into a vessel not fit to keep it in. Mother,’ -said he, turning to her. ‘I am not thy mother,’ bluntly replied -Françoise. - -The consistory, then, through the medium of Calvin, who had been charged -with the duty, addressed to them remonstrances and warnings -(_commonitions_). ‘Lay aside,’ said the reformer, ‘all hatred and rancor -for all bygone time to the present day. Live together in true peace and -love, as son and mother ought, and let any thing that is due to the said -Françoise be paid to her.’ ‘I am ready,’ said the treasurer, ‘to pay her -what shall be quite sufficient for her, the utmost that I can, and more -than before.’ Then, speaking to Françoise, ‘Mercy, mother, for God’s -love, and let bygones be bygones.’ ‘But,’ says the Register, ‘Françoise -would do nothing of the sort.’ This woman seemed to have a heart of -flint. Her look, her manner, and her words showed this. The consistory, -vexed at her obstinacy, requested her to appear again the following -week, asked her to reflect on the business and to attend the sermons, -and directed that fitting remonstrance should be made with her. At this -moment, whether Calvin’s words made some impression on her, or whether -she became conscious of her fault and a better spirit was given her from -on high, or probably from all these causes combined, Françoise was -softened and affected. ‘The mountains melted like wax at the presence of -the Lord.’ ‘Ah, well,’ she said, ‘I am going to forgive them for the -love of God and the seignory. I forgive my son all the faults he has -committed against me, and I forgive also my daughter-in-law.’ The -latter, who was perfectly innocent, and had done all that she could for -her mother-in-law, then said, ‘I am not the cause of the quarrel. When -my mother was ill I went to be of service to her, as the neighbors know. -When I knew that she was in want of any thing I used to give it her. It -is no fault of mine that we are not all friends with one another.’ So -the matter ended. The poor Françoise was particularly sharp, exacting, -and irritable, but at the same time open to conciliation. The -restoration of goodwill between parties who were at variance was, it is -evident, one of Calvin’s duties. ‘While we preserve peace,’ said he, -‘the God of peace counts us as his children.’[207] - -The institution of the consistory and the beginning of its activity mark -the epoch at which the reformation of Geneva may be considered to be -accomplished. At the same time it is the work which is characteristic of -Calvin. To form a people it is not enough to collect a vast assembly of -men; they must be governed by the same spirit, the same constitution, -and the same laws. A multitude of soldiers levied in a whole country is -not yet an army; they must form a single body, must be subjected to the -same discipline, and must obey the same general. Here are two distinct -operations: in the first place, the creation of the elements; next, -their organization. We can hardly fail to acknowledge that God had given -to Luther the qualifications needed for beginning the work, and to -Calvin those which were required for completing it. Each of these -undertakings was not only suited to their individual characters, but was -likewise in accordance with the spirit of the two races of men to which -they belonged. One of these races takes an enterprise in hand with -energy, and the other carries it out to perfection. These are the flags -of the two leaders. - -[Sidenote: Originators Of Reformation.] - -Luther had not been the only man of action, although he was such in the -broadest and loftiest acceptation. What he had been in Germany, -Zwinglius had at the same time been in German Switzerland, and Farel -somewhat later in the French districts. Later still, Knox and others -were the same in their respective countries. Energetic men, fearless and -blameless knights of the spiritual realm, they assailed courageously the -stronghold of the enemy, and made noble conquests. At the sight of the -deplorable condition to which Rome had reduced Christendom, of the -licentiousness and the dissensions of popes, bishops, monks, and -council, they had cried aloud. This cry had been heard by a great -multitude of men, who were sleeping at the time, and it had created -immense excitement in all Christian lands. Starting out of a sleep of -several centuries, they had rushed to arms from all quarters. The wise -and the good had laid hold of the Bible; but sometimes fanatical -peasants had laid hold of the scythe. Philosophers had devised erroneous -systems; and libertines had given themselves up to immoral imaginations. -There was a great tumult in Christendom and immense confusion. - -Then it was that Calvin appeared. Calm in the midst of violent -excitement, strong in the midst of fatal weakness, he did not confine -his attention to the little city in which he had been twice settled. He -went bravely forward over a burning soil, the shot hissing right and -left of him; he stretched out his hand to Christendom. Raising his eyes -to his Chief, who was in heaven, he besought his aid; and for the -purpose of influencing men he took into his hands the sovereign Word of -God. Commander of the armies of the Lord, if we may so speak, nothing -disturbed the serenity, the security, or the majesty of his aspect. -Called to introduce order in the midst of great confusion, his -penetrating glance was turned to the conflict in which the combatants -were engaged hand to hand. He distinguished in the crowd who were -friends and who were foes. He saw who ought to be repulsed and who ought -to be encouraged. He understood that he had to contend not only with -Rome, which was making open war on the Gospel, but also with those -perfidious adversaries who insinuated themselves into the ranks of the -evangelicals, and under shelter of their colors promulgated deadly -errors, and even overthrew the counsel of God from its foundation. He -did more. Those who were fighting for the same cause as himself gave him -hardly less trouble. It was necessary to prevent their firing madly at -one another, to make peace between their divided chiefs, to establish -order and to promote unity. Above all it was necessary to baffle and -repulse with a face of brass the crafty and powerful enemy, Jesuitism, -which was mustering against him all the forces of the papacy. After the -great Luther, the bold Zwinglius, and the indefatigable Farel, there was -need of a man who should temper and restrain the minds of men, who -should demand and get, not the factitious unity of Rome, but the -spiritual and true unity of the people of God, and whose forehead, ‘as -an adamant, harder than flint,‘[208] should repulse and disperse Rome -and her army. The first three champions whom we have just named carried -the sword. Calvin, humble, poor and of mean appearance, held in one hand -a balance, and in the other a sceptre; and if the first three were the -heroes of the reformation, if Luther was, under God, its great founder, -Calvin seems to have been its lawgiver and its king. - -[Sidenote: Calvin, The Pilot.] - -The vessel of reform, indeed, had been energetically launched by Luther; -but there soon appeared on her decks, from Italy, Spain, France, -Germany, the Netherlands, and Poland, men of acute and cavilling spirit, -of restless disposition, who, by their agitations and their -disputations, might cause the ship to capsize; while at the same time a -well-armed and well-appointed galley, under Roman colors, running at -full speed with oars and sails, struck the vessel with its beak-head, -intending to sink her in the deep. What errors and what dangers were -threatening! But God delivered the reformation from them, and no man -contributed more to this deliverance than Calvin did. A skilful and -trustworthy pilot, he saved the ship. He had, doubtless, some formidable -conflicts with those proud spirits; but the truth won the day. He -provoked in the Roman camp spite and hate against himself which have -never been quelled. But evangelical truth has held its ground, and is at -this day making the conquest of the world. When a healthful wind blows -over a sickly land, and drives away the poisonous exhalations, there -will sometimes be seen, it is true, after the passage of the wind, some -shattered branches strown here and there upon the ground; but the air -has been purified and life restored to the people. - -It is generally imagined that the doctrines of Calvin were of an extreme -and intolerant character; but, in fact, they were moderate, mediating, -and conciliatory. He took a position between two extremes, and -established the truth. Of all the teachers of the reformation, Zwinglius -is the one who pushed furthest the doctrine of election; for, in his -view, election is the cause of salvation, while faith is nothing more -than its sign.[209] Calvin, in opposition to Zwinglius, places the cause -of salvation in the faith of the heart. He teaches that ‘the will of man -must be aroused to seek after the good and to surrender itself to it;’ -and, as we have already seen, he declares that those who ‘to be assured -of their election enter into the eternal counsel of God plunge into a -deadly abyss.’ But if Zwinglius was at one extreme, the semi-Pelagians, -some of whom were outside the pale of Rome, were at the other, and -attributed to the natural will an importance in the work of salvation -which enfeebled the grace of God. Calvin opposes their error, and says -‘that man is not impelled of his own good pleasure to seek Jesus Christ -until he has been sought by him.’[210] And he teaches, as Augustine did, -that God begins his work in us, places it in the will of man, and, like -a good rider, guides it at a proper pace, urges it on when it is too -backward, holds it back when it is too eager, and checks it if too much -given to skirmishing. Nowhere does the mediating character of Calvin -appear more distinctly than in his view of the Lord’s Supper. We have -seen this, and it is needless to repeat it. We refrain likewise from -giving other instances which forcibly exhibit the mediating, moderating, -conciliatory character of Calvin.[211] - -If Calvin was everywhere to be found, at least by his influence, at the -head of the armies which contended with Rome, he was also to be found -everywhere preaching the brotherhood and the unity of all evangelical -Christians. He was united in the closest friendship with Farel, minister -at Neuchâtel, and with Viret, minister at Lausanne; and he wrote to -them, ‘By our union the children of God are gathered into one flock of -Jesus Christ, and are even united in his body.’[212] He soon endeavored -to draw into this union, into this body, not only the churches of -Reformed France, but also those of German Switzerland, of Germany, the -Netherlands, England, and other countries. The aim of his life and his -chief desire was to see all of them included in one great network of -unity. ‘For this end,’ said he with heroic energy, ‘I should not shrink -from crossing ten seas, if that were needful.’[213] He succeeded, at -least in the most important part of his aim; for if it was not possible -to establish an external unity between the various churches, which was -not his object, there is at this time an internal, spiritual unity -between all those who love Jesus Christ and keep his word. - -[Sidenote: Calvin As Mediator.] - -In the procession of the ages there is one epoch which reminds us of the -moment when the sun rises and pours out his rays over the earth to guide -men in their goings. It is that epoch at which the _day-star from on -high_, Jesus Christ, the light of the world, appeared, and left behind -him in his Word a luminary intended to shed light and life into the -minds of men; but the natural darkness of man’s heart easily rises -around and obscures it, even if it cannot wholly extinguish it. Since -that time there have been other epochs of secondary importance, in which -God has rekindled the waning light of heavenly doctrine, and has -restored its pristine brightness for the salvation of the world. Of -these secondary epochs the Reformation is that which has exerted the -most powerful and most lasting influence in enlightening and in -converting men, and in giving to man and the world a new life and new -activity. No man had a greater share in this than Calvin; not, indeed, -in the first impulse; that was Luther’s alone; but in the happy -influence which it has had on human society in the two great spheres of -spiritual and temporal things. To convince ourselves of this, nothing -more is necessary than to glance at those countries in which this -influence of the great reformer prevails, and which generally present a -contrast to those in which the pope has prevailed. We know how many -enemies Calvin had, and we confess that there were shadows in his life, -as there are in the life of every human being; but we have an immovable -conviction that the truths which he announced with incomparable purity -and force are the mightiest remedy for the decay of the individual and -the nation, and that they alone can communicate to a people the light -and the life adapted to raise them from their weakness and to strengthen -their steps in the paths of justice, liberty, and moral greatness. - -Footnote 183: - - Cramer, _Extraits_ (autograph) _des régistres du Consistoire_. - -Footnote 184: - - _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 188. - -Footnote 185: - - Cramer, _Extraits_ (autograph) _des régistres du Consistoire_. - -Footnote 186: - - Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_. - -Footnote 187: - - Bonivard had to appear before the consistory for having one evening, - at the lodging of Jean Hugonier, while waiting for supper, played at - dice for a quart of wine with Clement Marot.—Roget, _Peuple de - Genève_, ii. p. 29. - -Footnote 188: - - Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_. - -Footnote 189: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 190: - - Calvin on _Matt._ xviii. 6, 10. - -Footnote 191: - - Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_. - -Footnote 192: - - Calvin to Myconius, March 14, 1542.—‘Poteram quum veni magno plausu - exagitare hostes nostros, et plenis velis invehi in totam illam - nationem quæ nos læserat.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 378. - -Footnote 193: - - Jac. Bernard, H. de la Mare, Aimé Champereau.—_Opp._ xi. p. 364. - -Footnote 194: - - ‘Nostra mansuetudine et patientia efficimus.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 378. - -Footnote 195: - - ‘Quam placido humanoque ingenio sit Viretus.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 196: - - ‘Machen dadurch auf den Leser einen oft geradezu unangenehmen - Eindruck.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 390. It is this same - historian who does justice to Calvin as above mentioned; and it may be - said that the passage in which the sentence occurs makes the most - agreeable impression of any in his book. - -Footnote 197: - - ‘_Meine_ Milde und Geduld,’ Kampschulte makes Calvin say, as if he - were referring to himself alone. It is no doubt an oversight on the - part of the historian. - -Footnote 198: - - To Bucer, Letter of October 15, 1541. To Myconius, Letter of March 14, - 1542.—_Opp._ xi. pp. 299, 377. - -Footnote 199: - - Letter to Myconius of April 17, 1542.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 384. - -Footnote 200: - - _Genève ecclésiastique, ou Livre des spectables pasteurs et - professeurs_, p. 6. Calvin to Viret, July 1542.—_Opp._ xi. p. 420. - _Vie française de Calvin_, p. 54. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, ii. pp. - 40, 46. - -Footnote 201: - - Grenus, _Fragments historiques_, p. 8. - -Footnote 202: - - Calvin to Farel.—_Opp._ xi. p. 408. - -Footnote 203: - - ‘Vidi et manu tetigi salutare illud. . .’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 409. - -Footnote 204: - - ‘Novo prorsus spiritu tunc donatum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 205: - - Calvin to Viret, July, 1542.—_Opp._ xi. p. 420. - -Footnote 206: - - ‘Et spes in posterum amplius affulget si mihi reliquatur - Viretus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 322, 377. - -Footnote 207: - - Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_. Calvin on _Matt._ v. - 9. - -Footnote 208: - - _Ezek._ iii. 9. - -Footnote 209: - - Works of Zwinglius, vi. pp. 340, 427. - -Footnote 210: - - _Institution Chrétienne_, book ii. ch. 3, 4. - -Footnote 211: - - We set forth several of these examples in a discourse delivered - September 6, 1861, in the church of St. Peter, Geneva, at the general - conferences of the Evangelical Alliance. - -Footnote 212: - - Dedication of the Commentary on the Epistle of Titus. - -Footnote 213: - - ‘Ne decem quidem maria ad eam rem trajicere pigeat.’—Calv. _Epp._ to - Cranmer; edit. 1575, p. 100. - - - - - BOOK XII. - THE REFORMATION AMONG THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS: DENMARK, SWEDEN, AND - NORWAY. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE AWAKING OF DENMARK. - (1515-1525.) - - -The Scandinavians, men of the North or Northmen, who inhabited the three -countries, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, embraced the Reformation at the -same time. In each of these lands it had its own roots, but it came to -them essentially from Germany, the only European nation with which their -inhabitants had frequent intercourse. - -A chief named Odin, whose history is confused with fables, appeared in -Europe about the time of the Christian era. Mounted on an eight-footed -horse, carrying a lance in his hand, and having on his shoulders two -ravens who served him as messengers, he advanced at the head of a people -whom he led out of the interior of Asia. His descendants were kings of -the Goths and the Cimbri. For himself, he became the god of these -nations, the father of gods, and the object of a senseless and -sanguinary worship. - -A Christian man named Anschar, as much given to kindness as Odin had -been to carnage, as capable of inspiring love as the father of Thor had -been of exciting terror, was, in the ninth century, the apostle of -Scandinavia. Towards the close of the fourteenth century the three -kingdoms were united by the treaty known as the Union of Calmar. - -The Scandinavians endowed, like the Germans, with deep affections have -an intellect perhaps not so rich as theirs, but they possess greater -energy. There seemed to be little probability that these countries would -receive the Reformation. The clergy were powerful, and the nobility most -commonly followed the leading of the priests; but the people, without -any violent action, without any abrupt movements or passionate speeches, -were to pronounce finally and decisively for the truth and for freedom. -It was in the hearts of the sons of the soil and the dwellers on the sea -coasts, that the love of the Gospel began to spring up in the sixteenth -century. - -[Sidenote: John Tausen.] - -The island of Fionia, situated in the centre of the Danish States, -between the continent of Jutland and the island of Zealand, is a green -and wooded country, full of freshness, radiant with beauty, generally -bordered with picturesque rocks cut out by the sea, the fiords of which -run up far into the land. On one of these inlets, to the north-east of -the Great Belt, stands the village of Kiertminde. At the end of the -fifteenth century there was living in this village a poor farmer named -Tausen, and to him was born, in 1494, a son who was named John. The -child used to play on the shores of the Great Belt, where the first -objects that attracted his notice were the sea and its vast expanse, the -waves running in to break upon the shore, the boats of the fishermen, -the distant ships, the abysses and the storms. His father was poor, and -John, from an early age, assisted him in his labors; he accompanied him -to the hop plantations, or leaped with him into the fishing-boat, -braving the waves. As it was customary for every one to make his own -garments, his furniture and his tools, the boy learnt a little of every -thing. But there was an intelligence in him which seemed to mark him out -for a higher calling than that of laborer or fisherman. His father and -mother often talked of this; but they were grieved to think that they -were unable, on account of their poverty, to give their son a liberal -education.[214] - -However, the spirit which God gives a child often overcomes the greatest -obstacles. The men who are self-made without assistance from others are -usually those who exert the most powerful influence on their -contemporaries. In John Tausen there was a strong bent for study;[215] -and God never wills the end without providing the means. At the distance -of five or six miles from the village was Odensee, an ancient town of -which Odin was the reputed founder, and which at least bore his name; -and in this town was a school attached to the cathedral. John was placed -here by his parents; and being poor, like Luther, he gained his living -like him, by singing with other boys from door to door before the houses -of the rich folk of the town. He soon became distinguished among the -scholars; and some years later, one Knud Rud, a holder of a fief of the -crown, being in want of a tutor, took him into his family.[216] - -The office of a teacher did not satisfy the lofty aspirations of Tausen. -Theology, which concerns itself with God and with the destination of -man, appeared to him to be above all the other sciences. He had also -another reason for paying attention to it. The love for heavenly good -was not yet kindled in his soul, but he was already anxious to hold a -good position in the world. The clergy and the nobility were the only -influential classes in Denmark; and, as Tausen was not of the noble -class, he would fain be at least a priest. There was, in his -neighborhood, at Antwerskov, a monastery of the Johannites, one of the -richest in the kingdom. The prior Eskill, was not only a powerful -prelate, but also perpetual counsellor of the crown. Tausen, impelled by -ambition, begged for admission into this monastery, and he took his vows -there in 1515. He was at this time twenty-one years of age, the same age -as Luther when he entered the cloister. The Johannites and the -Augustines followed the same rule. Tausen at once displayed intense -eagerness to increase his knowledge, and especially to fit himself for -preaching. He was a born preacher; he felt himself destined for public -discourse. Aware of its importance in the church, he often exercised -himself in preaching. There was pith in his discourses, and the prior, -who was delighted to hear him, liked to think that this young orator -would one day make his monastery illustrious. But a future of an -altogether different character was in store for Tausen. He had a gift, -but this gift was to be of service in raising up the church outside the -pale of Roman Catholicism. - -[Sidenote: Tidings From Germany.] - -The studies to which the young man applied himself with a good -conscience and without hypocrisy led him involuntarily to the -recognition of various errors in the Romish doctrine; and his moral -sense was at the same time offended by the empty babble and the -corruption of the monks. In a little while other lights in addition to -those of reading and reflection began to shine upon him. A new world, -and one which diffused a brightness far and wide, was at this time -created in Germany. Ships were frequently arriving from Lübeck in the -ports of Fionia and Zealand, bringing strange tidings. The merchants who -brought in these vessels told of a monk belonging to the same rule as -Tausen, a man of rare moral purity, who was proclaiming with power a -living and regenerative faith. A quickening breath proceeding from -Saxony in this way touched the islands of Scandinavia. It imparted a new -impulse to the susceptible, generous, and ambitious soul of Tausen. -Conscious that he was surrounded by darkness he began to long after -those regions of Germany which appeared to him to be illuminated with a -living and divine light. He made known his wish to the prior; and the -latter, believing that a residence in a foreign land would make his -young friend more capable of adding reputation to his order; gave him -the permission which he asked for, and added that he would himself pay -the expenses of the journey out of the revenues of the monastery. ‘You -may,’ said he, ‘attend a university, one only being excepted, that of -Wittenberg.’[217] Louvain was recommended to him, a university -distinguished for its attachment to the Roman doctrine. - -[Sidenote: Tausen At Wittenberg.] - -Tausen set out in 1517, a year memorable for the beginning of the -Reformation, and betook himself to Louvain, cherishing the hope that -some sparks from Wittenberg might have fallen there: but he found -nothing but darkness. He pined for air, he could not breathe, and, -anxious to be nearer to the town from which the light proceeded, he went -to Cologne. But there too, as at Louvain, he found nothing but idle -questionings of a barren scholasticism. Sick of these trifles, these -inanities,[218] he felt a need more and more pressing of a pure doctrine -and of solid studies. The works of Luther which found their way to -Cologne were read there with as much eagerness as are the bulletins from -a great army during a war. Tausen devoured them with the utmost -eagerness. One day it was the ‘Asterisks,’ another it was the -‘Resolutions,’ a third, the discourse on ‘Excommunication,’ and then -others besides. When he had done reading he would close the book with -reverence, and think within himself, ‘Oh, what would it be to hear him -myself!’ He was drawn by two opposing forces. The strict prohibition of -his prior held him back; the living word of Luther was calling him. -Should he go or not? His soul was agitated by a violent struggle. Should -he choose night or day? Is it not written in the Scriptures that a man -must be ready to sell all that he has that he may buy the truth? He no -longer hesitated; and, disregarding the rash promise which he had made, -he left the banks of the Rhine, in 1519, and betook himself to -Wittenberg. He heard Luther, he heard Melanchthon; he was at Wittenberg -at the time of the appearance of the ‘Appeal to the German Nobility;’ he -was there when Luther burnt the pope’s bulls, and when the reformer set -out for Worms to make his appearance before Charles V. The young -Scandinavian, finding in the Gospel the truth and the peace which he had -been so earnestly seeking, embraced with all his heart the cause of the -Reformation. In October, 1521, he quitted Saxony and returned to his -monastery, determined to diffuse in his native land the light which he -had found at Wittenberg.[219] - -Four years had elapsed since his departure, and there was a new state of -things in Denmark. Luther’s writings had reached Copenhagen, and had -been read there with avidity. Above all, Tausen found in his own country -two men who seemed to be called to prepare the work of the Reformation. -One of these men was Paul Eliæ, a native of Holland,[220] prior of a -Carmelite monastery recently founded, the members of which were in -general enlightened men who had some degree of sympathy with Luther. The -other was a young nobleman, not intended for theology, named Peter Petit -of Rosefontaine. He had already seen and heard Luther and Melanchthon -before Tausen; and on his return to Copenhagen in 1519 he had determined -to avail himself of all his family and social relations to influence -other minds and gain them to the side of reform. The most important of -the persons whom he persuaded to favor the Gospel was the King of -Denmark himself.[221] - -[Sidenote: Christian II.] - -This prince, Christian II., who succeeded to the throne in 1513, at the -age of thirty-two, as sovereign of the three Scandinavian kingdoms, was -a man of extraordinary character. Endowed with a penetrating glance, he -distinctly recognized the defects of the constitution of his realm, and -the errors of his age; and he was capable of applying a remedy to them -with a firm and bold hand. To lessen the oppressive power of the -nobility and the clergy, to raise the condition of the townsmen and the -peasantry, were the objects of his reign. But it must be confessed that -self-interest was the mainspring of this enterprise. A friend to -knowledge, to the sciences, to agriculture, commerce, and industry, he -nevertheless took after his barbarian ancestors. He was cruel, and would -go headlong to extremities. While still a youth, the extraordinary -bodily exercises to which he devoted himself alarmed his masters; and -his nightly practices, his excesses of every kind, were the talk among -all classes. At a later time his swiftness of procedure and his faculty -of command in war were admirable; and no less so in peace his power to -secure obedience. When the health of his father began to fail, he gave -proof of a power of attention to affairs of government of which no one -had thought him capable. But this man of the North always retained the -fierce temper of a savage, nor did he ever learn to subdue the evil -dispositions which actuated him. In his fits of violence he had no -regard for age, for virtue, or for greatness; and at the very time that -he was contending against the despotism of castes, he was himself the -greatest despot of all.[222] - -Christian II., perceiving that in order to increase the power of the -Scandinavian kingdom it was necessary to form great alliances, sought -and obtained the hand of Isabella, sister of the Emperor Charles V. The -princess, then fifteen years of age, arrived at Copenhagen in August, -1518, bringing with her a dower of 300,000 florins. The honors which she -received on her entry into the capital were too much for her strength. -While a bishop was delivering before her an interminable discourse, she -turned pale, tottered, and fainted away, the first of her ladies in -waiting catching her in her arms. The king showed great respect for her; -but in the midst of royal fêtes and pomp, a sharp thorn of sorrow -pierced the soul of the daughter of the Cæsars. - -During a residence at Bergen, in Norway, of which kingdom he had been -viceroy, Christian had made the acquaintance of a young and beautiful -Dutchwoman, named Dyveke, whose mother Sigbrit kept a hostelry. The -prince conceived a violent passion for the girl, and thenceforth lived -with her. She died in 1517; but her mother, a proud, tyrannical, and -angry woman, who had a great mastery over other minds and who was -competent even to give prudent counsel in affairs of state, retained the -favor of the prince after her daughter’s death. He had more -consideration for her than for any one else; and when the king was at -her house the greatest lords and most esteemed ministers were compelled -to wait before her door, exposed to rain or snow, till the time came for -them to be admitted. The cold policy of which she made avowal, led this -fierce prince into grave errors and terrible deeds.[223] - -A commissioner of the pope, named Arcimbold, having, in 1517, obtained -from the king by dint of much flattery a license for the sale of -indulgences to the peoples of the North, had set out his wares in front -of the principal churches. ‘By the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ,’ -said he, ‘and of our holy father the pope, I absolve you from all the -sins which you have committed, however enormous they may be; and I -restore you to the purity and the innocence which you possessed at the -time of your baptism, in order that at your death the gates of heaven -may be opened to you.’[224] The papal commissioner, not satisfied with -laying hold of the money of the king’s subjects, was anxious also to -gain the favor of the king. He managed the matter so craftily that he -succeeded. Christian disclosed to him his projects and the most hidden -secrets of his government, in the hope that either the legate or the -pope himself would favor his designs. - -The king, indeed, soon found himself in grave difficulties. Sweden -violated the union of Calmar and declared itself independent of Denmark; -and Troll, the archbishop of Upsala, for endeavoring to uphold the -Danish suzerainty, was imprisoned by the Swedes. The pope was angry and -came to the help of Christian by laying the country under an interdict. -At the same time the king defeated the Swedes. It is not our business to -enter into the details of this struggle; we must limit ourselves to the -narration of the frightful crime by which this prince sealed his -triumph. - -In November, 1520, Christian II., the conqueror of his subjects, was to -be crowned at Stockholm. The insurrection in Sweden had greatly -irritated him; his pride had been exasperated by it, and the violent -excitement of his temper had not been allayed. He was bent on a signal -and cruel act of vengeance, but he dissembled his wrath and let no one -know his scheme. The prelates, nobles, councillors, and other notables -of Sweden, on being invited to the ceremony, perceived that the -coronation would be performed with very remarkable solemnity. The -creatures of the king said that it was to be terrible. - -[Sidenote: Murder Of The Swedish Nobles.] - -Christian had for his adviser and confessor a kinsman of Sigbrit, a -fellow who had been a barber; and this man, knowing his master well, was -always suggesting to him that if he meant to be really king of Sweden he -must get rid of all the Swedish leading men. The prince, leaning on the -pope’s bull which had thundered the interdict over the whole kingdom and -all its inhabitants, undertook to be the arm of the Roman pontiff, and -resolved to indulge without restraint his barbarous passions. He invited -to the castle about a hundred nobles, prelates, and councillors, -received them with gracious smiles, embraced them, deluded them with -vain promises and false hopes, and desired that three days should be -dedicated to all kinds of amusement. Brooding all the time on frightful -schemes, he chatted, laughed, and jested with his guests; and these were -charmed with the amiability of a prince whose malice they had been -taught to dread. Suddenly, on November 7, all was changed. The fêtes -ceased, the musicians and the buffoons disappeared, and their places -were taken by archers. A tribunal was set up. Archbishop Troll, as had -been arranged with the king, came forward boldly as accuser of the lords -and other Swedes who had driven him from his archiepiscopal see. The -king immediately constituted a court of justice, of which he took care -that none should be members but enemies of the accused. The judges, who -hardly knew what crime they had to punish, got over the business by -declaring _heretics_ the sacrilegious men who had dared to imprison a -bishop. Now heresy was a capital crime. The next day, November 8, in the -morning, the gates of the town and the doors of all the houses were -closed. The streets were filled with soldiers and cannon; and, at noon, -the prisoners, surrounded with guards, slowly and sadly descended from -the castle. The report rapidly ran through the whole town that the -bishops, the nobles, and the councillors who had been guests of the king -and had been so magnificently entertained, were being taken to the great -square and were going to be put to death there. In a little while the -square was strewn with the dead bodies of the most distinguished nobles -and prelates of Sweden.[225] - -There seemed to be little chance of such a king ever being a favorer of -the Reformation. Nevertheless, the enterprise undertaken by Luther, and -the changes in states which resulted from it, struck him and excited his -interest. He thought that a religious reform would restrict the power of -the bishops, that the senate would be weakened by their exclusion from -it, and that the crown demesnes would be the richer. At the same time -his powerful understanding was impressed with the errors of Rome and the -imposing truth of the Gospel. - -Nephew by the mother’s side of the elector Frederick of Saxony, the king -took an interest in a religious movement which had the sanction of that -illustrious prince. This strange man imagined that without separating -from Rome he could introduce into his own country the evangelical -doctrines. He determined to trust to the pope to rid him of the most -powerful of his subjects, and to Luther to instruct the rest. He -therefore wrote to his uncle and begged him to send some teacher -competent to purify religion, which was corrupted by the gross indolence -of the priests.[226] The elector forwarded this request to the -theologians of Wittenberg, who nominated Martin Reinhard, a master of -arts, from the diocese of Wurzburg, on the recommendation, as it -appears, of Carlstadt. - -[Sidenote: Burlesque Of Reinhard.] - -Reinhard, who seems to have somewhat resembled Carlstadt in his unsteady -and restless temper, arrived at Copenhagen in December, 1520.[227] The -king assigned him the church of St. Nicholas to preach in. The -inhabitants of Copenhagen, eager to become acquainted with the new -doctrine, flocked in crowds to the church. But the orator spoke German, -and his hearers knew nothing but Danish. He appealed therefore to -Professor Eliæ, who agreed to translate his discourses. Master Martin, -vexed at finding that he was not understood, tried to make up for what -was wanting by loudness of voice and frequent and violent gestures.[228] -The astonished hearers understood nothing, but wonderingly followed with -their eyes those hurried movements of the arms, the hands, the head, and -the whole body. The priests who were casting about for some means of -damaging the foreigner, caught at this circumstance, began to mock this -ridiculous gesticulation, and stirred up the people against the German -orator. Consequently, when he entered the church, he was received with -sarcasm, with grimaces, and almost with hootings.[229] The clergy -resolved to do even more. There was at Copenhagen a fellow notorious for -his cleverness in mimicking in an amusing way any body’s air and actions -and speech. The canons of St. Mary prevailed on him by a large reward, -and engaged him regularly to attend the preaching of Martin Reinhard, to -study his gestures, the expression of his features, and the intonations -of his voice. In a short time this fellow succeeded in imitating the -accent, the voice, the gestures of Reinhard. Henceforth the burlesque -mimic became an indispensable guest at all banquets. He used to appear -on these occasions in a costume like that of the doctor; grave -salutations were made to him, and he was called _Master Martin_. He -delivered the most high-flown speeches on the most profane topics, and -accompanied them with gestures so successful that, on seeing and hearing -the caricature, you seemed to see and hear the master of arts -himself.[230] He threw out his arms right and left, upward and downward, -and filled the air with the piercing or prolonged tones of the orator. -At table, they gorged him with meats and wine, in order to make him more -extravagant still. He was taken from quarter to quarter, and from street -to street, and repeated everywhere his comic representations. It was the -time of the Carnival, when nothing was cared for but buffoonery, and the -people responded to the declamations of the mimic by great bursts of -laughter. ‘This was done,’ adds the chronicle, ‘for the purpose of -extinguishing the light of the Gospel which God himself had kindled.’ - -This was not enough for the priests; they must get a stop put to sermons -which, in spite of their strange delivery, contained much truth. A -beginning was made by depriving Reinhard of his interpreter. The bishops -of Roschild and Aarhuus offered to Eliæ a canonry at Odensee. The -latter, wishing for nothing better than to make his escape from a -business which was becoming ridiculous, accepted it. The people called -him _the weathercock priest_. Reinhard, thus compelled to relinquish -preaching, maintained in Latin some theses on the doctrines of the -Reformation. Eliæ, at the instigation of the bishop of Aarhuus, -completely changed sides and attacked the messenger of Melanchthon and -Luther.[231] At the same time, the University required that the writings -of the reformers should be proscribed. The king had certainly not been -happy at his game. When the awakening of a people is in question, it is -not for royal chanceries to undertake it. There is a head of the church, -Jesus Christ, to whom this work belongs, and he had chosen for it the -son of a peasant of Kiertminde and other men like him. - -The king, however, was in no humor to tolerate the opposition of bishops -whose influence he had set himself to destroy. He profited by the lesson -he had received. Finding that Reinhard was not the man that he wanted, -the king sent him back to Saxony, requiring him to take an invitation -from himself to the great reformer, whose position in Germany, Christian -thought, the edict of the diet of Worms must have made untenable. If -Luther could not come, said the king, he must send Carlstadt. - -The first of these calls was unacceptable, and the second was -unfortunate. - -Reinhard, who reached Wittenberg at the beginning of March, did not fail -to push himself into notice. He related to Luther what had taken place -at Copenhagen, or at least such portions of the story as were favorable -to himself and to his cause. It gave great joy to the reformer. ‘The -king of Denmark,’ he wrote to Spalatin (March 7), ‘has forbidden the -university to condemn my writings and is sharply pressing the -papists.’[232] Luther did not accept the king’s offer. His place was at -Wittenberg. Would not removing him from Germany be taking him from -Europe and from the work for which he had been chosen? At the most, he -thought that if in some dark hour the danger resulting from the edict of -Worms became too urgent, Denmark might be an asylum for him. As for the -turbulent Carlstadt, he was quite ready, and the adventure pleased him. -He took his passports and set out. - -[Sidenote: Code Of Christian II.] - -While awaiting the arrival of the Wittenberg doctors, Christian, a -prince at once civilized and savage, a murderer and a lover of -literature, a despot, a tyrant, and nevertheless the author of laws -really liberal, published a code which did him great credit. He felt the -necessity of reforming the clergy; he wished to imbue the ecclesiastics -with patriarchal morality, and to suppress the feudal and often corrupt -morality which characterized them. A third part of the land belonged to -them, and they were incessantly trying to add to their possessions. All -the bishops had strong castles and a body of guards in attendance on -their persons. The archbishop of Lund was usually accompanied by a -hundred and thirty knights, and the other prelates had almost as many. -The king forbade that more than twenty mounted guards should escort the -archbishop, and that the bishops should not have more than twelve or -fourteen domestics.[233] Then, coming to moral order, Christian said—‘No -prelate or priest may acquire any lands unless he follow the doctrine of -St. Paul (1 Tim. iii.), unless he take a wife and live like his -ancestors in the holy state of marriage.’ By suppressing celibacy, the -king not only put an end to great licentiousness, but he gave the -death-blow to the Romish hierarchy. - -This law is the more remarkable because it preceded by four years the -declaration of Luther against celibacy. Another ordinance displayed the -wisdom, and we might almost say the humanity of the king. The bishops -had appropriated the right of wreck, so that whenever a ship foundered, -their men took possession of all articles which the sea cast up on the -shore, and sometimes put the shipwrecked men to death, lest they should -reclaim their property. The king withdrew this right from them. The -bishops complained. ‘I will allow nothing,’ said the king, ‘which is -contrary to the law of God as it is written in the Holy Scriptures.’ -‘They contain no law about waifs and wrecks,’ said a bishop sharply. -‘What then,’ replied Christian, ‘is the meaning of the sixth and eighth -commandments—“Thou shalt not kill,” “Thou shalt not steal”?‘[234] - -[Sidenote: Carlstadt In Denmark.] - -At this crisis, Carlstadt arrived in Denmark. He was not the man that -was wanted. A lover of innovation, and rash in his proceedings, he had -by no means the moderation essential for reformers. He was honorably -received, and a grand banquet was given him. At table, he was thrown off -his guard, he talked a good deal and got excited, and when heated with -the feast he violently attacked the doctrine of transubstantiation.[235] -This outburst against the fundamental doctrine of Roman Catholicism gave -offence even to some of the friends of reform. The bishops took -advantage of it. ‘The master,’ they said, ‘is no better than the -disciple (Reinhard).’ The imprudent colleague of Luther was politely -sent back to Wittenberg. - -The king, who was at this time absent from Copenhagen, was however no -stranger to the disgrace of this imprudent and noisy Wittenberg doctor. -Christian had gone into the Netherlands, to meet his brother-in-law -Charles the Fifth, for the purpose of treating with him of important -matters. He easily changed his mind, as passionate men generally do; and -amidst the splendor of the imperial court, he yielded to the influence -of the new atmosphere which surrounded him. He wished the emperor to -concede to him, as king of Denmark, the right of conferring the duchy of -Holstein as a fief. The court bishops, on their side, implored Charles -to make the expulsion of the Lutheran doctors the price of this favor. -Christian, aware of all that he had to fear from the Pope, from Sweden, -and even from a great number of the Danes, was anxious to conciliate the -emperor that he might be able to face all his enemies. He therefore -complied with the requirements of Charles. Carlstadt, as we have seen, -was sent away from Denmark, and Reinhard never returned. - -For the reformation of Denmark Danes were required. Soon after the -departure of Carlstadt, Tausen requested permission to teach at the -university of Copenhagen, and he did actually lecture there on -theology.[236] But no man could then carry a bright lamp without -attempts being made to extinguish it. The teaching of the son of the -peasant of Fionia aroused opposition; the professor was recalled by his -prior, and remained for two years in his convent. Time was thus given -him in his retirement to meditate; and while he was strengthening -himself in the faith, great events were about to prepare the way for the -Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Renewed Revolt Of The Swedes.] - -The concessions which Christian made to the enemies of the evangelical -doctrines did not bring him any advantage. A violent storm at once broke -out on all sides against the prince and threatened to overthrow him. -Sweden revolted against him. Duke Frederick, his uncle, angry that his -nephew wanted to make Holstein a fief of Denmark, entered into an -alliance with the powerful city of Lübeck to fight against him. The -prelates, also, and the nobles of Denmark, seeing that Christian was -bent upon ruining them, formed a resolution to get rid of him. The blind -docility with which Christian followed the counsels of Sigbrit provoked -the grandees of the kingdom. Nothing was done except by the advice of -this woman of very low origin. The king conferred benefits only on her -favorites; and even political negotiations were discussed in her -presence and left in her hands. - -The pride, the tyranny, and the passions of this old sorceress—for such -was she called—excited the indignation of all classes of society. The -people themselves were hostile to her, and many among the middle classes -were on her account hostile to the king. - -The prelates and the barons resolved to have recourse to extreme -measures. They addressed to Christian (January 20, 1523) a letter by -which they revoked the powers with which he had been invested on the day -of his coronation. At the same time, they offered the crown of Denmark -to the duke of Holstein.[237] By these measures the monarch was thrown -into a state of unparalleled perplexity. All, however, was not lost. He -might recall the troops which he had in Sweden; he might then appeal to -the Danish people, among whom he still had many partisans, and might -maintain himself in Copenhagen until his allies, either the king of -England or his brother-in-law the emperor, should come to his aid. But -the blow which had fallen upon him was altogether unexpected. He lost -his presence of mind; his courage, his pride and his energies were -crushed. This terrible despot gave way and humbled himself. Instead of -offering resistance to the States of the kingdom, he threw himself at -their feet and pledged himself thenceforth to govern according to their -advice. He was willing to do any thing to give them satisfaction. He -promised to have masses said for the souls of those whom he had unjustly -put to death; he undertook even to make _a pilgrimage to Rome_. But the -nobility and the priests were inexorable; and the pope to whom he -appealed for help turned a deaf ear to him. Then Christian lost his -head; one might have thought that a waterspout had fallen and thrown him -to the ground. He caused a score of ships to be fitted out; hastily -collected the crown jewels, his gold, his archives, and every thing -which he most highly valued, and prepared for flight with the queen, his -children, the archbishop of Lund, and a few faithful attendants. His -greatest anxiety was to find means of taking Sigbrit along with him. At -all cost he was determined not to part with his adviser; and the hatred -which the people bore to this woman was so great that if she had been -seen she would have been torn to pieces. Christian therefore had one of -his chests made ready, and in this the old woman was laid. The chest was -carefully closed, and the unhappy creature was thus carried on board -like a piece of luggage. On the 14th April, 1523, the king weighed -anchor; but no sooner had he put to sea than his fleet was scattered by -a storm.[238] - -Christian nevertheless succeeded in reaching the Netherlands, and he -hastened immediately to the emperor to implore his aid. Nor did he -confine himself to soliciting this prince, but applied to all the powers -and conjured them to come forward to assist him. Charles the Fifth -agreed to write to Duke Frederick; but his letters remained without -effect. At the same time he refused to furnish the king with the troops -which he asked for. The unfortunate monarch now appealed to Henry VIII., -who made him magnificent promises, but kept none of them. Christian in -his distress betook himself to his brother-in-law, the elector of -Brandenburg, and next to his uncle, the elector of Saxony. As their -efforts of mediation all came to nothing, Christian assembled a small -army and with it advanced into Holstein. But he had no money to pay his -men, and consequently the greater part of them deserted him; and the -rest demanded their pay with threats. Under cover of night the unhappy -prince took flight.[239] - -Christian, deserted by men, appeared now to turn to the Gospel. He -became one of the hearers of Luther,[240] and told every one that he had -never heard the truth preached in such a fashion; and that thenceforth, -with God’s help, he would bear his trial more patiently.[241] Must we -believe that these declarations were mere hypocrisy? May we not rather -suppose that in the soul of Christian there were two natures; the one -full of rudeness and violence, the other susceptible of pious feeling; -and that he passed easily from one to another? His heart, opened by -adversity, appears at this time to have received with joy the truths of -the Gospel. When the elector of Brandenburg endeavored to persuade him -to return to the Roman doctrine, he replied—‘Rather lose forever my -three kingdoms than abandon the faith and the cause of Luther.’ But in -speaking thus Christian was deceiving himself. Selfishness was the basis -of his character, and he was always ready to do honor to the pope when -he saw any hope of the pontiff’s aid in reinstating him on the -throne.[242] - -[Sidenote: Death Of Queen Isabella.] - -There were in his own family more faithful witnesses to the truth. His -sister, the wife of the elector of Brandenburg, was devoted to the -Gospel, and being persecuted by her husband was compelled to take refuge -in Saxony. Christian’s wife, Queen Isabella, herself a sister of Charles -the Fifth, having gone to Nürnberg for the purpose of asking in behalf -of her husband the assistance of her brother Ferdinand, received in that -town the communion at the hands of the evangelical Osiander. When the -archduke heard of it, he said to her very angrily that he no longer -owned her as his sister. ‘Even if you disown me,’ bravely replied the -sister of Charles the Fifth, ‘I will not on that account disown the Word -of God.’ This princess died in the following year (1526), in the -Netherlands, professing to the last a purely evangelical faith.[243] She -partook of the body and the blood of Christ, according to the -institution of the Saviour, although the grandees who were about her put -forth all their efforts to get her to accept the rites of the papacy. -This Christian decision of character in a sister of the emperor, in a -country in which the papal system in its strictest shape prevailed, -greatly troubled her connections and appeared to them a monstrous thing. -The imperial family could not possibly allow it to be thought that one -of its members had died a heretic. When the queen had lost all -consciousness, a priest by order of his superiors approached her and -administered to her extreme unction, just as he might have done to a -corpse. Every body understood that this proceeding, so grave in -appearance, was a mere piece of mimicry. The faith of the dying queen -was everywhere known and gladdened the friends of the Gospel. ‘Christ,’ -said Luther, ‘wished for once to have a queen in heaven.’[244] Isabella -was not the last. - -Nevertheless, the triumph of the prelatical and aristocratic party in -Denmark seemed to ensure the final ruin of the evangelical cause. No one -doubted that the abuses of the papacy and of feudalism would be -confirmed for the future. But there is a power which watches over the -destinies of the Christian religion, and which when this appears to be -buried in the depth of the abysses brings it forth again with glory. God -lifts up what men cast down. - -Footnote 214: - - ‘Quanquam nee parentum rusticorum quippe conditio, nec rei familiaris - inopia permitterent ut ad literarum studia applicaret - animum.’—Gerdesius, _Annales Reformationis_, iii. p. 355. - -Footnote 215: - - ‘In studia propensionem ab infantia vehementem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 216: - - Bröndlund, _Memoria J. Tausani_. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte von - Dänemark_, i. p. 73. - -Footnote 217: - - ‘Adiret universitatem excepta sola atque unica - Witebergensi.’—Gerdesius, _Annal. Reform_, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii. - p. 74. - -Footnote 218: - - ‘Nugarum et ineptiarum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 219: - - Gerdesius, _Annales Reformationis_, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii. p. 74. - -Footnote 220: - - Olivarus, _Hist. de Vita P. Eliæ carmel_.—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. - 329. - -Footnote 221: - - Gamst, _De Petro Parvo Rosæfontano_. He was called in Danish, instead - of _Parvus_, Litle, which was converted into _Lille_, the name by - which he is best known.—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 341. - -Footnote 222: - - See the documents collected by Gram, _Om Kong Christiern den Anderns - forehafte Reformation_. Mallet, _Hist. du Danemark_, tom. iii. - -Footnote 223: - - Suaningius, _Christianus II._ Mallet, _Hist. du Danemark_, vol. iii. - Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 100. - -Footnote 224: - - Pontoppidan, _Kirchenhist._ book vi. ch 3. Munter, iii. p. 12. - -Footnote 225: - - [On the author’s manuscript appears this note: ‘_Add some details from - the documents._’ This intention was not carried out. The details are - wanting.—EDITOR.] - -Footnote 226: - - Suaningius, _Vita Christierni II._ Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 342. - -Footnote 227: - - ‘Ex jussu principis vocatus huc venit.’—Matriculation-Book of the - Faculty of Theology of Copenhagen. - -Footnote 228: - - Scultetus, _Hist. Litt. Reform._ i. p. 33. - -Footnote 229: - - ‘Ut ludibrio sannisque exceptus fuerit.‘—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. - 343. - -Footnote 230: - - ‘Omnibus conviviis et symposiis adhibitus, de rebus levissimis - ridiculisque conciones habuit. . . ita ut Martinum ipsum adesse vulgo - esset persuasum.’—Huitfeld, _Chron. Dan._ ii. p. 1152. Suaningius, - _Vita Christierni II._ - -Footnote 231: - - Documents of Gram, p. 2. Resen, _Lutherus triumphans_, ad an. 1521. - -Footnote 232: - - ‘Rex Daniæ etiam persequitur Papistas, mandato dato universitati suæ - ne mea damnarent.’—Luther, _Epp._ i. p. 570. (De Wette.) - -Footnote 233: - - ‘Archiepiscopum vero equitantem viginti juvenes cum equis - prosequantur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 347. - -Footnote 234: - - Schlegel, _Geschichte der oldemb. Könige in Dänemark_, i. p. 107. - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 48. - -Footnote 235: - - Suaningius, _Christianus II._ - -Footnote 236: - - ‘Mense Octobri inscriptus est in matriculam academiæ ad theologicæ - facultatis professionem.’—Resen, _Lutherus triumphans_, ad an. 521. - Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 356. - -Footnote 237: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, p. 79. Mallet, iii. p. 420. - -Footnote 238: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 82. Raumer, ii. p. 116. Mallet, - iii. p. 595. - -Footnote 239: - - Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 142. - -Footnote 240: - - ‘Christiernus Lutherum diu concionantem audit.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ i. - p. 52. - -Footnote 241: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 84. - -Footnote 242: - - Spalatin, _Leben Friedrichs des Weisen_, p. 137. - -Footnote 243: - - ‘Magna fide excessit accepta cœna Domini.’—Luther, _Opp._ ii. p. 93. - (De Wette.) - -Footnote 244: - - Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, pp. 600, 722. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - A REFORMATION ESTABLISHED UNDER THE REIGN OF LIBERTY. - (1524-1527.) - - -[Sidenote: Frederick, Duke Of Holstein.] - -Christian I. of Denmark, the first king of the house of Oldenburg, -grandfather of Christian II., had left two sons, John and Frederick. -John succeeded him in the sovereignty of the three kingdoms. Frederick, -for whom the queen Dorothea, wife of Christian I., felt a warm -predilection, had not the genius of his nephew Christian II. He was -destitute of the intelligence which embraced at once so many objects, -the swift and accurate glance, and the indefatigable activity which -distinguished that strange monarch. Frederick had a tranquil soul, a -prudent and moderate temper, a serenity and liveliness which charmed his -mother and his connections, but which were not qualifications sufficient -for a king. Now, if he did not possess the good qualities of his nephew, -he was at the same time without his cruelty or his violence; or at least -he showed these only towards that unfortunate prince. The queen Dorothea -had a passionate longing to give a throne to her favorite son, and urged -her husband to assign to him Holstein and Schleswig. Christian yielded -to her wishes and gave the sovereignty of these duchies to her second -son, then of the age of eleven. He did this only by word of mouth, -having left no will.[245] The inhabitants of these provinces were -satisfied, preferring a sovereign of their own to dependence on the king -of the three northern realms. - -It was otherwise with King John. As he was unwilling to renounce these -provinces, he resolved to get his brother to enter the Church. He -therefore sent him to study at Cologne and procured him a canonry in -that town. But Frederick was not inclined for this. The barrenness of -the scholastic theology disgusted him and the Reformation attracted him. -Instigated by the queen, his mother, he quitted Cologne, renouncing his -canonry, his office, his prebend, his breviary, and his easy life. He -preferred a crown, even with its toils and weariness, and demanded of -his brother, the king, his portion of the duchies, which, said he, ought -at least to be divided between them. The king consented. Frederick -settled in Holstein and ruled his subjects in peace. He held intercourse -with some disciples of Luther, took an interest in their evangelical -labors, and gave them permission to diffuse the doctrine of the -Reformation among the Cimbri.[246] - -His brother being dead, and his nephew Christian having succeeded to the -three Scandinavian kingdoms, the peaceful Frederick found himself called -to higher destinies. His gentleness was as widely known as his nephew’s -violence. Could the Danes find a better king? - -At the time of Christian’s misfortunes, the bishops of Jutland, as we -have stated, actually offered the crown to Frederick. The Council of the -Kingdom did the same and declared that if he rejected it they would -invite a foreign prince. The duke, at this time fifty-two years of age, -foresaw the anxieties and the struggles to which he was about to expose -himself. Nevertheless, the kingdoms of his father were offered to him, -and he could not bear the thought of seeing them pass to another -dynasty. He therefore accepted the crown. Some portions of the kingdom, -and particularly Copenhagen, remained in the power of the former king. - -No sooner had Frederick received the crown than he tasted the bitterness -of the golden cup which had just been offered him. The priests and the -nobles required of him the maintenance and even the enlargement of the -privileges of which Christian had intended to deprive them. Frederick -had to promise ‘that he would never permit a heretic, whether a disciple -of Luther or not, to preach or teach secretly or publicly doctrines -contrary to the God of heaven or to the Roman Church,’ and to add ‘that -if any were found in his kingdom he would deprive them of life and -goods.’[247] This was hard. Frederick inclined to the evangelical -doctrines, and he knew that many of his subjects did the same. Should he -forbid them? But the crown was only to be had at this price. - -Henry IV. paid dearer for Paris; he abandoned his creed and professed -himself a Roman Catholic. Frederick meant to keep his faith; it is even -possible that, full of confidence in the power of truth, he hoped to see -it, in spite of the bishops, win the victory. However this might be, he -confined himself, when writing to the Pope, to a brief announcement of -his accession, without making any promise. Clement VII., offended at -this silence, reminded him of the promise which he had made at the time -of his election, adding a grain of flattery to his exhortations. ‘I am -well acquainted,’ he said, ‘with that royal virtue of which you gave -proof by avowing your resolution to persecute with fire and sword the -heresy of Luther.’[248] This was a thoroughly papal speech. - -[Sidenote: Frederick’s Liberal Leanings.] - -Frederick felt the difficulty of his position; and after a thorough -investigation he came to a decision in favor of religious liberty. Must -we suppose that he repented of the engagement which he had made? Did he -believe that if a man has taken an oath to commit a crime (persecution -assuredly would have been one), it is a sin to fulfil it? We cannot -tell. Naturally circumspect and reflective, Frederick would require time -to pass from the first doubts excited in him by the Romish doctrines to -a firm belief in evangelical truth. - -He could not all at once throw off convictions which were dear to him -and accept contrary opinions. Believing, however, that it was no -business of his to regulate matters of faith, he determined to hold the -balance even, and in his capacity of king to lean neither to one side -nor to the other. There were some points of resemblance between this -prince and Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, who, though he did not -immediately declare for the Reformation, allowed full liberty to -Luther’s teaching. Christian’s uncle felt himself free to keep the -promises which he had made to the nobles, and he thereby won their -liking. He did not deprive the clergy of their pomp or their wealth; and -with respect to the reformers and their disciples, instead of -persecuting them with fire and sword as the Pope required him to do, he -let them alone, and did them neither good nor harm. If the Reformation -was to be established in Denmark, it would be so not by the power of the -king, but by the power of God and of the people. The state would not -interfere. Frederick as king, moreover, thus continued what he had begun -as duke. - -Before Frederick was seated on the throne of Denmark, the Reformation -had begun in the duchies.[249] Husum, a town situated on the coast of -the North Sea, at a distance of six or seven leagues from Schleswig, had -seen this light arise which was afterwards to make glad so many souls in -these lands. The chapter of Husum was dependent on the cathedral church -of Schleswig, in which twenty-four vicars discharged the functions of -the idle or absent prebendaries. One of them, Herrmann Tast, awakened by -the earliest sound of the Reformation, had seized the Bible and read the -works of Luther; and about 1520 he publicly professed the truth which he -had discovered. He gained over one of his colleagues. One of the -principal men of the town, a learned man and the son of a natural -daughter of Duke Frederick, took Tast under his protection, and assigned -him a room in his own house in which he might set forth the riches which -he had discovered. The number of his hearers increased to such an extent -that, in 1522, he was obliged to hold his meetings in the open air, in -the cemetery. He used to take his stand under a lime-tree, and begin by -singing Luther’s psalm _Eine feste Burg_; and there, on that field of -the dead, he proclaimed the words of the Son of God. Many of those who -had heard them had received the new life. Tast did not long confine -himself to preaching the Gospel at Husum, but began to visit the country -districts, the towns and villages, diffusing the knowledge [Sidenote: -Edict Of Toleration.] of the Saviour in all the country round. Many of -the townsmen and the nobles believed. The old bishop of Schleswig, a -tolerant man, and acquainted with the views of Frederick, winked at the -progress of evangelical doctrine. Frederick, as soon as he became king, -promulgated an edict by which religious liberty was formally established -for the two opposing parties. Offering due homage to the sovereignty of -God in matters of the soul, he suppressed in its presence his own kingly -authority. ‘Let no one,’ said he, ‘do any injury to his neighbor in his -estate, his honor, or his body, on account either of papist or Lutheran -doctrine; but let every one act with respect to religion as his own -conscience dictates and in such a manner that he may be able to give a -good account to Almighty God.’[250] - -One work there was, however, essential to the progress of the Gospel, -which the Danish clergy would not have allowed to be done. This was the -translation and printing of the Holy Scriptures in the vulgar tongue. If -Frederick had sanctioned it, he would have violated his neutrality. How -to overcome this difficulty? It was got over in a surprising way. It was -Frederick’s opponent, his terrible and unfortunate nephew, formerly the -ally of the Pope, who accomplished this work, or at least who caused it -to be done by those about him. Michelsen, the burgomaster of Malmoe, had -followed the king in his disgrace, leaving behind him his wife, his -daughter, and his property. The latter was confiscated. Christian II., -who, since he heard Luther, was full of zeal for evangelical doctrine, -and perhaps also saw that it was the most powerful weapon for the -humiliation of his enemy, the Roman hierarchy, urged the ex-burgomaster, -who had become his private secretary, to complete and to publish the -Danish translation of the New Testament which was already began. The -translators had made use of the Vulgate and of the translations of -Erasmus and Luther. Luther’s, especially, had been followed by Michelsen -in the translation of the apostolical epistles, with which he was -entrusted. This Danish translation was printed at Leipzig in small -quarto, in 1524, under the sanction and with the assistance of -Christian; and it was sent into Denmark from one of the ports of the -Netherlands, probably from Antwerp, whence likewise Tyndale’s English -translation had gone forth. There were three prefaces; two of them were -translated from Luther, and the third was written by Michelsen. - -In this preface the ex-burgomaster did not spare the priests. The famous -placards published in France, in 1534, were not more severe. Michelsen -believed that in order to make known the Gospel of Christ it was -necessary to destroy the power of the clergy. ‘These blasphemers,’ he -said, ‘by publishing their anti-christian bulls and their ecclesiastical -laws, have obscured the Holy Scriptures, and blinded the simple flock of -Christ. With lying lips and hearts callous to the miseries of others, -they have so preached to the people their useless verbiage that we have -been unable to learn any thing except what their pretended sanctity -deigned to tell us. But now God, in his unsearchable grace, has taken -pity on our wretchedness, and has begun to reveal to his people his holy -word, so that, as he had foretold by one of his prophets, their errors, -their perfidy, and their tyranny shall be known to all the world.’[251] -At the same time Michelsen exhorted the Danes to make use of their -rights and liberty in drawing at the very fountain-head of the truth. - -It was a strange thing to see the two rival kings both favoring the -Reformation, the bad man by his activity, the good by his neutrality. - -The Danish clergy perceived the blow which was struck at them, and they -endeavored to evade and to return it. They could no longer resort to -force, for the liberal principles of Frederick were opposed to it. A man -was therefore sought who could maintain the contest by speech and by -writing. Such a man they thought they had found in Paul Eliæ. No one in -Denmark was better acquainted with the Reformation than he was; he had -for some time gone with it, and afterwards had abandoned it and been -rewarded by the favor of the bishops. He was summoned from Jutland, -where he then was, to Zealand; and he began at once to act and to preach -against the Wittenberg doctrine. But people remembered his antecedents -and they had no confidence in him. Instead, therefore, of attacking the -friends of the Holy Scriptures, he was obliged to defend himself.[252] - -[Sidenote: The King’s Son In Germany.] - -If it was a happy circumstance for the Reformation that the king -remained neutral between the two religious parties, it was still much to -be wished that he should attain to more decision in his faith and in his -personal profession of the Gospel. A domestic event occurred to set him -free from all fear and all embarrassment. His eldest son, named -Christian like the last king, was a young man full of ardor, -intelligence, activity and energy. Two or three years before, his father -wishing him to see Germany, to reside at a foreign court, and to become -better acquainted with the men and the movements of Europe, sent him (in -1520) to his uncle the elector of Brandenburg, appointing for his -governor John Rantzau, a man distinguished for his knowledge and his -extensive travels. Unfortunately the elector was one of the most violent -adversaries of Luther. It might well be feared that the young prince -would catch the air, the temper, and the tone of this court, filled as -it was with prejudice against the Reformation. The very reverse -happened. The severity of the elector and the blind hatred which the -prince and his courtiers bore to the Reformation galled the young duke. -In the following year his uncle took him with him to Worms, fancying -that the condemnation of the heretic by the emperor and the diet would -make a powerful impression on the young man. But when Luther spoke and -courageously declared that he was ready to die rather than renounce his -faith, Christian’s heart beat high and his enthusiastic soul was won to -the cause which had such noble champions. This cause became still dearer -to him when his uncle the elector joined with the bishops in demanding -the violation of the safe-conduct given to Luther. His astonishment and -indignation were at their height. Rantzau himself, who had seen the -court of Rome, and who in the course of his travels had continual -opportunities of making himself intimately acquainted with the -corruption of the Church, was completely won over to the cause which was -vanquished at Worms. In this town Christian formed an acquaintance with -a young man, Peter Svave, who was studying at Wittenberg, and who by his -own desire had accompanied Luther to the Diet, and was full of love for -the Gospel. Christian obtained leave from his father to attach him to -his person, and gave him his entire confidence. As soon as he returned -to Holstein Christian declared himself openly for the Reformation. The -warmth of his convictions, the eloquence of his faith, his decision of -character, and the simplicity and affability of his manners, which won -him all hearts, exerted a wholesome influence on the king. At the same -time, the prudence, experience, and varied knowledge of Rantzau gave the -monarch confidence in the work of which his son’s governor showed -himself a zealous partisan.[253] - -[Sidenote: The King’s Declaration Of Faith.] - -Copenhagen was still in the hands of Christian II.; and Henry Gjoë was -in command there, awaiting the succor necessary to enable him to hold -his ground. Frederick sent his son to Zealand to press the surrender of -the place; and he himself went to Nyborg, in the island of Fionia. Gjoë, -finding that further resistance was useless, offered to capitulate. It -was agreed that Copenhagen should be given up to King Frederick on the -6th February (1524), and that the garrison should withdraw to any place -which it might choose. The young duke Christian signed these articles in -the name of the king his father, and had the good news immediately -communicated to him. Ten days after the surrender of the capital, on the -16th February, the king made his entry, to the great joy of the -inhabitants, who were wearied with an eight months’ siege. Frederick, -without making any attack on the dominant Church, at once avowed frankly -and fearlessly the evangelical faith. One man of high standing, the -councillor of the kingdom, Magnus Gjoë, had embraced the Reformation, -and even had a minister in his own house. The king went to the modest -meeting which was held there and received the Lord’s Supper in both -kinds. He dispensed with all the trivial practices imposed by Rome; and -the nobles of Holstein who formed part of his suite and many Danish -lords followed his example. The clergy day by day lost the respect which -they had enjoyed; and a large number of persons deserted the -confessional, sought pardon of God alone, and ceased from their evil -ways.[254] - -The Danes had been as much offended as the Germans by the quackery of -indulgences. They had opened their eyes and condemned this traffic and -the religion which carried it on; but they had remained silent. This -silence, however, was not that of indifference. There was perhaps in -these northern nations more slowness than in those of the south; but -they made up for this defect by greater reflectiveness, deeper -convictions and stronger characters. Indignant that the court of Rome -should look on them as a crowd of people born blind, doomed by their -very nature to perpetual darkness, they were ere long to awake and -proclaim their liberation. - -It was Tausen who gave the signal for this awakening. He was all this -time in the monastery of Antwerskow. His piety and his virtues diffused -light there in the midst of the darkness of the age; but most of the -monks, carried away by their vices and their hatred of the Gospel, -endeavored to extinguish it. In vain he sought to lead them to the truth -by kindly speech and by patient setting forth of the Gospel. He tried to -catch them separately, to open to them the errors of the Romish religion -and to show them how far they were removed from the way of -salvation.[255] These representations were very unwelcome to the monks. -Tausen resolved to avail himself of the approaching festival of Easter -solemnly to call his hearers to the faith, even at the risk of an -explosion. He obtained leave of the prince to preach on Good Friday, -March 25, 1524. The young Johannite entered the pulpit determined to -utter on this occasion all his thought without any reserve prompted by -worldly prudence. He pointed out to his hearers that man is powerless; -that his good works and pretended satisfactions are poverty itself.[256] -He set forth the merits of Christ and all the greatness of this mystery; -he urged them to condemn the depraved and profane life which they had -hitherto lived, and to come to Christ who would cover them with his -righteousness. The blow was struck. - -This preaching gave rise to great excitement, and the audience were -scandalized by a doctrine which appeared to them entirely new. All the -monks, his superiors, blinded by papal superstition, thought only of how -to get rid of such a heretic.[257] The prior had hardly patience to wait -for the end. He was indignant that a young man to whom he had shown so -much kindness had the audacity publicly to profess the doctrines of the -reformer; and he saw with alarm his convent falling under suspicion of -Lutheranism. He determined therefore to get rid of such a dangerous -guest. He summoned Tausen into his presence, and after censuring him for -his fault told him that he was very desirous of not inflicting on him a -penalty too severe, and would therefore confine himself to sending him -to the second house of the order, at Viborg, which he could enter under -the _surveillance_ of the provost Peter Jansen, until he had retrieved -his errors. Tausen set out for his place of exile. - -[Sidenote: Tausen At Viborg.] - -Viborg, a very old town, is situated in the north of Jutland. The -climate of the district is more inclement, the winds colder and more -violent, the people more coarse and ignorant. The fiords with which the -son of the peasant of Kiertminde had been familiar were there of larger -extent, sometimes separated from the sea merely by a low line of sand, -which in a storm seemed as if it must be swept away by the rush of the -waters. But the young man had to encounter something ruder than the -severe climate. According to the rules he was to be confined as a -heretic in a prison the gates of which would never be opened. The prior -of the monastery, however, when his prisoner arrived, was touched at -seeing, instead of the terrible heretic that he looked for, a young man, -gentle, intelligent, and amiable. His heart was won and he allowed him a -good deal of liberty, particularly that of associating with the other -monks. Could Tausen be silent? He knew well that if he spoke he would -bring on himself fresh persecution. But how could he give up the hope of -doing good to those about him? He remembered what Luther used to say; -‘When the apples are ripe they must be gathered; if we delay they spoil. -The great point is to seize the opportunity.’ _In tempore veni quod est -omnium primum._ It seemed to Tausen as if he were still reading those -words which the good Wittenberg doctor had written in chalk over his -fireplace—‘Who lets slip an hour lets slip a day.’[258] - -Tausen therefore resolved not to lose a moment, and he resumed in the -cloisters of Viborg the work which he had been doing in the cloisters of -Antwerskow. He openly avowed there the doctrine of free salvation, of -justification by grace. The astonished friars at first vigorously -opposed the new-comer. Frequent discussions took place; and that -monastery of the North, in which for so long a time a dead calm had -prevailed, was agitated with great waves white with foam, like the sea -on whose shores it stands. The prior at first shut his eyes. He hoped -that Tausen would be brought back by himself and his monks to the -doctrine of the church; but he was mistaken. Many of the monks were -unsettled, and agitation was beginning in the town. One of the friars, -whose name was Tœger, had his heart touched by the doctrine of Christ; -and opening his mind privately to Tausen begged him to instruct him in -the whole truth. The two friends, taking great precautions and carefully -concealing themselves from their superiors, spent together many blessed -hours in meditation on the Scriptures of God. But no long time elapsed -before persecution broke out.[259] - -[Sidenote: Reform At Copenhagen.] - -Nor was it only in these remote and solitary regions that it was in -preparation. The higher clergy began to discover that the neutrality of -Frederick was as dangerous as the violence of Christian. The new king -was to be crowned in his capital in the mouth of August, 1524, and the -council of the kingdom was to assemble beforehand. This was the moment -chosen by the prelates for settling that Denmark should remain faithful -to the pope. Not one of the ecclesiastical members was missing at the -convocation. Not only all the bishops, but many other dignitaries -besides, mitred abbots, provosts and others, arrived at Copenhagen. The -bishop of this town, Lago Urne, who was grieved to see around him the -altars of Rome more and more forsaken, and masses for the dead and the -money which the priests got by them daily falling off, pointed out to -his colleagues that the opinions of Luther were fast gaining ground, -that not only did the revenue of churchmen suffer thereby, but that -their respect and authority even among the common people were -undermined, and that these novel doctrines would ere long spread from -the capital all over the kingdom. Thirty-six lords, members of the -Council, were present on the occasion. They assembled on the 28th June, -the eve of the festival of the Apostles Peter and Paul. ‘The bishops,’ -said the terrified partisans of the papacy, ‘must oppose the Lutheran -heresy with greater earnestness than they have done; whosoever teaches -it must be punished by imprisonment or other inflictions (they had even -proposed death); the dangerous writings which come in every day from -Antwerp and other places must be proscribed: and there must be no kind -of innovation until the council convoked by the pope decide on the -matter.’ These resolutions were adopted by the members of the council, -both lay and ecclesiastical; and the consequence was that the prohibited -books were sought after and read with more eagerness than before. - -What will the king do? Will he oppose or confirm these resolutions? He -left the council free. But on the day fixed for his coronation, he -arrived at Copenhagen accompanied by an evangelical minister who was -appointed to discharge in his household the duties of chaplain. The -spectacle of this humble pastor making his appearance in the midst of -the royal pomp shocked the worldlings and sorely offended the bishops. -When they saw the prince thus publicly reserving to himself, simply but -decidedly, the free practice of evangelical religion, they were afraid -that it would be no easy matter to deprive the people of the same -freedom. They did not dare however to resist the king. The archbishop -elect of Lund not having yet received consecration, Gustavus Troll, -archbishop of Upsala, presided at the ceremony of consecration. The -proceedings having been gone through without any disturbance, the -bishops, discontented and restless, returned to their dioceses, resolved -to do all they could to check what they called the progress of the -mischief; and persecution on the part of the clergy was set down in the -order of the day throughout the kingdom.[260] - -[Sidenote: Tausen In Prison.] - -It was impossible that Tausen should escape. The bishop of Viborg, -George Friis, was determined to extirpate the Reformation. The young -reformer was apprehended, tried, and sentenced to imprisonment. He was -confined in the underground part of a tower in the town, a doleful abode -to which a little air and daylight found access only through an opening -contrived in the lower part of the building. Of this air-hole, which -sustained the life of the poor prisoner, he was to avail himself to give -life to others, and thus alleviate the misery of his captivity. Those -persons, at least, who were beginning to love the Gospel, filled with -compassion for his misfortune, furtively approached the aperture, which -seems to have looked on an isolated piece of waste ground. They called -to him in low tones; he answered these friendly voices, and the -conversations of the cloisters began again at the foot of the isolated -tower. Some of the burgesses of the town, who had taken a liking to the -Gospel, having heard of these secluded conferences, crept likewise -noiselessly and secretly to the foot of the tower. The pious Johannite -approached the aperture and joyfully proclaimed the Gospel to this -modest audience. A prisoner, in distress, deprived of every thing, -liable to the penalty imposed by the royal capitulation on all the -disciples of Luther, Tausen declared from the depths of his dungeon that -it was nevertheless true that a living faith in the Saviour alone -justifies the sinner. His hearers increased in number from day to day; -and this dungeon, in which it was intended to bury Tausen’s discourse as -in a tomb, was transformed into a pulpit, a strange pulpit indeed, but -one which became more precious to him than that of Antwerskow, from -which he was banished. He was no longer alone in propagating the divine -word. Tœger and the Minorite Erasmus, to whom the young man had made it -known, were zealously diffusing it. They went about from house to house, -and repeated to the families to which they had access, the instructions -which the humble prisoner imparted to them through the vent-hole.[261] -The magistrates shut their eyes to what was going on; and many nobles -who were on terms of friendship with the evangelical lords of Schleswig -declared for the Reformation. They encouraged one another by saying that -the king would not allow the reformers to be put down. The prince was -about, ere long, to go further still. - -When Frederick went in the autumn into Jutland he heard of the -imprisonment and the preaching of Tausen. He had made up his mind not to -put the Roman Catholics in prison, but at the same time he did not -intend that the Catholics should imprison the reformed Christians. He -therefore addressed a rescript on the subject to the council and to the -townsmen of Viborg; in consequence of which the bolts were drawn and the -gates opened to the pious reformer. Frederick went further. After -drawing the poor prisoner from the tower, from his low abode he lifted -him up beside the throne and named him his chaplain. _God raiseth up the -poor from the dunghill and maketh him to sit among princes._ Desirous -still further of marking the decision of his faith, he conferred the -same honor on Tast of Husum. Frederick did not however intend, for the -present at least, to deprive Viborg of the lights which shone there. -Tausen, Tœger, and Erasmus had preached there the kingdom of God. It was -the king’s intention that the Gospel, which was here and there springing -forth as from living fountains in Jutland, should have in this town a -fortress. He, therefore, allowed its inhabitants to retain Tausen as -their pastor; but he set him free from all monastic subordination.[262] -Although the reformer continued for a year or two longer to wear the -dress and to reside in the house of the Johannites, he enjoyed full -liberty; and of this he availed himself to diffuse everywhere the -doctrine which the heads of his order hated. Others came to his aid. -[Sidenote: Sadolin.] A young man of Viborg, named Sadolin, sometimes -called after his native place Viburgius, had studied, in 1522, under -Luther; and after his return to his own country he had professed the -principles of sound doctrine. The bishop having immediately checked his -endeavors, Sadolin had appealed to the king, and had asked permission to -establish in the town an evangelical school. The prince, perceiving that -such an institution would furnish a solid basis for the religious -movement, readily consented and founded at Viborg a great free school, -in which Sadolin was the first professor. The youth and the adults of -the town and of other parts of the country were there instructed in the -principles of the Gospel. In Jutland, which thus received the light at -the same time from Viborg on the one hand and from Schleswig on the -other (Schleswig had embraced the Reformation as early as 1526), the -number of those who desired no other Saviour than Jesus Christ was daily -increasing.[263] - -[Sidenote: Progress Of Reform At Malmoe.] - -While the Reformation had thus one basis of action at Viborg in Jutland, -it found a second in quite a different quarter, at Malmoe, opposite to -Copenhagen, on the other shore of the Sound. At Viborg the reformation -was of a more inward and more spiritual character; at Malmoe it was more -polemical. The ex-burgomaster, Michelsen, who published at this time in -Saxony the Danish New Testament, had already labored in this town to -dispel the abuses of the Roman hierarchy. A priest endowed with a -handsome person, a powerful voice, great eloquence and decision of -character, and whom his enemies accused of a certain overbearing spirit, -was boldly preaching there the doctrines of the Reformation. His -audience steadily increased in numbers, and included some influential -men; among others Jacob Nielsen and George Kok, the latter of whom had -succeeded Michelsen, as burgomaster. Alarmed at the progress which the -Reformation was making, its adversaries denounced the heretical -preacher, who was usually called by his Christian name, Claus.[264] The -burgomaster remained firm. In front of the town was a piece of pasture -ground which belonged to the magistrate. ‘You will preach there,’ said -he to the eloquent Tondebinder; ‘but be cautious; preach evangelical -truth, but do not baptize it with the name of Luther.’ It was now the -month of June. It soon became known all over the town that there would -be preaching in the open air. Sincere Christians impelled by the desire -to hear the Gospel, adversaries of the priests by reason of the very -prohibition by the archbishop, and neutrals attracted by the novelty of -the circumstances, flocked in a crowd to the place. They remained -standing, pressed close together and piled up in a heap, for they did -not dare to pass beyond the _free_ soil. One step beyond, and the rash -intruder might be delivered into the hands of the archbishop and his -court. The townsmen demanded a church; and they gave them, not -undesignedly, the chapel of the Holy Cross, which was the smallest in -Malmoe. It was instantly crowded, and many people who had to remain at -the door began complaining again. The king then interposed and assigned -to the eloquent preacher the church of St. Simon and St. Jude. But even -this was not large enough. The audience wished for the largest church, -that of St. Peter; and the rector granted this for Sunday -afternoons.[265] - -Instead of one orator, there were now two. Spandemayer, a priest of the -order of the Holy Ghost, a learned man, encouraged by the favorable -reception of the Gospel, began to lift up his voice; and these two men, -strengthening one another, said boldly—‘The true Christian doctrine has -not been preached since the days of the Apostles. All those whom the -church has decried as heretics were true Christians. All the popes of -Rome have been antichrists; and those who trust in their own works are -hypocrites, who thereby close to themselves the way of salvation.’ The -two ministers rejected fasts, distinction of meats, monastic vows, and -the mass. The churches were cleared of the vain ornaments which had till -this time been exhibited in them; a plain table took the place of the -high altar; and the Lord’s Supper was observed there in a simple manner. -All the inhabitants of this important town soon professed the -evangelical faith. - -The monks, however, had still their own churches, from which, as from -fortresses, they stoutly contended against Reform. The Franciscans -especially were unwearied in the contest. Claus determined to attack -them in their own entrenchments. He went one day into their church at -the time of vespers; entered the pulpit, and there proclaimed the truth, -and fought against monachism. Is not this system the sink in which the -most crying abuses come together? Are not the compulsory vows, idleness, -sensuality and, above all, scandalous licentiousness, the impure waters -which run into this reservoir? A Franciscan who heard him entered the -pulpit immediately afterwards and endeavored to refute him. Hardly had -he concluded when Claus began again. This singular contest lasted -through the rest of the day, nor was the mouth of either of the -champions closed by the blows which they struck at each other.[266] - -The two ministers preached, with ever-increasing earnestness, that it is -neither masses, nor vows, nor fast-days, nor the administration of the -Romish sacrament, nor meritorious works, that save the sinner; but faith -alone in the Saviour who takes away our sins and changes our hearts. The -archbishop of Lund, Aage Sparre, being much incensed, summoned the two -preachers before him to give account of their proceedings. He awaited -them day after day, but in vain. At length, his patience was exhausted, -and he betook himself to Malmoe, determined to reduce to silence these -insolent priests who did not submit to his orders. ‘These heretics,’ he -said to the magistrates, ‘allege that man is saved by faith alone; that -there is a universal priesthood which belongs to all Christians, women -included. They celebrate the mass in both kinds, and cannot fail to draw -down on themselves the vengeance of the Almighty.’[267] - -The complaints and the menaces of the archbishop were ineffectual. The -two ministers, on the other hand, received further assistance. A -Carmelite monk, named Francis Wormorsen, a native of Amsterdam, inflamed -with love for the truth, joined them, and became afterwards the first -evangelical bishop of Lund.[268] - -The evangelicals took a further step. They adopted, both at the Lord’s -Supper and in the general service, Danish hymns instead of the Latin, -which the people could not understand. For this purpose they translated -some German hymns, especially those of Luther; and in 1528 they -published the first evangelical hymns in Danish.[269] Editions rapidly -succeeded each other. Every one wished to sing the hymns, not only at -church but in their homes. In a short time the whole town was gathered -around the Word of God. Some of the monks who behaved ill were expelled -by the townsmen. Convents given by the king were transformed into -hospitals. The people now heard nothing in the churches but the -preaching of Jesus Christ. A school of theology was founded in 1529; and -the priests, indignant, exclaimed—‘Malmoe is become a den of thieves, a -refuge for apostates and desperadoes.’[270] On the contrary, it was _a -city set on a hill whose light could not be hid_. - -It was not only at Malmoe and at Viborg that the Reformation was making -progress. Everywhere the pillars of the papacy were giving way, and the -temple was threatening to fall to the ground. The Word of God and the -writings of Luther and other reformers were sought after and read. Many -Christians who had hitherto contented themselves with paying the priests -for taking care of their souls, began to be concerned about them -themselves. They perceived that what is essential in Christianity is not -the pope, nor the bishops, nor the priests, as they had hitherto been -accustomed to believe; but the Father who is in heaven, the Son who died -and rose again to save his people, and the Holy Spirit who changes the -heart and leads into all truth. When the begging friars presented -themselves at the people’s houses, with their wallets on their backs, -they heard in educated families, instead of the idle tittle-tattle of -other days, discussions carried on which greatly perplexed them. From -the common people too they got, instead of eggs and butter, only rude -attacks. When they attempted to meddle as formerly in family affairs, -people shut their doors against them; and when agents of the wealthy -bishops of Jutland made their appearance for the purpose of receiving -their tithes, the peasants turned their backs on them. From all these -matters the king held himself aloof and did not interfere. In some -cases, it is true, he confirmed the privileges of the clergy; but the -people had taken the business in hand, and it was the people and not the -king who reformed Denmark.[271] - -[Sidenote: Invitation To Eck And Cochlaeus.] - -The bishops were growing alarmed; they saw Roman Catholicism ready to -perish, and there was not a man, either of their own number or among the -priests, who was competent to defend it. Addressing themselves, -therefore, to one of their devoted adherents named Henry Gerkens, they -said to him—‘Go into Germany to Doctor Eck or to Cochlaeus, those -illustrious champions of the papacy, and by the most urgent entreaties -and the most liberal promises induce them to come, one or other of them, -or if possible both, to Denmark, for two or three years, in order to -confute, to perplex, and to plague the heretical teachers by sermons, -disputations, and writings. We do not know where these valiant -combatants are to be found; but go to Cologne, and there you will learn. -To facilitate the accomplishment of your mission, here is a letter of -recommendation addressed to every ecclesiastic and every lay member of -the Roman church; together with special letters to each of those great -doctors.’[272] - -Gerkins set out in May, 1527, and began his search for the two men who -were to save Roman Catholicism in Denmark. Eck was first found. There -was something tempting in the occasion to a man so vain as he was; for -the letter written to him contained flattery of the most exaggerated -kind. The salvation of the Scandinavian church, said the bishops, -depended solely on him; but the famous doctor thought that he was too -much wanted in Germany to be able to leave it. The Danish delegate next -went to Cochlaeus. He felt flattered by the part which was offered him; -but he thought it prudent to consult Erasmus. The latter replied that -Denmark was a very long way off; that the nation, as he had been -informed, was very barbarous; and that all he could say was that this -was a matter which concerned not men, but Jesus Christ.[273] Cochlaeus, -like Eck, refused to go. - -In the absence of theological debates, there were disputes of another -kind. The evangelicals, who had become more and more numerous in the -towns, used to meet together for their worship; but the bishops opposed -them, and collisions more or less frequent were the consequence. It was -to be feared that the agitation would extend. Without being _barbarous_ -(as Erasmus called them) the Danes had that energetic nature, sometimes -terrible, of which Christian II. was the type. A prudent government was -bound to attempt the prevention of violent conflicts; and for this -purpose to establish some _modus vivendi_. This is what the king -undertook to do; and with this end in view he convoked a diet at -Odensee, for the 1st of August, 1527. The clergy heard the news with -delight, and resolved to take advantage of the occasion to extirpate the -Reformation. They had some ground for hoping to succeed. The nobles were -to take the side of the bishops; and these two classes united were to -win the victory. Two courses were open: to secure religious liberty to -all the Danes, or to suppress one of the two parties. The evangelicals -desired the former, the bishops [Sidenote: The King’s Speech To The -Bishops.] aimed at the latter. Frederick I. did not hesitate; he opened -the assembly with a Latin speech full of frankness, and especially -addressed to the clergy. ‘You, bishops,’ said he, ‘who have been raised -to a dignity so high, to the end that you may feed the Church of Christ -by distributing to it the wholesome word of God, I exhort you to see to -it with all your energy that this be done, in order that the pure and -incorruptible voice of the Gospel may resound in your dioceses, and may -nourish souls and keep them from evil. You know what a multitude of -papal superstitions have been abolished in Germany by the intervention -of Luther; you know that in other countries also the tricks and -impositions of the priests have been exposed before the people, and that -even among ourselves a general outcry has arisen. Complaint is made that -the servants of the Church, instead of drawing the pure word of the Lord -at the clear fountains of Israel, go away to the turbid and stagnant -ponds of human tradition and pretended miracles, to ditches so foul that -the people are beginning to turn aside from their pestilential -exhalations. I have, I know, given you my promise on oath to maintain -the Roman Catholic religion in this kingdom; but do not suppose that I -mean to shield under my authority the worthless fables which have crept -into it; neither I, as king of Denmark and of Norway, nor yourselves are -bound to maintain decrees of the Roman Church which are not based on the -immovable rock of the word of God. I have pledged myself to preserve -your episcopal dignity so long as you devote all your energies to the -fulfilment of your duties. And, seeing that the Christian doctrine as -set forth in conformity with the Reformation of Luther has struck its -roots so deep in this realm that it would be impossible to extirpate it -without bloodshed, my royal will is that the two religions, the Lutheran -and the papal, should enjoy equal liberty until the meeting of the -general council which is announced.’[274] This northern monarch thus -realized the saying of Tertullian—_Certe non est religionis cogere -religionem_.[275] Unhappily the Reformation was not always faithful to -its own principles. - -When they heard these words, the bishops were in consternation. They -were too well acquainted with the people not to be certain that under -the _régime_ of liberty the Reformation would gain the ascendency. It -was all over with them and their episcopate. They believed that the only -hope for the clergy lay in a close union with the nobility. They said to -the lords, ‘Pray defend the Church;’ and they began to labor with might -and main[276] to prevent the will of the king from being carried into -execution. They depicted in the most glaring colors the dangers to which -the Reformation exposed the state. They complained of the ill-treatment -to which some of the begging friars had been subjected; and they made a -deep impression on the minds of many lords and dignitaries of the state. - -To liberty they immediately set themselves to oppose persecution. The -royal council demanded that the letters which authorized the new -doctrines should be revoked, that the preachers should be expelled the -kingdom, that the monks should be restored to their convents, and that -the bishops should establish in their dioceses learned clerks competent -to confute the reformers. ‘I am not able to compel consciences,’ said -the king, ‘but if any one ill treats the monks he shall be -punished.’[277] - -The people were excited, for they were for reform. Even among the nobles -and the influential rich men there was a party, at the head of which was -Magnus Gjoë, which was determined to maintain evangelical liberty. These -enlightened men made their voice heard. The king, finding that his -throne was strengthened, and that public opinion became more and more -decided in favor of the Reformation, took one more step. Strengthened by -the support of Gjoë, his friends, and the people, he caused a -constitution to be drawn up respecting matters of religion, and this was -presented to the diet at Odensee in 1527. It alarmed the bishops and -astonished the nobles. - -[Sidenote: Royal Ordinances.] - -This assembly, which included the most zealous partisans of the papacy, -being constituted, the delegate of the king read aloud the following -articles: - -1st. Every one shall be free to attach himself to either religion; no -inquiry shall be made concerning conscience. - -2d. The king will protect equally the papists and the Lutherans, and -will give to the latter the security which they have not hitherto -enjoyed. - -3d. Marriage, which has been for centuries prohibited to canons, monks, -and other ministers of the church, is henceforth permitted to them. - -4th. Bishops instead of going to Rome for the _pallium_, shall be bound -to ask for confirmation by the king.[278] - -A great religious revolution was hereby brought about in the kingdom. By -the abolition of celibacy the hierarchy was destroyed; by the abolition -of the _pallium_ relations with the papacy were suppressed; and the -first two articles allowed the evangelical church to be built up on the -ruins of Rome. - -The first impulse of the clergy was to reject the whole of the articles; -but the dread in which the bishops stood of Christian, the fear lest -some foreign power should reinstate him on the throne, made them -tremble. If the king did place himself on the side of the Gospel, he was -at least moderate, while Christian was violent and cruel. The prelates -held their peace. In accepting the liberty which was left them, they had -indeed somewhat of the air of men who were being put in chains; but far -from crying out very loudly, they showed some eagerness to submit. They -had, it is true, one consolation; their tithes, their property were -secured to them, _so long as they should not be called in question by -lawful trial_. Nevertheless, beneath this apparent submission lay hidden -an immovable resolution. All the prelates were determined to defend -energetically the doctrine and the constitution of the papacy, and to -seize the first favorable opportunity to fall on the Reformation and to -drive it out of Denmark.[279] - -Footnote 245: - - Schlegel, _Geschichte des Oldenburgischen Stammes_, i. p. 53. - -Footnote 246: - - ‘Ut doctrina evangelica per Lutheri quosdam discipulos Cimbrorum - animis instillaretur indulserat.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 353. - -Footnote 247: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte von Dänemark und Norwegen_, iii. pp. 101, - 145. - -Footnote 248: - - ‘Propriæ virtutis vestræ memores qua Lutheranam hæresin ferro et - gladio persequendam semper duxistis.’—Raynaldi, _Ann._ 1525, No. 29. - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 115. - -Footnote 249: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 592. - -Footnote 250: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 565. - -Footnote 251: - - Michelsen’s Preface. See Henderson’s ‘Dissertation on Mikkelsen’s - Translation.’ Dänische Bibliothek, i. p. 120. Munter, - _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. pp. 128-144. Gerdesius, _Annales - Reformationis_, iii. pp. 356-362. - -Footnote 252: - - Olivarii _Vita Pauli Eliæ_, p. 169. Munter, iii. p. 142. - -Footnote 253: - - Munter, iii. pp. 560, 585, 599. - -Footnote 254: - - A: M. Mallet, _Histoire de Danemark_, iv. p. 27. Munter, - _Kirchengeschicte_, iii., p. 169. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 360. - -Footnote 255: - - ‘Quantum huc usque a vera salutis via deflexerant - monstrando.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 357. - -Footnote 256: - - ‘Virium humanarum defectum, omniumque bonorum operum indigentiam - monstrans.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ p. 357. - -Footnote 257: - - ‘Occæcatos pontificia superstitione superiores totos in se - armaret’—_Ibid._ and _Dan. Bibl._, i. p. 5. - -Footnote 258: - - Luther, _Opp._ xxii. (Walch) von der Beruf, p. 2378 et seq. - -Footnote 259: - - Gerdesius, iii. p. 358. - -Footnote 260: - - Schlegel, _Geschichte des Oldenburgischen Stammes_, i. p. 148. Munter, - iii. p. 101. - -Footnote 261: - - Munter, iii. p. 161. - -Footnote 262: - - Gerdesius, iii. _Monum._, p. 202. - -Footnote 263: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 171. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 354. - -Footnote 264: - - Gerdesius (iii. p. 626) calls him—Nicolaus Martini cognomine - Tondebinder; and says in a note—Claus Martensen dictus Vascularius. - -Footnote 265: - - Munter, iii. p. 190. - -Footnote 266: - - Munter, iii. p. 191. - -Footnote 267: - - _Danske Magazin_, ch. iii. p. 236, et seq. Munter, - _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 222. - -Footnote 268: - - Gerdesius, iii. p. 411. Munter, iii. p. 503. - -Footnote 269: - - Rabbek, _De ecclesiæ Danicæ hymnariis_. - -Footnote 270: - - ‘Latronum speluncam, desperatorum et apostatarum - asylum.’—_Schibbyische Chronik._ Munter, iii. pp. 226, 255. - -Footnote 271: - - _Danske Magazin_, v. pp. 289, 312. - -Footnote 272: - - Gerdesius, iii. _Monum._ pp. 204, 206. Pontoppidanus, _Ann. Eccles. - Dan._ ii. pp. 808, 817. Munter, iii. p. 195. - -Footnote 273: - - ‘Nisi ut spectetur non hominum sed Christi negotium.’—Erasmi, _Epp._ - 1. xix. Munter, iii. p. 196. - -Footnote 274: - - ‘Religionem tam Lutheranam quam Pontificiam libere permittendam - esse.’—Pontoppidanus, _Reform._ p. 172. Gerdesius, iii. p. 364. - -Footnote 275: - - Tertullian adds, ‘_Religio sponte suscipi debet_.’ - -Footnote 276: - - ‘Manibus pedibusque agebant.’—Gerdesius, iii. p. 364. - -Footnote 277: - - Munter, _Reformationgeschichte_, iii. p. 205. - -Footnote 278: - - Pontoppidanus, _Reform._ p. 175. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 365. - -Footnote 279: - - Munter, iii. pp. 209, 211. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER THE REIGN OF FREDERICK I., THE - PEACEFUL. - (1527-1533.) - - -Tausen, the son of the peasant of Kiertminde, was still in the convent -of Viborg, and wore the dress of the Johannites; but he was fearlessly -propagating the doctrines of the Reformation. A singular monk, that! -said the friends of the prior, Peter Jansen. Fearing that he had a wolf -in his sheepfold, the prior drove Tausen out of his monastery. The -townsmen received him with enthusiasm. They took him to the cemetery of -the Dominicans; and the reformer, taking his stand on a tombstone, -preached to a crowd of living men as they stood or sat upon the -sepulchres of the dead. Ere long the church of the Franciscans was -opened to him. In the morning the monks said mass in the church, and in -the afternoon Tausen and his friends preached there the Word of God. -Sometimes on going out from the service controversy was kindled, and -laymen and monks came to high words, and even to blows. Then the bishop -prohibited the preaching; and this largely increased the number of -laymen who were impatient to hear the man of whom the monks were so much -afraid. The bishop took other measures. Foot-soldiers and horsemen had -orders to prevent the townsmen from going to the church in which Tausen -preached. But the laymen, still more resolute than the priests, -barricaded with chains the streets by which the troops were to arrive; -and then, leaving a certain number of their own party to defend the -barricades, went to the service armed from head to foot. At this news -the bishop in alarm ordered the gates of his palace to be closed; and, -fancying that he already saw the townsmen marching to the assault, put -himself in a state of defence. Thus was the message of peace accompanied -by very warlike circumstances. [Sidenote: Churches Assigned To -Evangelicals.] The king interposed. He deemed it just that the -evangelicals as well as the Catholics should have freedom to worship -God, and therefore assigned to the townsmen the churches of the -Franciscans and Dominicans. The monks, enraged, closed the doors of the -churches; the townsmen opened them by force. The monks, terrified, then -flew for refuge to their cells. In a little while the music of hymns -composed by Tausen, and sung by his flock, reached their ears, and -somewhat calmed their fluttering hearts. The reformers wished to be -fair. They left to the monks for their worship the vaulted galleries -which surrounded the church. But the soldiery did not show so much -toleration. One day four horsemen, another day fifteen, says a -historian,[280] came and took up their quarters in these galleries. It -amounted almost to a dragonnade. The singing of the monks and the -tramping of the horses must have made very inharmonious music. The king -had certainly nothing to do with this annoyance. More strife was -inevitable. The two mendicant orders, who depended for their livelihood -on the charity of the people, no longer receiving any gifts, found -themselves soon reduced to the greatest straits. The Franciscans sold a -silver chalice; but this went only a little way. They then adopted the -plan of going away; and in this prudent scheme the townsmen were eager -to give them assistance. In fact the latter set themselves to the -business so zealously that some thought they were driving the monks -away. Liberty was indeed the general law of the kingdom, but it was not -always respected in details.[281] - -The monks went away; but printers, booksellers, and books came to the -town. The contrast is characteristic. In all towns in which the -Reformation obtained a footing, a printing press was at the same time -established. Out of the struggles of the Reformation sprang up -everywhere a taste for reading. One day the arrival of a bookseller, -named Johann Weingarten, caused great joy at Viborg. Tausen immediately -took advantage of the circumstance, and began to compose a work which he -entitled—_Pastoral and Episcopal Letter of Jesus Christ_. In it Christ -himself addresses the people of Denmark. They had forsaken him to seek -rest in the idol Baal which was at Rome. But Christ returns to those who -desert him, and offers them the grace of the love of God. ‘Hear you not -the sound of these trumpets which my prophets have been blowing these -ten years past? They make the holy word of the Gospel to resound in the -whole world. Go whither it calls you. Do not fear because you are but -few in number. It is no hard task for me to give a little flock the -victory over a great multitude.’ Many writings of a similar kind -followed. Tausen thus with all his might urged his people along in the -path of the truth.[282] - -Several circumstances favorable to the Reformation successively -occurred. The bishop of Roeskilde, the greatest adversary of the -Reformation, having died, the king chose for his successor Joachim -Roennov,[283] a gentleman of his court, who had resided a long time at -Paris and in other universities. He was of noble rank and a native of -Holstein, a country particularly dear to the king. Unfortunately, -Frederick had made choice of him rather because he was a friend of his -house and capable of defending his sons after his death, than as a -friend of the Gospel. It is not certain that Roennov was a churchman. He -was probably at this time ordained successively deacon, priest, and -bishop. He was obliged to pledge himself not to oppose the preaching of -the Word of God, and this he did willingly. But it happened to him as it -did to Aeneas Sylvius, who, when he once became pope, adopted with the -tiara its principles and its prejudices. - -Another measure of the king was more successful. He founded or -authorized the foundation at Malmoe of a school of theology in -conformity with the Holy Scriptures; and among its first professors were -Wormorsen, Tondebinder, and Peter Laurent. The king further required -that the canonries vacant at Copenhagen should be given to men capable -of training priests and students in the true science of theology. Some -of the doctors of Viborg and Malmoe gave soon afterwards the imposition -of hands to young Christian men who were prepared to proclaim the -Gospel. But while doing so, they declared that they did not communicate -to them any sacerdotal unction, which pertained to God alone, but that -they established them in the ministry as men worthy of it.[284] - -[Sidenote: Tausen Called To Copenhagen.] - -At length, this same year, an important event occurred to crown these -various measures in favor of Protestantism. The king, calmly pursuing -his course, resolved to call Tausen to discharge his ministry in a more -important sphere, namely, at Copenhagen itself, and he appointed him -pastor of the church of St. Nicholas. It cost Tausen some pain to leave -Viborg. He foresaw what opposition and enmities he would have to -encounter in the capital; he did not, however, shrink from it, but set -out. In the course of his journey he let no opportunity slip of -proclaiming the truth. Like St. Paul he preached in season and out of -season. Having met a senator of the kingdom, Count Gyldenstern, a man -held in very high esteem, he announced to him the Gospel. The senator -could not resist the truth. ‘One thing alone perplexes me,’ said he; ‘I -cannot persuade myself that the Church, which has for centuries shone -with so much splendor, can be false, and all this new religion which -Luther preaches, true. The true religion must needs be the most -ancient.’[285] Tausen was able easily to answer that the faith preached -by the reformers is found in the ancient writings of the Apostles. He -then went on his way. - -The evangelical Christians of Copenhagen gave lively demonstrations of -their joy at his arrival; and the zealous doctor saw in a little while -an immense crowd gathered to his preaching. His hearers did not rest -satisfied with merely giving signs of approval of the doctrine which he -preached, but they gained over those who were still halting between the -Gospel and the papacy, so that ere long the majority of the people took -the side of the Word of God. The great truths of salvation till that -time hidden, they said, are now disclosed and presented to us eloquently -and soundly, so that they are impressed on our souls.[286] An impulse -still more powerful was about to be given to the Reformation. - -In the month of May, 1530, the Imperial Diet assembled in the free city -of Augsburg. No one doubted that the emperor, who had just been crowned -by the pope in Italy, would be desirous of discharging his obligation to -the latter by compelling the Protestants to prostrate themselves anew -before the triple crown. The Danish prelates, especially, were persuaded -of this. They took a higher tone, and said that if they could but meet -the Lutherans, they would speedily reduce them to silence. They assumed -to give at Copenhagen a rehearsal of the drama which was about to be -acted at Augsburg. The Danish evangelicals, on their part, ardently -desired a conference; and the king himself acknowledged the necessity -for it. He therefore caused proclamation to be made throughout Denmark. -‘The bishops, the prelates on the one side, and the Lutheran preachers, -Master John Tausen and his adherents, on the other side, were invited to -appear at the Diet, before the king and the royal council, for the -purpose of presenting their confession of faith and of defending it, to -the end that one sole Christian religion might be established in the -kingdom.’[287] - -[Sidenote: Diet Of Copenhagen.] - -The opening of the Diet was fixed for the 20th of July, 1530. - -The royal proclamation produced various effects. The prelates affected -to be heartily pleased, and would fain have convinced every body of -their sincerity. But it is not safe to triumph before victory.[288] - -The members of the roman party when by themselves were not the same men -as they were in public. ‘Alas!’ they would say to one another, ‘if -Odensee gave freedom to the Protestants, will not Copenhagen deprive the -prelates of their dignities?’ - -The prelates took council among themselves, and came to the conclusion -that they could not trust to their own strength. Paul Eliæ was the only -man at all fit to cope with Tausen; but the prelates had not entire -confidence in him. Eck and Cochlaeus had refused to venture so far as -Scandinavia. The precentor of the cathedral of Aarhuus, Master George -Samsing, one of the best Danish theologians, was despatched to the -_holy_ city of Cologne to seek after doctors well versed in -Aristotle,[289] masters of arts and bold and subtile mocks, skilled in -the art of hitting hard blows, and of opportunely misleading their -antagonists and their hearers in the labyrinth of distinctions and -syllogisms. The precentor was not very fortunate in his researches; he -succeeded, however, in persuading an unknown doctor named Stagefyr, and -another whose name even is not known. - -At length the 20th of July arrived. The assembly of the States was -opened, and the whole nation was attentive to what was about to take -place. On the issue of this conference hung the religious future of -Denmark. On the side of Rome appeared the bishops, not to defend their -doctrine, but to sit as councillors of the kingdom, and, as they -pretended, as judges. The two doctors whom we have mentioned, and -besides them, Eliæ, Muus, Samsing, Wulff the apostolical prothonotary, -and several others came forward after them to defend the papacy. On the -evangelical side, Tausen, Wormorsen, Chrysostom (_guldenmund_), Sadolin, -and Erasmus presented themselves; twenty-two ministers altogether.[290] -During the first eight days the latter continued silent, and did not -take a single step in self-defence; their adversaries the while -proceeding with all the more violence against those whom they called the -_heretics_. Eight days after the opening, Tausen presented himself at -the head of his party and delivered to the king the evangelical -confession which they had drawn up. The king communicated it to the -prelates, and they took the necessary time for its examination. - -How would things turn out? Already on the 12th of July, Charles V. had -received from the pope a request that he would destroy by force the -Reformation in Germany, and he was ready to do this. Would it not be the -same at Copenhagen? The young man from Kiertminde, Tausen, as he stood -on the shore of the Great Belt, had seen the waters of the sea scatter -the boats of the fishermen, and advancing furiously on the coast beat -down the trees, overthrow the houses and lay waste the fields. Was not -the Reform threatened with like ruin? Tausen thought so. His friends -therefore and himself, full of boldness, determined to appeal to the -people. They wished at the least that the triumph of their cause should -proceed not so much from a decree of the states as from the free -conviction of their fellow-citizens. They therefore distributed among -themselves the forty-three articles of their confession, and every day -the twenty-two ministers delivered in turn two sermons on the doctrines -which they professed in it. The prelates, who had fancied that they -should see their adversaries in alarm, hiding their convictions like -cowards, were amazed at this unexpected boldness; and the crowds of -hearers which streamed into the churches threw them into a great rage. -They hastened to the king. They entreated him, they obliged him to -prohibit these Lutheran sermons which, they said, infringed on the -rights of the Diet. But Frederick, although overcome for a moment by the -bishops, listened to the representations of the pastors and withdrew his -[Sidenote: Sermons Multiplied.] prohibition. Then the Protestants, -anxious to redeem lost time, preached four sermons every week-day and -twelve every Sunday.[291] If the prelates abounded in the attack, the -reformers superabounded in the defence. The case is, perhaps, unique in -the history of the Reformation. But what a difference between these men! -The activity of the ministers consisted in proclaiming their faith; the -activity of the bishops consisted in imposing on their adversaries -silence, imprisonment, and exile. The prelates took as much pains to -hide their doctrine under a bushel as the evangelicals took to publish -theirs on the house-tops. The former would not on any consideration set -doctrine over against doctrine, lest they should draw laymen into the -struggle. While the ministers were night and day proclaiming the Gospel, -the priests were active only in persecution. According to a Scripture -saying, _they fell asleep and lay down like dumb dogs_; and this, we are -bound to confess, was not the case with the Roman Catholics in other -countries. When two causes in the presence of each other adopt measures -so different, victory is decided. - -Sermons alone did not suffice the evangelicals. It was their great -business to make a solemn confession of their faith before the Diet. One -day, which it is not easy to determine, but probably about the end of -July, 1530, Tausen and his friends appeared before the king, the -grandees of the realm, the bishops, and the deputies, and presented, -respectfully but boldly, the statement of their faith. Their declaration -did not possess the perfect form of Melanchthon’s confession, with which -they were at present unacquainted; but it had more clearness and force. -While Luther’s friend, from a wish to spare and even to gain over the -powerful princes who listened to him, had passed over in silence certain -articles which might have given rise to sharp contradiction, Tausen and -his brethren did not think it their duty, in the presence of haughty and -persecuting bishops, either to soften the statement of their doctrines, -or to spare the Romish party. - -[Sidenote: The Confession Of Faith.] - -‘The Holy Scriptures,’ they said, ‘alone and uncorrupted by the -interpretations, additions, and fables of men,[292] teach all men how -they may obtain salvation from God. (Art. 1 and 2.) - -‘He who, in order to obtain eternal life, takes any other way than that -which Scripture teaches, is foolish, blind, and incredulous, however -wise and however holy he may seem to the world.[293] (Art. 3.) - -‘The persecutions, the passion, the death, the resurrection, and the -ascension of our Lord have been most certainly accomplished, and have -been given to us to be our righteousness, the discharge of our debt, the -expiation of all our sins.[294] (Art. 7.) - -‘The Holy Spirit, the third person of the Godhead, who is the comforter -of all Christians, renews by diverse gifts of God our spirits and our -hearts, establishes and unites the true Church in the faith and in the -doctrine of Christ. (Art. 11.) - -‘The holy Church is the communion of all those who by one and the same -faith have been made righteous and well-beloved sons of God. And we make -no account of any other Church, however distinguished in outward -appearance, which curses those whom God blesses, rejects those whom God -receives, and pronounces heretics those who teach according to the -truth.[295] (Art. 12, 13.) - -‘We believe that marriage, the pious union of man and woman, as it was -instituted in paradise, is holy and honorable in all; that to live -honestly in this state is to lead a chaste life in the sight of God, and -that to forbid it to man and woman is a false semblance of chastity and -a doctrine of the devil.[296] (Art. 20, 21.) - -‘We believe that the true Christian mass is nothing else than the -commemoration of the passion and the death of Jesus Christ, the -celebration of the love of God the Father, in which the body of Christ -is eaten and his blood is drunk as a sure pledge that for Christ’s sake -we have obtained the remission of sins.[297] (Art. 26.) - -‘We believe that we all, as Christians, are priests in Christ Jesus, our -only and eternal High-priest; and that as such we are to offer ourselves -to God as living and acceptable sacrifices, to preach and to pray. But -among these priests some must be chosen, with the consent of the church, -who may preach to the Church, may administer the sacraments, and serve -it. These are the true bishops or presbyters, words which are completely -synonymous.[298] (Art. 36 and 40.) - -‘Lastly, we believe that the head and ruler of the true Christian Church -is Jesus Christ alone, he who is our salvation; and we do not -acknowledge as head any creature in heaven or on earth.’ (Art. 43.) - -Other articles prohibited ceremonies not in accordance with the Word of -God; excommunication pronounced against those whom God does not -excommunicate; sacraments which are not instituted in the Scriptures; -distinctions of meats and of days; the monastic life; the service which -consists merely of chants; vigils for the dead, ornaments, cowls, the -tonsure, anointings, or other outward signs of holiness; the withholding -of the cup; the mass; the use of a language which the people do not -understand; the invocation of saints; faith in any other mediator than -Jesus Christ; pretended good works, indulgences, brotherhoods, and other -novelties invented by priests and monks; purgatory; masses for the dead; -the meddling of bishops or presbyters in business matters, in the pomps -and shows of the world, in war, in the command of armies, in judicial -functions, or in any thing not belonging to their office; refusal to -obey princes and magistrates in any thing not contrary to the will of -God; images in the churches, which do no harm indeed to the wise, but -which may lead to idolatry simple men without understanding, and which -ought to be everywhere removed, but only with the consent of the -pastors, the magistrates, and the Church.[299] (Art. 35 to 42.) - -Such was the faith of the evangelical Christians of Scandinavia. This -confession is a mirror which reflects their likeness feature for -feature. We are better acquainted with them after reading it, and we see -in them true disciples of the Gospel. - -Not so thought the prelates. This confession which the king had placed -in their hands astonished them. They had expected that the Protestants -would be intimidated, and would not venture to publish their faith; and -now they found them putting it forward with great decision. They -determined to present a bill of indictment against these -innovators.[300] ‘We remember,’ they said to the prince, ‘the -engagements which you made on your accession to the throne. Now, John -Tausen and other disciples of Luther allege that the Church, for -thirteen or fourteen centuries, has been tainted with error; that works -are useless; that Christians of both sexes are priests; that all the -convents must be demolished; that man has no free-will, and that every -thing comes to pass by virtue of absolute necessity.’[301] - -The prelates, however, shrank from a _vivâ voce_ discussion, which would -have resounded through the whole kingdom. They therefore required the -Protestants to prove their assertions in writing, anxious that every -thing should be confined to writings of which they alone should take -cognizance. - -[Sidenote: Reply Of The Evangelicals.] - -The evangelicals energetically disproved these charges,[302] and -particularly that of denying freedom and maintaining fatalism. With -regard to the imputation brought against them of recognizing only a -universal priesthood, they said—‘Will you reject a Turk or a Russian who -has received Christian instruction from a layman, if he die before -having been instructed by a priest?[303] There is then a priesthood for -Christians; but no one may hold any office in holy Church without being -appointed to it by the Church, for St. Paul will have _all things done -decently and in order_.’ The evangelicals, who on this point were -completely opposed to the prelates, did not content themselves with -written apologies, but wished for a public disputation, at which they -might defend their faith by word of mouth. This was conceded, and it was -to be held in the royal palace. The halls for the meetings were ready. -But the debates, according to the Protestants, ought to take place in -the vulgar tongue, in order to be understood by the laity. The prelates, -on the other hand, absolutely refused this, and would only agree to -Latin, a language unknown to the people, the townsmen, and even to most -of the nobles. The evangelicals further declared that they would -recognize no other standard of authority than Holy Scripture; and they -added that the king, the members of his council, and the whole people -would be able themselves to discern which of the two parties were in -agreement with it. ‘We acknowledge no other interpreters,’ said the -bishops, ‘than the Fathers and the councils, nor any other judge than -the pope and the next council.’—‘This is a mere subterfuge,’ said the -doctors of the Reformation; ‘you want to prevent the discussion, and -thus escape from an embarrassing position. You will not enter into the -sheepfold by the true door, and you have no care for the sheep of the -Saviour.’—‘Alas!’ exclaimed the members and the creatures of the clergy, -‘if the Lutherans have so much boldness, it is because a sacrilegious -king shuts his eyes to their insolence, nay even instigates them, and -because the infatuated nobles and blameworthy citizens encourage -them.’[304] But it was indeed out of the abundance of their hearts that -the reformers spoke. - -[Sidenote: The Two Parties.] - -Two parties very unlike each other were now brought face to face. The -theocratic element had long prevailed in Denmark, and still -characterized the party of the bishops. Another principle had appeared -in the midst of this people, which characterized the reformers and their -adherents. This was the religious element. It is a happiness for a -nation when the reign of a theocracy comes to an end; it is on the other -hand a misfortune when the religious element is weakened. There are not -wanting in a nation minds, and these some of the most distinguished, -whose interest is concentrated on secular knowledge and inventions; and -we are very far from wishing to exclude this tendency. Experience shows -that it may exist in the most Christian souls. But if a people is given -up entirely to this industrial propensity, which is so powerful in our -day, if they sacrifice to it the interest which they had previously felt -in religious life, it is just as if the bones which sustain the whole -body were removed from any living animal. This process has been very -much recommended in this age by some philosophers. We do not desire, -however, to see it carried out in the case either of an individual or a -nation. - -The evangelical Christians of Denmark soon gave a new proof of the zeal -which inspired them in their endeavor to substitute religion for the -theocracy. Feeling the importance of holding a religious discussion, -they gave way on the question of language. ‘We are ready,’ they wrote to -the king, ‘to hold discussion with the prelates either in Latin or in -Danish;’ and for a whole month they repeated their demand. The Catholic -party had recourse to a subterfuge, and wrote to the king that they -likewise were ready to confer with the preachers either in Latin or in -Danish; but that they ought first to justify themselves in writing -before judges with whom all the world must be satisfied.[305] These -judges were the Danish bishops and Roman cardinals, that is to say, -essentially the pope, who would thus be judge in his own cause. Further, -they raised objections to the disputation itself. ‘The sittings,’ they -said, ‘are to be held in the royal palace, and it would be dangerous to -speak in a place occupied by the body-guards of a prince so devoted to -the heretics.’ It was thought that this fanciful fear of the body-guards -did little credit to the courage of the champions of Rome.[306] - -Thus the scheme of the conference broke down. Tausen, Wormorsen, -Sadolin, Gjoë, Erasmus, Jansen, and their brethren were greatly grieved -about it. Ought this refusal of the bishops to check them in their -efforts to establish in Denmark the kingdom of Jesus Christ? They were -not men of a kind to become sluggish and idle after doing ever so -little, or, as another reformer says, ‘to take their eyes from their -brows and place them in their backs.’[307] They thought that in the -service of Christ they must be able to burst the fetters, to triumph -over obstacles, and to run with outstretched arms to the goal. They -appeared before the king and said to him—‘We acknowledge that these -lords are men of birth and honor, competent to give good counsel in the -affairs of the world; but our chief complaint against them is that they -confine themselves to bearing the title of bishops, and do not in any -manner discharge their duty. Not only do they not preach themselves, but -instead of placing in their dioceses well-informed pastors and -preachers, they appoint stupid, ignorant, and profane men, who supply -the Christian people with nothing but ridiculous fables, dreams of -monks, old wives’ tales, and fooleries of players, after the usual -manner of papists.[308] They persecute those who preach the Gospel -freely, and who condemn falsehood and hypocrisy. They give leave to -bands of sellers of indulgences to run to and fro to smother the Word of -God, and to prevent simple folk from receiving it. They shamefully drain -the resources of the poor people, while the real poor are languishing in -distressing necessities. They get a multitude of superstitious masses -said in their cathedrals, for the sake of great revenues, instead of -having preaching there and of offering to God true worship. They try to -prevent Christians, in the exercise of their liberty, from following the -counsels of learned and pious men, and choosing for themselves really -evangelical ministers; and they assign parishes to idle canons and -nobles, who do nothing for the people, allowing any one of them to hold -six or seven benefices. They forbid priests to marry, and thus make -adulterers of most of them. As for what some of these prelates -personally are, we will not speak just now.’[309] - -[Sidenote: Appeal To The King.] - -The king and the Reichstag thought that the ministers gave a good -account of their cause, and declared that since the Catholics rejected -the disputation, the evangelicals should continue to preach the Word of -God until the meeting of the general council; and the king promised at -the same time his protection to both parties. The majority of the -ministers remained for eight days at Copenhagen, and wished to see -whether any Catholic would present himself for the purpose of -discussion. Eliæ, on whom so many hopes had been built, kept profound -silence; but one Master Mathias, who had not yet spoken, a prey as it -seems to painful doubts, set forth some difficulties, to which Tausen -made victorious reply. Mathias himself, it is said, passed over to the -Protestant party.[310] The objections of Master Mathias were the only -oblation offered to Rome by the priesthood. The appearance of this -solitary unknown champion of the Romish Church, after so many and such -solemn appeals, recalls to mind the story of Julian when he wished to -re-establish with ceremony the feast of Apollo at Antioch: and only one -priest made his appearance, bringing as the whole of the offerings one -goose.[311] - -From this time the evangelical cause was in the ascendency in the -kingdom. The bishops left Copenhagen with broken hearts. They trembled -not only for the papacy, but also for their property and their persons. -The bishop of Roeskilde, alarmed with or without reason, sought the -protection of the king, who gave him a safe-conduct. The prince, who was -determined himself to promote the cause of the Gospel in proportion as -God should make it prosper, summoned Chrysostom, Sadolin, and other -ministers besides; and from this time six preachers proclaimed the -Gospel daily in the churches of St. Nicholas, Our Lady, and the Holy -Ghost, and held discussion in the cathedral itself.[312] The king -maintained the privileges of the bishops. But the Reformation was strong -enough in itself to dispense with the aid of the prince. In vain did -Roman Catholicism, at this last moment, lift its dying voice; in vain -did Eliæ publish an apology for the mass; Tausen replied to him; Eliæ -promised a refutation, but gave none. The bishop of Roeskilde then -resorted to other means: he instigated the partisans of the clergy to -hoot at the evangelical ministers, to pursue them with jeering and to -drive them away. The other prelates did the same. Instead of endeavoring -to bring back the people by their kindliness and their pious discourses, -they stirred them up against the Gospel, and thus lost what little -respect they had enjoyed. - -[Sidenote: Progress Of The Gospel.] - -Nothing could stay the progress of reform. The Danes read the Scriptures -in their own tongue. Day by day new heralds of the Gospel proclaimed to -them the way of salvation. The pure light of the Word of God was shining -in these lands of the north. Their inhabitants were learning to regulate -their actions by that word, and they were astonished to see in what deep -darkness they had lived up to this time.[313] The Reformation rose like -the tide, and covered the country with its waters. Monks quitted their -monasteries, and these buildings were converted into hospitals or were -dedicated to other useful purposes. Unfortunately the townsmen, provoked -by the conduct of the bishops, indulged in rude displays of their -hostility to monachism. The convent of Friars Minor, at Nestved, was -demolished, and a pillory set up on its ruins in token of reprobation. -The hateful yoke under which the clergy and the monks had kept the -people misled men into unbecoming acts of vengeance. The passions which -in the case of the learned broke forth at times in writings full of -bitterness, displayed themselves on the part of the people in acts of -violence.[314] The sixteenth century could not calmly discuss religious -questions; this was one of its weak points; and perhaps other centuries, -proud of their tolerance, were too much like it. A large body of -working-men assembled at Copenhagen on the third day of the Christmas -festival, 1531, and entering the church of Our Lady during the -celebration of the Roman service seized the ornaments and the figures -which were found in it, and broke them to pieces. The church was closed -for some time, but by order of the magistrate the Catholics reoccupied -it. They continued to say mass in it for three years longer. Ten -convents were secularized between 1530 and 1533;[315] but Frederick, -whose constant aim as king was not to lean to either side, protected the -others. The most wealthy monasteries, however, were compelled to -contribute to the necessities of the state. This moderation on the part -of the king, far from raising any obstacle to the progress of the -Reformation, only served to ensure it. - -The prince at the same time strengthened his position politically. In -1532, at the request of the Landgrave of Hesse, he entered into the -alliance of Protestant princes of Germany.[316] This was an important -step. Moreover, the prelates and many nobles foresaw, after the diet of -1530, the approaching fall of Catholicism. Aware that the king’s son, -Prince Christian, was a zealous Protestant, they looked round on all -sides for some means of escape from the lot which threatened them. They -finally fixed their hopes on Prince John, son of King Christian II., who -was consequently nephew of Charles V., and was brought up at his court. -They flattered themselves that if this young prince received the crown -at their hands he would re-establish the Romish religion and crush the -Reformation. They therefore agreed amongst themselves to direct all -their efforts to placing John on the throne after the death of the king. -At the same time, some negotiations in which Frederick had been engaged -with the emperor failed. His enemies appeared to be gaining the upper -hand; and every thing announced that a storm was ready to burst forth. - -[Sidenote: Intrigues Of Christian II.] - -The fallen king, Christian, had not ceased to fill the courts of -Germany, the Netherlands, and England with his complaints and his -solicitations. He perceived that, as Frederick favored Protestantism, he -could not reckon on the Protestants of Denmark. It was only in the -character of head of the Roman Catholic party that he would be able to -recover his crown. Discovering the wind that would carry his vessel to -the point which he wished to reach, he set all sail for it. Some of the -catholic princes advised him to make his peace with the pope; an -infallible means, they said, of inducing all the prelates and adherents -of the Roman faith to declare in his favor. This unhappy prince, so -violent and at the same time so weak, whose sole thought now was to -become king again at whatever cost, did not scruple to sacrifice the -opinions, more or less sincere, which he had openly professed, and -entered into correspondence with the pope with a view to being received -once more into the bosom of the Church.[317] It does not appear that the -negotiations had any result, but they show the weakness of the religious -opinions of the pretender. Christian had more success in another -quarter. Some bold Dutchmen, in hope of gaining something for their navy -and their trade if they reinstated him on the Danish throne, obtained -for him an army and a fleet. The malcontents of Denmark, Norway, and -Sweden hastened to join him. Troll, the ex-archbishop of Upsala, Thure -Janssen, grand-master of the court of Sweden, who was desirous of a -reunion of the three kingdoms, and other influential persons, actively -served him in the countries of the north. He embarked in the month of -October, with ten thousand men, resolved to appear as the defender of -the Catholic faith and the saviour of his country. A violent tempest -came on and shattered many of his ships: a fatal omen in the judgment of -many.[318] When Christian arrived in Norway he had only a few ships. -Nevertheless, the archbishop of Drontheim, primate of Norway, looked on -Christian as the champion of Rome; and with him the other bishops, all -of them zealous Catholics, princes, abbots, priests, gentlemen, -magistrates, and even some of the townsmen and the common people -hastened to join him. Janssen declared that the kingdom would not -support Frederick. ‘I will,’ said the king, ‘persecute the adherents of -Luther, and protect the faith of the Church against the damnable work of -that doctor.’ Norway, opposed to the Reformation, received him with -acclamations; and ere long, in the whole kingdom, only three fortresses -remained to Frederick. Christian was acknowledged king of Norway. - -Some of the bishops pledged the church vessels for the purpose of paying -the troops. The senate wrote to the Danish senate to take steps for -Christian’s restoration in Denmark. The terrible man who at Stockholm -had bathed in the blood of his enemies, seemed to be on the point of -triumphing over new rebels. Christian imagined himself already seated on -the triple throne of the north, and indulged himself in the frivolous -pleasure of investiture with all the insignia of royalty. On great -occasions he bore the crown on his head, held the sceptre in his hand, -and played well the great part of monarch in the midst of the small band -of his adherents. If he should succeed, will he be Catholic or -Protestant? All that it is possible to tell is that he will be that -which will best suit the interests of his ambition. - -[Sidenote: His Invasion Repulsed.] - -Frederick, on his part, perceiving the danger which threatened him, lost -no time in assembling his forces by land and by sea. Knud Gyldenstern, -bishop-elect of Odensee, was placed at their head; and as soon as the -spring had made it possible to attack Norway, a fleet of twenty-five -vessels sailed, at the beginning of May, from Copenhagen roads. -Frederick had received important aid from Sweden. Christian, in his -irritation, saw only a traitor in the great Master Janssen who had -declared for him; and in a fit of anger he put the old man to -death.[319] This passionate and credulous prince, looking on himself as -already king of the whole of Scandinavia, entered Sweden with inadequate -forces. Weakened by this imprudent attack, he was compelled to retire to -Opzlo[320] with the remains of his army. Ere long the Danes themselves -arrived, and during the night set fire to all Christian’s ships; so that -the unhappy prince, driven into a corner of the country whence he could -not escape either by sea or by land, had no choice but to perish arms in -hand or to surrender. He requested an interview with Gyldenstern and his -principal officers; and now as much disheartened as he had before been -presumptuous, he begged them in the most humble tone to tell him what he -was to do. The bishop in command replied, ‘That he must go to the court -of King Frederick, his uncle, who would doubtless grant him favorable -terms’ (July, 1532). - -He requested a safe-conduct, and the Danish leaders granted him one -which stipulated for the king, and for two hundred persons of his suite, -friendly entertainment and the honors due to his rank. It was even -stated in it that Christian, after the death of Frederick, might -possibly be elected king by the states. Gyldenstern on his departure -from Copenhagen had been invested with full powers for treating with -Christian, and he made use of them. But the convention, nevertheless, -was not yet sealed when two Danish officers, Skram and Wilkenstede, -arrived in the camp, charged on the part of Frederick with an order by -virtue of which Christian was only to be received at discretion, and on -unconditional surrender to the will of the king. Did these delegates, -finding matters so far advanced, communicate the verbal order which they -had received from the king? Supposing that this order was communicated, -did Christian, reduced to extremities, choose to make an attempt to -influence his uncle? These points do not appear to us to be by any means -cleared up.[321] - -However this may be, Christian did all that he could to procure for -himself a kind reception with the prince whom he had undertaken to -dethrone. Finding that the wind was changed, he trimmed his sails anew. -This man, who was as inconsistent in his actions as in his words, and -who had assumed the character of the avenger of insulted Catholicism, -wrote to his uncle an evangelical letter in which he confessed his error -and declared himself penitent. Was he sincere? Or was he a hypocrite? -The latter seems the most probable view. ‘Sire,’ he wrote, ‘I am the -prodigal son who returns to his father, but returns a regenerate son. I -promise you that I will cherish for you, all the rest of my days, the -feelings of a son. Believe me, flesh and blood no longer govern me, but -the spirit of grace which God has miraculously bestowed on me, and which -fills me with an ardent charity for all mankind, and especially for your -Majesty, for the queen, for your sons, for the states of Denmark, and -for their allies the Hanse Towns.’ - -He forgot no one. ‘I hope that your Majesty will rejoice _with all the -holy angels_ at the change which is wrought in me, and that our -friendship will become all the more solid and more lively for the -conspicuous display of our former enmity. I beg you, Sire, to -communicate this letter to the senate, in order that it may place -confidence in my pious and pacific sentiments.’[322] - -[Sidenote: Christian A Prisoner Of State.] - -It would be pleasant to believe that Christian, in whom a passionate -ambition had silenced all Christian feeling, was returning in his -misfortune to those sentiments of piety which he had experienced at -Wittenberg. But how could any one trust a capricious man who, according -to the requirements of self-interest, would assume by turns the most -opposite semblances? Shortly after writing this letter, Christian -embarked on the Danish fleet and entered, about the end of July, the -port of Copenhagen. He did not arrive there as a conqueror, as he had -expected to do, but as the conquered. The man who had declared that he -would cast into prison the adherents of Luther was now a prisoner -himself. The dark cloud which seemed on the point of bursting over the -Reformation was dispersed. - -The Senate was called together to deliberate on what was to be done. -Frederick was undecided. Gyldenstern, instead of taking the part of the -unhappy man who had, perhaps, been deceived by his fault, accused him of -having violated the agreement by hostile proceedings. The Senate -declared that the convention must be considered as null and void, on the -ground that it was contrary to the orders given by the king to his -envoys, Skram and Wilkenstede. The nobility of Denmark and of Holstein, -the Hanse Towns, jealous of those of Holland which had assisted -Christian, and even Sweden, supported this view. ‘How,’ said they to -Frederick, ‘how can you choose but punish an attempt which might -possibly have overthrown order in the kingdom and have snatched the -crown from your head? Could you let slip the opportunity of putting an -end to continual alarms? Master of your enemy’s person, will you leave -him at liberty, and thus enable him to stir up fatal revolts in Denmark? -If you allow him to go whithersoever he will, he will not fail to engage -in fresh intrigues.’ - -It was, therefore, resolved to secure the person of Christian.[323] - -Pending these deliberations, Christian, who was detained in the port on -board the vessel which had brought him, did not understand why he was -left there. He grew weary, wondered at these intolerable delays, and -began to be somewhat disquieted. All the men who were on board were at -liberty to go ashore and to return; he alone was not allowed to leave -the ship. The officers of the ship attributed the delay which surprised -him to the circumstances of Frederick’s being then at Flensborg, in -Schleswig; and this was, indeed, partly the cause. At length it was -announced to the ex-king that the interview with his uncle would take -place in that town, and that they were going to take him there. A -superior officer of the fleet, furnished with secret instructions, took -command of the ship and gave orders to set sail. The vessel sailed, -escorted by a small squadron; and this, it was said, was a mark of -honor. But the real intent was to prevent any attack being made with a -view to the rescue of the prince. - -After having sailed within sight of the island of Zealand, they passed -before those of Moen, Falster, Laaland, Langeland, and Aero. Christian -was not free from distress of mind. He had been treated at Copenhagen as -a prisoner; and this terrible man, who in a single day had caused the -_élite_ of Sweden to be massacred in nearly analogous circumstances, -questioned with himself what they meant to do with him. A dark cloud -arose in his soul. He strove to cast off the fears which he would fain -believe to be puerile. He dared not disclose to any one the distress -which agitated him, but remained dumb with shame, spite, and grief. The -fleet approached the coast of Schleswig, and he rejoiced that the moment -was not far off when he was to have the interview with his uncle. He was -standing on the deck in deep silence. Suddenly he perceived that the -ship, instead of entering the Gulf of Flensborg, was standing off the -cape to the north [Sidenote: His Fate.] towards the island of Alsen. At -this moment the veil was rent; the unhappy prince discovered the fate -which awaited him. He uttered a cry and burst into tears. He would fain -have arrested the pilot; but he knew that any attempt was useless. He -broke out into bitter complaints, but his voice was soon stifled by -sobs. The fleet continues its course northwards, and entering the strait -of Sonderburg, stops before the town of that name. The gates of the old -impregnable castle open before the fallen king and then close. The -guards set over him conduct him to a gloomy donjon; and they shut up -with him a dwarf who, as if in derision, was to be the sole companion of -the colossus of the North. No sooner has he entered than the door is -walled up behind him. There is no more hope. A single window feebly -lighted up the gloom of this place; and it was through bars of iron that -he, thenceforth, received his food.[324] The monarch who was so long -formidable was treated like the vilest of his people. The king who sat -on three thrones has nothing now to lean on but damp walls. The prince, -nephew of the king, brother-in-law of the emperor Charles the Fifth, of -King Ferdinand, and of Queen Mary; this ally of Henry VIII., of the -princes of Germany and other powerful houses, has no longer any -companion but a wretched dwarf. His food is of the meanest kind, and his -jailers treat him with the utmost rigor. What monarch ever displayed -greater barbarity than he did in the public place at Stockholm, in -October, 1520? An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. At the -recollection of that massacre all the people shuddered. The name of -Christian was the terror of the North. Frederick had been obliged to -promise the nobles and the councillors of the crown by a formal -instrument never to restore him to liberty. In vain were some hearts -affected by this vast calamity; in vain were some voices raised in -behalf of the wretched monarch. Public peace requires it, was the reply; -and there was nothing more to be said. Punishment, though delayed, had -at last overtaken him. This strange champion of Roman Catholicism was -ruined, and his disappearance from the stage of the world ensured the -triumph of the Reformation in the whole of Scandinavia.[325] - -No sooner was Christian a captive than his kinsmen and his allies -deserted him. The emperor, his brother-in-law, turned his back on him, -and even offered an apology to Frederick for having taken any part in -the last enterprise of his rival. The regency of the Netherlands -informed the victor-king that it was without their knowledge that the -late campaign had been undertaken by any of their subjects. - -One man in all Europe, however, had compassion on him, one only, so far -as is known, and endeavored to alleviate his misfortune. This was -Luther. The reformer of course knew well that Christian had said he -would crush the Reformation, and had called it in his proclamation a -damnable work; but the great doctor had the heart of a Christian. King -Frederick received a letter from him in which were these words—‘We know -that God, the just Judge, has given your Majesty the victory over your -nephew, and we do not doubt that you will use this triumph in a humble -and Christian way. Nevertheless, the misfortune of my gracious lord, -King Christian, and the fear lest any should stir up your Majesty -against him, encourage me humbly to entreat you to have pity on your -captive kinsman; to follow the example of Christ who died for us, his -enemies, to the end that we also might be full of compassion towards our -enemies. You will do so the more readily, Sire, because your nephew, as -I am told, was not taken in arms against you, but surrendered himself -into your hands like an erring son into the hands of a father. Your -Majesty will offer a noble sacrifice and render the highest honor to -God, by giving to the poor prisoner a pledge of his grace and of his -fatherly faithfulness. And this good work will be for yourself, on your -death-bed a great consolation, in heaven a great joy, and at the present -time on earth a great honor.’[326] - -This letter was written by Luther on the 28th September, 1532. -Frederick, who was not hard-hearted, could not but be touched by it. But -reasons of state were in this case opposed to Christian motives; and -there are considerations which may be put forward in excuse for the -imprisonment of his nephew. It was not within the power of the king to -do what he liked with regard to Christian. The king was in ill health; -he felt greatly the need of rest, and he knew that he should never have -a tranquil moment so long as his antagonist was at large. But these -circumstances were no palliation of the rigorous treatment adopted -towards the prisoner. Reasons of state were in this case opposed to -Christian reason; and the former generally win the day in this world. -Frederick was to be blamed for permitting treatment so severe to be -dealt out to his brother’s son. He did not, however, take vengeance on -the allies of Christian, the Dutch, although he had at first intended to -close the Sound to their ships. - -An event had occurred which still further secured the crown to the -younger branch of the family. Prince John, the only son of Christian, -who had been a pupil of the famous Cornelius Agrippa, and of whom the -highest hopes were entertained, died at Ratisbon at the age of fourteen. -In him the elder line became extinct. - -[Sidenote: Death Of Frederick.] - -Frederick, long threatened with a decline, had taken up his abode for -the sake of quietness in the castle of Gottorp, near Schleswig, his -favorite seat. At the moment of Christian’s entrance into his prison, -the time was not far off when Frederick must quit his throne. In the -spring of 1533, on the 10th of April, Thursday in Passion Week, he died, -at the age of sixty-two. All good men deplored his death.[327] They -proclaimed him a ‘wise, merciful, and virtuous prince.’ They recalled to -mind the moderation which he had displayed in the religious discussions, -and the freedom which he had allowed to conscience; and if the usual -kindness of his character had been wanting in the treatment of -Christian, they attributed it only to the force of circumstances, to the -illness which rendered it impossible for him to direct details, and to -the influence of the leading men. He left four sons: Prince Christian, -of whom we have spoken; Adolphus, who took the title of duke of -Holstein-Gottorp from the castle in which his father died, and who -became the founder of a younger line from which sprang the imperial -family now reigning in Russia;[328] Frederick who became bishop of -Schleswig and afterwards of Hildesheim; and John, the youngest. It is of -the eldest and the youngest sons of this house that we have now to take -notice. - -Footnote 280: - - Munter, iii. p. 230. - -Footnote 281: - - _Historia ejectionis monachorum e Dania_, in Pontoppidanus, _Ann._ ii. - p. 821. - -Footnote 282: - - ‘Her haffive . . Klawemaal. En rett christelig Fadzon, &c.—Wiborg, - 1528. Munter, iii. p. 233. - -Footnote 283: - - Munter, iii. p. 250. - -Footnote 284: - - Munter, iii. pp. 255, 256, 273. - -Footnote 285: - - ‘Si quidem religio vera debuerit esse antiquissima.’—Gerdesius, iii. - p. 372. - -Footnote 286: - - ‘Veritatis antehac obscuratæ atque detectæ majori cum perspicuitate, - soliditate et eloquentia inculcarentur.’—Gerdesius, iii. p. 372. - -Footnote 287: - - G. Sadolin’s _Bericht vom Reichstage in Kopenhagen_, 1530. - -Footnote 288: - - ‘At vero hi erant ante victoriam triumphi.’—Gerdesius, iii. p. 375. - -Footnote 289: - - ‘Aristotelicos doctores, magistros et monachos.’—_Ibid._ p. 376. - _Danske Magazin_, i. p. 94. - -Footnote 290: - - Munter, iii. p. 297. Gerdesius, vi. p. 376. - -Footnote 291: - - Munter, iii. p. 299. - -Footnote 292: - - ‘Nullis interpretationibus, additamentis et commentis humanis - corrupta.’ The confession of faith was drawn up in Danish, but we - quote from the Latin translation made in the seventeenth century by - Pontanus. This document appears to us too important to be entirely - omitted.—Gerdesius, iii. _Monum._ p. 247. Munter, iii. p. 308. - -Footnote 293: - - The fourth article relates to the Trinity; the fifth to the - incarnation and birth of the Son of God. - -Footnote 294: - - ‘Debiti solutionem, expiationem et satisfactionem pro peccatis nostris - omnibus.’ - -Footnote 295: - - ‘Maledicit iis quibus Deus benedicit, rejicit eos quos Deus recipit.’ - -Footnote 296: - - ‘Diaboli dogma est.’ - -Footnote 297: - - ‘In quâ ejus corpus editur ac sanguis ejus potatur in certum pignus.’ - -Footnote 298: - - ‘Veri episcopi sive presbyteri, quæ voces sunt prorsus - synonymæ.’—(Art. 36.) - -Footnote 299: - - Woldike, _Confessio Hafniensis_. - -Footnote 300: - - Muhlius, _De Reformatione in Cimbria_, p. 140. Gerdesius, iii. - _Monumenta_, p. 232. - -Footnote 301: - - ‘Hominem liberum arbitrium non habere, et ea quæ in mundo fiunt ita - fieri ut aliter fieri non possint.’—Gerdesius, iii. _Monum._ p. 232. - -Footnote 302: - - _Apologia concionatorum Evangelicorum._—_Ibid._ p. 234. - -Footnote 303: - - The reference is doubtless to pagan Russians, Mongols, &c.—Munter, - iii. p. 325. - -Footnote 304: - - ‘Sacrilego principe non solum connivente, verum etiam instigante . . . - . . debacchati sunt concionatores Lutherani.’—_Chron. Schibbyens_. - Munter, iii. p. 330. - -Footnote 305: - - _Danske Magazin_, i. p. 94. - -Footnote 306: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 332. - -Footnote 307: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 308: - - ‘Stupidis, indoctis et profanis. . . qui fabulas hominum inventiones, - monachorum somnia et hypocriticas anilesque nugas et gerras populo - Christiano pro more papistarum proponunt.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 383. - -Footnote 309: - - ‘Aber von dem was einige von ihnen selbst sind, davon sprechen wir - jetzt nicht.’—Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 334. - -Footnote 310: - - _Danske Magazin_, i. p. 95. - -Footnote 311: - - _Misopogon_, p. 363. - -Footnote 312: - - Munter, iii. p. 336. - -Footnote 313: - - ‘Et quantis in tenebris hactenus delituissent - perspicerent.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 386. - -Footnote 314: - - Munter, iii. pp. 355, 364. - -Footnote 315: - - Jacobi, _Historia ejectionis monachorum_. MS. quoted in Munter, iii. - 357. - -Footnote 316: - - Munter, iii. pp. 369-370. - -Footnote 317: - - Raynald, _ann._ 1530, No. 58. Munter, iii. p. 86. Raumer, ii. p. 144. - -Footnote 318: - - ‘Adverso numine et certantibus contra ventis.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 390. - -Footnote 319: - - Geijer, _Schwedensgeschichte_, ii. p. 81. - -Footnote 320: - - Opzlo, the former capital of Norway, burnt in 1624, forms at this day - the most ancient part of Christiania. - -Footnote 321: - - Raumer, ii. p. 146. Mallet, vi. p. 116. - -Footnote 322: - - ‘Epist. Christ. II. ad Regem Fredericum.’—Huitfeld, _Dänische - Chronik_, p. 1378. - -Footnote 323: - - _Schybbiense Chronicon_, p. 589. Holberg, ii. p. 261. Mallet, vi. p. - 117, &c. - -Footnote 324: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 82. - -Footnote 325: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 390. Mallet, _Histoire du Danemark_, vi. p. - 125. Schlegel, p. 133. - -Footnote 326: - - Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 403 (de Wette). - -Footnote 327: - - ‘Lugentibus omnibus bonis qui gravissimam in morte regis optimi - jacturam faciebant.’—Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 391. Huitfeld, - _Dän.-Chronik_, p. 1393. - -Footnote 328: - - Charles Frederick, duke of Holstein-Gottorp, married Anna Petrowna, - daughter of Peter the Great, and her son, Charles Peter Ulric, was - chosen by the empress Elizabeth, his aunt, to succeed her. He ascended - the throne in 1762, under the name of Peter III., and had for his wife - the famous Catherine II. The emperors descended from this prince are - Paul I., Alexander I., Nicholas I., and Alexander II. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - INTERREGNUM—CIVIL AND FOREIGN WAR. - (1533.) - - -[Sidenote: Prince Christian.] - -As soon as the wise Frederick had been taken from his people, the -conflict between the two great religious parties again began. The -bishops no sooner heard of his death than they lifted up their heads, -and held frequent conferences together. Under the late king Roman -Catholicism was moving at a slow pace to its fall; now they must save -it, they thought; and for this purpose, taking advantage of the election -which must be held after the death of the king for the appointment of a -successor, they wished at all cost to exclude from the throne his eldest -son Christian, whose attachment to the Reformation was well known; to -lengthen out the interregnum as much as possible; and meanwhile to put -forth all their efforts to place on the throne Prince John, a child ten -years old,[329] of whom they would make a good Roman Catholic. During -his minority it would not be difficult for the bishops to suppress the -Reformation. The scheme was clever and bold, but not so easy of -execution as some thought. A large number of the towns and the greater -part of the nobility professed the evangelical faith. But the bishops -were still in the enjoyment of all their privileges; and they flattered -themselves that they should rise to power and get the laws repealed -which under the late king had given religious liberty to the -Protestants. - -Prince Christian, in conformity with the rules of succession, had -assumed the government of the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig for -himself and his brothers under age. He had not been able to do the same -in Denmark. But foreseeing the intrigues of the clerical party, he had -sent to Copenhagen the Vice-Chancellor, Johan Friis, and two -councillors, empowered to demand the assembling of an electoral Diet to -name a successor to Frederick, and to support his own interests. It -seemed as if he was to be disappointed in his hopes. His deputies were -coldly received: there was no hurry to give an answer, and it was agreed -that he should not be invited to the Diet. Indeed, the Vice-Chancellor -heard that young Duke John, the bishops’ candidate, had a very good -chance. He wrote immediately to his master. ‘If God and the Diet,’ was -the noble reply of the eldest son, ‘will confer the crown on my young -brother, I do not oppose it. All that I ask is that this important -matter may be settled without delay.’ Christian saw the clergy leagued -against him; but he believed from the bottom of his heart that -evangelical truth would triumph over the bishops. - -[Sidenote: The Electoral Diet.] - -On St. John’s Day, 1533, the Diet opened. The prelates went to it, -determined to do their utmost to crush evangelical religion, and to -re-establish everywhere the old pontifical system.[330] Hardly had the -assembly constituted itself when the bishops began the work. Ove Bilde, -the most learned and most highly esteemed of their number, was -apparently the first speaker. The clergy demanded that the election of -the king should be deferred to another time. In their name the speaker -claimed the entire restitution of churches, convents, and estates, in -one word, of every thing that Catholicism had lost; and he violently -inveighed against those whom he called the ministers of the new religion -and against those who supported them.[331] At the same time he exalted -the mass as being the very essence of the Christian religion; depicted -in strong colors the deplorable state to which, he said, the priests and -the monks were reduced; pointed to the heretics establishing themselves -in the monasteries which the holy men and the consecrated virgins had -been compelled to abandon; and described the excesses of the people in -casting down the images of the saints and breaking the sacramental -vessels. ‘The authority of the bishops is vilified,’[332] said he; -‘there are but few of the faithful who care for the services and still -fewer who dread the censure of the Church; while the number of those who -join the Lutherans is increasing day by day. Permit not, the bishops -implore you, this holy religion, which has formed part of your very life -from infancy, to be covered with opprobrium. Let the thunderbolts of -excommunication strike those who have fallen into heresy, that they may -feel the necessity of returning to their mother’s bosom, and let more -terrible penalties fall on those who are obstinately impenitent.’[333] - -The evangelical members of the Diet listened with amazement to this -speech; and the gravity of the crisis caused them the greatest -perplexity.[334] It was not for the Gospel that they feared; but they -knew that if they yielded to the bishops, there would be an energetic -opposition. The people would rise and the nobles themselves would take -up arms if need were. Magnus Gjoë, the leading champion of Reform in the -Diet, rose and said—‘Conscript fathers and venerable bishops, let us not -draw down fresh calamities on the realm, which is already too sick. -Religion is a holy thing, and neither its origin nor its end lies within -the power of any man. If we unjustly seize its rights, God himself will -be its avenger. Liberty has been given to religion by the will of the -king, and this liberty cannot be taken away without the king’s -consent.’[335] - -The bishops, who fully understood the importance of the moment, remained -deaf to all appeals. United with the laymen who had continued faithful -to them, they would be able to carry the vote. Their clamor increased. -The friends of the Reformation, therefore, judged it expedient to grant -part of their demands in order to save the vote. They allowed them to -draw up the compact. This seems an enormous concession, but -constitutional forms were not as yet very fully developed; and the Diet -reserved to itself the power either of amending the document or even of -rejecting it, if it did not suit it. The bishops made large use of the -power accorded to them. They stipulated, amongst other things, that they -should fulfil their functions without having to give account to any but -God alone; that every priest who should resist them should be -prosecuted; that the tithes should be restored to ecclesiastics, and -that whosoever refused to pay them should be summoned before the courts; -that the cathedrals, convents, churches, and hospitals should be given -up to the Roman clergy; and that in the next Diet a decision should be -formed respecting the restitution of such of these houses as had been -taken away from them. Nothing was stipulated about the rights of the -evangelical Church. This might be deprived of every thing, and indeed -they were already taking much from it. - -The bishops brought this fatal project before the Diet and required the -members to set their seals to it. The evangelicals heard it with -astonishment, and the faithful Magnus Gjoë with the deepest emotion. He -spoke thus: ‘The bishops have inserted in this compact some provisions -which are in their favor and contrary to the decisions of the Reichstag; -and they have suppressed others which were favorable to the -evangelicals.’ Indignant at this fraud, the energetic Gjoë declared that -he would not set his seal to the instrument. Eric Baner did the same. -But the other Protestant members signed it, some of them from excessive -prudence which degenerated into weakness, others under the impression -that by granting to the Catholics what the latter regarded as necessary -to their Church, they were only pursuing the plan of freedom and balance -between the two confessions which the late king had designed. The -instrument, which was immediately published, had the force of law in the -kingdom.[336] - -[Sidenote: Adjournment Of The Election.] - -The bishops, proud of this first victory, believed that a second would -be easily won, and they unmasked their batteries. ‘Prince Christian,’ -they said, ‘was born long before his father was king; he was educated -abroad; he is not a Dane. Duke John is the true heir, for he was born in -Denmark, and at a time when his father, the king, was already on the -throne.’ The lay senators, perceiving the injustice of this proposal, -and seeing to what it must come, took courage. They had made ample -concession on matters of religion; they were determined to make none on -matters of state. ‘The kingdom,’ said they, ‘is in a critical situation; -the partisans of Christian II. are threatening another invasion for the -purpose of liberating and reinstating on the throne this prince, whose -vindictive, violent, and cruel character we have so much reason to -dread. It is not wise at this critical moment to take a child for our -king. When a storm is gathering the helm is not placed in weak hands. -The wisdom, the valor, the experience of the eldest son of the deceased -king, and his travels to foreign courts, all mark him out for the choice -of the senate.’ The struggle between the two parties was very sharp. The -leaders assembled at Copenhagen as many of their respective adherents as -they could induce to leave their country homes. The citizens of the -capital began to murmur very loudly at the bishops. The latter were -intimidated and resorted to stratagem. Knowing that Norway was devoted -to Catholicism, they alleged that it was impossible to proceed with the -election without the deputies of that kingdom. Now as these deputies -could not be ready before the winter, the election was put off for a -year. The clergy vowed to make good use of this interval. Gjoë and Baner -contended against a resolution which appeared to them to be fraught with -danger. But the majority gave their decision in favor of the delay, and -a council of regency was appointed. The two energetic champions of the -Reformation still refused to affix their seals to the compact, and -quitted Copenhagen. Many lay deputies followed them; three only of their -number signed the instrument.[337] - -The bishops, proud of their victory, were eager to profit by it. Tausen -was in their view the mainstay of reform; if they could but succeed in -getting rid of him, the evangelical work, they thought, would come to -nothing.[338] The reformer was cited to appear in the assembly hall of -the magistrature of Copenhagen. The bishops were present as his -accusers; the marshal of the kingdom, and some of the nobles and -magistrates who were devoted to them, were to be his judges. -Condemnation appeared to be inevitable. Was the blood of the reformers -about to be shed in Denmark as it had been in France, in the -Netherlands, in England and elsewhere? Tausen made his appearance before -his judges with calmness. ‘You are accused,’ they said to him, ‘of -having called the bishops tyrants and the priests idle bellies, and this -in a book published by you; of having taken possession of most of the -churches of Copenhagen; and of having attacked the sacrament of the -altar, both by word of mouth and in writing.’ ‘I have done nothing,’ -said Tausen, ‘except for the honor of God and the salvation of souls.’ -Then he cleared himself of the charges brought against him; but all was -useless. Tausen was condemned to death, in conformity with the canon -law, and orders were given that the mass should be re-established in all -the churches. The thought of Tausen being put to death, and that in the -midst of the population of Copenhagen, terrified the senators, the -laity, and the magistrates of the town. They conjured the bishops not to -set before the people the spectacle of an execution which must -inevitably excite indignation and, perhaps, occasion a revolt.[339] They -succeeded ultimately in getting the capital sentence commuted into -banishment, with a prohibition to preach, _to write books_, or to -publish them. - -[Sidenote: Popular Rising At Copenhagen.] - -Meanwhile, the report had got into circulation among the townsmen that -their beloved preacher had been taken to the town-hall, had there been -accused, put upon his trial, and condemned. Excitement was universal. -Every one left his business, the tradesman his shop, the merchant his -counting-house, and the artisan his workshop. They all hastened to the -square, asking questions of one another, and giving replies—‘Yes, the -enemies of evangelical doctrine have dragged our minister before the -court.’ They were filled with indignation, they murmured, they filled -the air with their outcries.[340] A party of them entered the court -where Tausen was. They exclaimed—‘Give him back to us!‘[341] and they -declared that if the priests made any attempt on the free preaching of -the Gospel, they should not do so with impunity. The tumult was -increasing in the square. The judges could hear the cries of the people -in arms demanding again and again their faithful pastor. The court in -alarm implored the lay members of the Diet to go and pacify the crowd. -They went, and as soon as they made their appearance the multitude was -silent. ‘Fear not,’ said the deputies, ‘Tausen is in no danger; we have -interceded in his behalf, and the churchmen have yielded. There is no -intention to prohibit evangelical worship. Go back, therefore, quietly -to your houses and attend to your business.[342] The Diet will take care -that nothing be done against religion.’ But these words did not satisfy -the townsmen; they could not trust the priests; they wanted their pious -pastor restored to them, and they charged the deputies who spoke to them -with connivance with the enemies of the faith. - -They were in reality deceiving the people, for if Tausen was not going -to be taken from them by death he was to be so by banishment. - -This persistent demand on the part of the people and their accusations -provoked the deputies of the bishops; the latter raised their voices and -threatened with severe punishment those who charged them with weakness. -There was so much noise that the multitude could not catch their words; -but their features, their gestures, and the sound of their voices all -showed that the delegates were angry. The people got excited in their -turn; they did not mean to be trifled with. Those who bore arms -brandished them; on all sides threats and outcries resounded. ‘Give us -back our pastor,’ said they, ‘or we will burst open the doors.’[343] The -delegates went in again and delivered to the court the message from the -crowd. Fear then did what justice had failed to do; and the persecutors -turning to Tausen, who had remained calm, in complete self-surrender to -the Divine will, announced to him that he was discharged. The reformer -passed out of the court, and the people, at the sight of the shepherd -whom they loved, shouted for joy. - -[Sidenote: Bishop Roennov Threatened.] - -As soon as the popular excitement had apparently subsided, the bishops -and their adherents determined to quit the place in which they were -assembled. Pale and trembling, says a historian, they regained their -homes, compelled on their way thither to pass through the groups of -people who still thronged the neighboring streets. Each of them -extricated himself more or less successfully, and pursued his path with -more or less peace of mind according to the degree of opposition which -he had shown to the Reformation. Roennov, bishop of Roeskilde, was -especially an object of hatred to the townsmen of Copenhagen, who were -better acquainted with him than with the others, because he was their -own bishop. When he made his appearance fierce glances were turned on -him. Violent, hot-headed men followed him, demanding his life as an -expiation for the crime of the priests. Their hands were already raised -threateningly against the bishop. Tausen, who was not far off, perceived -this, and instantly hastening up placed his own person between Roennov -and these misled men, whom he entreated not to give themselves up to -disgraceful acts of violence. His singular gentleness succeeded at -length in pacifying this excited crowd, which was like a sea driven -about by the wind.[344] He was not content with this. He would not leave -the prelate, but desirous of protecting him from other attacks, -accompanied him as far as his palace gate. Roennov, whose life he had -saved, gave him his hand and thanked him for the signal service he had -just done him. This Christian act touched the heart of the bishop. The -violence of the people had provoked him; but the charity of Tausen -softened him, and even changed for a time the course of his thoughts and -of his life. - -Although the bishops, in the presence of danger, had yielded for the -moment, they nevertheless intended that the sentence against Tausen -should be carried out. He must leave Copenhagen. Roennov had an estate -called Bistrup, near Roeskilde, and to this place Tausen withdrew. He -was thus within reach of Copenhagen and was able to guide his flock. The -bishop consented to this choice of abode, perhaps even suggested it to -his deliverer. In order that the progress of the Reformation might not -be arrested in Copenhagen, and that the people might not rise in revolt -again, it was essential not only that friendly relations should be -established between Roennov and Tausen, the two bishops of the town, but -further that the prelate should place no obstacle in the way of the -preaching of the Gospel in the capital of the kingdom. Gjoë, Baner, the -bishop of Odensee, Gyldenstern, all devoted to the Gospel, earnestly -desired it; but the bishop entertained prejudices against them which -could not but prevent him from making any concession to them. It is well -known how useful the influence of Christian women has often been in the -church, and particularly how much they contributed to the establishment -of Christianity among the northern nations. A fresh instance of this -beneficial influence occurred at this time. Gjoë had a daughter named -Brigitta, of lively piety, of noble character, and of great beauty, who -afterwards became the wife of the naval hero, the celebrated Admiral -Herluf Troll. She had had some intercourse with the bishop, perhaps for -charitable objects. It was alleged, but erroneously as it seems, that -Roennov, before he had taken holy orders and while he was living at the -court, had met Brigitta at the sumptuous entertainments of which she was -the fairest ornament, and had wished to marry her. However this may be, -the beautiful and Christian Scandinavian undertook to get the bishop’s -sanction to the free preaching of the Gospel in the capital of the -kingdom, as it had been under the late king. Brigitta succeeded in this -important negotiation. Tausen pledged himself not to allow himself in -his preaching any insult against the Catholic priests, to oppose any -conspiracy that might be formed against the bishop and his clergy, to -defend Roennov against those who censured him for his tolerance, and in -all things to seek after the real good of the Church. The bishop on his -part gave Tausen permission to return to Copenhagen and to resume his -functions. It is clear that the admirable conduct of Tausen towards him, -and likewise a secret sense of the value of the truth, were the real -motives which prompted the bishop to this step. But the friends of the -priests, affecting to see something else in the case, were indignant -with the prelate, and declared sarcastically that the power of beauty -had led him to betray the cause of the faith. This arrangement had -important consequences. Brigitta was the worthy peer of her namesake, of -whose marvellous prophecy the monk Peter wrote, and whom Rome placed -among the saints.[345] - -[Sidenote: Persecution Of Evangelicals.] - -The other bishops were far from following the example of their -colleague. Filled with fear by the threats of the excited people, they -made haste to quit the capital in order to take their revenge in the -provinces and to stifle heresy. In the name of the Diet they promulgated -an edict enjoining that, on a day fixed, all the Lutheran preachers -should be removed from their churches, thrown into prison or banished, -and that Catholic priests should be everywhere settled in their places. -In addition to this, confiscation and death were pronounced against all -Danes who should continue to profess the Lutheran doctrine.[346] A -general persecution immediately began. The archbishop of Lund and the -bishops imprisoned or expelled all the evangelicals who fell into their -hands. A great number of the faithful succeeded in concealing -themselves. At Viborg, however, so numerous were the evangelicals that -the archbishop was obliged to give up the thought of reducing them to -submission, even by force of arms. At Copenhagen, the feeble and -vacillating bishop Roennov, overwhelmed with reproaches by his -colleagues, again turned about at the mercy of the wind, and undertook -likewise to expel the ministers and oppress the faithful. But a brave -burgess, Peter Smid, infused courage into his fellow-citizens and -energetically resisted the persecution; and the bishop recollecting the -disturbance of which, but for Tausen, he would have been the victim, -abandoned his attempt. - -It was to the honor of Scandinavia that these religious struggles were -not disgraced by bloodshed, as was the case in the rest of Europe. -Wormorsen likewise made an attempt at reconciliation and peace by -publishing an evangelical apology addressed to the Diet and the bishops. -In this tract he spoke respectfully of the archbishop of Lund, -complaining at the same time of the canons who made a boast of confining -themselves to expelling the pastors instead of burning them alive. The -evangelical minister declared that his colleagues and himself would -render obedience to the Diet and to the bishops in every thing which was -not contrary to the Word of God. But this appeal remained without -effect.[347] - -The bishops, thinking their victory secure, at length undertook to -justify their silence in the Diet of 1530, and to refute the apology -which the evangelical ministers had then presented. Eliæ was entrusted -with the drawing up of the plea. ‘These new preachers,’ said the -prelates, ‘transform the Christian Church and give it a new shape. The -predecessors of Luther are Eunomius, Manichæus, Jovinianus, Vigilantius, -the Waldenses, Wycliffe, Hus, and others of the same species, all -damnable heretics. Consider how many princes, nobles, kingdoms, -countries and towns have loyally adhered to the true Christian faith. -You are called to make your choice between these Catholic nobles and -excommunicated heretics. Decide for yourselves; make use in this case of -the same understanding which you apply to the things of this -world.’[348] - -The Protestants on their part were not backward. They discharged, volley -after volley, their polemical pamphlets, sometimes theological, -sometimes popular, after the manner of Ulrich von Hutten or Hans Sachs. -Imaginations were stimulated, tempers were heated, and the country -swarmed with treatises, parables, and sarcastic sayings. While Peter -Larssen, professor at Malmoe, made a serious attack on ‘the sentence of -banishment against the ministers of the Word of God,’ a _Dialogue on the -Mass_ represented it as a sick man abandoned by his physicians and -breathing his last. A satirical piece on _superstitious vigils_ exposed -the notorious impositions of the priests. _One Hundred and Seventy -Questions_, with answers, elucidated various points of Christian -doctrine. _A Conversation between Peter Smid and Adzer Bauer_, which was -not wanting in wit, stigmatized purgatory, confession, feast-days, holy -water, tapers and other abuses of the papal church. Finally, a _Dance of -Death_, one of the favorite themes of the sixteenth century, brought on -the stage terrified popes, bishops, and canons, all trembling at the -sight of Death, while the evangelical ministers joyfully went forward to -meet him.[349] - -Certain grave occurrences fraught with danger could not but have a -greater influence than these satires in putting an end to the strife and -in giving Denmark a new impulse. - -[Sidenote: Invasion Of The Lubeckers.] - -Lübeck, one of the Hanse Towns, at this time a rich and powerful place, -was discontented with the Danish government because it did not grant to -its ships sufficiently exclusive privileges. Desirous of profiting by -the weakness which was the consequence of the interregnum, the Lübeckers -resolved, in 1534, to invade the kingdom, under the pretext of -reinstating Christian II. on the throne. A leader must be found, and -Lübeck applied to the Count of Oldenburg, a kinsman of the unfortunate -prisoner, an able man, ready in action, ambitious, and a zealous -Protestant, though little worthy of the name. Christian had still -numerous partisans, and his restoration to the throne appeared to the -Danes to be a way of escape from a long and troublous interregnum. The -emperor, Christian’s brother-in-law, and the king of England favored the -enterprise. The Count of Oldenburg raised troops in Germany, invaded -Holstein, and then returning to Lübeck, embarked on board a fleet of -twenty-one vessels, well supplied by the Lübeckers with men and -munitions of war, and set sail for Denmark, which at this time had no -king, no army, and hardly a council. He made a descent on Zealand, took -possession of Roeskilde, deposed Bishop Roennov, the friend of King -Frederick and of his son, and appointed in his stead Archbishop Troll, -the faithful servant of Christian II. After making himself master of the -Sound, he marched on Copenhagen which opened its gates to him; -subjugated the whole of Zealand, and convoked at Ringsted a Diet the -members of which took the oath of allegiance to Christian II. -Oldenburg’s profession of Protestantism drew the townsmen to his side. -It was otherwise with the nobility, who had caused Christian to be put -in prison and now trembled at the thought of his liberation. The Lords -of the kingdom, therefore, in alarm, shut themselves up in their -castles. Oldenburg dispatched troops against them, an excited mob -followed, and on reaching any of these aristocratic abodes, gave -themselves up to brutal rage. Many of the nobles found themselves -compelled by violence to join the invader, and they stammered out with -trembling an oath of fidelity to Christian, their cruel and formidable -foe. Roennov, who played the weathercock in politics as well as in -religion, was among the first to take the oath; and his bishopric was -restored to him. The Count gave Troll, by way of compensation, the -bishopric of Fionia. The people of Malmoe, persuaded by the Lübeckers, -had already placed the government under arrest, and had demolished the -citadel built by Frederick. Oldenburg crossed the Sound, entered -Scandinavia, and went with a numerous escort of troops and of people to -Liber hill, near the primatial town of Lund, where the kings of Denmark -were accustomed to receive the homage of their States. He called upon -the crowd around him to acknowledge Christian II. They responded with -joyous acclamations. Ere long, the islands of Moen, Falster, Laaland and -Langeland were conquered, and Oldenburg was master of the greater part -of Denmark.[350] - -[Sidenote: Escape Of The King’s Friends.] - -Meanwhile, the friends of the late king and of the Reformation, and -particularly the Grand Master of the kingdom, the noble Magnus Gjoë, had -betaken themselves to Jutland, where they would be nearer to Frederick’s -eldest son. They were followed by the nobles, the bishops, and all the -enemies of Christian II., who in a state of despair made their escape -furtively into Jutland, a district remote from the storm which was -ravaging the island of Zealand and terrified them. The young duke John, -no longer feeling himself safe in Fionia, assumed the guise of a -peasant, his whole suite doing the same, and thus rapidly crossed the -Little Belt. The feeble Roennov, once more facing about as he so often -did, likewise reached Jutland in the suite of the bishops his friends. -Such members of the Diet as were present in Jutland, being determined to -provide for the safety of the realm by energetic measures, assembled -first at Skanderborg, on the lake of Mos, a little below Aarhuus; and -afterwards at Rye, several leagues distant, on the edge of a forest near -the lake of Juul. A multitude of the gentry, of the townsmen, and of -peasants had quitted their castles, their shops, and their rye fields, -that they might sooner learn what this assembly would resolve on. The -bishops, concerned only about their own power, had obstinately insisted -on having a child for king; and a factious spirit had clouded the -judgment of the nobles. But now the danger was displayed in all its -vastness, the veil was rent, the revolt would inevitably spread in -Jutland, and then it would be all up with the ancient kingdom, which -would fall a prey to greedy tradesmen and to a furious populace, and -would be given over to the sanguinary revenges of an implacable king. -What might not the terrible author of the massacre at Stockholm be -expected to do, if the Lübeckers should rescue him from the dungeon -which shut him in, and should place him on the throne?[351] - -In crises of this kind there is one man predestined to save his -countrymen. In this case it was the noble Magnus Gjoë. He rose and -argued before the Diet that if the crown had been unhesitatingly given -to the eldest son of the deceased king, the great calamities which now -overwhelmed the kingdom would have been averted. He added that the only -means of saving it at this hour was a speedy recourse to that prince. -‘Most honorable lords,’ said he, ‘the salvation of our country now -depends upon the resolution which you are about to adopt.’ All the lay -members applauded this speech and proposed that without delay they -should call the duke to the throne of his father. But the prelates were -indifferent to any calamities but their own. ‘The safety of the Church,’ -they said, ‘forbids our making choice of a heretical prince.’ Violent -debates now began. It was to no purpose that representations were made -to the priests that they were risking the sacrifice of the country to -their idle chimeras; their obstinacy only grew stronger. - -While there was one assembly within the hall, there was a far more -numerous one outside. An immense crowd surrounded the Diet and waited -impatiently to see whether the country was to be saved or lost. They -pressed about the doors to learn the result of the deliberations and -wondered that they did not come to an end. Ere long, suspecting what -happened, these impatient men made their way into the hall and exclaimed -that it would not do to wait till the enemy fell upon those who were -still able to defend their country before appointing the only leader who -could save them. They asserted that the caprice of the bishops had -already cost the loss of half the kingdom, and declared that if the duke -was not that instant elected, those who opposed it should pay dear for -their resistance. The prelates began to tremble. They sat silent, -gloomy, and irresolute. Dread, however, of the tyrant’s return brought -them to a decision. They stammered out some excuses, they spoke of their -zeal for religion, and they added that if the nobles were determined to -elect the duke, they had only to do so on their own responsibility; that -as for themselves they would be content with the receipt of their tithes -and the maintenance of their own privileges and those of their Church. -No sooner had they spoken than the young Christian was proclaimed king -by the Diet; and the multitudes within and without the hall responded to -the announcement of this election with acclamations of joy. It was on -the 4th July, 1534, that this important step was taken. - -Footnote 329: - - The author appears to have written _deux ans_, but owing to the rather - hieroglyphic character of his handwriting, we can almost as well read - _dix_ as _deux_. Raumer (ii. p. 148) says:—‘Johann erst zwölf jahre - alt,’ child of twelve years: but this must be a mistake, because - Frederick reigned from 1523 to 1533, and John was born after the - accession of his father. See also p. 199 infra. (Editor.) - -Footnote 330: - - ‘Ut religio evangelica . . opprimeretur et vetus illa restitueretur - sacrorum pontificiorum ratio.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 391. - -Footnote 331: - - ‘Invecti graviter in ministros novæ religionis.’—_Ibid._ p. 392. - -Footnote 332: - - ‘Ita enim eviluisse antistitum auctoritatem.’—_Ibid._ p. 393. - -Footnote 333: - - ‘Aliisque pœnis atrocioribus in pervicaces - animadvertendum.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 393. - -Footnote 334: - - ‘Magnitudine periculi vehementer sunt turbati.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 335: - - ‘Partam ei libertatem rege volente, non nisi rege in contrarium - sciscente puto eripi posse.’—_Ibid._ p. 394. - -Footnote 336: - - ‘Multa antistitum astu erant interpolata.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 394. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iv. p. 394. Pontoppidan, p. 263. - -Footnote 337: - - _Danske Magazin_, iii. p. 106. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iv. p. - 399. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 395. - -Footnote 338: - - ‘Cum Taussanus in pontificiorum oculis sudes esset,’ &c.—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 339: - - ‘At senatores et reliqui magistratus plebeii _Taussani_ apud - antistites _supplicium_ deprecantur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ ii. p. 397. - -Footnote 340: - - ‘Plebs forum tumultu ac clamoribus implet; indignari enim et - fremere.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 397. - -Footnote 341: - - ‘Audiebantur voces restitui Taussanum flagitantium.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 342: - - ‘Irent igitur pacati domum, et res suas agerent.’—_Ibid._, p. 398. - -Footnote 343: - - ‘Inclamant exhibendum Taussanum aut se fores molituros.’—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii. p. 398. - -Footnote 344: - - ‘Taussani mansuetudo turbidos compescuit.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 398. - -Footnote 345: - - Huitfield, _Dän. Chronik_, ii. p. 1402 _et seq._ Munter, - _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 406 _et seq._ Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 398. - -Footnote 346: - - ‘Edita amissionem vitæ et bonorum profitentibus Lutheri doctrinam - denunciantia.’ (Chytræi _Saxonia_, lib. xiv. p. 362; Munter, - _Kirchengeschicte_, iii. p. 408.) - -Footnote 347: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 411. - -Footnote 348: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. pp. 414, 415, 429; Gerdesius, _Ann._ - ii. p. 400. - -Footnote 349: - - _Expostulatio adversus exilii sententiam._—_Dialogus missæ papisticæ - extremum spiritum trahentis._—_De vigiliis superstitiosis._—_Centum et - septuaginta quæstiones, &c. &c._—Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. - 431. - -Footnote 350: - - _Dänske Magazin_, iii. p. 72. Mallet, _Hist. de Danemark_, iv. p. 201. - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 435. - -Footnote 351: - - Hamelman, _Oldenburgische Chronik_, p. 327. Mallet, _Hist. de - Danemark_, iv. p. 201. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - CHRISTIAN III. PROCLAIMED KING. TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION IN DENMARK, - NORWAY, AND ICELAND. - (1533-1550.) - - -While these things were in progress, Christian, who had no intention of -imposing himself on the Danes by force of arms, but wished, on the -contrary, to be freely called to the throne, and by the people -themselves,[352] had marched against the enemies of Denmark, and was -besieging that powerful town of Lübeck which had brought confusion on -his country. The Grand Master, Magnus Gjoë, Ove Lunge, another member of -the Diet, and two bishops set out to announce to him his election. -Informed of their mission he went to meet them, and received them at the -cloister of Preetz, in Holstein, situated above Eutin and the charming -lake of Ploen. Christian accepted with gratitude, dignity, and modesty -the crown which was offered to him as the only man who had power to save -the kingdom. Soon afterwards he went to Horsens, in Jutland, situated at -the head of a gulf formed by the sea to the north of the Little Belt. At -this place the States of Jutland and Fionia met in a great assembly on a -plain near the town. Christian was here proclaimed king; and, on his -knees, with hands raised towards heaven, he took the oath in use at the -election of a monarch; saving, however, the necessary changes which -might be made, with the assent of the Diet, particularly with respect to -the property and the privileges of the bishops. From the very beginnings -of the Reformation, the prelates had incessantly resisted its progress. -They had imprisoned or banished the reformers, had deposed a king, and -as soon as the throne was vacant had endeavored to place on it a boy -whom they assumed to keep under their own guardianship. Everywhere and -at all times they had taken the position of masters of the country. And -now their star was paling, a dark veil hung over their destinies, and -the sun ‘that ariseth with healing in his wings’ was about to radiate -freely his light and heat.[353] - -There was still, however, much to do. Oldenburg’s soldiers, under the -command of a pirate, had invaded the north of Jutland, and had spread -there, as they did everywhere, ruin and desolation. - -Rantzau who was in command of the royal troops expelled them. Oldenburg -went to Copenhagen, and being determined to push on the war vigorously, -demanded of the gentry their silver plate and the jewels, necklaces, and -bracelets of their wives and daughters. But at the call of the new king, -Sweden, having no desire to see its butcher, the terrible Christian II., -reascend the throne of Scandinavia, despatched an army into Scania which -pursued the Lübeckers as far as Malmoe. Christian III., for want of a -fleet, passed the Little Belt in ordinary boats. The German army was -defeated in two engagements. More than two hundred German lords perished -in these fights; and the famous Archbishop Troll, the friend of -Christian the Cruel, who, in conjunction with Hoya, was in command of -the army of the invaders, was severely wounded and died. At length the -spring of 1535 permitted the vessels of Sweden and Prussia to join those -of Denmark. This fleet touched at the island of Zealand, and the king -and the army encamped at a distance of four leagues from Copenhagen, and -soon invested the city. The siege lasted a year; and during this time -Christian III. overran the other provinces for the purpose of driving -away the enemy. - -In the midst of these struggles and conflicts the Reformation was making -its way without the co-operation of the king. Its adherents were -gradually regaining possession of the churches and offices of which they -had been deprived by the bishops in the fatal year 1533. Christian -undertook a journey into Sweden; and the order, peace, and prosperity -which prevailed in that country, since the Reformation achieved the -victory over the Romish hierarchy, attracted his attention, and -convinced him more than ever that in this victory was to be found the -source of the welfare of the individual and the community. - -[Sidenote: The Lubeckers Repulsed.] - -At the same time the Lübeckers were beginning to be weary of an -unrighteous, burdensome, and unsuccessful war. The elector of Saxony, -with other princes and some of the free towns of Germany, looking on the -young Christian as one of their own body, offered to mediate between -Lübeck and him. A congress was accordingly opened at Hamburg. It was -arranged that all hostilities should cease between the king and the -state of Lübeck, and that Copenhagen and the other towns still in -rebellion should be pardoned if they made their submission. But these -towns refused to surrender, in the confidence that Queen Mary of -Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, the sister-in-law of Christian -II., would send them aid. Necessity at last brought about what -inclination refused. Copenhagen, in which the Count of Oldenburg had -shut himself up, could no longer hold out. There was no more bread in -the town. Those who had a little barley or oats ate them uncooked, lest -the smoke should reveal the fact, and the famishing should come and -carry off what remained. In a little while this emaciated population had -nothing to live on but horses, dogs, and cats; and for this kind of food -a very high price was charged. - -The soldiers who had nothing at all entered houses to snatch, from those -who still had any thing left, any poor food, and carried it off, -harassing them at the same time with shameful treatment. These -unfortunates sought with eagerness after every thing that seemed capable -of sustaining life. Men and women who were mere shadows wandered about -hither and thither, scaring those who met them; and they were seen -dragging themselves upon the ramparts exposed to the fire of the enemy -and stooping to pluck from the soil any wild herbs. Some, when they felt -that death was approaching, left their beds and dragged themselves along -to the cemetery, as their relatives would certainly have no strength to -carry them thither, and they lay down to die on the earth which was to -cover them. Others, impatient for the end of the long agony, exposed -themselves to the shots of the besiegers. Pity was nowhere to be found; -and when some of these wretched victims abandoned themselves to cries -and lamentations—‘Off with you!’ said the chiefs, ‘you are not so badly -off as they were at the siege of Jerusalem, where parents ate their own -children.’[354] There was more charity in the prince who was besieging -them. Duke Albert of Mecklenburg, who had married a niece of the elder -Christian, and was hoping to inherit his crown, was one of the leaders -shut up in Copenhagen. His wife being confined, the young king sent her -victuals in great abundance for the sustenance of herself and of all her -connections. - -[Sidenote: The King’s Entry Into Copenhagen.] - -At last came the catastrophe of this tragedy. The townsmen and the -soldiers, subdued by hunger, offered to capitulate. Christian’s first -intention was that they should surrender at discretion; but his generous -disposition soon prevailed, and he promised pardon to all his enemies. -The Duke of Mecklenburg and the Count of Oldenburg proceeded on foot to -the royal camp, their heads uncovered and white bâtons in their -hands.[355] They made a public confession of their offences, and falling -on their knees they asked pardon of the king. Christian gave a stern -reception to the Count of Oldenburg, whose ambition had plunged Denmark -into a most cruel war. He reminded him of the pillage, the -conflagrations, and the murders which he had ordered in the states of a -prince of his own blood, and urged him to repent. Then he raised him up, -saying at the same time that he was willing still to acknowledge him as -his kinsman, although he had shown himself his most cruel enemy.[356] As -for the Duke of Mecklenburg, the king attributed his offence to -weakness, and treated him with forbearance. The deputies of the town -afterwards presented themselves and were received with a kindliness that -won their hearts. The king made his entry into the capital on the 8th of -August, accompanied by the queen, the members of the Diet, and the -principal officers of his army. The inhabitants, wasted, pale and -tottering, crawled out to see him pass, and had scarcely strength to -utter a shout of joy. Many houses had been destroyed by cannon shot; and -almost all the churches were thrown down. The emotion and pity which the -king felt at this spectacle were depicted on his countenance. His -presence was now to put an end to these calamities. He re-entered the -town as a king, but also as a father. A similar entry was to take place, -at the close of the century, into a capital of higher importance, and on -the part of a prince more illustrious. But there was a great difference -between Christian III. and Henry IV. The prince of the North did not -ascend the throne as the king of France did, ‘to have on his head the -feet of the pope.’[357] - -And now, what had he to do? To bind up the wounds of the kingdom and to -give it a new life. Christian felt it necessary to consult the principal -members of the Diet. Six days after his entry into Copenhagen he called -together, under the seal of secrecy, the Grand Master Magnus Gjoë, the -Grand Marshal Krabbe, Rosenkranz, Brahe, Guldenstiern, Friis, Bilde, and -some other enlightened members of the senate, and laid his thoughts -before them. They came to a unanimous conclusion that the bishops were -the chief cause of the troubles in the realm, and that while they were -in power its prosperity was impossible. Were they not the authors of -this interregnum which had plunged Denmark into an abyss of misfortunes? -Had they not rejected the only king who was capable of saving the -country? Had they not exercised in his stead tyrannical authority? Was -not their temporal power contrary to the Scriptures, a tissue of -usurpations and a fatal institution? The people declared for the -Reformation. It was, therefore, the duty of the king and of the Diet to -take the necessary steps for its complete establishment; and the first -thing to do was to deprive the bishops of a power condemned by God and -by man. But if they should find that this matter is to be brought before -the Diet would they not attempt to raise their partisans? To prevent -this their persons must be secured. Sharp remedies for sharp maladies. -‘He leadeth princes away spoiled and overcometh the mighty.’[358] - -[Sidenote: Arrest Of The Bishops.] - -This resolution had hardly been adopted before two of the most -influential prelates of the kingdom, Torbern Bilde, archbishop of Lund -and primate of the realm, and Roennov, bishop of Zealand, arrived at -Copenhagen for the purpose of offering their congratulations to the -king. They were both at the episcopal palace of the city, and it appears -that they received some hint of the measure that was in preparation. On -the 20th August, Rantzau, entrusted with the mission by the king, -appeared at the palace. He found the door closed, and his soldiers burst -it open. The archbishop immediately surrendered without offering -resistance. But Roennov took advantage of his familiarity with all the -nooks and corners of his palace to rush within, and climbing up to the -roof squatted in a foul and disgusting hole, or according to another -account, behind one of the beams which supported the roof.[359] They -searched for him for a long time without looking there; but the next -morning they discovered him. He came down and tried to conceal his shame -under an air of irritation and by violent words. All the bishops were -taken prisoners; and every one of these arrests forms a history by -itself. Many of them defended themselves in their strong castles and -repulsed force by force. Rantzau was obliged to form regular sieges and -to attack vigorously these formidable pastors who had armed men and -brave officers under their orders.[360] The Danish bishops, contrary to -the Bible command, had turned their crooks into swords, their crosses -into halberds, and their flocks into troops of lancers. The bishops were -confined in various fortresses, and their treatment with more or less -mildness depended on whether they conducted themselves submissively or -insulted the king’s officers. The question of course arises were these -seizures legal? We reply that the bishops had been guilty of offences -against the state and against the people, and that these offences -justified their imprisonment. It is a legitimate course for a king and -his counsellors to defend themselves against conspirators. - -[Sidenote: Charges Against The Bishops.] - -The Diet of the kingdom had now to pronounce a decision. Christian -resolved on taking an important step in a constitutional direction by -introducing into the Diet, in conjunction with the nobility, and in the -place of the prelates, representatives chosen by the burgesses of the -towns and by the peasantry of the country districts.[361] This was the -first Diet in which the people were represented. It was opened on the -30th of October, 1536. A decree was passed for the holding of an -assembly to regulate the new order of things. A spacious platform having -been erected in the open air, the king and the States took their places -on it, surrounded by a vast gathering of the people, who formed as it -were, the general council of the nation. The prince expressed the sorrow -that he felt at the thought of the calamities with which the country had -just been visited, and dwelt on the fact that the bishops had shown -themselves unworthy of their office. Then followed the reading of a -report on the condition of the kingdom, which occupied three hours. It -set forth the offences common to all the bishops, the usurpation of the -supreme power and the attempt to ruin the evangelicals. - -Next, the reporter dealt with each of them separately. ‘Bishop Roennov -of Roeskilde,’ said he, ‘has ruled in Copenhagen during the interregnum -as though he were the sovereign.’ ‘Yes, yes,’ exclaimed voices from the -crowd. ‘He has sent his likeness,’ said some one, ‘to Queen Mary of -Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, offering her at the same time his -hand and the crown of Denmark!’ This was doubtless a mere piece of fun; -but the notion of becoming king some day would be not at all unlikely to -occur to a vain man like Roennov, who was turning over high matters in -his weak brain. To each bishop was attributed some particular saying and -deed. One of the strangest sayings was that of the Bishop of Ribe, who, -according to the reporter, said—‘I should like to be changed into a -devil, that I might have the pleasure of tormenting the soul of King -Frederick, tainted with heresy.’[362] - -The reporter continued—‘In consequence of these facts it is proposed -that all the Roman Catholic bishops should be deposed from their -offices; that the religion and the rites of the Romish Church should be -abolished in the kingdom; that the doctrine should be reformed and the -evangelical religion established; that none of those who are unwilling -to renounce the Roman priesthood should on that account be subject to -any ill-treatment, that no infringement of their liberty of conscience -should be attempted, but that they should be instructed in conformity -with the Word of God, and if they refused this they should be left to -give account of their faith to God alone.’[363] Considering that the -spiritual power had resorted to the use of halberds and cannon, the -temporal power might very reasonably have done the same; but the -sovereign, having made himself master of their fortresses, imposed on -them no penalty but freedom. - -When the reading of the report was concluded, the question was put in -the king’s name to the nobles and to the people whether they assented to -the proposals therein made, and particularly whether they wished to -retain their former bishops. As with one voice they all replied—‘We do -not wish for them; we will have the Gospel.’ A compact was accordingly -drawn up. A complete amnesty for what was past, and entire and mutual -confidence for the future were proclaimed. In the place of the prelates, -the authors of all the troubles of the kingdom, an equal number of -evangelical theologians were to be established under the designation of -‘superintendents’ (that of ‘bishops’ subsequently came into use). -Permission was given to monks to quit their convents, or to remain in -them on condition of leading there an edifying life and of listening to -the Word of God. If any one thought that he had ground of complaint -against the king, he was to institute proceedings against him before the -Diet. The crown was declared to be henceforth hereditary. This compact -was signed by four hundred nobles and by the deputies of the towns and -the country districts. From this time the bishops ceased to be members -of the Diet of which they had formed a part for six centuries; and the -evangelical religion was publicly professed. The Reformation was thus -established in this northern kingdom in the same year and in the same -manner as it had just been established in a petty republic in the centre -of Europe.[364] - -[Sidenote: Liberation Of The Bishops.] - -It was the king’s intention to set at liberty immediately such of the -bishops as were still in confinement, and he caused the offer to be made -to them, requiring only in return that they should not meddle with -affairs of state, that they should not resist the Reformation, and that -they should lead a peaceable life. The majority agreed to these terms; -and the king not only restored to them their hereditary estates, but, in -addition, made liberal presents to many of them. The best treated was -Ove Bilde, who had defended his castle with cannon, and who, respected -by every one, received as a fief the estate of Skovkloster, near -Nestved. Towards the close of his life he embraced the evangelical -doctrine. One bishop only, Roennov, absolutely refused submission. He -had changed with every wind, but he remained steadfast now. Of a -character at once feeble and fiery, he protested against the course -adopted towards him, and his indignation vented itself in sharp sayings -and violent gestures. This restless and versatile man was removed -successively to four or five castles, and at last died, in 1544, in this -same town of Copenhagen, where the people continued to believe that he -had aimed at establishing himself as king. Christian III. reunited the -castles of the bishops to the domains of the crown; but the rest of the -properties of the bishops he assigned, by Luther’s advice, to the -hospitals, the schools, the university and the churches. It had been his -intention to give an important position to the ‘third estate’; but in -this he did not succeed. This class, consisting of workmen without moral -weight, and peasants without intelligence, had to wait till their time -was come.[365] - -The organization of the Evangelical Church was no light task. The king -felt the want of some Protestant theologian who was competent to -undertake it. At Flensborg, in 1529, he had made the acquaintance of -Pomeranus, the friend of Luther, who had organized the churches of -Pomerania, his native country, of Brunswick, Hamburg, and Lübeck. -Pomeranus, whose original name was Bugenhagen, was superintendent at -Wittenberg, and was a man of a conciliatory and disinterested nature. He -could distinguish between things essential and things indifferent; he -attached himself to the spirit still more than to the letter; and on -these grounds seemed to be peculiarly fitted to give a constitution to -the Danish Church. The elector of Saxony consented to give him up, first -for a year, and afterwards for two years. In 1537, therefore, Luther’s -friend arrived at Copenhagen with his family and several students from -Wittenberg. He reorganized the university of Copenhagen, and delivered -their courses of lectures, and diffused instruction and the knowledge of -the Scriptures among the clergy. At the same time, in co-operation with -the reformers of Denmark, Tausen, Wormorsen, Chrysostom, Sadolin, Peter -Larssen and others, he gave a constitution to the renovated Church of -Denmark. On the 12th of May, 1537, the birthday of Christian III., the -king and queen were crowned by the reformer. ‘Pomeranus is in Denmark,’ -wrote Luther to Bucer, ‘and all that God does by his hands prospers. He -has crowned the king and the queen as if he were a real bishop.’[366] On -September 2, he consecrated the new evangelical bishops. Wormorsen was -made bishop of the former primatial see of Lund, but its metropolitan -privileges were abolished. Palladius, a disciple of Luther and -Melanchthon, who had spent at Wittenberg almost all the time during -which the Reformation was in progress in Denmark, was appointed, -doubtless on the recommendation of Pomeranus, bishop of Zealand, and he -exercised also a kind of general supervision. Tausen was not at this -time made a bishop. Are we to suppose that he declined the office? Or -were some afraid to raise to a bishopric this bold pioneer who had made -himself enemies by the freedom of his ministry? He was, however, -invested with the office, four years later, as bishop of Ribe.[367] - -[Sidenote: Constitution Of The Church.] - -The very day on which the bishops were consecrated the constitution of -the Church was promulgated. It treated, in the first place, of pure -evangelical doctrine and of the sacraments; next of the education of the -young and of schools; of ecclesiastical customs and of their uniformity; -of the duties of the superintendents and of provosts; of the revenues of -the Church for the maintenance of ministers and the poor; and of the -books which might be used by the pastors to enlarge their knowledge. The -writings of Luther and Melanchthon were especially recommended.[368] - -The Danish Church was thus transformed; and from a church of the pope -had become a church of the Word of God. Unfortunately it was unable to -stand fast in the liberty into which it was born. The state claimed too -much authority over its affairs. - -The Reformation was likewise established in other countries bordering on -Denmark, and these demand at least a moment’s attention. We must take a -hasty survey of Norway and Iceland. - -The Reformation in Denmark involved in it that of Norway. The commercial -relations of this country with England and its proximity to Sweden had -contributed to increase the number of Protestants within its borders. -But there was no region of the north in which Roman Catholicism had more -resolute adherents. We have seen that Christian II. had been favorably -received there when he appeared as champion of the papacy. Archbishop -Olaf Engelbrechtsen was one of his partisans, and kept up intercourse -with the protectors of the prince, with his brother-in-law, Charles the -Fifth, and his son-in-law the elector-palatine. As soon as this prelate -heard of the imprisonment of the Danish bishops he fancied himself -likewise a ruined man, and, struck with terror, had his vessels equipped -and all his property and the most costly treasures of the Church put on -board, and then fled to the Netherlands. Christian III. was acknowledged -in Norway; but the country lost its independence and was united with the -kingdom as one of its provinces. The Norwegian Church was for some time -in a lamentable condition. - -‘Our brethren in Norway,’ said Palladius, bishop of Zealand, ‘are like -sheep that have no shepherd.’[369] Nevertheless, one or two influential -men of the country took part in the work of reform. Johan Reff, bishop -of Opzloe, went to Copenhagen, and there resigned his temporal power and -accepted the new constitution of the Church. Geble Petersen, bishop of -Bergen, also declared publicly for the Reformation. He refused to marry, -he said, in order that he might be able to devote himself entirely to -the public service. He gave up his whole fortune towards the foundation -of a school, the repair of his cathedral, and the erection of a -parsonage-house. He gave instruction daily in the school which he had -founded, and urgently requested Palladius, bishop of Zealand, who held -him in high esteem, to send him masters and ministers; but he did not -succeed in getting them. The fervent Catholicism of certain Norwegians -was alarming to the Danes. It was rumored at Copenhagen that in Norway -people were killing the pastors. The constitution of the Danish Church -was, however, introduced into the country. Christian III. commanded that -the Word of God should be purely and plainly taught there. But there was -an active party which offered a vigorous opposition to Protestantism. A -gale was blowing in the country districts which threw to the ground -whatever the Government attempted to set up. The monks were stirring up -the peasantry to revolt. The people when urged to build parsonage-houses -for their pastors refused to do so. Nevertheless the Reformation -gradually got the ascendency; but it appears to have been mainly the -work of the Government.[370] - -We have already spoken of the Reformation in the duchies of Schleswig -and Holstein.[371] The townsmen of Flensborg, in 1526, discharged twelve -priests and set evangelical ministers in their places. In the same and -the following years the Reformation was established at Hadersleben, -Schleswig, Itzehoe, Rendsburg, Kiel, Oldenburg, and other towns. All the -measures of the Government were marked by mildness and patience; and the -kingdom of Christ made progress by its own inward power. - -[Sidenote: The Bishops Of Iceland.] - -Iceland, that island of frozen mountains and subterranean fires which -heave up and shake the land, and then burst forth in eruptions, so that -the region is a wonderful combination of burning lava and eternal -ice—Iceland also was to become acquainted with the Reformation. Icebergs -floating down from the polar regions sometimes environ it and destroy -the crops; but knowledge, Divine words, and evangelical teachers were -one day to arrive there from the East; and this remote island of the -North was thus to be exposed to the beneficent shining of a sun which -brings life and prosperity into the most desolate regions. - -For more than a century before this time the Icelanders had made bitter -complaint of the harshness of their bishops. Real despots they -were—whose punishments were so cruel that the unhappy persons on whom -they were inflicted declared that they should prefer death. At the epoch -of the Reformation the two prelates of the island were—Oegmund Paulsen, -bishop of Skalholt, and Johan Aresen, bishop of Holum, both priests -worthy of their predecessors. The latter, an ignorant, domineering, -obstinate, and vindictive man gave himself out for a descendant of the -kings of Denmark and Norway, and even of Priam, king of Troy, and he was -very proud of it. The character of Bishop Oegmund was less violent; but -both he and his colleague were far more like feudal barons of the Middle -Ages than shepherds of the Lord’s flock. At the time of the election of -the bishop of Holum, Oegmund had supported a different candidate; -consequently Aresen had sworn mortal hatred to him. This hostility of -the two prelates occasioned division among the inhabitants of the island -to such an extent that, in 1527, civil war was on the point of breaking -out. They were, however, at last induced to settle the quarrel by a -trial by single combat, a method not very agreeable to the spirit of the -Gospel. Each of the two prelates selected his champion; and the two -knights, representatives of the bishops, appeared armed _cap à pied_, -and struck terrible blows at each other. Oegmund’s champion was the -victor.[372] How would these strange characters, who were two or three -centuries behind the rest of the world, receive the Reformation, which, -all unknown to them, had begun to stir all Europe? The answer was not -doubtful. - -[Sidenote: Oddur’s New Testament.] - -A son of the former bishop of Holum, Oddur Gottschalksen, had been -educated in Norway, and had also studied under Luther at Wittenberg. On -his return to Iceland, Bishop Oegmund, who had for some time been his -father’s colleague, and had known the boy from his birth, took him for -his secretary. The prelate hated the Holy Scriptures; and finding one -day a copy of the Vulgate in the possession of one of his priests, he -snatched the book out of his hands, and flung it away in a rage. Another -day, when he was severely rebuking an ecclesiastic who had been so -audacious as to censure abuses, numerous enough in Iceland, and -particularly the worship of images, the poor priest appealed to St. -Paul. ‘Paul!’ gruffly exclaimed the bishop, ‘Paul was the teacher of the -heathen, and not ours.’ This is a specimen of the bishops of -Iceland.[373] Oddur had gained at Wittenberg the knowledge of the truth. -Naturally fond of study he had determined to devote his energies to this -rather than to the active ministry; and he had brought with him for this -purpose many German and Latin books. As he was aware how the tyrannical -bishops of Iceland demeaned themselves towards their inferiors, he was -timid and prudent, and did not venture to speak of the Gospel before -them or their creatures. Privately, however, he taught the way of -salvation to many of his fellow-countrymen; and secretly worked at an -Icelandic version of the New Testament. He had witnessed the marvellous -effect produced by the translation of his master Luther, and he was in -hopes that his own might be the instrument of like good to Iceland. In -order that he might be secure against surprise by any indiscreet and -fanatical visitor, he had taken up his quarters for this work in a cow -shed; and the bishop, supposing that his secretary was copying old -documents, supplied him liberally with paper, pens, and ink. Oddur, in -his solitary shed, did not confine himself to writing, but he fervently -prayed there for Iceland, beseeching that a fertile season, a long -summer, might be granted to this region of long winters. The good seed -which he scattered began to spring up in men’s hearts. The bishop became -aware that something was going on; and it appeared to him that a new -doctrine had overleaped the vast interval that separates Iceland from -the European continent. He was uneasy, but he expected that he should be -able to smother the first germs, by threatening with excommunication all -who should teach and profess any other articles of faith than those -which he himself accepted. - -Oegmund was advanced in years, and was thinking of retirement. He had a -young Icelander, Gisser Einarsen by name, brought up to succeed him. In -opposition to the bishop’s wish, the young man had left Hamburg, where -the bishop had placed him, and gone to Wittenburg. It does not appear, -however, that the prelate was much vexed with his intended successor; -the latter, on the contrary, appears to have exerted a good influence on -his patron. Oegmund was somewhat softened by the knowledge of the course -of events in Denmark. He sent Einarsen to Copenhagen, with instructions -to announce to King Christian III. that he was not an enemy of the -Reformation, and that the clergy intended to appoint him—Einarsen—to the -office of superintendent of the church of Skalholt. Oddur accompanied -the episcopal delegate, anxious to avail himself of the opportunity of -getting his Icelandic New Testament printed. Christian III. ordered an -examination to be made of this translation, and then commanded that it -should be printed, probably at his own expense. Einarsen himself was -examined by the professors of Copenhagen, and was then ordained bishop -by Palladius, although he was only twenty-five years of age. On his -return to Iceland, Oegmund resigned to him the episcopal office.[374] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Aresen.] - -But the king did not confine himself to sending a new bishop to the -Church of Iceland; he required at the same time that it should receive -the new ecclesiastical constitution which he had given to Denmark. This -was not an easy matter. The more remote communities lie from the great -currents of civilization, whether in mountain regions or in islands, the -more tenaciously they cling to the opinions of their forefathers. These -rugged islanders therefore declared that, while they were ready to -abolish abuses, they would not receive a new faith. In the heart of the -aged Oegmund himself was rekindled zeal for the doctrines of his youth, -and he seemed desirous of resuming his episcopal duties. But being -accused of having taken part in a murder, committed in his dwelling, of -a person in the service of the king, he was compelled to go to -Copenhagen to answer the charge, and there he died. From this time the -pious Einarsen entered upon the full exercise of his episcopal -functions. He founded schools, compelled many convents to instruct the -young, and spared himself no pains in training good ministers. Death -arrested him in the midst of his work. - -And now Johan Aresen, bishop of Holum, took courage. This violent, -ambitious, restless, and yet undoubtedly sincere man had been indignant -to see the beginning of the Reformation in Iceland. He wrote to -Copenhagen—‘I have never learnt that a king has authority to make -changes in matters of religion unless they are enjoined by the court of -Rome.’ No sooner had he been informed of the death of his young -colleague than he raised a body of troops, about two hundred men, and -entered by force of arms into the diocese which had become vacant, -firmly resolved to clear it of all traces of reform, and to settle in it -his son Bjoern Jonsen as his vicar. Aresen intended to become himself -sole bishop of the whole of Iceland. He gave orders to two of his other -sons to seize and carry off the new bishop, Morten Einarsen, who had -been in due form elected to succeed the late bishop, and who was -peaceably making a visitation of his new diocese. Aresen, not satisfied -with subjecting him to harsh treatment, composed ballads in which he -mercilessly ridiculed and quizzed him. Next, thrusting himself into the -place of the lawful bishop, he undertook a visitation of the diocese of -Skalholt, taking along with him the captive Bishop Morten. He exhibited -him by way of triumph, and compelled him to enjoin on all priests and -laymen submission to the bishop of Holum. He re-established everywhere -the Roman services, consecrated priests, and did not spare even the last -resting-places of the dead. He caused the body of Bishop Einarsen to be -disinterred, and had it cast into a pit outside the cemetery. This -usurping priest went to greater lengths still; he openly threw scorn on -the royal power, seized the property of the Church, prosecuted those who -offered resistance, and laid the whole country waste. As it was -impossible for the royal governor to allow these proceedings he arrested -Aresen; and this haughty, passionate priest, who cared for neither faith -nor law, heard his adversaries loudly demanding that the land should be -rid of this scourge of the Divine anger. He was sentenced to death, and -was executed with his sons. Thus perished this fiery champion of the -Middle Ages and of the papacy; a death undoubtedly unjust, if he had -been struck as a Roman Catholic bishop. But, according to the most -authentic documents, the Reformation appears to have had no share in -this tragical end of Aresen. He fell a victim to his crimes and to the -indignation of his countrymen, who were determined to take vengeance for -all the calamities which he had brought down on their country. His -partisans, likewise, took their revenge. They put to death several of -his judges, indulging in the practices of the most barbarous ages. They -seized the executioner of the decree of justice who had given the bishop -the fatal stroke, bound him, and, forcing open his mouth, poured melted -lead down his throat. After these horrible proceedings the wild energy -of the people appeared to be broken, and Christian civilization began to -make progress. Schools were multiplied by the Protestant bishops; and -the whole of the Bible was translated, printed, and circulated in the -vernacular tongue. The Roman services gradually became extinct.[375] To -avoid the necessity of a return to the affairs of this remote island, we -have been compelled to anticipate events. It was not till 1550 that the -terrible Bishop Aresen was put to death. - -Footnote 352: - - ‘Qui non regem se populo obtrudere volebat, quin potius ab ipso populo - ad regnum advocari cupiebat.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 401. - -Footnote 353: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ Mallet, _Hist._ &c. - -Footnote 354: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schweden_, ii. p. 87. - -Footnote 355: - - The white bâton distinguished those who were pardoned from those who - surrendered at discretion. In the _Histoire Universelle_ of Théodore - Agrippa d’Aubigné, iii. p. 35, we read, on occasion of a victory of - Lesdiguières:—‘Les soldats de Gascogne _rendus au baston blanc_, ceux - de pays _à discretion_.’ - -Footnote 356: - - This war is called in Denmark ‘_die Grafenfehde_,’ war of the Count; - and this name has become a proverbial expression to designate a great - calamity. - -Footnote 357: - - _Rerum Danicarum Scriptores_, pp. 65-75. Hamelman, _Oldenburgische - Chronik_, pp. 327-340. Mallet, iv. pp. 242, 323. _Histoire - Universelle_ of Théodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. - -Footnote 358: - - Job xii. 19. - -Footnote 359: - - ‘Super laquearia in fœdum latibulum conscenderat.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 405. ‘Auf einem Balken unter seinem Dache.’—Munter, - _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 449. - -Footnote 360: - - ‘Antistes Arusiensis (Ove Bilde, the bishop of Aarhuus) - castellum Silkeburgicum dedi non patiebatur, quantum vis acriter - Rantzovius id oppugnaret, sed per Johannem Stugium contra vim - defendebat.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. pp. 404-406, where these - several arrests are narrated. - -Footnote 361: - - ‘Cum nobilitate cives ex plebe urbana æque atque ru tica delecti - convocabantur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 406. - -Footnote 362: - - ‘Ipse exoptasset se in diabolum transformari,’ &c.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 407. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 456. - -Footnote 363: - - ‘Dissentientes nedum ut vi contra conscientiam adigantur . . . - reddituros ipsos Deo fidei rationem.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 407. - -Footnote 364: - - See vol. v. p. 413. The assembly of May 21, at Geneva. - -Footnote 365: - - Nye, _Danske Magazin_, i. 240; in Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. - 458. - -Footnote 366: - - ‘Regem coronavit et reginam quasi verus episcopus.’—Luther, _Epp._ v. - p. 87. De Wette. - -Footnote 367: - - ‘Taussanus constitutus est episcopus Ripensis, præsente Rege et sex - reliquis episcopis.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 412. - -Footnote 368: - - ‘Ordinatio ecclesiastica,’ &c.—Hafniæ, 1537. Chytræi, _Saxonia_, xv. - p. 379. Grammius, _Additam. ad historiam Cragii_, ii. p. 29. - -Footnote 369: - - _Descriptio Norvegiæ_, p. 34. - -Footnote 370: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 515, seq. - -Footnote 371: - - Vol. III. (First Series), book x. chap. vi., and this volume. - -Footnote 372: - - Finni Johannæi, _H. E. Islandiæ_, ii. p. 491, seq. - -Footnote 373: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 533. - -Footnote 374: - - _Danske Magazin_, iii. p. 242. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. - 534. - -Footnote 375: - - Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. pp. 542, seq. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - THE EARLIEST REFORMERS OF SWEDEN. - (1516-1523.) - - -We have just considered the Reformation in Denmark; we must now cross -the Sound, and enter upon the study of that of Sweden. - -At the period of the Reformation, the three Scandinavian states, -Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, were, as we have stated, united and subject -to the same monarch, Christian II. The peoples of these three countries -had and still have some features in common; but each of them has also -features peculiar to itself. Christian himself appeared under very -different aspects in Denmark and in Sweden. Many different elements -which we must not forget co-operate in fashioning the history of a -people. The nature of a country, its geographical situation, the effect -of climate, the various characteristics of its population, their -historical traditions, the genius and the aptitudes of races, the -intellectual and spiritual cravings of individuals—all these combined -with influences from above affect the destiny of nations and have their -share in determining a religious revolution. The diversity of these -causes is very conspicuous in Sweden. The Scandinavian Alps, peopled -with a race of men possessing great liveliness of spirit, who are -animated by a strong love of freedom and distinguished by remarkable -industrial skill, were the hearth of noble aspirations and the place -where those mighty arms were fabricated which gave to their country -independence and the Reformation. The personages of history can not be -considered apart from the medium in which they lived. The events of the -past, the conditions which environed them at the moment of their -activity, contributed to the formation of their conceptions and to the -origination of their actions. The modern theory which would make of -political and religious actors mere organs of social necessity, can not -be too energetically rejected. Conscience, will, and freedom are the -highest principles; but while we insist on and exalt these first causes, -we must not disregard secondary causes. Two of these lower elements, -nature and race, exerted an influence upon the Swedish Reformation.[376] - -[Sidenote: Olaf And Lawrence Peterson.] - -Towards the close of the fifteenth century, an ironmaster named Peter -Olafson was living at Orebro, a town situated in Nericia, on lake -Helmar. The chief industry of this district was the extraction, -smelting, and sale of iron. In this pursuit Olafson had acquired by his -labor a certain competence. In 1497 he had a son who was named Olaf, and -in 1499 another son who was called Lars or Lawrence. These boys grew up -among the iron-works as Luther had done. Olaf was intelligent, lively, -and active, but also somewhat violent. The character of Lawrence was of -a gentler kind. In the elder boy appeared the features and the character -of the inhabitants of Nericia—lofty stature, brown hair, a fine -forehead, a serious cast of countenance, a look which spoke of loyalty -and of pride, but also indicated obstinacy. Lawrence, on the other hand, -bore greater resemblance to the inhabitants of the borders of Gothland, -having light hair, blue eyes, a slender figure of the middle height, a -physiognomy full of sweetness, and a certain elevation of feeling. It is -possible that his mother, Karin, may have been a native of -Gothland.[377] - -The two boys grew up amidst the lovely scenery in the neighborhood of -the Gothic castle of Orebro, which is flanked by four towers, and is -situated on the shores of the lake on which the cargoes of iron are -shipped for Stockholm. The coming of spring, which is sudden in these -regions, filled them with delight. When the snow disappeared, the fields -were at once clothed with verdure, the trees were all covered with -foliage, and the flowers opened to the sun. The snow-clad peaks which -rise up between these provinces and Norway, were colored in the morning -with a thousand reflections of purple and gold. The masses of -everlasting ice, dazzling in their whiteness, were like flashing crowns -which rose majestically above the lakes with which the country is -intersected, above the silvery foam of the torrents, the gloomy -pine-forests, the delicate foliage of the birch-trees, and the lovely -green of the meadows enamelled with the brightest colors. The children -in these rural districts used to sport among the bounding flocks, their -voices mingled with those of the wild birds; and when they heard the -bells ring out from the lofty old towers they seemed to become -meditative, and would accompany the peal with their own monotonous -chants.[378] - -Some Carmelite monks, residing in a convent at Orebro, were esteemed the -greatest scholars in the country, and they kept a school to which the -iron-master sent his two sons. Olaf, who was endowed with a keen -intellect, took a liking to study, and expressed to his father a wish to -devote himself to theology. Lawrence did the same. Peter Olafson was -grieved that his sons should relinquish his iron-works, and he -considered in what way he could meet the necessary expenses. -Nevertheless he, as well as his wife, felt proud to think that his sons -were to become scholars; and he consented to their wish.[379] - -Most of the young Swedish students used to resort to a foreign -university, especially to Paris, where a seminary was established for -their benefit. But in these remote cities they often remembered with -regret the indefinable charms of their beautiful native land, the -cascades on the swift Goeta, the romantic valleys of Wermeland, and the -great Wener lake often covered with waves by a fresh north wind. To the -beauties of nature were added the pleasures of society. The nobles, the -priests, the owners of mines, and the townsmen used to keep open house, -and to meet together in friendly parties. In winter the inhabitants of -these regions muffled themselves up in furred hats, and overcoats -trimmed with otter, and this gave them some resemblance to the bears of -their forests. In summer, at the feast of St. John, Orebro resounded -with joyous shouts. A tall, greased pole was set up in an open space, -and the young people of both sexes, crowned with garlands of leaves and -flowers, gave themselves up to racing, dancing, and other exercises. In -the night it was customary to go out and gather the usual bouquets, and -to hang them on the houses to keep off misfortunes. The young girls in -the evening plaited garlands of flowers, which they placed at their -bed’s-head, that their fate, of course with regard to marriage, might be -revealed to them in dreams. - -Olaf Peterson (or Petri), having reached his nineteenth year, was to go -abroad in pursuit of knowledge. His masters and his parents, proud of -his abilities, cherished high hopes of his future. It would have seemed -natural that he should go to the Swedish seminary at Paris, which was -founded by a prior of Upsala.[380] But his mother, the pious and godly -Karin, entertained a higher ambition for him. It was her wish to send -her beloved son to Rome, the city of the apostles, from which -Christendom received its oracles. St. Bridget, a princess of Nericia, -celebrated for her marvellous prophecies,[381] had gone to Rome, and -before her death had founded an institution to which Olaf might be -admitted. He therefore set out for Rome in 1515 or 1516. It is the -opinion of some writers that both the brothers left Sweden together; but -others suppose that the elder alone quitted his native land at this -time. This seems the more probable view, for Lawrence had not yet -finished his preliminary studies. But he undoubtedly joined Olaf at a -later time. - -[Sidenote: Olaf At Wittenberg.] - -As soon as Olaf set foot on German soil he heard of Luther. He was told -that at Wittenberg there was an Augustinian monk, a doctor of theology, -whose preaching was attracting crowds; and that when he expounded the -Scriptures it seemed as if new light was rising and shining on Christian -doctrine. Olaf listened, and felt drawn by some indefinable attraction -towards Wittenberg. But what would his father say? It seemed to him that -he could hardly refuse his sanction if he went where the light was -shining. He therefore halted on his way to Rome, and boldly took the -road to Wittenberg. As soon as he arrived there, he presented himself at -the university, passed an examination with credit, and was admitted -student. The reformer expounded the Scriptures, and thus led the hearts -of men to the Son of God. Olaf was deeply impressed by the power of -evangelical doctrine. The words of the reformer were meat and drink to -him. Luther soon distinguished him among his hearers, and responded to -the admiration of the young Swede with much kindliness. He even indulged -the hope that he should one day see him a mighty instrument in God’s -hand for the spread of evangelical truth in Scandinavia. Henceforth Olaf -lived in intimate relations with the Christian hero. He was an -eye-witness of the courage with which Luther affixed his ninety-five -theses to the door of All Saints’ Church; and he accompanied the -reformer when, at the invitation of the vicar-general of the Augustines, -he visited the convents of the order in Misnia and Thuringia. - -Olaf was by nature an enthusiast. A hidden fire burnt within him. He -longed for truth and for righteousness, and throughout his life -displayed indomitable courage in promoting their triumph. His zeal even -carried him too far, and in a riper age he still showed the rashness of -youth. Although Luther also would sometimes push resolution to the -height of passion, he had too enlightened a mind not to keep his -disciple within just bounds; and when the gentle and prudent Melanchthon -arrived at Wittenberg, Olaf attended also on his teaching, and enjoyed -his intimate friendship. He learnt much in Germany. His masters admired -the clearness of his understanding and the eloquence of his speech; and -the university, desirous of testifying its esteem for him conferred on -him the degree of master of arts. In 1519, the state of affairs in -Sweden becoming more critical, Olaf resolved to return home. In taking -this step he was supported by Luther’s counsel; and he embarked at -Lübeck, on board a vessel sailing for Stockholm.[382] - -No sooner had the ship left the Pomeranian shores and got fairly out -into the Baltic than it was assailed by a violent storm, and ran aground -on an islet near Gothland. The passengers, however, were saved. The -island of Gothland was at this time in a state of unusual commotion. -Arcimbold, the papal legate, had sent his brother Antonelli to sell -indulgences there, and the latter was exhibiting and retailing with much -parade his worthless wares. The disciple of Luther, as indignant as his -master had recently been, went to the governor of the island, the famous -Admiral Norby: and he, being naturally somewhat despotic, did even more -than Olaf requested. He expelled the trader from the island, after -confiscating the money which he had already received. The governor did -[Sidenote: Olaf’s Return To Sweden.] all that he could to retain Olaf, -but in vain. The young man, earnestly longing to go to Sweden, that he -might proclaim the Gospel there, re-embarked and returned to Stockholm. -The German merchants, who for business purposes resorted to the coast -towns of Sweden, had brought thither tidings of the Reformation.[383] -The young Goth, however, the Wittenberg student, was to be the principal -instrument in the transformation of Sweden. - -After sojourning for a time, first at Stockholm, and then with his -family at Orebro, Olaf settled at Strengnaes, on Lake Maelar, about -half-way between those two places. His brother Lawrence, it seems, had -studied in this town and was now there. The bishop of Strengnaes, -Matthias Gregorius, a pious man who was not greatly opposed to the -precepts of the Reformation, soon discovered the worth of Olaf, -consecrated him deacon, and then appointed him his chancellor and -entrusted to his care the school connected with the cathedral. The -career for which he had so earnestly longed was now opening before Olaf; -and he entered upon it with all the ardor of his soul. The young -prebendaries were very ignorant, and therefore Olaf, following the -example of Luther, explained the Scriptures to them, taught them the -holy doctrines of the Gospel, and placed in their hands the reformer’s -books. This was the beginning of the Reformation in Sweden. - -It encountered, however, a formal and powerful opposition. In vain had -Olaf brought the torch of the faith; the clergy cared only to put out -the light. Some egotistic and senseless old men would rather have -perpetuated in Sweden the reign of barbarism than be themselves deprived -of the flattering homage which had hitherto been lavished on them as the -sole teachers of doctrine.[384] The setting forth in the schools of the -words of Christ, of Peter, and of Paul, was enough to make the priests -immediately cry out ‘heresy!’ Thus spoke Eliæ, a Catholic ecclesiastic. -Happily, the people were more open to conviction than the doctors were. -In Olaf’s teaching there was something luminous, penetrating, living and -holy, which arrested the attention of his hearers. He taught them to -open and to search the Scriptures; and in them they found unknown truth, -and saw there the condemnation of errors which had hitherto misled them. -The labors of Olaf, which formed a striking contrast to the idleness of -other ecclesiastics, won for him the esteem of all sensible men. In a -short time his name became so renowned that students were attracted to -Strengnaes from remote towns and country districts, from the picturesque -scenes of Wermeland, from the iron and silver mines of Westmannia, from -the elevated plateau of Upland, from the wooded hills and smiling -meadows of Dalecarlia, from Orebro, Stockholm, and Westeraas. Matthias, -rejoicing to see around him a revival of religious life, conferred on -the two brothers Petri a mark of his favor by taking them with him when -he went to Stockholm.[385] The good bishop was invited to the capital to -be present at the coronation of Christian II., and at the magnificent -feasts which were to accompany it. Of these we have already spoken. Our -readers will remember that this violent and vindictive monarch had -invited thither the nobles, prelates, and councillors of the kingdom -whom he suspected of having been adverse to him during the [Sidenote: -The Massacre Of Stockholm.] troubles of the country; that after -entertaining them for three days with all kinds of merrymakings, he had -suddenly ordered them to be seized (November 8, 1520) and conducted from -the castle in which they were assembled to the great square of the town, -and there had them slain. The father of Gustavus Vasa was one of the -number. The report of this frightful massacre rapidly spread through the -whole town. Fathers, wives, sons, daughters, and friends were inquiring -in distress whether those whom they loved had survived the terrible -butchery. Olaf and his brother trembled to think that their benefactor -Matthias might be in the number of the victims. They hastened to the -spot; but what was their horror when they saw the place covered with -corpses! They approached, and searching about discovered the body of the -pious bishop, bathed in his blood, and with his venerated head lying at -his feet. Overpowered with grief at the sight, Olaf burst into tears; -and then with the boldness natural to him exclaimed—‘What a tyrannical -and monstrous deed! To have treated thus so worthy a bishop!’ He had -scarcely uttered these words when his brother and himself were seized by -the hair of their heads and dragged by the Danish soldiers to the place -where the executioner was at his work. The sword was already drawn, and -their heads were just on the point of being struck off, when from the -midst of the royal retinue a voice cried—‘Spare those two young men! -They are Germans, not Swedes.’ The headsman paused, and the lives of -Olaf and Lawrence were saved. Their deliverer was a young man who, while -studying at Wittenberg, had lived in close intimacy with them. The two -brothers quitted the capital without delay, and returned to Strengnaes, -terrified at the frightful slaughter of which they had been -eye-witnesses. Their protector had just been assassinated; what was to -become of them? Would the work be interrupted? God took care for -that.[386] - -Towards the close of the fifteenth century, a child born of poor parents -in this very town had at an early age displayed great intelligence; and -his father had applied his small savings to the cost of having the lad -educated by the monks. He frequently embarrassed his masters by the -unexpected questions which he put to them. Lawrence Anderson (this was -his name) devoted himself to the Church; spent, it seems, some time at -Rome in his youth, visited other European countries, and, after his -return to his native land, became one of the priests of the cathedral of -Strengnaes. Olaf, on his arrival at this town, made the acquaintance of -Lawrence, talked with him of the faith which inspired him, and had no -difficulty in inducing him to receive the evangelical doctrine. -Anderson, who had some time before been appointed archdeacon, felt the -inadequacy of the Roman system. To have won him over to the side of the -Reformation in Sweden was a fact of great importance, for he was -distinguished not only for his intelligence, his attainments, and his -eloquence, but his prudence and enterprising spirit. - -After the bishop’s death, the administration of the diocese devolved on -Lawrence as archdeacon until the election of a new prelate. Under his -protection Olaf preached in several churches of the town. He proclaimed -energetically that ‘no one ought to trust in mortal beings, such as the -Virgin and the saints, but in God alone; that the preaching of God’s -Word was of far greater importance than the celebration of mass; that -evangelical truth had not been preached in Sweden for centuries; and -that confession of our sins ought to be made from the heart to God -alone, and not at all to the priest.’ These doctrines, which were -joyfully welcomed by many, were by others stoutly rejected. Among those -who heard them, no one felt more indignation than Doctor Nils, one of -the leading members of the chapter, and an enthusiastic partisan of -Rome. He resolutely asserted that Olaf was preaching heresies, and he -endeavored to confute the Christian doctrines which the reformer -proclaimed, but without success. ‘What,’ said he, ‘reject dogmas and -abolish practices which have been for so many ages universally adopted -in Christendom!’ But Olaf, under Anderson’s protection, continued to -proclaim the truth from the pulpit, and maintained it likewise in -disputations which were frequently very stormy.[387] - -The bonds which united the two Petri and Anderson were day by day drawn -closer. The three friends studied the Scriptures together; they -conversed about all the reforms which were needed in the Church; and -Olaf, in order to encourage Anderson, communicated to him the letters -which he received from Wittenberg, whether from Luther or from other -champions of the Reformation. In this manner they were spending happy -and useful days, when a domestic event occurred to disturb their pious -intercourse. - -[Sidenote: Funeral Of Olaf’s Father.] - -Olaf had not made any long stay at Orebro since his return from -Wittenberg. His parents, and particularly his mother, were strongly -attached to the Roman Church; and when in her company, while he would -talk to her of the Saviour, he had not courage to attack the -superstitions of the Church. On a sudden, a message from their mother -informed the two brothers of the death of their father, and summoned -them to attend the funeral. They set out immediately without hesitation; -but at the same time they foresaw the embarrassment which would arise to -increase their filial sorrow. Their mother had requested the Carmelite -monks to celebrate the funeral ceremony in conformity with the -ordinances of the Roman ritual; and the deceased himself had set apart -for this purpose a portion of his landed estate. Olaf and Lawrence -journeyed to Orebro, and as they went on their way by the shore of Lake -Heilmar they were in perplexity and distress of mind. They rejected the -doctrine of purgatory and masses offered for the dead; and Olaf, who was -no waverer between truth and error, had determined that his father -should be buried in a manner accordant with the spirit of evangelical -Christianity.[388] - -When they reached their father’s house, the brothers endeavored to -console their mother; but at the same time they explained to her in a -tenderly affectionate manner that the only purgatory which cleanses from -all sin is the blood of Jesus Christ; and that the man who believes in -the efficacy of the expiatory death of the Saviour enters immediately -into the fellowship of the blessed. The pious woman shed bitter tears. -Vague rumors had, indeed, reached her respecting the doctrines adopted -by her sons; but now she was convinced of the fact by indubitable -proofs, as if she had seen and touched them. The eternal repose of her -husband was at stake; and Olaf alleged that the ceremonies enjoined by -the Church were superfluous; that no mass ought to be said for the -salvation of his soul. She wept more and more. ‘Ah, my sons,’ she said, -‘when God gave you to me, and when I made great sacrifices for the sake -of having you instructed in the sciences, I did not think that you would -become propagators of dangerous innovations in your native land.’ ‘Dear -mother,’ replied the sons, deeply affected, ‘when you hear one of the -Latin masses, of what use is it to you? Can you even understand it?’ -‘True,’ answered the devout Karin, ‘I do not understand it; but while -listening to it, I beseech God with so much earnestness to accept it, -that I can not doubt that He answers my prayer.’ Olaf thought that the -best thing he could do was to set forth the living faith which inspired -him; and he proclaimed Jesus Christ to his mother, as the only way that -leads to heaven. He spoke with so much love that at length she yielded -and bade them do as they intended. Olaf and Lawrence at once dismissed -the monks, and they themselves paid the last honors to their father, -with the noble simplicity and the living faith which are inspired by the -Gospel. The monks were angry, and declared that the soul of the deceased -was doomed to eternal condemnation. ‘Have no fear of that,’ said the -sons to their mother, ‘these are mere arrogant and impious words. God is -the only judge of the living and the dead.’[389] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Brask.] - -About this time appeared a man who became in Sweden the most formidable -champion of the Romish faith. Bishop Brask of Linkoping was a priest -endowed with immense energy. The outcries of the monks at Orebro were -heard as far as Upsala; and in July, 1523, Brask received from the -chapter of this metropolitan town a letter in which he was informed that -the Lutheran heresy was boldly preached in the cathedral of Strengnaes -by one Olaf Petri. It appears that this information was absolutely new -to the vehement bishop. Completely devoted to the Roman Church, not even -imagining that there could be any other, he was greatly agitated. He -heard shortly after that emissaries of the Lutheran propaganda had made -their appearance in his own diocese. He looked on this as the beginning -of a great conflagration which would consume the whole Church. Of -haughty temper and of indefatigable activity, he put himself at the head -of the champions of the papacy and swore that he would extinguish the -horrible fire. When he learnt that Lawrence Anderson, himself an -archdeacon, had embraced these opinions, he could refrain no longer. He -wrote to the pope and implored him to name, as speedily as possible, -bishops to take the places of those who had perished at Stockholm; ‘but -especially,’ said he, ‘in the dioceses bordering on Russia, for the new -doctrine which they want to introduce is that of _the Russians_.’ He -then wrote a dissertation on the Russian Church, supposing that he could -thus contend against the Reformation and destroy it. But he was greatly -mistaken in fancying a likeness in the Evangelical to the Greek Church. -The Reformation went further than the Eastern Church. It was not content -with going back to the teaching of the councils of the first six -centuries, but it returned to Jesus Christ, and to His apostles, and -laid its foundations in the Word of God alone. Meanwhile, the Carmelites -of Orebro denounced Olaf and his brother before the dean of the -cathedral of Strengnaes, charging them with having spoken contemptuously -of the pope and respectfully of Luther. The reformer made so forcible a -reply that the dean was silenced, and thought it more prudent to leave -the matter to Bishop Brask. This man, indeed, did not stop short at any -half measures, but sent to Rome an entreaty that Olaf should be -sentenced to death.[390] Thus were dangers thickening day by day around -the two brothers, and it appeared as if the evangelical seed in Sweden -must soon be smothered. Political events of great importance were on the -point of changing the face of things and of giving an entirely -unforeseen direction to the destinies of the people. - -Footnote 376: - - This psychology of nations is expounded in M. de Rougemont’s _Précis - d’ethnographie de statistique et de géographie historique_. - -Footnote 377: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen der dreien Schwedischen - Reformatoren_, p. 26. - -Footnote 378: - - Maltebrun. - -Footnote 379: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen der dreien Schwedischen - Reformatoren_, pp. 26, 32. Reuterdahl, _History of the Church of - Sweden_ (in Swedish), 1866. Anjou, _Histoire de la Réformation de - Suède_, 1850. We regret that we could only partially avail ourselves, - in the progress of our labors, of the information contained in the - last two works, both of them of considerable importance. - -Footnote 380: - - Scheffer, _De Memorabilibus Suecicæ gentis_, p. 159. - -Footnote 381: - - _Prophéties merveilleuses de sainte Brigitte_, Lyon, 1536. - -Footnote 382: - - Reuterdahl, Schinmeier, Anjou, Schroeckh, _Theol. Encyclopädie_. - -Footnote 383: - - ‘Evangelicæ doctrinæ semina per varios mercatores Germanos jam - instillata.’—Gerdesius, _Annal. Reform._ iii. p. 285. - -Footnote 384: - - ‘Stultos quosdam senes . . ut malint barbariem perpetuam regnare.’ - ...—_Eliæ epistola ad Petrum canonicum._ - -Footnote 385: - - Reuterdahl, _History of the Church of Sweden_, iv. p. 172. - -Footnote 386: - - Ziegler’s _Erzählung_ in Freh. _Scr._ iii. p. 149. Schinmeier, - _Lebensbeschreibung_, p. 30. - -Footnote 387: - - Contentionem scholasticam, magno sæpe cum impetu agitatam.’—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii p. 286. - -Footnote 388: - - Schinmeier, _Die drei Reformatoren_, pp. 31, 32. - -Footnote 389: - - Schinmeier, pp. 32, 33. - -Footnote 390: - - Celsius, _Geschichte Gustavs des Ersten_, i. p. 208. Schinmeier, pp. - 33, 34. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - THE REFORMERS SUPPORTED BY THE LIBERATOR OF SWEDEN. - (1519-1524.) - - -[Sidenote: Gustavus Vasa.] - -In the house of an ancient Swedish family, settled at Lindholm, in -Upland, was born, in 1496, a child who was named Gustavus and who was -afterwards known under the name of Gustavus Vasa. For two centuries -members of this family had sat in the Council of the kingdom. It is said -that the boy, when only five years old, in his play with other children, -usually assumed the part of king. John II., the father of Christian II., -who at this period visited his kingdom of Sweden, admired the high -spirit of the lad, and giving him a gentle tap with his hand, said, ‘If -thou live, thou wilt one day be a remarkable man.’ The prince would have -liked even to take him with him to Denmark; but Sten Sture, the -administrator of the kingdom, objected. His parents sent him to the -school of Upsala; and people have long pointed out, in the neighborhood -of the town, the places where Gustavus used to play with his -schoolfellows. The story is still told how bravely the boy bore himself -when he went to a wolf hunt. At the age of eighteen he laid aside his -studies to follow the career of arms, and became one of the ornaments of -the court of Sten Sture the younger. People used to say—‘What a -handsome, alert, intelligent and noble young man!’ Others would add—‘God -has raised him up to save his country.’ He served his first campaign -with credit in the struggle of the Swedes against the partisans of -Denmark; and in 1518 he bore the Swedish standard at the battle of -Brannkijrka, at which the Danes were defeated and compelled to retreat. -His valor, his eloquence, and his unfailing good humor were universally -admired. When Christian II. announced his intention of opening -negotiations with Sten Sture, but on condition that hostages should be -given him, six men who were held in high honor by their countrymen, and -among them Gustavus, entered a boat which was to convey them to the -prince. As soon as they had put to sea, a Danish vessel of war fell on -their bark, took them on board, and, the wind being favorable, carried -them off prisoners into Denmark.[391] - -Gustavus, a victim of this sudden capture, was sent into the north of -Jutland, as Tausen had been, and was confined in the castle of Kalloe, -under the care of one of his kinsmen, Eric Baner. He used to dine at the -table of his host in company with some young Danish officers. ‘King -Christian,’ said the latter, fond of playing the braggart, ‘is making -preparations for a great expedition against Sweden; we shall soon have a -fine St. Peter’s day with the Swedes’—(a papal bull was the cause of the -war)—‘and we shall share among us the rich livings and the young girls -of Sweden.’ Gustavus, worried by such talk, could no longer eat nor -drink nor sleep, and employed himself night and day in devising some -means of making his escape from confinement. As he was liked by every -body, he had no difficulty in getting the clothes of a coarse drover; -and dressed in these, one day in September, 1519, early in the morning, -he escaped. He walked so fast that he accomplished that day a distance -of twelve German miles. On the 30th of the month he arrived safely at -Lübeck.[392] - -Eric Baner started in pursuit of him, and reaching the same town a -little later reclaimed him. But Gustavus having declared that he was a -hostage and not a prisoner, the council refused to give him up. He then -sojourned for three months in this Hanse town; and although it was not -yet reformed he had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the -doctrine of the Reformation. At the same time he was filled with -abhorrence at the conduct of the pope to his fellow-countrymen. Sweden, -now vanquished, lay groaning under the yoke of Christian; and his only -thought was how to go to the help of his country. The magistrates of -Lübeck, into whose hands he had delivered himself, gave their consent; -and he embarked on board a merchant ship which was bound for Stockholm. - -[Sidenote: His Wanderings.] - -There were now only two towns which continued to hold out against the -Danes, Stockholm and Calmar. The former was blockaded by sea and land, -and Gustavus could not enter it; but Calmar being blockaded only by sea, -he succeeded in making his way to a tongue of land near the walls, and -entered the town on the last day of May, 1520. He found the whole town -sunk into a state of despondency, and the only reply given to his -generous words was a threat of taking his life. The Danish admiral, -Norby, having summoned the place to surrender, Gustavus was desirous at -all hazards of preserving his independence for the service of his -country, and he therefore threw himself into the mountainous district of -Smaland. Here he found an asylum among his father’s peasants; but here -also the people were losing their courage and were ready to bow their -heads under the yoke. It was in vain that Gustavus appeared among them -at their gatherings. ‘Consider,’ he said to them, ‘what a _feast_ -Christian is preparing for you!’ ‘Pooh!’ they replied, ‘the king will -not let us want either herrings or salt.’ This was enough for them. -Others, angry with the young hero who wanted to disturb them in their -peaceful solitudes, even snatched up their arrows and darts and cast -them at him. His spiritless countrymen went further than this, and set a -price on his head. This people, for want of energy, seemed prepared to -submit to any disgrace, and carried despondency and the love of bondage -to the pitch of fanaticism. The alarm caused by the Danes was universal; -a panic terror had taken possession of all minds. Gustavus alone, -inspired with intrepid courage, and with a manly and invincible -patriotism, did not despair of raising the dead to life and of winning -the victory. He quitted in disguise the district in which his liberty -and even his life were continually in danger, and following the byways -in order to elude his pursuers, he withdrew to the upper mountain -solitudes, and in these he wandered about all the summer. He lived on -roots and wild fruit; the meanest food sufficed him. But even this soon -failed him; he hungered, and could not tell how to provide for his -wants. Driven to extremities, and in total destitution, he betook -himself without money, almost without clothes, to the estate of Tarna, -in Sudermania, to the house of his brother-in-law, Joachim Brahe. For -some months no one had known where he was; and his sister especially had -been in a state of cruel anxiety. One fine day she saw him coming; she -immediately welcomed and treated him affectionately and with all -attention, and thus restored his exhausted powers. His brother-in-law -was setting out to attend the coronation of Christian, to which he had -been invited; Gustavus entreated him not to go, and declared that for -his own part, instead of going to pay court to the Danes, his only -thought was to drive them out of Sweden. ‘If I do not go in response to -the king’s invitation,’ replied Joachim, ‘what fatal consequences will -not my refusal involve for my wife and children? Would not your father, -and even your mother too, have to pay perhaps with their lives for the -affront which I should offer to this revengeful prince? As for yourself, -you are free, do what you think right.’ The sister of Gustavus, who was -not so cool as her husband, trembled for her brother and implored him -with tears to abandon an enterprise which appeared to her to be a -rebellion, and which could have no issue but his death.[393] Gustavus -was inexorable to all her prayers. Determined to raise up Sweden again, -he took leave of his brother-in-law and his sister, and for some time -concealed himself on an estate of his father’s, at Raefsnaes. The -ex-archbishop Ulfsson was at this time in a neighboring convent. -Gustavus went there, made himself known to the prelate, and learnt from -him accurately the condition of the land. The archbishop saw no chance -of independence for their common country, and therefore advised him to -submit to the new order of things. ‘Even your father,’ said he, ‘has -acknowledged Christian, and you are included in the amnesty.’ He offered -him at the same time his mediation with the king. The aged prelate and -the young noble were one day together in a cell of the convent, talking -over the circumstances of the time, and the old archbishop put forth all -his eloquence to induce Gustavus to acknowledge the king. Suddenly a -noise was heard. A man rushed in in hot haste; he was agitated, looked -wild, and remained for some seconds in the presence of these two persons -without being able to utter a word: his voice was stifled by the deepest -emotion. He sobbed, he burst into tears; he made them understand by -signs that some terrible calamity had just fallen upon their country. He -was an old servant of Joachim Brahe. At last the unhappy man, coming to -himself, told them that all the most eminent men of Sweden had just been -massacred in the public place of Stockholm by command of Christian, who -was authorized by a papal bull; and that the father and brother-in-law -of Gustavus were among the victims. ‘Your father,’ said he, ‘might have -saved his life by making a full and unconditional submission to -Christian. The offer was made to him by the king; but he replied that he -would sooner die, in God’s name, with his brothers, than be the only one -spared.’[394] The messenger added that fresh arrests and fresh -executions were continually being made. At the tale of this frightful -butchery, the archbishop was dumb with horror; Gustavus trembled; but -the terrible tidings did not make him despair for his country. On the -contrary, they gave fresh strength to the resolution and the courage of -his noble heart. He rose, left the prelate immediately, and set out on -horseback to Raefsnaes, accompanied by a single attendant. - -[Sidenote: Gustavus In The Mountains.] - -The sorrowful feelings which at this cruel time weighed upon the heart -of the young hero may be imagined. One thought alone stood out clear in -his mind—Sweden must be delivered from the most barbarous tyranny. He -took the road to Dalecarlia, leaving Stockholm and Upsala on the right; -and, keeping clear of Hedemora and Falum, the principal towns of the -province, he plunged into this Scandinavin Switzerland, a region -bristling with mountains and forming in every age an asylum for -refugees. He was determined to conceal himself for some time behind its -torrents, its waterfalls, its lakes, its forests, and precipitous rocks. -To secure his _incognito_, he put on the dress of a peasant of the -country. The handsome young noble wore a coat of coarse woollen cloth; -underneath it a long jacket and leather breeches; a sort of leather -petticoat which reached to the knee, stockings as large in the lower -part as in the upper, and shoes with very high heels and square toes. -About the end of November he went to the Kupferberg; offered himself for -a workman, and lived there wielding the axe and the spade, and -supporting himself on his pitiful wages. He did not shut his eyes to the -dangers which threatened him. He knew that in consequence of his escape -from the prison in which Christian had immured him, he was more -obnoxious to the king than the other nobles. True, an amnesty had been -granted to him; but the sole object of this was doubtless to entice him -to Stockholm, that he might be sacrificed there like his kinsmen and his -peers. The massacre begun in the capital was continued in the provinces. -One might have said that the proscriptions of Sylla were renewed. The -abbot and five monks of the convent of Nidala had been drowned, by -command of Christian, without any form of trial. At Jonköping Lindorm -Ribbing had been executed. He had two sons, one nine years old, the -other six. The elder boy was hung by his long and beautiful hair, and -his head was then severed from the body by a sabre-stroke, and his -clothes were covered with his blood. It was then the turn of the -younger. The little boy of six said to the executioner, in his childish -voice—‘Please do not soil my dress as you have done my brother’s, for -mamma would be very much vexed.’ At the sound of these innocent words, -the executioner flung his sword away, exclaiming—‘I will never cut off -his head.’ But another headsman was ordered to the spot, who decapitated -the poor child, and, by command of his superiors, laid his head at the -feet of the man who had refused to put him to death. These barbarities -which fell on innocent creatures show plainly the dangers which beset -the energetic and dreaded Gustavus.[395] - -The man who was to give independence and the Gospel to his native land, -was at this time laboring at a humble occupation, like a peasant’s son, -in a barn at Rankytta.[396] But it was in vain he disguised himself; his -noble bearing and especially his pure speech betrayed him, and he was -obliged frequently to change his abode. - -[Sidenote: Gustavus At Ornaes.] - -He directed his steps towards Ornaes, a seat of mining operations, and -applied for work to a wealthy miner, who consented to employ him. -Gustavus associated with the servants of the house as one of their own -rank; but a female servant, who very much admired the handsome workman -and had a keen, observant eye, detected beneath his woollen garment a -shirt collar of silk embroidered with gold. In great astonishment she -hastened to inform her master. The latter, who had been at the -University of Upsala at the same time as Gustavus, now recognized him; -and fearing lest he should get into a scrape with the Danes, required -him to leave his house. At Ornaes, not far off, lived another old -fellow-student of Gustavus, Arendt Perssons. The young fugitive resolved -to go to him. He reached his dwelling, a house of singular construction, -which was situated near a lake, and with its surroundings formed a -charming place of residence.[397] The master of the house gave Gustavus -a most friendly reception, and assured him that he would be safe with -him. He introduced him to his wife, and then conducted him to a large -room on the second-floor forming an almost perfect square, which was to -be his own. But no sooner had Gustavus retired to it than the perfidious -Arendt betook himself to the bailiff Bengt Brunsson and denounced his -guest. The bailiff, with twenty men on foot, set out to seize the -fugitive. But if Arendt was a traitor, his wife had a generous heart. -After the departure of her husband she was in great distress, for she -had guessed, from the expression of his countenance, the purpose for -which he had left the house. Pained by the thought of the death which -was impending over her guest, she rose, gave orders to make ready a -horse and a sledge, and directed two of her men to take Gustavus away -without a moment’s delay. The fugitive heard a knocking at his door; he -opened it and saw before him two Dalecarlians armed from head to foot, -with sugar-loaf hats, according to the fashion of the day. ‘Let us start -instantly,’ they said. Tradition has placed on the table of that room, -beside the armor and the gloves of Gustavus, a Bible—the book which -liberates and makes free indeed. - -The hero hastily mounted the sledge and departed. Shortly after, Arendt -arrived with the bailiff and his band. The traitor, it is said, never -forgave his wife for having saved an innocent man. - -Gustavus, still a wanderer, arrived at Swardsjoe, at the house of the -pastor Jon; and a notary named Sven Elfson, who lived near, received him -into his house. But the gentlemanly bearing of the young man always -betrayed him. Suspicious looks were fastened on him, and his pursuers -were approaching. The wife of Sven Elfson, alarmed at the imminent -danger in which the young noble was placed, and wishing to mystify her -household, seized the shovel used for placing bread in the oven and -struck Gustavus with it, crying out and calling him a wicked rascal and -a lazy boy, and so drove him away. Sven, no less loyal than his wife, -immediately undertook to conduct him to some friends with whom he -believed he would be safe. But they already heard the footsteps of the -bailiff’s horses, who was in pursuit with his twenty troopers. A wagon -loaded with straw was standing near, and Gustavus hid himself in it. The -horsemen came; as they passed they made thrusts with their halberts into -the straw and continued their journey. Gustavus was wounded, but he -uttered no cry. Sven Elfson came to him; the young fugitive crept out of -the wagon stained with blood, but with unfailing intrepidity he mounted -a horse and set out. The blood which trickled drop by drop on the snow -must inevitably betray him. In order to save him, Sven wounded his horse -in the foot, and when any one observed the spots on the road and -inquired the cause of them, the Swede boldly pointed to the foot of his -beast. At last they reached Marnaes. Two peasants, Ner and Mats Olafsen, -friends of Sven, concealed Gustavus under a large fir-tree recently -felled in the forest, which covered the ground with its broad, green -boughs. In this place he lay for three days and three nights; and in the -evenings, when all was quiet, one of the two brothers used to bring him -food by stealth.[398] - -[Sidenote: Pursuit Of Gustavus.] - -During these sorrowful days, in which he was pursued like a wild beast, -Gustavus did not forget the task which he had proposed to himself. His -eye was on fire when he thought of the tyranny of Christian; but alas! -his resolution and his courage were useless. The people were indisposed -to follow him. ‘The king,’ they said, ‘strikes only at the nobility and -the clergy.’ The dwellers in these wild valleys were accustomed to go in -crowds to church during the Christmas festival. Gustavus joined in the -devotions of the people in the churches of Raettwiks and Mora. Then, -gathering the peasants together as they came out of church,[399] he -endeavored to rekindle in them the love of their country. ‘My good -friends,’ said he, ‘you know what you have yourselves suffered under the -government of the foreigner. He has shed the blood of our noblest men; -my father has fallen under his blows; and the country is now crushed -under the feet of our enemies. Let us put an end to this slavery. With -God’s help, I will be your captain, and we will die to save the -kingdom.’ But the inhabitants of these remote valleys knew nothing of -the state of things nor of the man who spoke to them. Some of them -testified compassion for him, but the greater number begged him to go -away. Gustavus, disappointed in his hopes, traversed about the close of -1520 the desert places which separate Eastern from Western Dalecarlia, -frequently walking over the ice which cracked under his feet, and -exposing himself more than once to the risk of drowning in the course of -this mournful and solitary flight. He wandered about in these wild -regions dejected and distressed; and his bitterest grief was to see his -countrymen wanting to themselves and enduring without regret the most -intolerable yoke.[400] - -Soon after he had left Mora, two Swedish gentlemen, Lars Olafsson and -Jon Michelsson, arrived there, and they gave to the inhabitants, then -assembled for the new year, a thrilling account of the massacre at -Stockholm, which set the poor people sobbing. ‘Christian,’ continued -Olafsson, ‘is going to impose on the people ruinous taxes, he marches -with a gibbet on his right hand and the wheel on his left, and all -Swedish peasants are obliged to deliver up their arms to him. He leaves -them nothing but a staff.’ At these words the people murmured aloud. -They now appreciated the worth of the young man whom they had so -ungraciously received, and men were sent out with instructions to search -for Gustavus in the villages, the woods, and the lofty rocks. They found -him at Saeln, in the parish of Lima, at the foot of the mountains which -separate Sweden and Norway, just preparing to cross them. - -[Sidenote: Gustavus Captain Of The Communes.] - -Without delay Gustavus returned to Mora. The most respectable peasants -of these valleys assembled there; and they proclaimed the young noble -captain of all the communes of the kingdom of Sweden. Sixteen -stout-hearted men offered their services to him as guides, and some -hundreds of young men placed themselves under his command. When the -Danes heard of it they shrugged their shoulders, and spoke of him and -his followers as a mere band of brigands prowling about in the woods. -But in this movement history discerns the beginning of a most glorious -reign. On a Sunday Gustavus arrived at the Kupferberg with several -hundred men; and when the people came out from divine service he spoke -to them with warm feeling, and gained over to the cause of independence -these simple and energetic men, who tried in their turn to gain others. -‘God keep Gustavus, as one drop of the chivalrous blood of our ancient -heroes,’ said the men of these valleys to those of Helsingenland. ‘Let -us all muster around him.’[401] - -The movement was now becoming important. The bishop of Skara, Dietrich -Slaghoelk, whom Christian had named governor of Stockholm, and who had -instigated the king to the massacre of November 8, 1520, took the alarm -and had a consultation with the magistrates. The town was immediately -fortified and a body of six thousand horse and foot soldiers was sent -against Gustavus, in the direction of Dalecarlia. His lieutenant, Peter -Svensson, a wealthy miner, crossed the Dale with a troop of men whose -only weapons were hatchets, pikes, bows and slings, but whose dash was -like a thunderbolt. These high-spirited sons of Sweden fell upon the -Danish camp and broke it up.[402] - -Gustavus, who was at this time in Helsingenland, immediately set out on -his march into Westmannia. Everywhere as he advanced, the peasants -joined him; and by the 15th of April he had under him twenty thousand -men. He marched on Westeraas, the chief town of the province, and took -possession of it on St. John’s Day, 1521. He next formed the siege of -Stockholm. As the town was open to the Danes by sea, the siege lasted -for two years. On April 20, 1523, Christian took flight, leaving the -place open to his enemies. A Diet of the kingdom of Sweden was -immediately convoked at Strengnaes, for the 7th of June of the same -year. - -Gustavus, who during his sojourn in Germany had admired Luther, and had -appreciated the principles which he proclaimed, was friendly to the -Reformation, not, as the Jesuit Maimbourg has said, in the hope of -acquiring the Church property, but because some rays of the truth had -entered his own soul.[403] He was soon to have an opportunity of -enlarging his acquaintance with it. - -Two men who were equally necessary to Sweden, Gustavus the liberator of -the nation and Olaf the reformer of the Church, were now present -together at Strengnaes. During the sittings of the Diet, Olaf with much -energy proclaimed evangelical truth. The members of the Assembly came to -hear him, and his discourses produced a deep impression on his hearers. -He saw clearly that the bishops and the priests were the chief obstacle -to the Reformation. While therefore he lovingly announced the Son of -God, he directed his most vigorous attacks against the domineering -spirit of the clergy, their love of money, and their idleness and -uselessness. He reminded his hearers that the Apostles and the first -Christians were simple, sober, and filled with brotherly love, and that -by their goodness they won all hearts, while now the priests exasperated -the laity by devising a thousand indirect methods of getting their money -from them. He inveighed especially against the Roman Church and its -unjust decrees.[404] The bishops, consequently, exclaimed in alarm—‘He -wants to bring us back to mendicity and the state of the primitive -Church.’[405] - -[Sidenote: Gustavus Proclaimed King.] - -The Swedish throne was now vacant, and the assembly offered it to -Gustavus. At first he hesitated to accept it, and this not without -reason. Most of the fortresses were still in the hands of the Danes, the -army and the fleet were in a lamentable condition, and the treasury was -almost empty. But as the Swedes were determined to break completely with -Denmark, Gustavus came to a decision, and on the 7th of June, 1523, he -was solemnly proclaimed king at Strengnaes. Thus was dissolved the union -of the three kingdoms, which had lasted one hundred and twenty-six -years. - -The legate of the pope, Magnus, a native of Linkoping, at this time only -thirty-five years of age, had been the representative of the Government -of Sweden at the court of Rome. Pope Adrian had sent him back to Sweden -as his minister, to oppose the progress of Lutheranism. - -Magnus, seeing that Gustavus was evidently the man chosen of God to be -set at the head of affairs in Sweden, thought that the best way to -accomplish his mission was to flatter him and induce him to accept the -crown. But it was no easy matter to check the progress of reform. -‘Verily,’ said Olaf’s hearers, ‘there is more truth in the discourses of -the evangelical preacher than in all the fables of the monks.’ A goodly -number of souls were won. Young people ardently embraced the Christian -truth; professors and students became its apostles. It made its way into -families, and women sat at the Saviour’s feet. While some still defended -Catholicism as the religion of their forefathers, others assailed it on -account of the abuses of the clergy. ‘Heresy,’ said Bishop Brask, ‘is -beginning to multiply.’[406] The bishops, ever more and more alarmed, -betook themselves to the king and launched forth in complaints against -Olaf and his friends. - -This was very annoying to Gustavus, who, although he leaned to the side -of reform, felt it his duty for the sake of his country to steer his -course for a time between wind and water. He called before him the three -evangelical preachers, Anderson and the two Petri. It was not without -emotion that they appeared in the presence of the prince. ‘You are -accused,’ he said to them, ‘of preaching doctrines which have never been -heard of before.’ They answered frankly, and set before him with warm -feeling the substance of the Gospel. Anderson did more; he boldly -declared to the king—‘The ruin of the clergy is their wealth. For them -to be rich is contrary to the nature of the ministry, for Christ said -that his kingdom is not of this world.’ - -Gustavus was struck with the loyalty of the reformers and with the force -of their speeches, and he conceived for them still higher esteem. But he -was a prince. ‘I promise you my support,’ he said, ‘so far as -circumstances shall allow. I cannot at present avow myself your friend. -I must beg of you not even to let it be known that I am on your side, -for I might thereby lose the confidence of the nation, confidence which -is essential to me in my endeavor to secure its welfare. Nevertheless -you may rest assured that I shall express myself distinctly on this -important subject as soon as the fit time is come.’ We have evidence of -the sincerity of these words. ‘From the beginning of our reign,’ wrote -Gustavus to Luther, ‘we have been steadily attached to the true and pure -Word of God, so far as God has given us grace.’[407] - -The effect of his conversations with Anderson and likewise with Olaf and -Lawrence was to make the prince more and more a friend to the -Reformation; but for some time yet he was a secret friend.[408] - -[Sidenote: Anderson Made Chancellor.] - -It was not long, however, before Gustavus gave a mark of his respect for -one of the three evangelists, by appointing Anderson chancellor of the -kingdom, attaching him to his court and making him his most confidential -friend. By this choice Gustavus gave evidence of great discernment. -Beneath the Christian he discerned the statesman, and the voice of -history has confirmed his judgment. ‘Anderson,’ this voice has said, -‘was one of the greatest men of his age. His was a genius which nature -had made profound, and reflection had expanded. Although he was -ambitious of great place, he was still more ambitious of great things. -The independence of his character was accompanied by a sagacity which -grasped every thing from first principles to remotest consequences, and -by an intelligence which was fertile at once in lofty projects and in -expedients adapted to their successful execution. His eloquence -encountered the less opposition from the fact of its starting-point -being solid reason. His contemporaries did not perceive all the -loftiness of his character nor the influence which he exerted on the -Swedish revolution.’ Such is the view of one of the most celebrated -French writers of the last century, who cannot be suspected of any -religious partiality.[409] Day by day the king conversed with his -chancellor on the concerns of the kingdom. They talked together of the -bishops and of other members of the clerical order, and of what must -needs be done to bring the ministry into greater conformity with Holy -Scripture and to make it more useful to the people. Gustavus saw well -what great reforms it was necessary to introduce; but he felt conscious -that he was too young and not at present sufficiently established on the -throne to venture to undertake them. Anderson showed him the necessity -of strengthening in Sweden the evangelical element, and pointed out the -two brothers Petri as men well qualified for the work. Gustavus then -wrote to Luther to ask what he thought of them. Luther bore noble -testimony to their moral character, their devotedness, and their -doctrine. ‘I entreat you, Sire,’ he added, ‘put your trust in God, and -accomplish the Reformation. For this purpose I wish you the blessing of -the Lord. You will not be able to find for this good work men more -competent or more worthy than the two brothers of whom you speak.’ The -king no longer hesitated. He sent Lawrence to Upsala as professor of -theology; and, wishing to have Olaf near him, he named him preacher in -the Church of St. Nicholas, at Stockholm. Then, in pursuance of his -inclination to avail himself, in affairs of state, of the abilities of -Christian men, he also nominated Olaf secretary of the town, a secular -office which in those times was frequently given to intelligent and -well-informed churchmen. In Olaf’s view, however, his first calling was -that of minister of the Word, and from the pulpit of the great church -the eloquent preacher had the opportunity of daily proclaiming the -Gospel.[410] - -The two reformers had thus risen to important but difficult positions in -Sweden. A career of conflict, of alternate successes and reverses, was -now opening before Olaf. His faith was sincere and living. In personal -appearance he was dignified and grave, full of graciousness and of -frankness. His glance was penetrating, his speech firm and energetic. -His keen and clear understanding enabled him readily to unravel the most -intricate affairs. He was incessantly at work, and labor was very easy -to him. But his temper was quick, and he could not always subdue the -passion which impelled him. He had a rather too high opinion of himself, -and did not easily forget offences. Suspicious and sensitive, he lent a -too willing ear to false reports, especially when they touched the king. -Nevertheless, Olaf was an eminent character and a man adapted, in spite -of his faults, to make a powerful impression on his countrymen. Crowds -attended his sermons. The boldness of his preaching and of his character -captivated many souls, and conversions were numerous. He was not long -left to work alone. Michael Langerben, a Swede, having returned from -Wittenberg, was appointed by the king to be Olaf’s colleague. - -[Sidenote: Schemes Of The Romanists.] - -The powerful preaching of these men, the favor shown to them by the -king, and the eagerness with which the people flocked to hear them, -stirred up the Roman clergy. Violent speeches were everywhere spreading -agitation. The priests, the monks, and their creatures invaded the -church while Olaf was preaching, threw stones at him, and held up their -staves threateningly, and even made attempts on his life. One day, bent -on putting an end to the evangelical preaching, these furious men made a -dash at the pulpit and smashed it to pieces. - -The legate, Magnus, an able and prudent man, who was by no means a -fanatic, knew very well that the reform could not be checked by throwing -stones. He drew up a plan for a campaign less noisy, but in his opinion -more effective, and undertook to persuade the king by specious -reasonings to continue faithful to the papacy. The prince was obliged to -go to Malmoe for the purpose of arranging, in conjunction with -Frederick, king of Denmark, the great business of the separation of the -two kingdoms. The primate and his friends thought that if they obtained -some concessions before the departure of Gustavus, they would be able to -act during his absence with greater freedom and to strengthen in Sweden -the authority of Rome. ‘Sire,’ said Magnus to the king, ‘the preaching -of Olaf is diffusing in the kingdom a heresy full of peril. Withdraw -your protection from this disciple of the Wittenberg heresiarch; -prohibit Luther’s books, and thus win for yourself the glory of a -Christian prince.’ But Gustavus was too resolute a man to turn back. ‘I -have never heard,’ he replied, ‘that any one has convicted Luther of -heresy. Since the books which are against him are admitted into the -kingdom, those which he has written are entitled to the same privilege; -and with respect to his disciples, I shall take good care not to -withdraw from them my protection. It is my duty to protect every one of -my subjects against violence, from any quarter whatsoever.’[411] - -Gustavus did more than this. Aware of the ambition of the legate, he -considered whether he could not make use of him as a bridle to hold in -check the rage of the clergy. The archiepiscopal see of Upsala was -vacant. The Roman Church had sometimes converted its most bitter enemies -into its most determined champions by awarding them the tiara. Profiting -by this example, Gustavus named the legate of the pope primate of the -kingdom; and from this time Magnus displayed great deference to the king -and to his wishes. - -[Sidenote: Bishop Brask.] - -But the post of defender of Rome was not to remain vacant. In action a -resolute spirit is of more importance than official position. Bishop -Brask became the powerful champion of the papacy in Sweden. An -inflexible, violent, and intolerant man, more of a papist than the -legate himself, he was beside himself with rage at seeing the success -of the Reformation, and he hurled excommunication against any one who -read or sold evangelical books. ‘The reformers,’ he said, ‘by -trampling under foot ecclesiastical order, commit the greatest of -crimes.’ Making use without scruple of the coarse expressions so -common in that age, Brask said that the Lutherans pretended to -re-establish the liberty of Christ, but that they ought rather to say -the liberty of _Lucifer_. Another dignitary of the Romish Church -frequently wrote _Luterosi_ (the filthy) instead of _Lutherani_. One -day some deacons of Upland, of whom Brask inquired on what they based -their belief, having replied—‘On the doctrine of _Paul_,’ the bishop -started from his seat, exclaiming—‘Better that Paul had been burnt -than that he should thus be known and quoted by every body!’ - -The bishop of Linkoping, when he discovered that Magnus in becoming -primate of the kingdom had also become tolerant, seriously expostulated -with him. ‘If you do not vigorously oppose the ravages of heresy,’ he -said, ‘you are unworthy to be the successor of so many illustrious -prelates, and as legate of the pope you are dishonoring your chief.’ -Magnus was in a most embarrassing position. He had two masters who were -opposed to each other, and he found it impossible to serve at once both -the pope and the king. Bound by the requests of Gustavus, and closely -watched by the able chancellor, he thought that the easiest plan would -be for him to disappear and leave Brask to carry on the conflict in his -stead. To the bishop he therefore said—‘I am going to leave the kingdom -for a year; I shall beg of the pope to entrust you with the suppression -of these disputes; but let both parties abstain from insults.’ - -Brask had no mind to let the prelate escape and throw upon his shoulders -the burden which he could not bear himself. He did not actually refuse -to act, but he wished that each should do his own duty. ‘The more -indulgence that is shown to heretics,’ said he, ‘the greater will the -mischief become. Summon Olaf and his brother before your chapter of -Upsala, that they may either clear themselves of the imputation of -heresy or, as heretics, be condemned.’ This fanatical prelate thought -that, in the absence of the king, it would be easy to get the two -brothers burnt.[412] - -Here was fresh trouble for the archbishop. If he refused to comply with -the demand of Brask, the latter would accuse him to the pope of keeping -up a secret understanding with the heretics. He resolved therefore to -assemble the members of his chapter at Upsala, at the beginning of -October, 1524, and cited Olaf and Lawrence to appear before them. When -the two reformers entered, the threatening looks of these proud priests -were fastened on them, and they vied with each other in making the most -hateful imputations, and in assailing them with the grossest insults. -Olaf and Lawrence answered quietly, and showed by clear proofs the truth -of the evangelical doctrine. Their opponents, unable to reply, contented -themselves with calling upon them, in the name of the Roman pontiff, to -renounce the doctrines of Luther. ‘Otherwise,’ they added, ‘we shall -fulminate the anathema against you. Bethink you, therefore, of the -terrible consequences of excommunication, even in the case of the most -powerful sovereigns. Reflect on the dangers into which you are hurrying -your country; for the pope will urge all the princes of Europe to unite -together for the re-establishment of the order which you are endeavoring -to break up.’ ‘There is no power in the world,’ replied the two -brothers, ‘not even anathemas nor martyrdom, which can compel us to hide -the truth. The highest gain which we covet is the loss of all, even of -our lives, for the establishment of the Gospel and for the glory of -God.’ - -The chapter, then, had recourse to other weapons, cunningly insinuating -that if Olaf and Lawrence re-entered the Church they would fill its -highest offices. ‘No honors are high enough,’ replied Olaf, ‘to induce -us to conceal the Gospel.’ This was too much for the members of the -tribunal; and they demanded the severest measures. The primate declared -the two reformers to be cast out of the Catholic Church, as Luther was, -and anathematized by Rome. Brask now thought that the time was come for -extirpating the Reformation; and he sought from the German prelates all -the information they could give, of a kind adapted to render it odious. -They forwarded to him a mass of shameful calumnies. - -This prelate, in a passion of hatred, now established a printing-press -near his own house, and put into general circulation books tending to -the prejudice of the reformers, prohibiting at the same time the reading -of any of the writings of Luther or of his disciples. It seemed that the -evangelical cause must sink under the blows of a powerful hierarchy -which conspired together for its destruction.[413] - -Footnote 391: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. pp. 4, 5. - -Footnote 392: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. pp. 4, 5. Schlegel, p. 105. - -Footnote 393: - - Clem. Rensel’s _Bericht._ Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 9. - -Footnote 394: - - Clem. Rensel’s _Bericht._ Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 13. - Raumer, ii. p. 120. - -Footnote 395: - - _Skibyense Chron._ p. 570. _Olai Chronica_, p. 348. - -Footnote 396: - - This building, by ordinance of April 26, 1668, was consecrated as a - royal monument. - -Footnote 397: - - This house has been preserved, with some figures representing Gustavus - and other persons, and is shown to strangers. - -Footnote 398: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 13. - -Footnote 399: - - Near the church of Mora is shown the spot where Gustavus addressed the - people. - -Footnote 400: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. pp. 15-17. - -Footnote 401: - - Von Troil, _Verhandlung zur Reformations-Geschichte Schwedens_, iv. p. - 356. - -Footnote 402: - - Celsius, _Leben Gustavs_, i. p. 139. - -Footnote 403: - - ‘Veritatis luce ac radiis tactus.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 287. - -Footnote 404: - - ‘Præsertim contra decreta S. Romani ecclesiæ.’—Brask to the Bishop of - Skara, 12th July, 1523. - -Footnote 405: - - ‘Ut status modernæ ecclesiæ reducatur ad mendicitatem et statum - ecclesiæ primitivæ.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 406: - - ‘Pullulare incipit hæresis illa Lutherana.’—Brask to the Bishop of - Skara, 12th July, 1523. - -Footnote 407: - - Spegel, _Schriftliche Beweise_, 16 August, 1540. - -Footnote 408: - - ‘Palam id prodere velle, res periculo plenissima.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 287. - -Footnote 409: - - Raynal, _Anecdotes de l’Europe_. - -Footnote 410: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibung_, p. 40. - -Footnote 411: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 43. - -Footnote 412: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, pp. 42, 43. - -Footnote 413: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, pp. 43, 44, 45. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - STRUGGLES. - (1524-1527.) - - -Gustavus Vasa, as we have seen, had gone to Malmoe for the purpose of -arranging with Frederick, king of Denmark, such measures as were -required by the grave circumstances in which they were both placed. -Christian II. had been set aside, and these two princes were to divide -his dominions between them. The compact between Denmark and Sweden was -signed at the same time that Olaf and Lawrence appeared before the -chapter of Upsala (October, 1524). Shortly after this formality, -Gustavus returned to his capital. - -[Sidenote: Iconoclasts At Stockholm.] - -No sooner had the king passed within the gates of Stockholm than he -heard of the disorder and disturbances which filled the town. He gave -orders to be taken straight to the castle; but a very strange sight met -his eyes in the streets through which he had to pass. He saw them -thronged with priests, tradesmen, women and children, who were running -about in all directions, many of them uttering wild cries. On reaching -the square he found there heaps of broken images and fragments of -statues, with monks standing beside the _débris_, weeping and touching -with trembling hands those heads and arms and mutilated bodies, crying -out in piteous tones—‘Behold, our saints, the blessed patrons of the -kingdom, how shamefully they have been treated!’ There were also some of -the townsmen standing by, who looked on the destruction of these idols -as a pious deed. Some giddy ones among them even bragged of their -exploits. One young man beginning to laugh and to mock at the pope,[414] -the populace had fallen on him and treated him in a horrible manner. - -Gustavus could hardly suppress his astonishment and indignation. As soon -as he arrived at the castle he sent for Olaf and his colleague -Langerben, and asked them in angry tones what all this meant. They -answered that they had nothing to do with these violent proceedings, but -that they were instigated by certain merchants of the Netherlands who -had lately arrived; that two of them especially, Knipperdolling and -Melchior Rinck, declaring that the Holy Ghost spake by their lips, had -secretly made partisans; and that then, feeling sure of their case, they -had taken possession first of St. John’s Church, and afterwards of other -churches, had preached in them on the Apocalypse, and had cast down the -images and broken the organs to pieces.[415] ‘And how is it,’ said the -king, ‘that you have tolerated such disorders?’ Olaf replied that the -only effect of opposition on their part would have been to excite these -enthusiasts still more; that the best course was to wait till the people -came to their right mind, which they were sure to do ere long. Gustavus -testified his displeasure at the toleration of disturbances calculated -to undo all that he had done. He summoned the two iconoclasts to his -presence, commanded them to depart the kingdom, and declared at the same -time that if they ever entered it again, it would be under pain of -death. - -While the fanaticism of the ‘Illuminated’ was turning Stockholm upside -down, the Roman clergy took advantage of it to bring back to their side -those who had appeared friendly to the Reformation. - -Gustavus, who possessed in a high degree those gifts of great men which -make a look or a word enough to persuade men, saw that his first duty -was to pacify the people. According to the custom of newly elected -kings, he took what was called _Eric’s road_, and, making a progress -through all the provinces of his kingdom, he appeared everywhere like a -father full of love, even for the least of his subjects. He counselled -the ecclesiastics to preach the Gospel with meekness, and the flocks to -put it in practice. A storm had passed over Sweden, but the presence of -Gustavus was like the beneficent sun which lifts up the drooping grass -and restores vigor to the blasted trees. - -[Sidenote: Olaf’s Marriage.] - -The ministers, on their part, sought to enlighten men’s minds; and while -Olaf preached the Gospel with power and boldness, his colleague -proclaimed it with prudence and meekness. Discourses and dogmas were not -enough. Olaf aimed at morality, at a Christian life; and thought that it -was his duty to begin with the heads of the churches, who rejected -marriage, and had formed for the most part illicit connections. In his -view it was a necessity to substitute for an impure celibacy the holy -institution divinely established from the beginning of the world. He -knew that such a course would give rise to interminable complaints; but -nothing could hinder him when the question was one of obedience to a -command of God. He determined to do as Luther did. He made sure of the -king’s approval; and on Septuagesima Sunday, in January, 1525, he -married a virtuous lady belonging to a Christian family of Stockholm. -The ceremony, at which the king was present, was conducted, contrary to -the usual practice, in the Swedish language. This marriage afforded the -priests an opportunity of raising a great storm.[416] Because a reformer -had obeyed a command of God, they cried out at his impiety: ‘All rule is -abolished,’ they said, ‘public order is at an end, and the most holy -things are trodden under foot.’ - -The bishop of Linkoping, as usual, headed the opposition, or rather -constituted it in himself alone, and lamented the timidity of his -colleagues. Brask was an eminent character, the best informed and most -discreet man among the Swedes. To him Sweden was indebted for the -introduction of useful industries. He it was who first conceived the -project of uniting the Baltic with the North Sea by means of a canal, a -plan which has been carried out in our own days. He procured from abroad -not only breviaries, but Italian law-books and poets, some of them even -profane. When one of his friends went to Rome he begged him to bring -back for him the ‘_Orlando Inamorato_’ and other books of the same -kind.[417] He stood forward as the champion of the liberty of the -Church, of the kingdom, and of the nobility; and looking upon the -marriage of priests as a tremendous attack on the Romish system, he -rushed to the breach to defend it. He had welcomed the young king with a -certain air of paternal condescension, and called him ‘dear Gustavus.’ -He now wrote to him a violent letter. ‘This antichristian measure,’ he -said, ‘is causing a great scandal in the kingdom. Never since the age of -the Apostles has a priest dared to perpetrate so shocking an offence. -What confusion, what bitter dissensions I foresee in the future! And it -is on you Sire, that the blame will be laid; on you, who by your -presence have sanctioned this marriage which is contrary to the laws of -the Church and the State.’ He concluded by pronouncing a sentence of -excommunication against Olaf. Gustavus too comprehended, although in a -different sense from Brask’s, the importance of the step taken by the -Stockholm pastor, and nobly came forward in his defence. He replied to -the prelate that Olaf was prepared to prove by the Word of God the -lawfulness of his union; and that for his own part he considered it -strange that a man who acted in conformity with the law of God should -for so doing be laid under an interdict, while every one was aware to -what scandalous licentiousness the priests were addicted, and without -being rebuked for it.[418] ‘I should very much like to know,’ added the -king, ‘whether such monstrosities are more in accordance with the divine -law than marriage which is ordained of God for all. There is not a -single passage in the Bible which prohibits the marriage of priests; and -as for papal ordinances, they are everywhere falling into discredit. The -antiquity of a custom can not make it justifiable.’ The only effect of -this reply was to exasperate Brask. He addressed Archbishop Magnus, who -took no notice of his very bitter reproaches. He travelled all over his -diocese, and prohibited priests and laymen from touching, were it only -with the tips of their fingers, the foolish teachings of Luther, lest -the contagion should infect and be the death of them. Brask was at least -successful in stirring up the people against Olaf and Lawrence. In every -direction were heard the exclamations—‘Cursed heretics! disfrocked -monks!’ Olaf published, according to the announcement of Gustavus, a -work in which he maintained the doctrine that _marriage is honorable in -all_.[419] - -[Sidenote: Translations Of The Scriptures.] - -This servant of God was now especially engaged on another task. While -men were loading him with insults, he was employing the time which his -ministry left at his disposal in translating the Scriptures into -Swedish. The Chancellor Anderson, on his part, had done the same. These -versions were printed, and ere long the bishops loudly murmured because -the books of the New Testament were being read in every house.[420] -‘Well, then,’ said the king, ‘translate it yourselves, as has been done -in other nations.’ The bishops, finding that their authority was every -day diminishing, applied themselves,[421] though sorely against their -will, to the task which the king proposed to them; and they distributed -the books of the New Testament among the various chapters of canons, and -the two monastic orders, the Dominican and the Carthusian. The bishops, -the canons, and the monks were about to suffer still greater annoyance -than the obligation to read the Bible. - -The Diet which met at Wadstena, at the beginning of 1526, persuaded the -king to have himself crowned, adding that the crown should be -hereditary. But Gustavus said that before being crowned king he was -bound to provide for the maintenance of the kingdom. On investigating -the resources of the State and of the Church, he found that the annual -expenditure of the former was more than double its income, while the -revenues of the Church were much larger than those of the country. The -bloated priesthood were swallowing up the people. The king demanded that -the Diet should grant to the State two-thirds of the church tithes, -which would enable it to provide for the wants of the nation, and to -reduce the taxation which pressed heavily on the third estate. The -clergy were terrified;[422] bishops and abbots inquired what was to -become of them. Brask, indignant at the want of courage of which his -colleagues had given so many proofs, told them that they were mere -dastards, and got just what they deserved. They had also to endure his -sarcasms; they had lost every thing, money and honor too. - -[Sidenote: Ostentation Of Magnus.] - -All these distressed clerks turned now to the primate. Magnus, who had -hitherto habitually tried to please Gustavus, changed his course -entirely when he saw that the purses of the priests were threatened! He -resolved to have done with reserve, to burn his ships, and haughtily to -oppose clerical to civil authority. ‘Have no fear,’ he said to the -bishops assembled about him, ‘I will let the king see my power, and I -will compel him to bend before us.’ Without any delay the primate -established his court on a very grand scale, and received such of the -gentry as were dissatisfied with the king. He clothed himself in purple -and gold. He undertook a visitation of his diocese with a following of -two hundred persons, partly gentlemen and partly guards. Whenever he -entered a church rich carpets were spread under his feet, and when he -took his meals he ordered the door to be thrown open to the public as a -prince does. Every one was struck with the pomp, the solemnity, and the -state with which he was surrounded, with the number of the dishes and -the magnificence of his table, for in all these things he surpassed the -king himself.[423] - -But neither the opposition offered to the ministers of the Gospel, nor -the pride and ostentation of the prelate, could stop the advance of the -Reformation. Gustavus was convinced that God made man for progress, and -that if there is progress for the body, there is the same likewise for -the heart and the understanding. In his view the Reformation constituted -a great advance in the sphere of religion; and he saw already many -nations of Europe, awakened by the Gospel, marching ahead of others. Why -should Sweden be left behind? In order to advance, courage and -resolution were undoubtedly necessary; but Gustavus was not deficient in -either of these qualities. - -[Sidenote: The Primate And The King.] - -The feast of St. Erick, celebrated on the 18th of May, was a great day -in Sweden. It was the day on which honors were paid to the memory of -King Erick IX. (1155), who had attempted to introduce Christianity in -Finland, and had founded for his subjects wise institutions. An annual -fair was held at this time at Upsala, to which large numbers of people -were attracted. The king visited the fair in May, 1526, attended by his -Chancellor, Lawrence Anderson, and two thousand horsemen. He desired to -conciliate the affections of the people, which the priests and the monks -were stirring up against him, and to put the haughty archbishop back -into his own place. He left his armed men in their quarters, and rode on -horseback among the crowd, smiling on the people with a gracious air, -which won all hearts. Having reached the top of one of the hills in the -neighborhood of Upsala he halted, and assuming for the moment in -addition to his royal functions those of a reformer, made a speech, -sitting on his steed, to the multitude around him.[424] ‘What is the use -of the service in Latin?’ he said; ‘what is the use of the monastic -life?’ Many expressed their agreement with these sentiments; but some -peasants, who came perhaps from Linkoping, cried out, ‘We mean to keep -the monks. They are not to be driven away; we will sooner feed them -ourselves.’ The king, waiting for an opportunity which was soon to offer -itself, of bringing down the pride of the priests, rode down the hill, -returned to the town, and went to the palace of the archbishop, who had -prepared a splendid banquet for him, and purposed to display before him -all his magnificence. Towards the close of the feast the primate rose, -determined to place himself on a level with the king, and holding his -glass in his hand turned to Gustavus and said, ‘Our Grace drinks to the -health of Your Grace.’ ‘Thy Grace and Our Grace,’ replied Gustavus, -coolly, ‘cannot find room under one roof.’[425] - -The king then called together the chapter of the cathedral and said, ‘By -what right does the Church possess temporal power?’ The archbishop, -disconcerted by the answer which the prince had made to him at table, -remained silent. Iveran, provost of the cathedral, spoke in his stead, -and named the _Decretals_ as the foundation of their rights. The king, -not satisfied with this authority, resumed: ‘Is there in Holy Scripture -a single passage which supports your privileges?’ Every one was silent. -At length Doctor Galle, who was reputed the foremost theologian of -Sweden, said, ‘Sire, the kings your predecessors conferred these -privileges on us and maintained them.’ ‘Certainly then,’ replied -Gustavus, ‘if kings conferred them, kings may withdraw them. For this -purpose it is only necessary for them to recognize the fact that it was -for want of knowledge these institutions were founded aforetime to humor -superstitious requirements and to promote personal interests.’ - -The archbishop and the bishops, seeing so clearly the signs of the storm -which was threatening to overthrow them, resolved, in order to control -it, to take the initiative, and attack their adversaries.[426] They -therefore went in a body to the king, and the archbishop, in the name of -them all, required of Gustavus that he should show himself the protector -of religion. ‘The version of the New Testament made by Olaf,’ said he, -‘is simply Luther’s version. This is already condemned by the pope as -heretical. Let Olaf and his followers, therefore, be brought to trial, -as guilty of heresy.’ Gustavus, believing that he could turn this demand -of the clergy to account in advancing reform another step, replied—‘I -consent to a sentence of capital punishment against Olaf and his -followers, on condition that they are justly convicted of the crime of -heresy of which you accuse them. But I have observed so many beautiful -traits in the life and the habits of this minister, that I question -whether it is not out of hatred that you accuse him of heresy. -Theologians are accustomed,’ he added sternly, ‘to blacken in this way -those who do not think as they do.’[427] - -The archbishop was much moved by this reply.[428] The imprudent prelate -exclaimed—‘I take upon myself to convict Olaf of heresy, on the most -important points of the faith, and this in the presence of your Majesty -and all your ministers.’ Magnus, mistaking his strength, had gone too -far. Gustavus hastened to take advantage of it. He commanded a -conference to be held such as was asked for, entertaining no doubt that -it would turn to the triumph of the truth. He invited to it learned men, -the members of the Diet, and all the nobles who desired to have the -means of judging for themselves of the foundations on which the -doctrines rested which were professed either by the adherents of the -pope or by those of the Reformation. Olaf declared himself ready. The -bishops, on the contrary, shuffled, either because they considered it -beneath their dignity to hold a discussion with Olaf, or, as has been -said, ‘because they were afraid of exposing themselves in a conflict -with a learned and eloquent man.’[429] At last they chose, as defender -of their dogmas, a distinguished divine, Peter Galle, the man who had -previously replied to the king at Upsala.[430] - -[Sidenote: Olaf And Galle.] - -The meeting was held in the chapter-house, and the king and the most -influential men of his suite were present. Secretaries took their seats -at a table for the purpose of taking down the discussion in writing. The -champions of Rome and of the Gospel came forward, and the colloquy -began. The first question contained within itself all the others. It -was, whether _the traditions established by the Fathers and the ancient -doctors of the Church must be abolished_. Galle admitted that the -Christian religion was certainly contained, as Olaf asserted, in the -Holy Scriptures. ‘But,’ he said, ‘these Scriptures are difficult to -understand, and we must therefore receive the explanation given of them -by the ancient Fathers.’ ‘Let us admit the interpretation of the -Fathers,’ replied Olaf, ‘when it does not disagree with the written -Word; but when the teachings of the Fathers are at variance with those -of Scripture, let us reject them.[431] If we do not reject them, we -should make no difference between the word of God and the decrees of -men.’ - -The discussion turned afterwards upon the great doctrine of the -Reformation, _Is a man saved by his own merits or by the grace of God -alone_?[432] Olaf maintained that eternal life is ‘the _gift of God_’ -(Rom. vi. 23), and that Christians are saved _by grace_ (Ephes. ii. 8). -Man obtains a reward solely _by the grace of God and because Christ has -merited it for him_. This fundamental doctrine was met with among all -nations at the epoch of the Reformation. Galle expected to triumph by -maintaining the ecclesiastical princedom of the bishop of Rome, which -had existed, he added, for twelve hundred years. ‘The office of a -bishop,’ answered Olaf, ‘is not a lordship but a labor. The papacy has -not existed for so long a time as you assign to it. Moreover, we have to -consider, not the antiquity of an office but its goodness. Satan the -tempter of man is very _ancient_, but it does not follow from this that -he is _good_.’ The discussion continued on other matters in controversy, -such as conversion, the Lord’s Supper, and particularly miraculous -apparitions which Galle asserted still took place. He instanced those -seen by St. Martin, St. Anthony, and Cyrillus, bishop of Jerusalem. -‘Every day new ones are witnessed,’[433] he added, ‘and so far from -despising them, we ought to feel great reverence for them.’ ‘The Church -of God,’ replied Olaf, ‘built up on the doctrine of prophets and -apostles, has no need of apparitions. The Word of God is sufficient to -impart the knowledge of salvation. But man who is a liar delights -himself in these fallacious novelties because he has no relish for the -Word of God.[434] Holy Scripture forbids us to seek after the truth at -the hands of the dead.’ In support of his proposition he quoted Deut. -xix. 9; Lev. xx. 6; Isa. viii. 19; and Luke xvi. 27. - -The two combatants had displayed at first great moderation; but they -gradually got excited and, forgetting the respect due to an assembly so -august as that which was listening to them, they began to use, according -to the practice of the age, rather strong expressions. The king declared -the discussion to be ended, pronounced victory to remain with the -evangelical doctor, and gave command that the proceedings of the -disputation should be drawn up and published, in order that religious -men might be able to judge on which side the truth lay.[435] - -[Sidenote: Irritation Of Parties.] - -This colloquy of 1526, notwithstanding its great importance, was far -from re-establishing unity. The partisans of the Roman Church regretted -that they had allowed themselves to be drawn into it. Bishop Brask -accused the archbishop of weakness, and severely blamed him for having -authorized the disputation. ‘The Catholic faith,’ he wrote to him, ‘is -beyond objection altogether, nor is it permissible to subject it to -examination. You will never be able to justify yourself before the -pope.’ This fierce champion of the papacy was constantly repeating to -those about him that ‘it was to the bishops and the doctors of the -Church that Christ entrusted the interpretation of Holy Scripture;[436] -and that Olaf must be taken to Rome, not for the purpose of convincing -him and those like him, but to have them put to death by fire or by -sword.’[437] - -These sayings provoked the friends of the Reformation. What! the laity -must receive blindly the teaching of the priests! Did not St. Paul write -to all the Christians of Thessalonica—_Prove all things_; and to those -of Corinth—_I speak as to wise men, judge ye what I say_? But the -reformed did not always proceed in a prudent manner. As pastors were -sought for in all quarters, many young men left Upsala before they had -gained the knowledge and the discretion which were needed. They preached -justification by grace; but some of them did not sufficiently insist on -the point that faith which does not produce works is dead; and when they -spoke of the priests and the pope they made use of unguarded -expressions. Gustavus frequently rebuked them, and Olaf published a work -for their guidance. Occasionally without being expected he went to the -churches, and after sermon affectionately pointed out to these young -ministers the faults which had struck him,[438] and counselled them to -avoid provoking their opponents causelessly. - -But nothing could soothe the ruffled temper of the enemies of Reform. -The archbishop, who had once more become a real Roman Catholic (_un vrai -Romain_), was continually stirring up his subordinates against the king. -Brask did the same, and other prelates went greater lengths. The bishop -and the provost of Westeraas, Sunnanwaeder, and Knut, instigated the -peasants of Dalecarlia to revolt; and the latter, with threats, demanded -of the king the banishment of the Lutheran faith from the kingdom. -Gustavus reminded them of the calamities which the Roman clergy had -brought on Sweden, adding that it was the duty of a king to shake off a -yoke so burdensome. But the Dalecarlians, who were easily excited, were -rude mountaineers who feared neither heat nor cold, were skilled in -handling arms, and were equally content with sword and plough, peace and -war, life and death.[439] In 1526 they refused to pay the taxes, and in -a short time they did more. - -[Sidenote: A Pretender.] - -At the beginning of 1527, there appeared in the remotest parishes of -their country a young man calling himself Nils Sture, who stated that he -was the eldest son of the deceased administrator, and that he had left -Stockholm in order to escape from a heretical prince, who could not -endure at his court the presence of the legitimate heir of the kingdom. -‘As soon as Gustavus perceived me,’ he added, ‘he cast a fierce glance -at me, drew his sword, and attempted to take away my life. Is this the -recompense due to the merits of my father, who lost his life to save -Sweden?’ Saying these words he burst into tears, fell on his knees, and -begged the good peasants who stood round him to say with him a -_paternoster_ to deliver the soul of the prince his father out of -purgatory. The young man was handsome in person, and could speak well, -so that the Dalecarlians as they listened to him mingled their tears -with his. To his pathetic appeals he added terrible accusations. -‘Gustavus,’ said he, ‘has not only laid aside the national dress, but he -intends also to compel the Swedes to dress in the new fashion.’ This the -Dalecarlians would have esteemed a disgrace. The pretended Nils Sture -had soon a large following, for the Romish system was greatly -reverenced, and the name of Sture was held in high honor among the -Dalecarlians. The archbishop of Drontheim declared in his favor, and the -partisans of Rome hailed the young man as a Maccabæus who was going to -raise up again the altars of the true God. The pretender surrounded -himself with a body guard, formed a court, elected a chancellor, and -coined money. This person, the hope of the sinking papacy, was in -reality a farm servant from Bjoerksta in Westmanland, an illegitimate -son of a female servant. He had served in several families of the -gentry, and had thus acquired a certain skilfulness. He was trained for -the part he had to play by Peder Grym, a man who was formerly in the -service of Sten Sture, and who had become the confidential attendant of -Bishop Sunnanwaeder.[440] In spite of his cleverness he was soon -detected. The Dalecarlians received one day a letter from the princess, -the widow of the administrator, in which she put them on their guard -against this impostor, and informed them that she had lost her eldest -son. The unlucky fellow made his escape into Norway, and was there -received as a prince by the archbishop of Drontheim. - -Anxious to dispel the calumnies circulated against him by the bishops, -of which other impostors might make use, the king published a -declaration, in which he laid down the end which he had set before -himself. ‘We mean to have,’ he said, ‘the true religion, agreeable to -the Word of God. Now there is no other but that which Christ and the -apostles taught. On this point all are agreed. Controversy is maintained -only about certain practices invented by men, and particularly -respecting the immunity of prelates. We demand the abolition of useless -rites, and we strive, as all Christians ought to do, to lay hold on -eternal life. But the prelates who observe this, and who care only for -their own bellies, accuse us of introducing a new religion. We earnestly -exhort you to give no credit to this calumny.’[441] - -Gustavus, aware that the archbishop was one of those who were -circulating the reports in question, summoned him to Stockholm. Magnus -went, in serious apprehension of what might happen. As soon, indeed, as -he perceived the stern look of Gustavus, he was confused, his -countenance changed, and he remained silent. The king told him some -plain truths, and reminded him of proceedings which filled him with -shame. ‘Your calling,’ continued the prince, ‘is to teach the Gospel, -and not to talk big and play the grandee.’ The archbishop promised to do -what the king wished. It appears that Gustavus ordered him to be -confined for some days in a convent at Stockholm, in order to ascertain -whether, as some asserted, Magnus had joined in the conspiracy of -Sunnanwaeder and Knut. But he soon set him at liberty; and the king, -intending to marry a Polish princess, entrusted him with a mission to -Poland. The archbishop set out; but instead of going to Poland, he -betook himself to Rome, and never returned to Sweden. - -[Sidenote: Resolution Of Gustavus.] - -Gustavus believed that the time was now come to complete his work. He -wished to deliver the kingdom out of the state of strife in which it was -plunged. Many members of the Diet and officers of the army urged him to -get himself crowned, but he did not care for a name and a crown without -the reality which they symbolize. The substance of kingly power was -really in the hands of the clergy. The bishops had made themselves -masters of the principal fortresses, had usurped a part of the rights of -the monarch, and were in possession of wealth surpassing that of the -State. Gustavus now opened his mind to his clever, eloquent, and bold -chancellor, Lawrence Anderson. The latter had discerned the numerous -evils brought upon the Church and the State by the temporal power and -possessions of the clergy. He reminded the prince of the statement that -in the primitive Church the faithful distributed their property to one -another according as each had need, and that the apostles declared by -the mouths of St. Peter and St. John that they had neither silver nor -gold. Anderson, holding the same faith as Luther, frequently conversed -with Gustavus about the principles advanced in Germany by that admirable -doctor, and urged that this wholesome doctrine should be substituted for -the horrible maxims of the priests. - -Gustavus understood him, and formed the purpose of withdrawing -resolutely from the foreign domination of Rome, which had cost -Scandinavia so much generous blood. He loved the evangelical doctrine; -but we are obliged to confess that policy had a good deal to do with his -resolution. The priest had invaded the rights of the crown, and he -undertook to reconquer them. This conquest was juster and more -legitimate than that of the Alexanders and the Cæsars. For the -accomplishment of the great work of religious renovation he relied upon -Olaf and Lawrence Petri and Anderson. The Romish party immediately began -to spread abroad the most abusive reports respecting these three -persons. The chancellor, they said, intends to destroy the churches and -the convents, and to introduce a new faith; and the two Petri to whom he -entrusts the work are heretics and scoundrels.[442] - -The king, seeing what a commotion the priests were exciting in the -kingdom, determined to call together the assemblies. He convoked the -States of the kingdom at Westeraas, for St. John’s Day, June 24, 1527. -The clergy on hearing of this measure were filled with fear, and Brask, -at an interview which he had with his friend Thure Joensson, marshal of -the kingdom, exclaimed, ‘How glad I am that I have but a little while to -live!’ The ecclesiastical members of the Diet at first hesitated to go -to Westeraas; but many of them, and among others Brask, determined to go -in the hope that by their presence they might to some extent prevent the -great evils which they foresaw. The king himself arrived, accompanied by -a numerous and imposing court. It was a long time since there had been -any Diet of so important a character. Besides the ecclesiastics, there -were one hundred and twenty-nine nobles; every town sent its burgomaster -and a councillor, and every district sent six peasants. - -Gustavus had resolved in his own mind that this Diet should emancipate -Sweden from the yoke of the priests, which had weighed on the people for -centuries, and restore the laity to their own place. For effecting so -salutary a revolution a resolute heart and a strong will were needed. -Now, he possessed both. It was his intention to open the Diet with a -grand banquet on the 23d of June, and to this the members of the States -had been invited. They all vied with each other in praising the courtesy -of the king, who at the outset thus received them at his table. Gustavus -entered the banquet-hall, and went toward the place where his cover was -laid. Then the bishops came forward according to custom; for they used -to take the highest places after the king, and in his absence they even -took precedence of his representative. But now Gustavus, turning to his -ministers of state, his councillors, and the grandees of the kingdom, -invited them to sit near him, and next to them the bishops, afterwards -the nobles, then the canons and other ecclesiastics who usually preceded -the nobility, and last the burgesses and the peasants. This precedence -assigned to the laity caused a lively sensation in the whole assembly. -The bishops thus held back, overpowered with surprise, turned pale, and -revealed in the expression of their countenances the bitterness of their -souls.[443] Nevertheless, they were speechless; and through fear of -Gustavus they drank this cup. Many of them would fain have withdrawn, -but the imposing presence of the king detained them, and they silently -took their seats in those lower places which they looked upon as the -greatest disgrace they had ever suffered. The king, observing the -expression of their faces, addressed them. Hitherto their lips had -remained closed, but by the king’s words they were opened; they showed -that their usual place was on each side of him, and claimed to take it. -Gustavus explained the reasons which had induced him to give the highest -rank to his ministers. Up to this time the Church had lorded it over the -State; now the State was freed. Henceforth Sweden rendered unto Cæsar -the things which are Cæsar’s and unto God the things which are God’s. -Order had been deranged, but now every one was restored to his own -place. - -Footnote 414: - - ‘Ein junger Mensch, der darüber frohlockte, war vom Pöbel - zerrissen.’—Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, p. 49. - -Footnote 415: - - ‘Ejecerant organa musica, statuas et imagines,’ &c.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 289. - -Footnote 416: - - ‘Quum id occasionem præberet sacrificulis magnam excitandi - tempestatem,’ &c.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 290. - -Footnote 417: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 54. - -Footnote 418: - - ‘_Thierischen Ausschweifungen._‘—Schinmeier, p. 56. ‘Scortis - multifariis.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 291. - -Footnote 419: - - _Een liten Underwisning om Ecktenskapet._—Stockholm, 1528. - -Footnote 420: - - ‘Quippe quum Novi Testamenti Scripta omnium manibus - tererentur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 291. - -Footnote 421: - - ‘Inviti aggrediebantur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 292. - -Footnote 422: - - ‘Die Klerisey erschrak.’—Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibung_, p. 57. - -Footnote 423: - - ‘Weit prächtiger und überflüssiger als der König selbst.’—Schinmeier, - _Lebensbeschreibung_, p. 58. - -Footnote 424: - - ‘Gustav sprach, zu Pferde sitzend, auf einer der Upsala - Hügel.’—Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 55. - -Footnote 425: - - ‘Unsere Gnaden trinken Eurer Gnaden zu.’ ‘Deine Gnaden und Unsere - Gnaden haben nicht Raum unter einem Dache.’—Geijer, iii. p. 55. - Schinmeier, p. 60. - -Footnote 426: - - ‘Ut tempestatem in se intentam si pote amolirentur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 292. - -Footnote 427: - - ‘Cum theologi consuessent eos omnes qui non in omnibus secum - conspirarent statim hæreseos accusare.’—_Ibid._ p. 293. - -Footnote 428: - - ‘Eo responso commotior factus archiepiscopus.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 429: - - The Abbé Vertot, p. 61. - -Footnote 430: - - This disputation is handed down to us in the _Acta Colloquii - Upsaliensis habiti_ an. 1526. These Acts are to be found in the - _Monumenta_ or _Appendix_ of vol. iii. of the _Ann._ of Gerdesius, pp. - 153-181. - -Footnote 431: - - ‘In constitutionibus Patrum a S. Scriptura dissentientibus etiam nos - discedimus ab illis.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. Appendix, p. 155. - -Footnote 432: - - ‘Utrum homo salvetur meritis suis an sola gratia Dei?‘—_Ibid._ p. 167. - -Footnote 433: - - ‘Apparitiones indies novæ visuntur,’ &c.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - Appendix, p. 173. - -Footnote 434: - - ‘Gaudens fallacibus novitatibus, tædio verbi Dei.’—_Ibid._ p. 174. - -Footnote 435: - - ‘Ut religiosi lectores possent cognoscere utra pars veritatem - detenderet.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 295. Raumer, ii. p. 125. - -Footnote 436: - - ‘Non laicis aut plebi.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 299. - -Footnote 437: - - ‘Romam mittere . . non convincendos, sed ferro et igne - comburendos.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 438: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibung_, pp. 59, 60. - -Footnote 439: - - ‘Qui gladium et aratrum, bellum et pacem, mortem et vitam in æquo - ponunt.’—Joh. Magnus, _Præfatio ad Historiam Gothicam_, p. 11, in - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 304. - -Footnote 440: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 58. - -Footnote 441: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 303. Seckendorf, _Hist. Luther_, p. 835. - -Footnote 442: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, pp. 11-13. - -Footnote 443: - - ‘Sie entfärbten sich, zeigten ihre Bitterkeit im Gesichte,’ - &c.—Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, p. 69. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 305. Geijer, ii. p. 60. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - VICTORY. - (1527.) - - -[Sidenote: Secret Meeting Of The Bishops.] - -The bishops and the rest of the ecclesiastics went out of the castle -disquieted, fretful, indignant, and determined to resist the designs of -the king with all their might. Consequently they arranged to meet -secretly early in the morning of the following day, in the church of St. -Egidius. They got there by stealth without being perceived, and -concealed themselves in the remotest corner of the church, and there, -beneath its vaults, began the conventicle of the priests. ‘What can be -the motive,’ they asked each other, ‘of the scandalous affront to which -the king subjected us in the presence of all the states of the kingdom?’ -Bishop Brask, as suffragan of the primate, absent at the time, spoke: -‘The unworthy proceeding of which we have been the victims is assuredly -the cover of detestable schemes. But the king cleverly dissembles his -intentions. He is surrounded by men tainted with Lutheranism, and they -flatter and mislead him. He means to take away from the clergy their -privileges, their liberties, and their possessions, and to add strength -to heresy. Under the specious title of defender of the country, he -usurps absolute authority; and unless we oppose his projects, we shall -find ourselves despoiled of our castles and fortresses, and of the share -which we have in the government of the kingdom. How can I tell that we -shall not be deprived likewise of our religion?‘[444] The bishop of -Strengnaes in vain represented to his colleagues that they ought not to -provoke so great a prince, who had won by his own merit the love of all -Sweden: in vain did he declare that for his own part he was quite ready -to surrender his strong castle. Brask, inflamed with wrath, exclaimed, -‘Do you assume to dispose of the possessions of the Church as if they -were your own patrimony? Will you deliver them up to a heretical prince? -You talk like a courtier rather than like a bishop.’ Then cursing the -king, he declared that resistance must be offered, and even by force, if -the law should be powerless. ‘We must bethink ourselves,’ he said, ‘of -the oath which we took at our consecration. Let us act with a vigor -truly episcopal. It is better that we should lose court favor by our -courage than gain it by our feebleness!’ Those present then exclaimed, -‘We swear to defend the privileges of the clergy, and to extirpate -heresy.’ This oath was not sufficient. The energetic bishop of Linkoping -demanded that an engagement should be made in writing; and he drew up a -declaration, which they all signed. They swore to keep the secret; and -lest the document should fall into the hands of the king, they concealed -it under a tombstone in the church, and there it was found fifteen years -later. This proceeding ended, the conspirators went clandestinely out of -the church as they had gone in, and made preparation for the Reichstag. - -But Brask had something else to do beforehand. He wished to come to an -understanding with his friend Thure Joensson, marshal of the kingdom, -the highest dignitary in the land after the king, and a devoted partisan -of Rome. This person had little to boast of except his honors. Full of -vanity, proud of his birth and of his rank, he was weak and without -resources. The bishop of Linkoping related to him what had just -occurred. The marshal, full of vainglory, felt highly flattered at -finding himself head of a party opposed to the king, and agreed to all -the proposals which Brask made to him for saving the Roman priesthood. -The head of the clergy and the head of the nobility, finding themselves -thus in agreement, thought it possible to carry the States with them and -to destroy Reform. While the marshal, delighted with his own importance, -assumed an air of haughtiness, the bishop put forth all his energy in -endeavoring to gain over to his cause the nobles and the peasants. - -[Sidenote: The Diet Of 1527.] - -The Diet met in the great hall of the Dominican monastery. Every one was -in suspense as to what was about to take place; the Assembly appeared -uneasy; a heavy weight pressed on all hearts; the air was dull and -thick. The chancellor, Lawrence Anderson, addressed the meeting for the -purpose of making a report on the state of the kingdom. ‘Our -fortresses,’ said he, ‘are dismantled, our ports vacant, our arsenals -destitute of stores. The government of Christian II. has been fatal to -Sweden. The members of the Diet have been massacred, our towns have been -pillaged, and the land is reduced to a state of the most frightful -misery. For seven years the king, and he alone, has been endeavoring to -restore to our country its prosperity and its glory. But instead of -recognition and co-operation he finds nothing but discontent and -ingratitude; the people have even broken out in open revolt. How is it -possible to govern a people who, as soon as the king speaks of -suppressing any abuses, arm themselves with axes? a nation in which the -bishops are instigators of revolt, and openly say that they have -received from their pope a sharp sword, and that they will know how to -handle in battle other arms than their wax candles?[445] People complain -of the taxes; but are not these entirely applied to the service of the -nation? They complain of the dearness of provisions; but has the king -control over the weather and the seasons? They say that the prince is a -heretic; but is not this what priests assert of all kings who do not -blindly submit to their desire? If a government is to exist at all, the -means of maintaining it must be provided. The revenue of the State is -now 24,000 marks per annum, and its expenditure is 60,000 marks. The -crown and the nobility possess hardly a third of the wealth of the -clergy. You are aware that the wealth of the church has been taken from -the royal treasury, and that almost all the nobles have been reduced to -poverty by the greed of the ecclesiastics. You are aware that the -townsmen are incessantly plagued by excessive demands on behalf of -pretended religious foundations, which have nothing religious about them -and tend only to ruin the State. Some remedy must be applied to the -evils brought upon us by greedy men who take possession of the fruits of -our toil that they may give themselves up to their own pleasures.[446] -The fortresses of the prelates, which form places of refuge for -seditious men must be restored to the State; and the wealth with which -ecclesiastics are glutted, instead of being devoted to their pleasures, -must be applied to the promotion of the general weal.’ - -[Sidenote: Suppression Of Abuses.] - -The reform of religion thus led to the reform of morals, and in the -suppression of error was involved the suppression of abuses. If the work -had at this time been accomplished throughout Europe, Christendom would -have gained three centuries, and its transformation, instead of being -wrought in an age of laxity and decay, would have been accomplished -under the inspiring breath of faith and morality. The chancellor, -conscious of the importance of the crisis, and perceiving the dangers to -which Sweden would be exposed if the Diet should reject his claims, had -spoken with some agitation of mind.[447] He was silent; and the king -then turned to the marshal of the kingdom, as if to ask his opinion. The -feeble Thure Joensson was very reluctant to speak, and would much rather -leave the energetic Brask to break the ice. He therefore turned to this -prelate and made a sign to him to address the meeting. The latter did -not take much pressing to speak. ‘We will defend the Catholic religion,’ -he said, ‘to our last breath; we will maintain the rights, the -privileges, and the possessions of the Church, and we will make no -concessions without a peremptory decree of the pope of Rome, whose -authority alone we recognize in matters of this kind.’ - -[Sidenote: Abdication Of Gustavus.] - -The king had not looked for such haughty words. ‘Gentlemen,’ said he, -addressing the members of the Diet, ‘what think you of this answer?’ The -marshal of the kingdom, well pleased that he had to say nothing except -that he thought as his friend did, replied that the answer was just; and -a great number of bishops and of deputies did the same. Gustavus then, -overpowered with feeling, said, ‘We expected a different answer; how can -we wonder at a revolt of the people when the leading men of the kingdom -set them the example? I did not shrink from hazarding my life at the -time when the indolent priests were spending their useless lives in -idleness. I know your ingratitude. You never knew how to do without -kings, nor how to honor them when you had them. If rain fall, it is our -fault; if the sun is hidden, we are the cause of it; if there be famine -or pestilence, it is we who are blamed. You give more honor to priests -and monks and all the creatures of the pope than to us. Every one sets -himself up as our master and our judge. It would be a pleasure to you -even to see the axe at our neck, even though no one should be bold -enough to touch the handle.[448] Is there a man in all the world who, -under such conditions, would consent to be your king? The very devil in -hell would not care to be so. You deceive yourselves if you fancy that I -have ascended the throne as a mere stage, and that to play the part of -king is enough for me. There is therefore an end of our connection. I -lay down the sceptre, and my resolution is immovable. Choose you whom -you will to govern you. I renounce the throne, and that is not all; I -leave likewise my native land. Farewell, I shall never come back.’ At -these words, Gustavus, deeply affected, burst into tears and hurried out -of the hall.[449] - -The assembly, smitten with consternation, remained for some time silent -and motionless. At last the chancellor spoke: ‘Right honorable lords, -this moment must determine the existence or the destruction of Sweden. -There are only two courses open to you; you must either obey the king or -choose another.’ But the members were so much agitated by the speech of -Gustavus, and many of them exulted so much at his departure, that -without troubling themselves about the vote proposed to them, they all -rose, left their places in great haste, and went out. Thure Joensson, -who in the presence of the king had kept in the background and had put -forward his friend Brask, lifted up his head now that he had no longer -to face the glance of the king. The bishops, the canons, and many of the -lords who regarded the retirement of the king as a victory, pressed -round the marshal and reconducted him to his house in triumph. Drums -were beaten and trumpets blown; and the head of the nobility, full of -the vainglory which feeds on the thinnest vapor, enraptured with the -pompous display which concealed from his own eyes his real deficiencies, -exclaimed with a childish vanity, ‘I defy any one to make me a pagan, a -Lutheran, or a heretic.’ This man and his friends already looked upon -Gustavus as having come to the end of his career, and believed -themselves to be masters of the country. Imagination could hardly find -adequate expression for so great a triumph! - -The king had returned to the castle attended by his court and -accompanied by his best officers. The latter stationed themselves before -the gates of the castle and prevented any one from entering. The king -was as calm as in the most peaceful moments of his life; he was even -merry and in good humor. He knew that time is a great teacher and gives -lessons to the most passionate men. He delayed, he waited; he wished -that minds which had been misled should come to themselves again. He -admitted his trusty friend to his table, showed himself an agreeable -companion, and did to perfection the honors of the table.[450] Thus he -spent three days, days of pleasantness for the prince and his -adherents—a fact certainly strange in the midst of a crisis so grave. -Those who were about him were delighted to find themselves living in -familiar intimacy with the prince. The latter even devised certain -pastimes, - - Du loisir d’un héros nobles amusements. - -One would have said that, without any strange or grave occurrence, the -king was simply at leisure; that a period of recreation had succeeded a -period of work. The Diet met again on the following day; but it was -undecided and uneasy, and did not adopt any resolution. Peasants -thronged the public places and were beginning to show signs of -impatience. They said to one another as they formed groups in the -streets, ‘The king has done us no harm. The gentlemen of the Diet must -make it up with him, and if they do not we shall see to it.’ The -merchants spoke to the same effect; and the townsmen of Stockholm, -believing that the king was about to take his departure, declared that -the gates of the capital would be always open to him. Brask and his -party were gradually losing their influence. Magnus Sommer, bishop of -Strengnaes, inquired ‘whether the kingdom must be exposed to destruction -for the sake of saving the privileges of the clergy.’[451] Many of the -nobles and townsmen thanked him for the word. They said, ‘Let the Roman -ecclesiastics set forth their doctrine and defend it against their -adversaries.’ Brask stood out with all his might against this proposal; -but to his great annoyance it was carried. The Diet resolved that in its -presence should be held a discussion adapted to enlighten the laity and -to enable them to pronounce judgment on the doctrines in dispute. - -The next day Olaf and Peter Galle appeared in the lists; but they could -not agree either as to their weapons or as to the manner of using them. -‘We shall speak Swedish,’ said Olaf, while Galle insisted on Latin, -which would be the way to avoid being understood by the great majority -of the assembly. Galle being obstinate, the contest began; the one -making use of the learned language, the other of the vulgar tongue. At -length the assembly, getting tired of this balderdash which it could not -comprehend, demanded with loud outcries that Swedish only should be -spoken. The Roman champion was obliged to yield, and the discussion -continued till the evening. Evangelical principles were joyfully -received by the greater part of the assembly. ‘A kingdom,’ said the -chancellor to the most influential members of the Reichstag, ‘ought not -to be governed by the maxims of priests and monks, whose interests are -opposed to those of the State. Is it not a strange thing to hear the -bishops proclaim a foreign prince, the pope, as the sovereign to whom we -owe obedience?’ Many of the members of the Diet were convinced. - -The weak and ridiculously vain Thure Joensson did not perceive this, but -believed that the triumph of his own party was secured. He required that -every Lutheran should be declared incapable of ascending the throne, and -that all the heretics should be burnt. But the townsmen and the -peasants, impatient of so many delays, very loudly declared that the -nobles were bound, in fulfilment of their oath, to protect the king -against his enemies, and that if they did not do this speedily they -would go for him themselves, and would come back in company with him and -give the lords a sharp lesson. The adversaries of Gustavus began to feel -alarmed. A remarkable change was likewise taking place among the bishops -and the influential priests. Did they feel the inward power of -evangelical truth, or did policy alone dictate to them a return to duty? -The probability is that some of them were impelled by the former and -others by the latter of these motives. The wind was changed. Brask and -his friend, Thure Joensson, had now to listen to very bitter reproaches; -and on all sides the demand was insisted on that apologies should be -offered to the king, and that evidence of the devotion of his people -should be given to him.[452] - -[Sidenote: Deputations To The King.] - -For this mission were selected the Chancellor Anderson and Olaf, as the -men who would be able most powerfully to influence Gustavus. None could -be more anxious for a reconciliation, for they felt that if the king -should sink under the intrigues and the blows of the prelates, the -triumphant papacy would trample the Reformation in the dust. They -presented themselves at the gates of the castle, were admitted into the -presence of the prince, and entreated him, in the name of the States, to -return into the midst of them, to resume the government of the kingdom, -and to rely on their hearty obedience. Gustavus, who had listened to -them with an air of marked indifference, replied with some scorn, ‘I am -sick of being your king,’ and sent them away. He was determined to leave -the kingdom unless he were satisfied that he should find in the States -and in the people the support which was essential to his laboring for -the good of all. Other deputations went on three occasions to present to -him the same request. But they received the same answer; he appeared to -be inexorable. - -It was an imposing scene which now presented itself at Stockholm. A -nation was calling to the throne a prince who had saved it, and the -prince was refusing the dignity. Townsmen, peasants, and nobles alike -were in great agitation, and they were at this moment terrified both at -the thoughtlessness with which they had rejected him, and at the abyss -which they had opened beneath their own feet. If Gustavus should depart, -what would become of Sweden? The land being given over to the prelates, -would these churchmen, who had learnt nothing, smother in the darkness -of the Middle Ages the dawning lights of the Gospel and of civilization, -and bow down the people under the iron sceptre of ultramontane power? Or -would the ex-king, Christian II., perhaps reappear to shed, as formerly, -rivers of blood in the streets of the capital? Men’s minds were at -length impressed by the greatness and nobleness of the character of -Gustavus; and they understood that if they should lose him they were -lost. They would make a last attempt, and for the fourth time they sent -an embassy to him. The deputies, when introduced to the king’s presence, -found in him the same coldness. They were conscious that the royal -dignity was wounded. They threw themselves at his feet and shed tears -abundantly. - -The king was no less affected, and a struggle took place in his breast. -Should he withdraw from this people which he had taken so much pains to -deliver from tyranny and anarchy? Should he abandon this glorious -Reformation, which, if he were to leave Sweden, would undoubtedly be -expelled with him? Should he bid farewell to this land which he loved, -and go to make his abode under the roof of the foreigner? He might -certainly have a smoother path elsewhere; but is not a prince bound to -self-renunciation for the benefit of all? Gustavus yielded. - -[Sidenote: Return Of Gustavus.] - -On the fourth day he went to the Diet. Joy burst forth at his approach, -all eyes were bright, and the people in their rapture would fain have -kissed his feet.[453] He reappeared in the midst of the States, and the -mere sight of him filled the assembly with reverence and an ardent -longing for reconciliation. Gustavus was determined to be merciful, but -at the same time just, resolute, and strong. There were standing in -Sweden some old trees which no longer bore fruit, and whose deadly shade -spread sickness, barrenness, and death through the land: the axe must be -applied to their roots in order that the soil might once more be opened -to sunshine and to life. - -The chancellor spoke. ‘The king requires,’ he said, ‘that the three -estates should pledge themselves to suppress any seditious movement; -that the bishops should relinquish the government of the state and -deliver up to him their fortresses; that they should furnish a statement -of their revenues for the purpose of deciding what part of them is to be -left to the ecclesiastics and what part is to be payable to the state, -with a view to provide for the wants of the nation; and that the estates -which, under King Charles Knutson (1454), were taken from the nobles and -assigned to churches and convents, should be judicially restored to -their lawful owners.’ - -The chancellor next came to the concerns of religion. ‘The king demands -that the pure Word of God should be preached, and that every one should -prize it, and that no one should say that the king wished to introduce a -false religion.’ This did not satisfy some of the nobles, who, decided -in their own faith, desired to stigmatize the Roman system. ‘Yes,’ they -said, ‘we want the pure Word of God, and not pretended miracles, human -inventions, and silly fables, such as have hitherto been dealt out to -us.’ But the townsmen were of a different opinion, and thought that the -king required too much. ‘The new faith must be examined,’ they said, -‘but for our part it goes beyond our understanding.’ ‘Certainly,’ added -some of the peasants, ‘it is difficult to judge of these things; they -are too deep for our minds to fathom.’ The chancellor, unchecked by -these contradictory remarks, proceeded, ‘The king requires that the -bishops should appoint competent pastors in the churches, and if they -fail to do so, he will be authorized to do it himself. He insists that -pastors should not abuse their office, nor excommunicate their -parishioners for trivial causes; that those persons who do necessary -work on festival days should not be liable to a penalty; that churchmen -should not have power to claim for baptisms, marriages, or burials any -larger payments than are fixed by the regulations; that in all schools -the Gospel, with other lessons taken from the Bible, should be read; and -that in all secular matters the priests should be amenable to the -secular courts.’[454] - -All these points were agreed to. The majority of the Diet felt the -necessity of these reforms, and moreover were afraid of losing Gustavus -a second time. The king then turning to the prelates, said, ‘Bishop of -Strengnaes, I demand of you the castle of Tijnnelsoe.’ The bishop -declared himself ready to please him. Others did the same; but when -turning to Brask, Gustavus said, ‘Bishop of Linkoping, I demand of you -the castle of Munkeboda,’ the only answer was silence broken by -deep-drawn breaths. Thure Joensson begged Gustavus to allow his old -friend to retain the castle, at least for his life. The king replied -laconically, ‘No.’ Eight members of the Diet offered themselves as bail -for the submission of the bishop, and forty of his body-guards were -incorporated in the royal army. - -[Sidenote: The Compact Of Westeraas.] - -A document comprising all the above articles (the Compact of Westeraas) -was then drawn up, and was signed by the nobles and by the delegates of -the towns and country districts. The bishops who were present signed on -their part a declaration in which it was stated that ‘some of their -predecessors having introduced foreign kings into Sweden,[455] -resolutions had been adopted for the prevention of such disorder in -future, and that in testimony of their assent they affixed their seals -thereto.’ It was well understood that this submission of the prelates -was reluctantly made. One of them, however, exclaimed, ‘Well, whether -his Grace will have us rich or poor, we are contented.’ From this time -they ceased to be members of the States. Brask returned sorrowful to his -bishopric. He saw his former guards take possession, in the name of the -king, of the castle in which he had nevertheless received permission to -reside. He made no resistance, as he was very anxious to be released -from the bail which he had been obliged to give. Having obtained this, -he left Sweden immediately under the pretext of an inspection to be made -in the island of Gothland, and betook himself to Archbishop Magnus, who -was now at Dantzic. The two prelates wrote to Gustavus requiring him to -restore to them their privileges, but assuredly without any hope of his -doing so. As soon as they received his refusal, Magnus set out for Rome, -and Brask took refuge in a Polish convent, in which he died. - -The monastic orders had been leniently treated; the compact expressing -only that monks who held prebends should not beg, and that the begging -monks should make their collections only at stated times. But the monks -and the nuns did more than comply with these rules; large numbers of -them deserted the cloisters and engaged in the occupations and duties of -social life. - -Gustavus was victor, and we must add that the victory was even too -complete. The organization and direction of the new ecclesiastical order -were entrusted to the king, as was indeed the case in all the countries -in which the State was not opposed to the Reformation. We must, however, -further remark that he mitigated the evil by acting only according to -the advice of Anderson, Olaf, and other reformers. Having thus struck -the heavy blow which disarmed the Romish hierarchy, the king left -Westeraas, and henceforth openly professed the evangelical faith.[456] - -Thus fell Roman Catholicism in Sweden. The principal cause of its fall -was the profession and preaching of the truth by Olaf and his brother -and their friends. Having fought well they received the recompense of -their labors. We will not, however, withhold our respect from the moral -resolution with which Brask and others contended for what they believed -to be the truth. Personal interests and the interest of caste had -undoubtedly a good deal to do with it; but we must not forget that an -order of things which had the sanction of so many ages was, according to -their convictions, the true order. In the minds of men there exist -opposing tendencies. In the view of one class the institutions of the -past are legitimate and sacred, and they cling to them with all the -passion and pertinacity of which their natures are capable; while in the -view of another class the future, and the future alone, presents itself -under a beneficent aspect. Into the future they project their ideal; -they invest it with all the loveliness created by their own imagination, -and they hurry enthusiastically towards that future. This is right. -Nevertheless, prudent men endeavor to develop in the present time the -true and wholesome principles of the past, and to form by the influence -of the life which proceeds from the Gospel a new world, in which those -precious germs shall spring up which are to be the wealth of the -future.[457] - -[Sidenote: Suppression Of The Rebellion.] - -After setting the affairs of the church in order, Gustavus did the same -for the affairs of the State. He had quietly sent troops in the -direction of Dalecarlia, and at the same time agents who were -commissioned to bring back the rebels to obedience by gentle means. The -grand marshal, Thure Joensson, and the bishop of Skara, not feeling -secure, deserted the rebels and made their escape into Norway. The -Dalecarlians, abandoned by their principal leaders, determined to treat -with the king; but seeing the moderation of his agents they thought they -might speak haughtily. They therefore demanded that Lutheranism in the -kingdom should be punished with death and, what appeared to them to be -of no less importance, that the king and his courtiers should resume the -old Swedish dress. Gustavus might probably have prevailed upon them to -retract these two demands, especially if he had shown them that he had -but to say a word and they would be crushed. But while he was -affectionate to those who were faithful to him, he firmly maintained his -rights and was determined to punish any one who attacked them. He did -not hold an offender guiltless. ‘The man that touches me I strike,’ he -said. His character had in it the severity of law, which reigns even -over the judge. He marched at the head of his army, surrounded the -rebels, and seized and beheaded their leaders. The pretended Sture, -being compelled to leave Norway, took refuge at Rostock. The magistrates -of this town, in consequence of a demand made by the king for the -surrender of the impostor, had him executed. These severe measures put -an end to the rebellion. - -Olaf, Anderson, and the other friends of Gustavus entreated him to put a -finishing touch to the restoration of order by having himself crowned. -Seeing that the priests were now completely dethroned, Gustavus took -their request into consideration; and when the States renewed their -entreaties, he gave orders for his coronation. On the 12th of January, -1528, in the presence of the whole Diet, and of a great assembly in the -cathedral of Upsala, the prince was crowned with much pomp and solemnity -by the new bishops of Strengnaes, Skara, and Abo. The discourse was -delivered by the bishop of Strengnaes; and Olaf proclaimed Gustavus I. -king of Sweden.[458] - -Footnote 444: - - ‘Omnibus suis exutos videri castellis et arcibus.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ - iii. p. 306. - -Footnote 445: - - ‘Sich im Streite andrer Waffen als einer Wachkerze bedienen.’—Geijer, - ii. p. 62. - -Footnote 446: - - ‘Iisque qui alieni laboris fructu ad suas voluptates abutebantur.’ - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 307. - -Footnote 447: - - ‘Non sine quadam animi commotione.’—_Ibid._ p. 308. - -Footnote 448: - - ‘Es möchte die Axt uns in Genick sitzen.’—Geijer, ii. p. 64. - -Footnote 449: - - ‘In solche Bewegung sprach, dass ihm die Thränen aus den Augen - stürzten.’—Geijer, and Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 131. - -Footnote 450: - - ‘Cum suis per integrum triduum convivari.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 309. - -Footnote 451: - - Geijer, ii. p. 65. - -Footnote 452: - - Geijer, ii. p. 65. Raumer, ii. p. 132. - -Footnote 453: - - ‘Es fehlte wenig dass die gemeinen Leute seine Füsse küssten.’—Geijer, - ii. p. 65. - -Footnote 454: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. pp. 311-313. Geijer, ii. pp. 66, 67. - -Footnote 455: - - ‘Introducentes in solium regni quandoque externos reges.’—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii. p. 313. - -Footnote 456: - - ‘Rex jam non clam sed palam se doctrinæ evangelicæ esse addictum - profiteri.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 317. - -Footnote 457: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 312. Raumer, ii. p. 133. Geijer, ii. p. 68. - Schinmeier, p. 73. - -Footnote 458: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 318. Schinmeier, p. 76. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - ‘CESAROPAPIE.’ - (1528-1546.) - - -In pursuance of the resolutions of Westeraas, the Reformation had been -introduced in every part of the kingdom. But there was a large number of -Swedes who still closed their eyes to the light which had arisen upon -their native land. Many of the priests who retained their posts retained -with them the Romish dogmas; and, taking their stand between their -parishioners and the Gospel, persuaded them that any change in the -services of the church was an apostasy from Christianity. The kingdom -thus presented the spectacle of a grotesque medley of evangelical -doctrines and Romish rites. Exorcism was practised in connection with -baptism, and when the dead were buried, prayers were made for their -deliverance out of purgatory. The king, therefore, determined to convoke -a synod, which should be authorized to complete the work of reformation, -to abolish the superstitious services of Rome, to set aside the Pope, -and to establish the Holy Scriptures as the sole authority in matters of -religion.[459] - -[Sidenote: The Synod At Orebro.] - -The assembly met at the beginning of January, 1529, at Orebro, the -birthplace of Olaf and his brother, near the street in which their -father used to work at the forge. The bishops of Strengnaes, Westeraas, -and Skara, and ecclesiastics from every diocese of Sweden came to the -meeting. The archdeacon and chancellor, Lawrence Anderson, was the -king’s delegate, and presided on the occasion. Olaf sat beside him as -his counsellor. Gustavus had consulted his two representatives as to the -manner in which the assembly ought to be conducted. Olaf’s keen -intellect, his presence of mind, and the ease with which he could fathom -deep subjects and give a luminous exposition of them, qualified him well -for such an office. But the very liveliness with which he had grasped -the truth, the importance which he attached to a sincere reform, and his -frequent intercourse with Luther, did not render him tolerant towards -error. He could not endure contradiction. The king had good reason to -fear that Olaf did not altogether share his views. In fact, Gustavus -looked upon matters of religion from a political point of view. He was -afraid of every thing which might possibly occasion disputes and schism; -and if he was severe towards the guilty, he was merciful to the simple -and the weak, and he did not wish to have these estranged or possibly -driven to revolt by an abrupt alteration of the old ecclesiastical -rites. He had therefore come to an understanding with his two delegates; -and Olaf, remembering the Scripture saying, _We then that are strong -ought to bear the infirmities of the weak_,[460] had entered, partly at -least, into the views of the prince. The chancellor, who was a -politician as well as a religious man, had done so much more fully. - -These two reformers were, however, determined to do a really evangelical -work, and they resolved, therefore, to lay a solid foundation. At the -moment of their rejection of the Chair of St. Peter, from which strange -dogmas were promulgated by a man, they set up another, the throne of -God, from which a heavenly word proceeded. Luther had said that we must -look upon the Scriptures _as God Himself speaking_.[461] While -recognizing the secondary author who imprints on each book the -characteristics of his own individuality, Olaf also recognized above all -the primary author, the Holy Spirit, who stamps on the whole of the -Scriptures the impress of His own infallibility. The main point in his -view was that the divine element, the constitutive principle of the -Bible, should be acknowledged by all Christians, so that they might be -truly _taught of God_. He attained his object. All the members of the -assembly made the following solemn declaration: ‘We acknowledge that it -is our duty to preach the pure Word of God, and to strive with all our -powers _that the will of God revealed in His Word may be made plain to -our hearers_.[462] We promise to see to it that in future this object is -attained by means of preaching established in the churches both in towns -and in country places.’ It was resolved that Holy Scripture should be -daily read and explained in the churches, at which not only the -students, but also the young country pastors should be present. Readings -of a similar kind were to be given in the schools. Every student was to -be provided with a Bible, or at least with a New Testament. -Well-informed ministers were to be settled in the towns, and the pastors -of the rural districts should be bound to attend their discourses, to -the end that they might increase in the understanding of the Divine -Word. The pastors of the towns were also required to go into the -villages, and there faithfully preach the Word of God. It was stipulated -that, if the more learned ministers should find any thing to censure in -the sermons of those less enlightened, to avoid scandals they should not -point out the faults in their public discourses, but should modestly and -privately represent them to their colleagues.[463] The assembly agreed -in acknowledging that the numerous saints’ days were a cause of disorder -and prevented necessary labor. The festivals were therefore reduced to a -smaller number. It was added, ‘that simple folk must be distinctly -taught that even the keeping of Christ’s passion and resurrection has no -other object but to impress on the memory the work of Christ who died -for us and rose again.’[464] - -It has been said that ‘the doctors who composed this council -acknowledged as their rule of faith the Confession of Augsburg.’[465] -This is not correct; for that Confession did not appear till ten months -later (June, 1530). We may imagine that Olaf of his own accord would -have presented a similar confession, or one even more decided. This was -not done, either because the doctrines established by Olaf at Upsala, in -1526, were looked upon as accepted, or because Gustavus was afraid that -such a confession would give rise to dissension, which he so much -dreaded. Little was gained by this course; for the struggles which they -hoped to avoid began afterwards and disturbed Sweden for five-and-twenty -years. - -[Sidenote: Ecclesiastical Rites.] - -At length they came to the subject of ecclesiastical rites. Anderson and -Olaf would have preferred to suppress those to which superstitious -notions were attached. But most of the members of the synod thought that -to abolish them would be to suppress the religion of their forefathers. -Anderson and Olaf got over the difficulty. They determined to maintain -such of the ceremonies as had not a meaning contrary to the Word of God, -at the same time giving an explanation of them. ‘We consent to your -keeping _holy water_ (_eau lustrale_),’ they said, ‘but it must be -plainly understood that it does not wash away our sins, which the blood -of Christ alone does,[466] and that it simply reminds of baptism. You -wish to keep the _images_, and we will not oppose this; but you must -state distinctly that they are not there to be worshipped, but to remind -of Christ or of the holy men who have obeyed Him, and of the necessity -of imitating their piety and their life. The outward _unction_ of the -_chrism_ denotes that the inward unction of the Holy Ghost is necessary -for the faithful. _Fasting_ is kept up that the faithful soul may -renounce that which gratifies the flesh, and render to God a living -worship in the spirit. _Festivals_ likewise are not a kind of special -service. They only instruct us that we ought to set apart the time -necessary for hearing and reading the Word of God, and for enabling -workmen wearied with their toil to taste some repose.’ - -These concessions were made from a good motive; but were they prudent? -The Romish mind, especially when uncultivated, easily lets go the -spiritual signification and keeps only the superstitious notions which -are attached to the sign. It would have been better to abolish every -thing that was of Romish invention and without foundation in Scripture. -This was seen at a later period. - -[Sidenote: Obstacles To Reformation.] - -On Quinquagesima Sunday, February 7, 1529, the ecclesiastics present -signed this ‘Form of Reformation.’ The articles received the royal -sanction, and henceforth the Reformation was virtually established in -the kingdom; but it was not universal. In some districts opposition was -strong. Two evangelical ministers having been sent to preach and teach -in the cathedral church of Skara, no sooner had one of them entered the -pulpit than the people rose up and drove them away. The second having -established himself in the school, while preparing to expound the Gospel -according to St. Matthew, was assailed with stones and obliged to -abandon the place. These weapons, although not very spiritual, produced -some effect. Similar occurrences were taking place in the provinces of -Smäland and West Gothland. Even in those places where evangelical -ministers were received or reforms effected, murmuring and grief were -frequently found amongst the women. Mothers were in a state of sharp -distress about the salvation of their children. As the ministers had not -exorcised them, the mothers believed that they had not been properly -baptized and really regenerated; and they wept as they gazed upon the -little creatures in their cradles. Other women could not be comforted -because prayer for the dead had been abolished. If they lost any beloved -one they suffered cruel anxiety and sighed to think of him day and night -as still in the fires of purgatory. So easy it is to plant in the human -heart a superstition which is not easily to be eradicated.[467] - -But if there was discontent on one side, there was just as much on the -other. Olaf, in spite of his peremptory disposition, had made large -concessions, either in pursuance of the king’s orders, or because, -knowing the character of his people, he considered (as every one, -moreover, asserted) that if the Reformation suddenly appeared in its -purity and brightness it would terrify the timid, while if its progress -were comparatively slow, men would become accustomed to it and scandals -would be avoided. On returning to Stockholm, he found that serious -discontent prevailed, not at the court, but in the town. The most -decided of the evangelicals, especially the Germans, gave him a very -unfriendly reception. They reminded him angrily of his concessions. ‘You -have been unfaithful to the Gospel. You have behaved like a coward.’ -‘Take care,’ replied Olaf, ‘lest by your sayings you stir up the people -to revolt. Here in our country we must deal gently with people and our -advance must be slow.’[468] He did not, however, remain inactive, but -strove to dispel the darkness which he had felt bound to tolerate. He -composed for the use of ministers a manual of worship,[469] from which -he excluded such of the Romish rites as appeared to him useless or -injurious. He published afterwards other works, particularly on the -Lord’s Supper and on justification by faith. ‘It is altogether the grace -of God which justifies us,’ he said. ‘The Son of God, manifested in the -flesh, has taken away from us, who were undone by sin, infinite wrath -which hung over us, and has procured by His merits infinite grace for -all those who believe. The elect in Christ are children of God by reason -of the redemption of Him who was willing to become our brother.‘[470] - -But the king himself intervened in the dispute. He wrote to his servants -not to display overmuch zeal. ‘Little improvement is to be hoped for,’ -he said, ‘so long as the people are no better informed.’ Acting in -harmony with his convictions, he undertook the restoration of the -schools, which were in a very bad condition. To Olaf he gave the -superintendence of those at Stockholm, and as the rector was dead he -entrusted the seals to him. He urged him to attend above all to the -training of good masters. Olaf applied himself to this work with heart -and soul, and drew up a plan of studies which was approved by the king. -He taught personally, and succeeded in engaging the interest of his -young hearers in so pleasant a manner that they heartily loved him. He -presented the most conscientious and diligent pupils to the king, who -provided for the continuation of their studies. He did not allow them to -leave the gymnasium for the university until they were well grounded in -all branches of knowledge, and especially in the knowledge of -religion.[471] - -[Sidenote: Progress.] - -The principles of the Reformation were thus gaining ground, and the -transformation of the Church became more visible. There were -conversions, some gradual, and others more sudden. The prior, Nicholas -Anderson, having become acquainted with evangelical truth, at once left -the monastery of Westeraas,[472] and became dean of the church of the -same place. The monks of Arboga also went out of their convent and -became pastors in the country. They changed not only their dress, but -their morals and way of living.[473] Some shadows gray and dark were -undoubtedly still to be seen; but we must acknowledge the life where it -really exists. The inhabitants turned the convent into a Gospel church. -In many places were seen ex-priests or monks devoting themselves -joyfully to the ministry of the Word of God, ‘purified,’ they said, -‘from papistical pollutions,’ _a sordibus papisticis repurgatum_. The -reading of the New Testament, biblical expositions, and the prayers of -the reformer, overcame obstacles which had appeared to be -insurmountable. The Finlanders themselves, perceiving that ‘the truth -was so vigorously springing up,’ opened their hearts to it. - -Lawrence Petersen, Olaf’s brother, professor of theology at Upsala, was -a man of grave and gentle character. Conscience ruled in both the -brothers. To Olaf she gave courage to prefer her behests to the opinion -of those whom he most highly esteemed; while Lawrence obeyed her secret -voice, especially in the discharge of his daily duties. He fulfilled his -functions with great punctuality. The charity which breathed in all his -actions and all his words won the hearts of men. He made his students -acquainted with the Bible; he taught them to preach in conformity with -Scripture, and not after the traditions of men. But notwithstanding the -rare nobleness and candor of his character, the enemies of the Gospel -hated him. Gustavus who, in 1527, had given him a proof of his -satisfaction by naming him perpetual rector of the university, was now -about to confer on him a still higher dignity. - -[Sidenote: Lawrence Petersen.] - -Archbishop Magnus had vacated his archiepiscopal see; it was therefore -necessary to fill it up. The king consequently called together at -Stockholm, on St. John’s Day, 1531, a large number of ecclesiastics. The -chancellor Anderson requested the assembly to take into its -consideration the choice of a new archbishop, imposing at the same time -the condition that he should be a man thoroughly established in -evangelical doctrine. The assembly pointed out three candidates—Sommer, -bishop of Strengnaes; Doctor Johan, dean of Upsala; and Lawrence -Petersen. It then proceeded with the definitive election, and on the -suggestion, as it seems, of Gustavus, Lawrence obtained one hundred and -fifty votes, and was therefore elected. The king testified his complete -satisfaction with the result. The question might be asked, how was it -that their choice did not fall on Olaf, who was the principal reformer? -The assembly, doubtless, was unwilling to remove him from the capital. -Lawrence’s long residence at Upsala qualified him for this high dignity; -and perhaps the Scripture saying, ‘A bishop must be temperate,’ caused -the preference to be given to his brother. The king handed to Lawrence a -costly episcopal crosier, saying to him, ‘Be a faithful shepherd of your -flock.’ The old proverb, ‘Wooden crosier, golden bishop; golden crosier, -wooden bishop,’ was not to be applicable in this case. - -The new archbishop was about to exercise, ere long, important functions. -The king, desirous of founding a dynasty, had sought the hand of -Catherine, daughter of the duke of Saxe-Lauenburg. Lawrence married the -royal couple, and placed on the head of the wife the crown of Sweden. He -did this with a dignity and a grace befitting the solemnity. At table -the archbishop was called to take the place of honor which belonged to -him. While at court, he was respectfully treated by the king; but the -canons of Upsala, who were also present at the feast, and who, as -passionate adherents of the pope, had been bitterly grieved to see an -evangelical archbishop elected, were provoked at the honors which were -paid him. They called their new head a heretic, treated him as an enemy, -and seized every opportunity of showing their contempt for him. The son -of an iron-master of Orebro to hold the highest place next to the king -in Sweden! They ought to have remembered that many of the popes had been -of still lower origin. The king was going to do a deed which would make -their annoyance sharper still. In the household of Gustavus was a noble -damsel, whose grandmother was a Vasa. When the marriage feast was over, -the king and the queen rose, all the company did the same, and Gustavus -then, in the presence of his whole court, betrothed the archbishop to -his kinswoman. Never could a greater honor be conferred on the primate -of Sweden.[474] - -The canons of Upsala, far from being pacified, were still more inflamed -with anger and hatred. They saw that the power of the pope in Sweden was -at an end; and fancying that if they ruined the archbishop they should -ruin the Reformation, they assailed him with their blows. They accused -him of horrible crimes; they stirred up the people against him; and they -formed the most frightful conspiracies. Fears were entertained for his -life; a fanatic’s dagger might any day make an end of him. The king -therefore assigned him a guard of fifty men to protect him from -assassins. He did more than this; he removed the canons who had never -been any thing but idle clerks, and had displayed a temper so -intractable; and he put in their place learned and laborious men who -were devoted to the Gospel.[475] - -The evangelical archbishop was not the only man in Sweden whose life was -threatened; the king was threatened also. The Hanse towns, with Lübeck -at their head, desirous of regaining the influence which they had so -long held in the North, allied themselves for this purpose with Denmark, -and opened a correspondence with the Germans who were very numerous at -Stockholm. The powerful Hanseatic fleet was thus to find in the very -capital of its enemies trusty agents who pledged themselves to deliver -up to it the town. But the scheme was detected; and Gustavus, who never -hesitated when the business was to strike those who intended to strike -himself, ordered the Germans and the Swedes who had taken part in the -treacherous designs of the Hanseatics to be put to death. These events -created great excitement throughout Sweden, especially at Stockholm. It -was given out that the Germans had intended to bring gunpowder into the -church and place it under the king’s seat, and then explode it during -divine service. It was a _Gunpowder Plot_; but in this case the king was -to be attacked, not while discharging his political functions, but at -the moment when he was offering to God the worship in spirit and in -truth which the Gospel requires. This story, however, might be nothing -more than one of those reports which circulate among the public, without -any other foundation than the general blind excitement which gives birth -to the wildest rumors. These events occurred in the year 1536.[476] - -[Sidenote: Infringement Of Religious Freedom.] - -Gustavus, having escaped the dangers with which his enemies threatened -him, went forward in his work with a firmer step. Endowed with a -peremptory and energetic character, he even took some steps of too bold -a kind, and seemed to aim at commanding the Church as he would an army. -Olaf and the other reformers began to perceive that the king was -assuming an authority in matters of religion which infringed on -Christian freedom. After the Diet of Westeraas, he had not only taken -their castles from the prelates, which was a quite legitimate measure, -but he had further taken the Church with the castles, and had -confiscated the ecclesiastical foundations for the benefit of the crown; -while the reformers had hoped to see their revenues applied to the -establishment of schools and other useful institutions. Evangelical -Christians were asking one another whether they had cast off the yoke of -the pope in order to take up that of the king. It seemed to be the -intention of Gustavus to defer indefinitely the complete reformation of -Sweden. After the council of Orebro, Olaf had entered upon the -prudential course which the king insisted on; but it appeared to him -that he must now courageously advance in the paths of truth and freedom. -In his judgment, the work of the Reformation would be undone if it were -allowed to crystallize in the midst of branches, images, holy water, and -tapers. The young preachers supported him, and earnestly called for the -suppression of those rites, the plainest effect of which was to keep up -superstition among the people. Some of them even uttered complaints from -the pulpit that the royal authority obliged them to do or to tolerate -acts contrary to their consciences. - -This gave rise to extreme coolness between Olaf and the king; and ere -long the confidential and affectionate intercourse which had united them -was succeeded by a certain uneasiness, and even actual hostility. -Gustavus having been informed of the discourses delivered by young -ministers who had only just left the schools, was offended. He saw in -the fact a spirit of rebellion, and he sharply rebuked Olaf, who, to his -knowledge, sympathized with these desires for a complete reformation. He -said to Olaf—‘The young ministers scandalize simple folk by the -impudence which leads them to aim at the abolition of the ancient usages -of the Church; and I think further that they have cherished the purpose -of giving a lesson to me and my government.’[477] The prince, far from -taking a lesson from another, gave one, and that sharply, to the first -preacher of the capital. - -These two men were both of a noble nature. In each were greatness, -devotedness, activity, and a strong love of good. But each had also a -fault which laid them open to the risk of a rude collision with each -other; and one shock of this kind might overthrow the weaker. Gustavus -would dictate as law whatever seemed to him good and wise, and he did -not intend to allow any resistance. He placed great confidence in any -man who showed himself worthy of it; and of this he had given striking -proofs to the two brothers Petri. He did not easily withdraw his favor; -but once withdrawn, it was impossible to regain it. - -[Sidenote: Olaf’s Grievances.] - -Olaf, on his side, endowed with a spirit of integrity and with a sincere -and living faith, had a vivacity of temperament which prevented him from -_pondering the path of his feet_. He could not endure contradiction, he -could hardly forget an offence, and he was too prone to attribute -malevolent motives to his adversaries. He not only believed that the -king intended to destroy the liberty of the Church (which was the fact), -but also that his obstinate maintenance of Romish customs among the -people would throw them back again into the Romish apostasy. He began -loudly to complain of Gustavus. He said to all about him that the king -was completely changed, and certainly for the worse. He did not refrain -from speaking in this manner even in the presence of flatterers of -Gustavus. The enemies of the reformer hastened to take advantage of -this. They reported to the king what they had heard Olaf say, adding to -it exaggerations of their own invention.[478] Their one object was to -stir up hatred, and that implacable, between the king and the reformer. -They did not gain their end at the first stroke; but a change was -gradually wrought in the relations between these two men, both so -necessary to Sweden. The king manifested to Olaf his unconcern by his -manner and his words. He saw him much less frequently; and when he did -send for him, there was a reserve in his reception which struck the -reformer. Frequently when Olaf requested to see the king, the latter -refused to admit him; or if he did receive him, business was despatched -as speedily as possible, as if his only care was to get rid of him. This -coolness, while it greatly grieved the sincere friends of the Gospel, -rejoiced its adversaries; and on both sides the people were wondering, -some with a sense of alarm, others with secret but deep joy, whether -Gustavus in thus gradually estranging himself from the reformer was not -at the same time making friends with the pope, and whether a few steps -more would not precipitate him into the abyss. - -Olaf himself, who while complaining of Gustavus had nevertheless up to -this time entertained no doubt of his good intentions, now took offence, -and resolved to avail himself of his rights as a minister of the Word of -God. Ought he to conceal the truth because it was to a prince that it -must be spoken? Did not Elijah rebuke Ahab, and John the Baptist Herod? -The feeling which blinded him did not allow him to apprehend the -important difference existing between a Gustavus and an Ahab. An obvious -fault of the king had often struck him. The habit of swearing in a fit -of anger was very common at the court and in the town, and Gustavus set -the example. Olaf, pained to hear the name of God thus taken in vain, -preached against the sin. He did not hesitate, at the close of his -sermon, to designate the king as setting the example of swearing. He -even had his discourse printed; and letting loose his displeasure, he -complained loudly of the obstacles which the king placed in the way of a -thorough reformation. The young pastors, encouraged by the example of -their chief, went further than he did. They complained of the commands -which the king had given them, and gave free vent to their indignation -against a despotism which was, in their view, an attempt to violate the -rights of the Word of God and of Christian freedom. - -It was a serious matter, and Gustavus was much moved by it. He resolved -to appeal to the archbishop. The primate, more temperate than his -brother, confined himself to the duties of his calling. He was never -seen either in places of amusement or at the court, which his -predecessors used frequently to visit; but he was always at work in his -diocese. In consequence of the death of the queen, he had gone at the -king’s call to Stockholm, to marry him to his second wife, and had -immediately returned to Upsala to devote himself to his work. Gustavus -esteemed Lawrence; but he was, nevertheless, somewhat out of temper with -him, because he knew that at bottom he shared his brother’s sentiments. -To him, in his capacity of archbishop, the king addressed his mandate, -in September, 1539. ‘We had expected of you and of your brother,’ said -Gustavus, ‘more moderation and more assistance in matters of religion. -True, I do not know how a sermon ought to be composed, but still I will -tell you that preachers ought to confine themselves to setting forth the -essence of religion without setting themselves up against ancient -customs. You wrote me word that sermons were being preached at Upsala on -brotherly love, on the life acceptable to God, on patience in -affliction, and on other Christian virtues. Very good: see to it that -similar sermons are preached throughout the kingdom. Christ and Paul -taught obedience to the higher powers; but from the pulpits of Sweden -are too often heard declamations against tyranny, and insulting language -against the authorities. I am accused, abuses which are complained of -are imputed to me, and these insults are published by the press. Holy -Scripture teaches us that a minister ought to exhort his hearers to seek -after sanctification. If people had any real grounds of complaint -against my government, why not make them known to me privately instead -of publishing them before the whole congregation?‘[479] - -[Sidenote: The Mock Suns.] - -This letter, addressed to the archbishop of Upsala, instead of soothing -the Stockholm minister, irritated him and inflamed still more his ardent -zeal. A circumstance which had little connection with the religious -interests of Sweden, convinced him that the time was come to denounce -the judgments of God. Olaf, in common with some of the most enlightened -men of his time, among others Melanchthon, believed in astrological -predictions. Seven or eight mock suns, reflecting in the clouds the -image of the sun, appeared over Stockholm at this time. The sun was of -course Gustavus, and the mock suns were so many pretenders who were on -the point of appearing around the king, one or other of whom would take -his place. ‘It is a token of God’s anger and of the chastisement which -is at hand,’ exclaimed Olaf in his pulpit. ‘Punishment must come, for -the powers that be have fallen into error.’ The unfortunate Olaf did -more. Exasperated by the part which the king was taking in the -government of the Church, he caused these mock suns to be painted on a -canvas, and this he hung up in the church, in order that all might -satisfy themselves that God condemned the government and that His -judgments were near.[480] This proceeding was even more ridiculous than -blameworthy, but it was both. It took place, undoubtedly, after the king -in his capacity of _Summus Episcopus_ had addressed the letter to the -archbishop; for although he spoke in it of the sermons on swearing, -there is no reference to that on the mock suns, which was, moreover, by -far the most serious affair. - -The anger of Gustavus against Olaf was now at its height. His enemies -gladly seized the weapon with which by his mistakes he furnished them -against himself; and already they insulted him with their looks. A storm -was gathering against the reformer; and Anderson, whose elevation and -influence had made many jealous, was to fall with his friend. These two -personages being manifestly in disgrace, the number of those who -contributed to their ruin was daily increasing; and it seemed as though -nothing short of the death of the objects of their hatred could satisfy -them. - -All this would have been without effect if Gustavus had continued to -protect the liberty of the reformers. But he thought (this is at least -our opinion) that he might take advantage of the animosity existing -between the two parties for maintaining his own universal and absolute -authority. Olaf was blinded by excess of zeal, and Anderson did not -sufficiently subordinate the interests of religion to those of politics. -A sharp lesson must be given to each of them. Olaf was accused of having -delivered seditious sermons, and of having censured in a historical work -the ancestors of the king. This was not enough. - -[Sidenote: Charges Against Olaf And Anderson.] - -Some still more serious charge must be made. For this they went back -four years (1536), and it was given out that the project, formed by the -German inhabitants of Stockholm, of favoring the attack by the Hanse -Towns, had been confided to Olaf under the seal of confession—this -institution was still in existence—and that he had not made it known. -Even if this supposition had any foundation, was it not truer still that -the hostility of the Germans was universally known, and especially by -the vigilant Gustavus? But, in fact, there was little more in the case -than rumors, no attempt whatever at execution of the plan having ever -been made. To suppose that Olaf had intended to injure the king, his own -benefactor and the saviour of Sweden, is a senseless hypothesis. Many -other persons in Stockholm had learnt as much of the matter and more -than he had. But the enemies of the Reformation wanted to get rid of the -reformer; they must have some pretext, and this appeared to be -sufficient. People asked, indeed, why Olaf had not been prosecuted for -this offence four years before, and why since that time no inquiry had -been set on foot about it. But all improbabilities were passed over. All -the passions of men combined against Olaf. Men of lower degree felt the -hatred of envy caused by the elevation of the son of the ironmaster of -Orebro. The great felt the hatred of pride, a hatred which is seldom -appeased. Worldly and bad men, such as were not wanting at the court, -felt that irreconcilable hatred which is cherished against those who -declare war on vice and worldliness. The king commanded that Olaf as -well as Anderson should be brought to trial. The writer who recounts, in -a not very authentic manner, the alleged offence of the reformers, was a -zealous Roman Catholic, and besides this a very credulous man.[481] The -archives of Lübeck, the town which played the leading part in the attack -of which it was alleged that Olaf was an accomplice, are very complete -for the history of this period; but they do not contain the slightest -trace of any proceeding of the kind.[482] Men of peremptory character -resemble each other; and, although Gustavus Vasa was infinitely superior -to Henry VIII., the proceedings against Olaf and Anderson remind us of -those instituted by the king of England against his wives, his most -devoted ministers, and his best friends. The same court influences, and -the same pliability on the part of the judges were found in both cases; -and, by a stroke which recalled the Tudor sovereign, the king insisted -that the archbishop should sit as a judge at the trial of his brother. -Olaf and Anderson were condemned to death in the spring of 1540. This -was paying rather dear for the folly of the mock suns. ‘Simplicity,’ it -is said, ‘is better than jesting’; and a simple and credulous proceeding -often disarms the man who has a right to complain of it. Olaf had been -simple and credulous, but his foolishness did not disarm the king. - -The sentence which filled the ultramontanes with joy threw consternation -among the evangelical Christians, and especially among the parishioners -of Olaf. The man who had so often consoled and exhorted them was to be -smitten like a criminal. They could not bear to think of it. They -remembered all the services which he had rendered them, and, what does -not often happen in this world, they were grateful. They therefore -bestirred themselves, interceded in behalf of their pastor, and offered -to pay a ransom for his life. The king did not push matters to -extremities, but granted a pardon. Perhaps his only intention had been -to inspire fear in those who assumed to set limits to his power. The -townsmen of Stockholm paid for their pastor fifty Hungarian florins. -Anderson also saved his life, but by a payment out of his own purse. -These pecuniary penalties contributed to keep people in mind that the -king was not to be contradicted. - -The exaction of these sums for the ransom from the scaffold of the two -men who had done the most good to Sweden did no honor to Gustavus. But -he appears to have thought that strong measures were necessary for the -purpose of maintaining himself on the throne to which he had been -elevated. It was part of his system to strike and to strike hard. - -[Sidenote: Olaf’s Sermon.] - -Olaf subsequently resumed his functions as preacher at the cathedral. -Was not the permission to reappear in the pulpit an acknowledgment of -his innocence? On this occasion he delivered an affecting discourse by -which the whole congregation was moved. He understood the lesson which -Gustavus had given him, and acknowledged that henceforth resistance to -the king’s authority in the church was useless. This resistance might -sometimes have been not very intelligent, but it was always sincere and -well meant. He could not begin again either to preach the Gospel or to -reform Sweden unless he submitted. This, therefore, he did. Before every -thing the Gospel must advance. The king did not conceal his intention of -governing the Church as well as the State. He said to his subjects, -‘Take care of your houses, your fields, your pastures, your wives and -your children, but set no bounds to our authority either in the -government or in religion.[483] It belongs to us on the part of God, -according to the principles of justice and all the laws of nature, as a -Christian king to give you rules and commandments; so that if you do not -wish to suffer our chastisement and our wrath, you must obey our royal -commands in things spiritual as well as in things temporal.’ Olaf had -learnt by experience that _the wrath of a king is as the roaring of a -lion_. He had paid his debt to the liberty of the church. Henceforth he -bowed his head; he gave himself wholly up to his ministry; to instruct, -to console, to confirm, to guide, these tasks were his life, and in the -discharge of his duty he won high esteem. As for Anderson, he never -recovered from the blow which had fallen upon him. This fine genius was -extinguished. He who had done so much towards giving a durable life to -the church and to the State went slowly down to the grave, overwhelmed -with sorrow. A strange drama, in which the actors, all in the main -honest, all friends of justice, were carried away by diverse passions, -the passion for power and the passion for liberty, and inflicted on each -other terrible blows, instead of advancing together in peace towards the -goal which both alike had in view. - -Gustavus had won the victory. Olaf was not the only one who gave way. -The blow which had fallen upon Olaf alarmed the other evangelical -ministers so much that they abandoned the thought of taking any part in -the control of the church, and left it all to the king. This pope was -satisfied. The mock suns had disappeared one after another, and the sun -left alone shone out in all his glory. - -[Sidenote: George Normann.] - -Gustavus, having thus broken down what threatened to be an obstacle in -his way, took up his position as absolute monarch in the Church and in -the State. In 1540 he obtained at Orebro a declaration that the throne -should be hereditary; and taking in hand the ecclesiastical government -he named a council of religion under the presidency of his -superintendent-general, who was strictly speaking minister of worship. -The king had engaged, as governor to his sons, George Normann, a -Pomeranian gentleman, who had studied successfully at Wittenberg, and -had come into Sweden with testimonials from Luther and Melanchthon. ‘He -is a man of holy life,’ Luther had written to Gustavus Vasa, ‘modest, -sincere, and learned, thoroughly competent to be tutor to a king’s -son.[484] I recommend him cordially to your majesty.’ Luther, however, -aimed at more than the education of the prince royal. Having had an -opportunity of conversing with an envoy of the king, Nicholas, a master -of arts, he wrote to Gustavus—‘May Christ, who has begun his work by -your royal majesty, deign greatly to extend it, so that _throughout your -kingdom_,[485] and especially in the cathedral churches, schools may be -established for training young men for the evangelical ministry. Herein -consists the highest duty of kings who, while engaged in political -government, are friendly to Christian piety. In this respect your -majesty has the reputation of surpassing all others, illustrious king! -and we pray the Lord to govern by his spirit the heart of your majesty.’ -Along with George Normann, Luther sent a young scholar, named Michael -Agricola, whose learning, genius, and moral character he extols. In -conclusion he says—‘I pray that Christ himself may bring forth much -fruit by means of these two men; for it is he who through your majesty -calls them and assigns them their duties. May the Father of mercies -abundantly bless, by his Holy Spirit, all the designs and all the works -of your royal majesty.’[486] It seems as if Luther had some fear that -Gustavus might monopolize too much the government of the Church. In his -view it is Christ who governs it, who calls and appoints his laborers. - -Gustavus appreciated the abilities and the character of Normann, and saw -in him an honorable but yielding man, at whose hands he would not -encounter the resistance which Olaf had offered. The bishops gave him -some uneasiness, and as he did not venture to suppress them, he resolved -to neutralize their influence by placing the _protégé_ of the Wittenberg -reformer above all the clergy, including the bishops and even the -archbishop. While allowing the episcopal order to subsist for form’s -sake, he at the same time introduced a semblance of the presbyterian -order. In 1540 he appointed in all the provinces conservators, -counsellors of religion, and _seniors_ or elders who under the -presidency of the superintendent were to administer ecclesiastical -affairs and make regular visitations in the dioceses. No change might be -made or even _proposed_ in the Church without the express permission of -the king. The opposition of Olaf and other ministers to certain remains -of popery was not, however, without effect. Gustavus abolished them. But -this semi-episcopal and semi-presbyterian constitution could never be -got to work perfectly; and at a later time fortunate circumstances -restored to the Swedish Church a more independent standing. Gustavus -continued to have at heart the serious fulfilment of the functions of -supreme bishop. He made laws for the frequenting of the religious -assemblies, for the observance of the rules prescribing a decorous -behavior in the church, for the suppression of immorality both among the -laity and among the ecclesiastics, for the improvement of teaching and -for the spread of civilization and culture among the people. Desirous of -seeing the extension of the kingdom of God, he sent missionaries into -Lapland. In Sweden likewise he set the inspired Word above every thing. -‘Thou doest well,’ he wrote to one of his sons, ‘to read the writings of -the ancients and to see how the world was then governed; but do not give -these the preference over the Word of God. In this is found true -instruction and reasonable morals; and from it we learn the best mode of -governing.’ - -[Sidenote: Excuses For Severity.] - -This zeal for good did not prevent him from hitting hard when he thought -he saw any thing amiss. He could be calm, gentle, and tolerant, but also -earnest, terrible, and swift as a thunderbolt. If he perceived any -opposition he struck energetically. ‘It is not right,’ he said one day, -‘that the bishop of Strengnaes should dwell in a stone house. It appears -to me that a wooden house might suffice for a servant of him who made -himself poor.’ The bishop boldly answered—‘It is doubtless in the same -chapter of Holy Scripture that it is said that to the king tithe ought -to be paid.’ The bishop’s reply having offended the king, he was not -slow to show his displeasure. The marriage of the bishop was at this -time being celebrated. It was his wedding-day, and there was a large -company and a grand feast in the stone house. Gustavus unhesitatingly -sent his sergeants in the very midst of the rejoicings, with orders to -carry off the bishop from the marriage table, paying no regard to the -general alarm, and he cast him into prison. His benefice was given to -another. The contemporaries of Gustavus might reproach him, and with -good reason, for his severity; and yet this seems moderation in -comparison with the ways of Henry VIII., Mary Tudor, Francis I., Henry -II., Charles IX., and with those of his predecessor Christian II. ‘I am -called,’ he said, ‘a harsh monarch; but the days will come when I shall -be regretted.’[487] He had indeed other qualities which made people -forget his severity. The beauty of his person predisposed men in his -favor, and the eloquence of his speech carried away all with whom he had -to do. - -But there are other considerations which although they do not justify -his rigorous measures, explain them. - -The kingdom of Christ not being of this world ought not to be governed -by kings and by their secretaries of state. This principle once -admitted, there are three remarks to make: The development of Christian -civilization was not sufficiently advanced in the sixteenth century for -a recognition of the independence of the two powers. Catholicism was -still so powerful in Sweden that nothing short of the authority of such -a king as Gustavus could secure to the Gospel and to its disciples the -liberty which they needed. Lastly, if Gustavus was wrong in assuming, as -so many other princes did, the episcopal office in the Church, he did at -least discharge its duties conscientiously. - -In 1537 the king had received deputies from the elector of Saxony, the -landgrave of Hesse, and the Protestant towns, who entreated him to unite -with the evangelical churches of Germany.[488] Gustavus had promised to -do all that might be in his power for the good of their confederation. -In 1546 he was formally asked to enter into the league of Smalcalde; but -this he declined to do. The Confession of Augsburg was not accepted in -his lifetime. It was only after many vicissitudes that Sweden was -induced to place itself under this flag. - -Footnote 459: - - ‘Ut de toto reformationis negotio plenius definiretur,’ &c.—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii. p. 319. - -Footnote 460: - - Rom. xv. 1. - -Footnote 461: - - _Contra Latomum._ - -Footnote 462: - - ‘Ut voluntas Dei in verbo ejus revelata patefiat auditoribus - nostris.’—_Forma Reformationis in consilio Orebrogensi definita._ This - document is given in the Appendix to Gerdesius iii. p. 193. - -Footnote 463: - - ‘Id modeste et primo privatim agant.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 197. - -Footnote 464: - - ‘Ut inculcent in memoriam facta Christi qui pro nobis passus est et - resurrexit.’—_Ibid._ p. 197. - -Footnote 465: - - Vertot, _Révolutions de Suède_, ii. - -Footnote 466: - - ‘Quod solus sanguis Christi facit.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 196. - -Footnote 467: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 71. Schinmeier, p. 81. - -Footnote 468: - - Geijer, ii. p. 71. - -Footnote 469: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. pp. 320-323. - -Footnote 470: - - ‘Qui frater noster fieri voluit ut officium mediatoris præstaret.’ - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 323. - -Footnote 471: - - Schinmeier. - -Footnote 472: - - ‘Legimus quod is intellecta veritate evangelica confestim claustro - fuerit egressus.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 324. - -Footnote 473: - - ‘Mutato habitu mores quoque mutaverint atque vitæ genus.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 474: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen der drei Reformatoren_, p. 39. - Herzog, _Ency._, xiv. p. 76. - -Footnote 475: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen der drei Reformatoren_, p. 39. - Herzog, _Ency._, xiv. p. 76. - -Footnote 476: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 88. - -Footnote 477: - - ‘Gar zu geneigt seine Person und Regierung zu meistern.’—Geijer, ii. - p. 89. - -Footnote 478: - - ‘Daher nahmen seine Feinde, deren Anzahl am Hofe immer stärker ward, - täglich Gelegenheit zu manchen Erdichtungen und Vergrösserungen, um - ihn vollends verhasst zu machen.’—Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen - der drei Reformatoren_, p. 82. - -Footnote 479: - - Schinmeier, _Lebensbeschreibungen_, p. 101. - -Footnote 480: - - Schroeckh, _Reform._, ii. p. 52. - -Footnote 481: - - Messenias. He wrote in verses of very bad taste:—‘Es war ein eifriger - Katholik, und überdies noch sehr leichtgläubig.’—Schinmeier, p. 20. - -Footnote 482: - - ‘In allen Acten dieser Zeit findet sich auch nicht ein Schatten - davon.’—_Ibid._ p. 81. Geijer, ii. p. 88. - -Footnote 483: - - ‘Uns aber setzet kein Ziel im Regiment und in der Religion.’—Geijer, - _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 91. - -Footnote 484: - - ‘Dignus omnino pedagogus regii filii.’—Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 179. De - Wette. - -Footnote 485: - - ‘Per totum regnum, in ecclesiis præsertim cathedralibus, scholæ - instituantur.’—Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 179. - -Footnote 486: - - ‘Precor Christum ut per hos multum fructum faciat Christus ipse, qui - eos per majestatem tuam vocat et ordinat. Benedicat Pater . . omnibus - consiliis et operibus regiæ tuæ majestatis.’—Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 179. - -Footnote 487: - - Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. pp. 137-141. Geijer. Gerdesius. - -Footnote 488: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 326. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE SONS OF GUSTAVUS VASA. - (1560-1593.) - - -The transformation effected by the Gospel in Sweden during the reign of -Gustavus Vasa was incomplete. The whole lump was not leavened. Many of -those who received the Reformation did not understand it; and a very -large number of Swedes had no wish for it. This state of things, and the -vexations which the king’s sons caused him, saddened his old age. At the -beginning of the year 1560, the king, feeling ill, convoked the Diet. It -met on the 16th of June, and he appeared and took his seat in it on the -25th, having beside him his sons Erick, John, and Magnus, and on his -knee his youngest son Charles. He spoke, calling to mind the deliverance -which had been granted to Sweden forty years before; and this he -attributed to the help of God. ‘What was I that I should rise up against -a powerful ruler, king of three realms, and the ally of the mighty -emperor Charles the Fifth, and of the greatest princes of Germany? -Assuredly it was God’s doing. And now, when the toils and pains of a -troubled reign of forty years are bringing down my gray hairs to the -grave, I can say, with King David, that God took me from the sheepcote -and from following the sheep to be ruler over his people.’ Tears stifled -his voice. After a pause he resumed—‘I had certainly no anticipation of -so high an honor when I was wandering about in the woods and on the -mountains to escape from the sword of my enemies who thirsted for my -blood. But blessing and mercy have been richly bestowed on me by the -manifestation of the true Word of God. May we never abandon it! I do not -shrink, however, from confessing my faults. I entreat my faithful -subjects to pardon the weakness and the failures which have been -observed in my reign. I know that many persons think that I have been a -harsh ruler; but the days are coming in which the sons of Sweden would -gladly raise me out of the dust if they could.[489] - -[Sidenote: Retirement Of Gustavus.] - -‘I feel that I have now but a short time to live; and for this reason I -am about to have my will read to you; for I have good reasons for -desiring that you should approve it.’ The will was then read, the Diet -approved it, and swore that it should be carried out. Then Gustavus rose -and thanked the States for making him the founder of the royal house. He -resigned the government to his son Erick, exhorted his sons to concord, -and stretching out his hand towards the assembly, gave it his blessing, -and thus took leave of his people. - -On the 14th of August Gustavus took to his bed, which he was no more to -leave till his death. He said—‘I have been too much occupied with the -cares of this world. With all my wealth I could not now buy a remedy -which would save my life.’ One of those about him, anxious to know what -pain he felt, said to him; using a German mode of speech—‘What do you -want?’ He replied—‘The kingdom of heaven, which thou canst not give me.’ -His chaplain, in whom he had no great confidence, suggested to him that -he should confess his sins. Gustavus, who had confessed them to God as -well as to his people, but who had a horror of confession to a priest, -replied unceremoniously and indignantly—‘Thinkest thou that I shall -confess my sins to thee?’ A little while after, he said to those about -him—‘I forgive my enemies, and if I have wronged any man, I pray him to -forgive me. I ask this of all.’ He then added—‘Live all of you in -concord and in peace.’ During the first three weeks he spoke in a -remarkable manner about things temporal and things spiritual. During the -last three he kept silence, and was frequently seen raising his hands as -if in prayer. After making a profession of his faith, he received the -communion of the body and the blood of the Saviour. His son John, who -was present, and was the cause of his anxious forebodings, which were -too soon realized, having heard the confession of his father, -exclaimed—‘I swear to abide by it faithfully.’ The king made a sign for -paper to be given him, and he wrote—‘Once professed never to be -retracted, or a hundred times repeated to....’ His trembling hand could -not finish the sentence. After this he remained motionless. The chaplain -having begun again his exhortations, one of those in attendance -said—‘You speak in vain; His Majesty hears no longer.’ Then the chaplain -leaned towards the dying man, and asked him whether his trust was in -Jesus Christ, and entreated him, if he heard, to make some sign. To the -astonishment of all, the king with a clear voice answered, ‘Yes.’ He -then breathed his last. It was eight o’clock in the morning of September -29, 1560.[490] - -[Sidenote: The Two Sons Of Gustavus.] - -Erick, his eldest son, who was heir to the crown, had hitherto appeared -little worthy to wear it. In his character were united the eccentric -disposition of his mother,[491] the princess of Saxe-Lauenberg, and his -father’s passion. He was rash and presumptuous; and when Gustavus spoke -to him by way of exhortation or rebuke he was angry. Gustavus, deeply -mourning over him, wrote one day to him—‘For the sake of the sufferings -of the Son of God, put an end to this martyrdom which thy aged father -endures on thy account.’[492] In his sports he was singular and even -cruel. Erick and John, the latter the eldest son of the second wife, -were constantly at variance, at first about their games, then about -their fiefs, and at last about the crown. Every body knew that the -younger of the two brothers was ambitious of the birthright of the -elder, and thought that he was entitled to the realm. The father was -weighed down with grief on account of these two sons. - -Erick had not been left without good counsel. A French Protestant, named -Denis Burrey (Beurreus), a zealous Calvinist, had succeeded Normann as -his governor. In addition to Burrey, another Frenchman, Charles de -Mornay, baron of Varennes, was well received at his court. The two -Calvinists persuaded Erick to ask for the hand of the Princess -Elizabeth, even before she became Queen of England.[493] Duke John -exerted all his influence to promote this plan, which, in case it -succeeded, might leave to him the crown of Sweden. Magnificent embassies -were sent; John and Erick himself went to England, but the princess -never gave him any hope. - -At the time of the prince’s accession to the throne, the people had some -hope of him. The germ at least of great qualities was in him; and his -understanding, which was above the average, had been developed by the -care of his teachers. He was well acquainted with literature, with -mathematics, philosophy, and foreign languages.[494] His figure was well -formed; he was a good rider, a good swimmer, a good dancer, and a good -soldier. He spoke pleasantly and was agreeable in his intercourse with -others. But in the depth of his nature was a temper strange, -distrustful, suspicious, and fierce, which might on a sudden display -itself in outward acts calculated to excite at once both pity and -horror. - -Burrey, who had been appointed to instruct the prince in letters and in -science, was not entrusted with the department of religion. This -belonged to the archbishop, Lawrence Petersen, and to the Lutheran -ministers named by him. Erick was to be a good Lutheran; but the French -Protestant, convinced of the truth of Calvin’s principles, made them -known to his pupil. Calvin himself, doubtless through the medium of -Burrey, was in correspondence with Gustavus in 1560, towards the close -of the king’s life. - -[Sidenote: Disputes About The Supper.] - -In Sweden the Calvinists gave especial prominence to the doctrine of the -Lord’s Supper. Burrey, who appears to have apprehended the doctrine in -the way of logic rather than of spiritual insight, maintained it by -syllogisms. He said—‘All who eat the flesh of Christ and drink his blood -have eternal life. Now the ungodly have not eternal life. Therefore the -ungodly do not eat the flesh of Christ.’[495] The Apostle John says -nothing about the corporeal mastication, it but speaks only of the -spiritual. Therefore, he recognizes no other mastication but that which -is by faith. Christ gives his body and his blood only to _those who show -forth his death_. But the ungodly do not show forth. Therefore he does -not give it to them. The Frenchman maintained these doctrines in a Latin -work. He had of course a right to do so; but he had no right to attack -as he did the archbishop, brother of Olaf, a zealous defender of the -Lutherans, or to allege either in conversation or in his writings that -the prelate was a papist. The true Protestants, and foremost among them -Zwinglius and Calvin, generally expressed great respect for Luther and -for all his disciples, acknowledging them as brethren in the faith. But -the sectarian spirit, unfortunately, was beginning now to take the place -of the Christian spirit. - -The influence of the French Protestants, however, made itself felt in -other respects and in a wholesome way. Erick, shortly after his -accession to the throne, abolished the festival days which were -connected with a superstitious system, and the Catholic rites which had -been retained in the divine service. He went farther, and made it -everywhere known that his kingdom was a free state, open to all -persecuted Protestants. Many Protestants, therefore, especially French, -came to Stockholm and were kindly received by the king, becoming even -particular objects of his favor. This gave rise to jealousies and -suspicions. The question was raised whether the king was not a Calvinist -in disguise. Wine having become scarce in Sweden, in consequence of the -obstacles thrown in the way of the trade by Denmark, it was asked -whether it would not be permissible to make use of some other fluid at -the Lord’s supper. The Frenchman, Burrey, held the opinion that it -would, and this increased the grief of good Lutherans. The archbishop -especially declared himself strongly and with good reason against this -fantastic proposal, and published a Latin work on the subject.[496] - -These controversies gave rise to much agitation in Sweden; but they were -superseded by troubles of a graver kind. Duke John, Erick’s younger -brother, having put forward claims which Erick would not satisfy, and -having even caused the king’s envoys to be arrested, and invited the -inhabitants of Finland to take an oath of fealty to him and to defend -him, was made prisoner on the 12th of August, 1563.[497] A rumor was -afterwards current of a conspiracy of the Sture family, who had -exercised, before the reign of Gustavus, the royal power as -administrators of the kingdom. Their intention, it was said, was to -overthrow the house of Vasa and restore the hereditary kingdom to their -own family. Erick having met in the street a servant of Svante Sture -carrying a gun, this unfortunate man was sentenced to death at the -beginning of January, 1567, and several of the Stures and of their -friends were thrown into prison. With this incident began the great -misfortunes of the prince. _Infelicissimus annus Erici regis_, he said, -speaking of this year in his journal. - -[Sidenote: Madness Of Erick.] - -On May 24 Svante Sture and another of the prisoners had asked pardon of -the king and had received a promise of early liberation. In the evening, -as the king was walking with Caroli, ordinary (or bishop) of Calmar, -some one ran up and told him that his brother, Duke John, had made his -escape and had raised the standard of rebellion. In a state of great -excitement, he returned to his castle. His mind wandered; he fancied -that every one was a conspirator; he saw himself already hurled from the -throne; and, beside himself, he went, dagger in hand, into the room in -which Nils Sture was confined.[498] He rushed upon the unhappy man and -pierced him in the arm; one of his guards gave the fatal stroke. At this -moment the prison of the father of Nils Sture opened, and the king, -overpowered at the sight, fell at his feet and cried—‘For God’s sake -pardon me the wrong that I have done you!’ The old man, who did not know -what he meant, answered—‘If any thing should happen to my son, you are -responsible to me before God.’ ‘Ah,’ said the king, whose thoughts were -wandering more and more, ‘you will never pardon me, and for this reason -you must share the same fate.’ He then fled precipitately, as if the -castle were full of assassins and every prisoner loaded with chains were -pointing a dagger at him. He took the road to Floetsund, attended by -some guards; and in a little while one of these returned with an order -to put to death all the prisoners in the castle ‘except Sten.’ Two of -them bore this name, and considering the uncertainty, both of them -escaped, but the rest perished. Ere long the unhappy Erick was seized -with horror at the thought of his crime. He believed himself pursued by -the ghost of Nils Sture, whom he had slain. Filled with distress and -remorse he plunged into the forest. Burrey, who had left the castle at -the moment when the order to execute the prisoners arrived, immediately -set out in the track of the prince, whom he desired to recall to his -senses, and from whom he intended to obtain, if possible, the revocation -of the cruel order. He at length came up with him in the middle of the -wood; but the raving man fancied that his old teacher had shared in the -conspiracy of those whose lives he wished to save. A prey to the most -violent madness, he gave an order to one of his guards, and the -Frenchman whom he had loved so well, to whom he owed so much, fell at -his feet, pierced through and through.[499] The unhappy man then got -away from his guards, who were still accompanying him, and fled alone. -He threw away his kingly apparel, and wandered about in the woods, in -the fields, and in the loneliest places, with a gloomy air, wild eyes, -and fierce aspect. No one knew where he was. Like the king of Babylon, -he went up and down in the land afar from the haunts of men; his -dwelling was with the beasts of the field, and his body was wet with the -dew of heaven. At length, on the third day after the murder, he made his -appearance in the garb of a peasant in a village of the parish of -Odensala; and presently several of his men who were in search of him ran -up to him. ‘No, no,’ said he on receiving the acknowledgments of those -who respectfully saluted him, ‘I am not king.’[500] ‘It is Nils Sture,’ -he added, ‘who is administrator of the kingdom.’ This was the man that -he had assassinated. They endeavored in vain to pacify him. ‘Like Nero,’ -he exclaimed, ‘I have slain my preceptor.’ He would neither eat nor -sleep; all entreaties were fruitless. At last Catherine Maenstochter, to -whom he had been strongly attached and who soon became his consort, -succeeded in persuading him. He now became more calm and allowed them to -take him to Upsala. On June 3 he was taken back to Stockholm. He was in -a state of great agitation when he entered the town; his heart rent with -remorse, his eyes and his hands raised to heaven. It was a long time -before he entirely recovered his reason. - -Negotiations were set on foot between Duke John and the unhappy king. -The former requested an interview with his brother, and this took place -on October 9 at Wantholm, or, according to some authorities, at -Knappforssen, in Wermeland.[501] The brothers met under an oak tree, -which is still called the King’s Oak. They had a second interview -shortly after at Swarhjo. Erick, who was perpetually haunted by the -thought that the murders which he had ordered had deprived him of the -crown, fell at his brother’s feet and hailed him king. From this time he -considered himself a dependent on his brother and spoke sometimes as if -he were king and sometimes as if he were a captive. He appeared, at the -beginning of 1569, before the States assembled as a high court of -justice, and there energetically defended himself, sparing no one, and -least of all, the nobility. When John interrupted him by telling him -that he was out of his mind, he replied, ‘I have only once been out of -my mind, and that was when I released thee from prison.’ He was deprived -of the crown on the ground that he had lost his reason, and was -sentenced to perpetual confinement, but with royal treatment. - -[Sidenote: His Treatment In Prison.] - -Duke John had now reached the summit of his ambition. He set himself to -win over adherents, so that no one might be tempted to call to mind the -fact that his throne was usurped. He was amiable and obliging alike to -the nobles, the ecclesiastics, and the people; and the popularity which -he enjoyed seemed daily to increase. ‘Certainly,’ people said, ‘he means -loyally to carry out the will of his father.’[502] But the joy and the -popularity did not last long. It was soon perceived that he was giving -full play to his hatred of Erick, whom he called his most deadly enemy. -He spared his life, indeed, at the entreaty of the queen, widow of the -late king, but he made him suffer all the horrors of the most rigorous -imprisonment. The unhappy prince had to endure in his own body shameful -treatment at the hands of his keepers and of those whom he had -displeased in the course of his reign. One day a man more mad and more -cruel than himself, Olaf Gustavsson, had a violent altercation with him -in the prison, and left him lying in his blood. ‘God knows,’ wrote Erick -to his brother John (March 1, 1569), ‘what inhuman tortures I am forced -to endure—hunger and cold, infection and darkness, blows and wounds. -Deliver me from this misery by banishment. The world is surely large -enough to allow of the hatred between brothers being mitigated by the -distance of places and of countries.’[503] But nothing could appease his -enemy, his brother. At first he had allowed him to see his wife and his -children, which was a great pleasure to the unhappy man; but this -consolation was afterwards refused him. They gave him neither paper nor -ink, and in the long hours of his captivity he used to write with water -blackened with charcoal on the margins of the books which he was -permitted to read. On these he left, in particular, an eloquent defence -of his cause. - -Other motives also came into action to destroy the premature popularity -of John III. With the life of Burrey and the prison of Erick the -Calvinistic period in Sweden was over; with the accession of the new -king the popish period began. Sweden presented at this time an example -of the manner in which Rome proceeds to bring back to her feet a people -that had departed from her. John took delight in the pomp of the Romish -worship, and his wife, a Polish princess, was a decided and zealous -Roman Catholic. Although she did not belong to that fanatical, barren, -and superstitious ultramontanism which is not even a religion, she -firmly believed that outside the pale of her own Church there was no -salvation. But her faith was sincere. She had no wish that conversions -should be effected by force; nevertheless she was convinced that the -best of all good works was to extend as widely as possible the domain of -the pope. She had for her confessor a Jesuit, named John Herbest; and -the work of darkness, of which this man was one of the principal agents, -was carried on in a Jesuitical manner. The king began by listening -without objection to the assertions of his courtiers that a moderate -Catholicism, a middle stand-point between Popery and Lutheranism, would -be the best religion. John thought so. He consequently published in 1571 -an ordinance purporting that as Anschar had in the ninth century -introduced true Christianity, they must abide by it, and must preach -good works, as giving salvation equally with faith. At the same time -exorcism at baptism, tapers on the altar, the sign of the cross, the -elevation of the host, and the multiplicity of altars were -re-established. The archbishop, Lawrence Petersen, offered no opposition -to this ordinance, either from weakness of age or of character, from -dread of Calvinism, or from fear of the king. His brother Olaf would -have been more vigilant and more steadfast. Further steps were soon -taken. The queen, at the suggestion of Cardinal Hosius, implored the -king to re-establish the dignity of the priest and the sacrifice of the -mass.[504] On the death of the archbishop, in 1573, John III. named as -his successor Lawrence Gothus, a man who being always willing to yield -could not fail to be an excellent instrument for the accomplishment of -the purposes of Rome. The king caused to be drawn up seventeen articles, -which sanctioned the intercession of the saints, prayers for the dead, -the re-establishment of convents and of all the ancient ceremonies. The -archbishop signed them; and as soon as this pledge was obtained, the -ceremony of the consecration was performed with much pomp. On this -occasion reappeared the mitre, the episcopal staff, the great cope -called _pluvial_, and the holy oil for the [Sidenote: Romanism In The -Ascendent.] anointing of the prelate. Henceforth, Catholicism was in the -ascendent. John had his son Sigismund brought up in the strictest -Romanism, in the hope of thus opening the way for him to the throne of -Poland, which Cardinal Hosius had promised him. Two Jesuits, Florentius -Feyt and Lawrence Nicolaï, sent by the famous society with which the -king was in correspondence, arrived at Stockholm in 1576, and gave -themselves out for Lutheran ministers. They ingratiated themselves -amiably and adroitly, says one of them, with the Germans, and this at -first more easily than with the Swedes.[505] They paid visits to the -pastors and conversed with them on all manner of subjects for the -purpose of gaining them over. They spoke Latin with ease and elegance, -so that the good Swedish pastors, who were unlettered men, were filled -with admiration, and promised them their co-operation.[506] Feyt, in a -college at Stockholm, newly founded by the king, and Nicolaï, at the -university of Upsala, spread out their nets, and by lectures, sermons, -disputations, and conversation, they succeeded in bringing back to the -abandoned faith now one and now another, thus drawing after them a -goodly number of souls.[507] - -The cardinal lavished his instructions upon them. ‘Let them avoid -creating any scandal,’ he wrote to the Jesuit confessor of the queen; -‘let them extol faith to the skies; let them declare that works without -faith are profitless; let them preach Christ as the only mediator and -His sacrifice on the cross as the only sacrifice that saves.’[508] The -main point was to get the Swedes to re-enter the Roman pale by giving -them to understand that nothing was preached there but the doctrines of -the Gospel. This once accomplished, some means would certainly be found -of again setting meritorious works by the side of faith, the Virgin Mary -by the side of Christ as intercessor, and the sacrifice of the mass by -the side of the sacrifice of [Sidenote: Proceedings Of The Jesuits.] -Calvary. The king commanded all the pastors to attend the lectures of -these Jesuits, passing themselves off as Lutherans. These men quoted the -writings of the reformers, but at the same time confuted them, and -endeavored to show that they contradicted one another. The king was -sometimes present at these disputations, and even took part in them. He -spoke against the pope, and thus gave the foreign theologians a pretext -for making a clever apology for the Roman court. The reverend fathers, -moreover, were not particular. They gained over a secretary of the king, -named Johan Henrikson, who was living with a woman whose husband he had -killed. Father Lawrence, in the first instance, gave absolution to these -two wretched people; and afterwards a dispensation to marry. This -_convert_, after having again been an accomplice in crimes, died from -drunkenness. In a short time, other Romish priests arrived in Sweden, -and were placed in various churches. At the instigation of these -missionaries of the pope, many young Swedes were sent abroad, to Rome, -to Fulda, and to Olmutz, to be educated there in Jesuit colleges at the -expense of the state. Many Roman Catholic books were translated, -especially the catechism of the Jesuit Canisius; and these were -distributed in large numbers among the people.[509] Cardinal Hosius did -not fail to write to the queen that she should by no means be -disheartened nor slacken in her efforts to bring about the conversion of -the king.[510] At the same time he wrote to the king entreating him to -become a true Catholic. ‘If there be any scruple in your majesty’s -mind,’ said he, ‘there is nothing upon earth I desire more than with -God’s help to remove it.’[511] - -The queen and her connections at length prevailed upon the king to take -one step towards the pope. Count Pontus de la Gardie set out for Rome, -with instructions to request the pontiff, on the part of John III., to -appoint prayers to be made throughout the world for the re-establishment -of the Catholic religion in the North; to propose his own return and -that of his people into the Roman Church, upon condition nevertheless -that the ecclesiastical estates which were in the hands of the king and -of the nobles should remain there, that the king should be acknowledged -head of the Swedish Church, that mass should be allowed to be said -partly in Swedish, that the cup should be received by the laity, and -that marriage should be permitted to the priests, although they ought to -be exhorted to celibacy. The court of Rome, without accepting these -conditions, left the negotiations open, in hope of getting more another -time.[512] The king, desirous of giving the pontiff a mark of his zeal, -caused to be composed and printed, in 1576, under the direction of the -Jesuits, a new liturgy almost entirely Roman in character; and in the -following year he began to persecute those who refused to accept it. -Cardinal Hosius now gave thanks to God for the conversion of this prince -(October, 1577.) - -[Sidenote: Fratricide.] - -This same prince, who now bowed down his head under the yoke of the -pope, signalized this year (1577) by the perpetration of one of those -crimes which reveal an unnatural heart, a man devoid of feeling. His -unhappy brother, although now rendered completely powerless and reduced -to a state of the deepest wretchedness, gave him some uneasiness. Among -the people there had been movements in his favor. Mornay had been -accused of aiming at the restoration of Erick, and on this charge had -been put to death on August 21, 1574. It had been openly said that it -would be better for one man alone to suffer than for so many to perish -in his cause. In January, 1577, the king wrote to Andersen of Bjurum, -commander at Oerbyhus, to which place the ex-king had been recently -removed. Here is the order given by a brother for the death of a -brother; a document such as is not to be found elsewhere in history. It -appears that John recollected his brother’s cleverness and energy, which -qualities, however, must surely have been diminished by his -imprisonment. ‘In case there should be any danger whatsoever, you are to -give King Erick a draught of opium or of mercury strong enough to ensure -his death within a few hours. If he should positively refuse to take it, -you are to have him bound to his seat and open veins in his hands and -feet till he die. If he should resist and render it impossible to bind -him, you are to place him by force upon his bed, and then smother him -with the mattress or with large cushions.’[513] John III., however, did -an act of _mercy_ at the same time. He ordered that, before putting his -brother to death, a priest should be sent to the Calvinist Erick, at -whose hands he should receive the sacrament. What tender concern for his -salvation! - -The secretary Henrikson, the man who had killed the husband of the woman -with whom he lived, consequently arrived at the castle of Oerbyhus -accompanied by a chamberlain and the surgeon-major Philip Kern. The -latter had prepared the poison, and the three men brought it with them. -On Sunday, February 22, the priest presented himself to do his duty. -After an interval of two days, the poison was served up to the -unfortunate prince in a soup. He took it quite unsuspiciously and died -in the night (two o’clock A.M.), February 26, at the age of -forty-four.[514] The deposed king had certainly committed a crime when -he wounded with a dagger Nils Sture, whose intention he believed was to -snatch from him his crown. But at the spectacle of this cold-blooded -poisoning, directed in an ordinance with such minute details, and -effected in so cowardly a manner, we feel the shudder of horror aroused -by great crimes. John then wrote to Duke Charles that their brother had -died after _a short illness_, of which he, the king, had been informed -too late. Charles understood what this meant, and he expressed his grief -at the unworthy manner in which King Erick had been buried. ‘He was -nevertheless,’ wrote Charles, ‘king of Sweden, crowned and anointed; and -whatever the evil into which he may have fallen, which may God forgive -him! in the course of his reign he did many good deeds worthy of a brave -man.’[515] Swedish refugees in various places lamented his tragic end, -and even called upon France to avenge it by placing his heir upon the -throne.[516] - -After Erick’s death, the fratricide king continued his progress towards -popery. The clever Jesuit, Antoine Possevin, who made his appearance as -envoy from the emperor, but who was in fact a legate of the pope, -arrived in Sweden, for the purpose of getting the king and the kingdom -to decide on making a frank submission to Rome.[517] The king had an -interview with him in the convent of Wadstena, and was formally but -secretly received by this reverend father into the communion of the -Roman Church. While pardoning his sins, the Jesuit imposed on him the -penance of fasting every Wednesday, because it was on this day that he -had caused his brother to be poisoned.[518] The influence of this Jesuit -was at the same time felt throughout the Church. Orders were given to -withdraw from the psalms all the passages against the pope, to exclude -Luther’s catechism from the schools, and to submit to the canonical laws -of Rome, an extract from which was published. Martin Olaï, bishop of -Linkoping, having called the pope Antichrist, appeared publicly in the -cathedral, and before the altar was stripped of his pontifical -decorations. His diocese was given to Caroli, ordinary of Calmar, a -former courtling of Erick’s, a treacherous man, who had driven the king -to the murder of Sture. At the same time Jesuits were entering the -kingdom under various names and various dress; and believing that the -time for cautious proceedings was past, they preached vigorously against -evangelical doctrine, which they called heretical, so that it began to -be said among the common people that these men could do nothing but -curse and bark. The district entrusted to the government of Duke Charles -was the only one that was protected from this Romish invasion.[519] - -Suddenly the tide ceased flowing and seemed to turn back towards the -fountain-head. John III. had cast his eyes upon the duchies of Bari and -Rossano, in the kingdom of Naples, believing that his wife, as the -daughter of Bona Sforzei, had some title to them. But the pope had taken -a course opposed to his interests; and he had likewise sacrificed Sweden -in a treaty, which had been concluded through his mediation, between -Russia and Poland. At the same time the principles of freedom which -Protestantism had made current, especially in opposition to the lordship -of the priestly class, had so deeply entered into men’s minds that the -practices, the artifices, and the impudence of the Jesuits appeared -revolting to the townsmen, and were stirring up in the whole nation a -spirit of resistance to the encroachments of the papacy. At [Sidenote: -Death Of Queen Catherine.] length, in 1583, Queen Catherine, who had -been the soul of the popish reaction, died; and the king having married -again, his second wife, Gunila, declared herself heartily against Rome. - -At this time the tide, which ever rising had borne along with it into -Sweden the rites and the doctrines of Rome, was succeeded by the ebb, -which as it retired swept away successively every thing which the rising -waters had deposited on these northern shores. The pastor of Stockholm, -who had become a Catholic, was deprived; the Jesuits were driven out of -the kingdom, and the posts which they held in the college of Stockholm -were given to their adversaries. Public opinion energetically declared -itself against the adherents of the pope; and the king, turning from one -wrong course to another, began to persecute them, although he still -retained his liturgy. He died in 1592, and his son Sigismund, a zealous -papist, who, since 1587, had been king of Poland, now returning to -Sweden, began to oppress Protestantism. His uncle, Duke Charles of -Sudermania, an intelligent and enterprising prince, who was not only -opposed to popery, but had a leaning towards the Protestant side, put -himself at the head of this party. Sigismund was obliged to leave -Sweden, and Charles became first administrator of the kingdom and -ultimately king.[520] - -[Sidenote: Assembly Of Upsala.] - -Charles convoked at Upsala a general assembly for the purpose of -regulating the state of the Church. On the 25th of February, 1593, he -was there present himself with his council, four bishops, more than -three hundred pastors, deputies from all parts of the kingdom, many -nobles, townsmen, and peasants. There was a young professor of theology -from Upsala, Nicolaus Bothniensis, who had distinguished himself by his -resistance to Romish institutions, and had even been thrown into prison. -The assembly, desirous of doing honor to his fidelity, now named him its -president. With one accord the assembly declared that Holy Scripture -interpreted by itself was the only basis and the only source of -evangelical doctrine. After this all the articles of the Confession of -Augsburg were read; and Peter Jona, who had just been named bishop of -Strengnaes, rose and said, ‘Let us all hold fast this doctrine; and will -you remain faithful to it even if it should please God that you must -suffer for so doing?’ All answered, ‘We are prepared to sacrifice for -its sake all that we possess in the world, our property and our lives.’ -Peter Jona then resuming his speech said, ‘Sweden is now become one man, -and we all have one and the same God.’[521] - -All the changes in doctrine and in ritual which had been introduced in -the reign of John III. were abolished. The teaching of evangelical -doctrine was universally established. The assembly of Upsala was an -event the results of which were felt far and wide, beyond the limits of -Sweden. This was manifest when, at a later period, by the services of -Gustavus Adolphus, the Reformation was consolidated in Europe. - -Footnote 489: - - ‘Doch ständen Zeiten bevor, wo Schwedens Kinder gern ihn aus der Erde - scharren würden, wenn sie könnten.’—Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, - ii. p. 144. - -Footnote 490: - - Geijer, ii. p. 146. - -Footnote 491: - - Catherine, daughter of Magnus, duke of Saxe-Lauenburg, died in 1535. - Erick was born December 13, 1533.—_Ibid._ ii. p. 94. - -Footnote 492: - - Geijer, ii. p. 136. - -Footnote 493: - - Geijer, ii. p. 138. - -Footnote 494: - - ‘Præter insignem artium liberalium et præsertim matheseos ac linguarum - exoticarum cognitionem.’—Messenius, _Scondia_, vi. Geijer, ii. p. 149. - -Footnote 495: - - ‘Omnes ii qui manducant Christi carnem et bibunt ejus sanguinem vivent - in æternum.’—Baazius, _Inventarium ecclesiæ Sueo-Gothorum_, lib. iii. - cap. 3, p. 295. - -Footnote 496: - - Baazius, _Inventarium_, lib. iii. cap. iv. p. 302. O. Celsius, - _History of Erick_, ii. p. 29. - -Footnote 497: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 163. - -Footnote 498: - - ‘Er stürzte mit gezücktem Dolch in der Hand in das Gefängnisszimmer - Nils Stures.’—Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 182. - -Footnote 499: - - ‘Dionysius Beurreus würde auf Befehl des Wahnsinnigen - niedergestochen.’—Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 184. - -Footnote 500: - - ‘Er rief dass er nicht König wäre.’—Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, - ii. p. 184. - -Footnote 501: - - Geijer, ii. p. 193. - -Footnote 502: - - Schinmeier, _Die drei Reformatoren in Schweden_, p. 157. - -Footnote 503: - - ‘Nam mundus est satis amplus ut odia inter fratres distantia locorum - et regionum bene possint sedari.’—_Ericus ad Johannem._ Geijer, ii. p. - 194. - -Footnote 504: - - ‘Sacerdotium et sacrificium.’—S. Hosii _Opera_, ii p. 338. - -Footnote 505: - - ‘Insinuat se Pater in amicitiam Germanorum; hi enim faciles - sunt.’—(Feyt, _De statu religionis in regno_.) Geijer, ii. p. 221. - -Footnote 506: - - ‘Promptitudinem latini sermonis et elegantiam mirantur, operam omnem - promittunt.’—Geijer, ii. p. 221. - -Footnote 507: - - ‘Insinuat se in familiaritatem aliquorum, nunc hunc, nunc illum, dante - Deo, ad fidem _occulte_ reducit.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 508: - - Geijer, ii. p. 217. - -Footnote 509: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, pp. 220, 225, 273. Messenius, - _Scondia_. Baazius, &c. - -Footnote 510: - - See these letters in the work of Baazius, lib. iii. cap. x. pp. - 334-358, 346-351-365. - -Footnote 511: - - ‘Ego nihil magis in votis habuerim quam ut si quis adhuc in V.M. animo - scrupulus resideret, eum, D. j., eximere possem.’ - -Footnote 512: - - Geijer, ii. p. 224. - -Footnote 513: - - ‘Mit Gewalt auf sein Bett legen, und ihn mit Polstern oder grossen - Kissen ersticken.’—(Letter of January 19, 1577). Geijer, ii. pp. 196, - 199. - -Footnote 514: - - ‘Toxicum ignarus in pisonum, ut fertur, jusculo præbitum absorbsit, - indeque miseram efflavit animam.’—Messenius, _Scondia_, vii. p. 48. - -Footnote 515: - - Geijer, ii. p. 204. - -Footnote 516: - - Representations made by exiles from the kingdom of Sweden to Henry - III. to obtain justice for the assassination committed in the person - of Erick, king of Sweden.—Bibl. Roy. M.S. - -Footnote 517: - - His life, written by Dorigni, was published at Paris in 1712.—_Vie du - père A. Possevin_, &c. - -Footnote 518: - - Messenius, _Scondia_, vii. p. 41; xv. p. 157; iii. p. 60. - -Footnote 519: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. p. 241. - -Footnote 520: - - Geijer, _Geschichte Schwedens_, ii. pp. 226, 272, 338. - -Footnote 521: - - Nicolai Bothniensis relation om Upsala concilio.—Geijer, ii. p. 272. - - - - - BOOK XIII. - HUNGARY, POLAND, BOHEMIA, THE NETHERLANDS. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE FIRST REFORMERS AND THE FIRST PERSECUTORS IN HUNGARY. - (1518-1526.) - - -Few countries had so much need of the Reformation as Hungary. When, in -the year 1000, she abandoned paganism under King Stephen, she attached -herself to Rome, and Rome brought on her two evils. She sent into the -country large numbers of monks, priests, prelates, primates, and -legates; and these men led her—this was the first evil—to a mere outward -profession of Christianity, and oppressed the various tribes who peopled -the land—this was the second evil. Further, the people, rather more than -half a century later, assembled at Alba-Royal, rose in revolt against -the clergy. The former were defeated, many were put to death, and the -pope, boasting of the victory, wrote to the king, bidding him remember -that henceforth the pope of Rome was his suzerain. Shortly before the -Reformation, in 1512, the Hungarian passion for independence led them to -revolt again. But at this time they were destitute of true Christian -principles, and the only result of the movement was to cover their -country with devastation, and deluge it with the blood of sixty thousand -of its sons. This heroic nation was once more thrown into bondage. The -light and the power of the Gospel were needed to effect its -regeneration, and to infuse strength into it for resisting its two -enemies, the Grand Turk and the pope. - -[Sidenote: The Magyars.] - -If the tribes of Hungary were without a true and living faith, they were -nevertheless, the Magyars especially, among the races best fitted to -embrace the Reformation. They were characterized by a noble independence -of spirit and a nature endowed with higher cravings. When some Christian -men proclaimed among them the grace of Jesus Christ, they joyfully -embraced the spiritual truths which Geneva was then diffusing in Europe; -and the liveliness of their faith, the morality of their conduct, their -love of freedom, and the prudence of their character, soon rendered a -glorious testimony to the Reformation. But the cleverness and the -violent persecuting spirit of the Hungarian prelates and of the courts -of Rome and Vienna contended vigorously against the religious renovation -of this people, drew them back in part to the bosom of the Church, and -prevented the spread of evangelical doctrine into other districts of the -country. The mighty forces of the flesh engaged in a conflict with the -mighty forces of the spirit. The dominion of prejudice gained the -ascendency over that of truth. Faith, wisdom, virtue, originative -energy, freedom—all were crushed. God, however, by his power, kept for -himself a people in these lands; and a considerable part of the -Hungarian nation remained Protestant, but were constantly subject to the -inspection of priests and to oppression by the powerful. - -Hungary, in common with the other countries of eastern Europe, had -received, before the Reformation of the sixteenth century and while it -was still in subjection to Rome, some rays of light which here and there -illumined it. Some of the Vaudois had sought refuge there; the doctrine -of John Hus had been spread in the land; some of the _brethren_ banished -from Bohemia had built churches there, and had acquired great influence. - -In 1521 two young people, children almost, the hope of Hungary, were -united before the altar. The husband was Louis II., a son of King -Ladislaus, who had ascended the throne in 1510, at the age of ten. The -young prince, who was amiable, but easy tempered, weak, and addicted to -pleasure, was not capable of preventing the prevalence of disorder in -the kingdom at the time the Turks were threatening it with their -terrible invasions. He had little courage, a quality which was common -enough among his fellow-countrymen; he was obstinate, and yet allowed -his courtiers and his bishops to rule over him: - - Et les prêtres en paix guidaient ses faibles ans. - -The wife, named Mary, aged eighteen years, was of quite a different -character. A sister of Charles the Fifth, a daughter of the unfortunate -Joanna, queen of Castile and Aragon, who was kept in prison till her -death, partly perhaps because she preferred the Gospel to the pope, Mary -like her mother and still more than her mother had tasted the doctrine -of the Gospel. Of lofty character, with a kindly heart, a sound -understanding, and high intellectual abilities, well informed and able -to speak five languages, it was said of her that she was as competent to -rule over minds in peace as to command armies in war. She did not -actually march at their head, but she once caused a severe defeat to be -given to Henry II., the son of Francis I. - -While still very young and residing at the court of her grandfather -Maximilian, she had read with delight the first works of Luther. ‘Her -chamber was her oratory,’ said Erasmus. She loved the chase, but she did -not start for this sport without taking with her her New Testament. She -was equally fond of pursuing on horseback the hart and the hare, and of -sitting under a tree to read the word of the Saviour. We have elsewhere -mentioned the fact that while she was at Augsburg in 1530, in company -with her brother Charles the Fifth and the archbishops, bishops, and -legates of the papacy, she courageously had the evangelical services -celebrated in her apartments. Melanchthon called her a woman of heroic -genius. She would fain have given her protection to the Reformation in -Hungary, but the influence of the priests over the king was stronger -than her own. Subsequently also she entreated the emperor not to submit -to the domination of the clergy.[522] - -[Sidenote: Beginning Of Reformation.] - -It was by a kind of thunder-clap that the Reformation began in Hungary. -In 1518 there appeared a work entitled, _De Horrendo Idololatriæ -Crimine_. In 1520 and 1521 the earliest writings of Luther, on -_Christian Liberty_, on the _Epistle to the Galatians_, and others -besides, were brought into the kingdom by traders who came from Germany. -The _Captivity of Babylon_ delighted the Hungarians, and led many of -them to separate themselves from the ultramontane Roman Church. Other -evangelical books explaining the doctrine of salvation were read with -eagerness. Nobles and townsmen declared for the Reformation; and this -they did with all the energy of their national character. The like -events were taking place in Transylvania. - -Progress so rapid could not but provoke persecution. It was to begin -with anathemas, but it would soon go on to rigorous deeds, and would -rage almost without intermission. - -Szakmary, archbishop of Gran, hoping to annihilate Reform at one blow, -assembled his scribes, and had a public document drawn up. In 1521 -condemnation of Luther and of his writings resounded from the pulpits of -the principal Hungarian churches.[523] - -Most of the Hungarians who heard this were very much astonished; and the -publication of the anathemas produced a contrary effect to that which -the prelate had aimed at. It awakened in the hearers a consciousness of -the important nature of the Reformation; so that its friends were -encouraged, and many were led to seek after the truth who had not -previously concerned themselves about it. Many ecclesiastics, -especially, who had been oppressed by the higher clergy, and had long -sighed for the time of justice and freedom, now lifted up their heads, -read the sacred books, and declared that Luther’s doctrine, founded on -the Word of God, alone was true. They did not remain inactive; but by -their living and powerful words they enlightened the minds of men. -Parishes, villages, and towns joyfully greeted the Reformation. - -One of the first to proclaim the Gospel in Hungary appears to have been -Thomas Preussner. Others followed him. Cordatus at Bartfeld, in 1522, -Siklosy at Neustadt, Kopacsy at Sarospatak, Radan and Husser at -Debreczin, and George at Hermanstadt, proclaimed the tidings of a -salvation freely given to those who laid hold on Christ by faith. -Learned men at the same time were bearing witness to the truth at the -university of Buda. Simon Grynaeus, son of a simple Suabian peasant, and -afterwards a friend of Calvin, having from childhood shown a remarkable -disposition for study, had been sent at the age of fourteen to the -famous school of Pforzheim. Thence he had passed to the university of -Vienna, where he distinguished himself and took the degree of master of -arts. The king then called him to Buda. Grynaeus did not confine himself -to teaching letters there, but openly and boldly announced to the people -the great doctrines of the Gospel which he had embraced with all his -heart. Another doctor, Winsheim, also professed openly the same faith; -and, what was an unlooked-for event, people were talking at Pesth, in -the old capital of the kings, on the banks of the Danube, and near the -borders of Turkey, of that same Word of God which was giving joy to so -many Germans on the banks of the Elbe. The Reformation, like a broad -river, brought life and prosperity into these vast regions which extend -between the Alps, the Carpathian Mountains, and the Balkan. But, alas! -the river, dried up here and there by the parching heat of persecution, -was one day to shrink and be turned into a stagnant and sleepy body of -water like that which runs to lose itself in the dry sands of the -desert.[524] - -[Sidenote: Hungarians At Wittenberg.] - -These times, however, were as yet remote. The reformation of the Magyars -was still in its period of growth and life. The tidings of the struggle -which had begun in Germany excited in men’s minds a burning desire to -see Luther, to hear him, and to receive from his very lips the heavenly -doctrine.[525] This is a characteristic feature of the Hungarian -Reformation. The wish to go and drink the living water at its very -source became intense, and all who were able to do so hastened to -Wittenberg. Martin Cyriaci from Leutschau arrived there in 1522. He was -followed in 1524 by Dionysius Link, Balthazar Gleba from Buda, and a -great number of their countrymen.[526] Joyfully they greeted the modest -city from which light was shed over the world. They fixed their gaze -with timid respect on Luther and on Melanchthon; took their places on -the benches of their auditories; received into their minds and hearts -the words of these illustrious masters, and engraved them there more -indelibly than on the leaves of their note-books. - -In Hungary it began gradually to be noticed that one student and another -was missing. The cause of their absence became known; they were gone to -Wittenberg. The bishops, provoked at these _heretical pilgrimages_, -denounced them to the king. These priests had no difficulty in getting -their views adopted by this young man, who, but a little while before, -had given proof of his character. Louis, who was king of Bohemia as well -as of Hungary, had gone to Prague for the coronation of the queen, Mary; -and as he passed through Moravia he had a parley with the townsmen of -Iglau, and had declared to them that unless they abandoned the Saxon -heresy he would have them put to death. At the same time he had ordered -their pastor, John Speratus, to be thrown into prison. This was the -wedding bouquet which Louis II. presented to his young, lovely, and -Christian spouse, on the occasion of her coronation.[527] - -[Sidenote: Intolerance Of The Priesthood.] - -The archbishops and the priests, in possession of all their privileges, -put themselves at the head of the opposition. Many of them, of course, -were actuated by a higher motive, the glory of the Roman Church; but in -general they had no mind to let what they had usurped be taken from -them. King Louis and other princes, pressed by the clergy, _lent them -their own power and authority_; but the ecclesiastics were the authors -of the persecution. A religious philosopher of the eighteenth -century[528] has said, ‘The clergy are the indirect cause of the crimes -of kings. While they talk incessantly of God, they only aim at -establishing their own dominion.’ This is a strong saying, and the -author forgets that in the Catholic Church there are, and always have -been, some good priests and good laymen. _Let us not exaggerate._ Still, -the empire of the clergy, the despotism with which it crushed -consciences, is a great historical fact. It concealed the Holy -Scriptures, but it brought out its tariffs of indulgences, its -exactions, its punishments with fire and sword. At a later time the -progress of Christian civilization no longer allowed resort to such -barbarous practices. But if evangelical Christianity is exposed -henceforth only to senseless accusations, and frequently to insults on -the part of the adherents of Rome, another adversary has appeared at the -opposite pole; and each is a menace to freedom, to truth, and to the -life of society. ‘If the European world is not to perish like the Roman -empire,’ a philosopher of our own day has said,[529] ‘some religious -symbol must be found which is adequate to the rescue of souls from both -the evils which at this day are contending for them—a criminal atheism -and a retrograde theology.’ This symbol is the Word of God. - -The Hungarian priests dealt a hard blow. They wanted to exclude the -Reformation not from their own country alone, but from the whole world. -They said that it was necessary to dry up the fountain from which these -poisoned waters flowed. Hungary then could no longer have to fear a -Lutheran deluge. At their request the young king then wrote to the old -elector of Saxony: ‘How can you patronize Luther, who attacks the -Christian faith and the authority of the Church, who derides princes and -praises the Turks? Leave off countenancing this monk, and punish him -severely.’[530] Frederick the Wise was not of a nature to give himself -up to the leading of a young man without understanding. ‘To allege that -Luther teaches things contrary to the faith,’ he replied, ‘that he -insults the Christian princes, that he extols the Turks, and that in all -these misdeeds he is countenanced by me, is to heap calumny upon -calumny. I beg that you will let me know who are putting such fables -into circulation.’ Louis had not to go far to find them. It was the -priests of his court; but in his astonishment at the reply of the -illustrious elector, he took care not to say so. - -This young, light-headed king no longer knew what to think. His bishops -spoke to him in one way; the wisest prince in Europe said just the -reverse. He had threatened with death the reformers of a small Moravian -town; and now, not only were Moravia and Bohemia full of the faith of -John Hus, but the Reformation appeared to triumph in Hungary, and -Transylvania likewise was beginning to receive it. Two ministers of the -Gospel, who came from Silesia and who had heard Luther at Wittenberg, -arrived one day at Hermanstadt. They distributed there the works of the -reformer, expounded the Scriptures plainly to the people, showed them -all the consolation that is in the Gospel, and vigorously attacked the -Roman Church. They were both of them ex-Dominicans; and their names were -Ambrose and George. Mark Pempflinger, a count and chief judge, an -eminent and very influential man, who was a reader of Luther’s writings, -gave his protection to the two evangelists. A third soon arrived, whose -name was John Surdaster. Animated with burning zeal, he began by -preaching in the open air; afterwards, owing to the intervention of -Pempflinger, he removed into St. Elizabeth’s church. The crowd which -came to hear him was immense, and in it were seen members of the -council. While giving their attention to men and women, the reformers -did not overlook children. They felt a warm affection for them, and -delighted to explain the Gospel to them in a simple manner adapted to -their understandings. They instilled into them the fear of God and an -abhorrence of sin, and sought to lead them to Jesus, and thus to give -them a simple but efficient piety. They knew that man having fallen must -be restored. They began to instruct children out of doors, in the public -place. This boldness gave the greatest offence to the priests, who -complained, in high quarters, that these foreigners were not only -instructing the young, but were teaching them false doctrines. The two -Silesian monks being summoned to Gran by the archbishop, were not able -to return to Transylvania.[531] - -[Sidenote: The Procession On Corpus Christi Day.] - -But the Gospel remained there. A fire had been kindled in the heart of -the people, and nothing could extinguish it. The Catholic rites were -deserted by a large number, the priests were removed from several -pulpits, which were then filled by ministers of the divine word, who -taught in their stead. ‘The power of the _truth_,’ says a historian, -‘brought souls to _freedom_.’ But while thoughtful minds were gaining -strength from the reading of the sacred books, there were triflers who -merely laughed at the superstitions which they had abandoned, and sang -verses about the pope. The Catholics, however, were not disheartened; -the procession on Corpus Christi Day took place as usual, with much pomp -and with large lighted tapers. ‘Do our priests believe then,’ said some, -‘that God has become blind, that they carry so many lights in full -day?‘[532] A serious and charitable reformation alone is a true one; -nevertheless the prophet Elijah overwhelmed with his irony the prophets -of the groves.[533] - -The outcries increased. Never had so deadly a heresy been seen. The most -pious declarations of the reformers were taxed with hypocrisy; their -most sincere professions with subtility and falsehood; their most -Christian dogmas were atrocious. Never had the devil woven a more -dangerous doctrine. The archbishop was no longer equal to the occasion; -the thunders of the Vatican must roll. The denunciations increased in -seriousness. The archbishop of Gran betook himself to Rome. The papacy -was agitated at the report of the deeds which were denounced before it, -and Clement VII. sent into Hungary the celebrated Cardinal Cajetan, -furnishing him on his departure with every thing calculated to win over -the king. He delivered to the cardinal for the king a present of sixty -thousand ducats, ostensibly intended for the defence of the kingdom -against the Turks, but also designed to rekindle the zeal of Louis II. -against the reformers. The pope also entrusted him with a letter in -which he urged the king to destroy the heresy. How resist a request -which was accompanied by sixty thousand pieces of gold and earnestly -supported by the bishops? In 1523 a Diet was convoked, which was -skilfully managed by the clergy. The delegates of the latter said to the -king—‘Will your royal majesty deign as a Catholic prince to take severe -measures against all Lutherans, their patrons, and their adherents? They -are manifest heretics and enemies of the Holy Virgin Mary. Punish them -by decapitation and by confiscation of all their property.’[534] - -[Sidenote: Lutheranism Proscribed.] - -Louis II. acceded to this demand, and on the 15th of October, 1524, he -issued a severe ordinance against the Reformation. ‘This _thing_ -displeases me greatly,’ he said. ‘We desire that our subjects should -keep pure from all stain and all errors the faith which we have received -from our ancestors; and we some time ago decreed that no one in our -kingdom should embrace or approve this sect.’[535] Next, he commanded -those whom he addressed, on pain of forfeiting life and goods, to do -every thing possible to stay the Lutheran heresy. - -The archbishop of Gran, who was returning from Rome, and Cardinal -Szalkai caused commissaries to be appointed for the suppression of -heresy; and, as Hermanstadt was causing the greatest uneasiness, they -directed them first to this town. A good many people were astonished to -see these agents of the pope intent at such a time on persecution. The -Turks were threatening an invasion of Hungary; and was this the moment -to breed division among the citizens? Was there not a necessity for -establishing a good understanding among them all, and of uniting them in -heart and in will? Ought Hungary to be exposed, by a division of its -forces, to a frightful catastrophe? All these considerations were -ineffectual. The Roman clergy shrank from nothing. Dreading the Gospel -more than the Turk, they rashly flung their brands of discord into the -midst of a generous people. - -The fire, however, did not burn so well as had been hoped. When the -commissaries arrived in Transylvania, they found opinions so decided in -favor of the Gospel, that they renounced their intention of burning men -and confined themselves to burning the books. The writings of the -apostles and the reformers were taken by force from the townsmen; a huge -fire was kindled in the market-place, and the best of the books were -thrown into it. The archiepiscopal commissaries could not deny -themselves the pleasure of being present at this execution, for want of -others, and they watched the flames with a joy which they could hardly -suppress. Meanwhile, a psalter on fire, caught up by the wind, fell upon -the bald head of one of them, and the poor man was so dangerously -injured that he died within three days. The death intended for the -persecuted overtook the persecutors. Executions of a like kind took -place in other Hungarian towns. The warden of the Franciscan convent at -Oedenburg displayed extraordinary zeal and ordered the works of the -great Luther to be burnt by the hangman. In the archives of the town may -still be read the following entry—‘Anno 1525, Monday after New Year’s -Day, paid to the hangman for burning the Lutheran books, 1 d. d.’[536] - -This was not enough. What would it avail to have destroyed so many -printed sheets, if there were still left in the kingdom many living -voices to proclaim the salvation of Jesus Christ? There was one voice -especially which they longed at any cost to silence. The evangelical -light was shining brighter and brighter in the university of Pesth; and -this was mainly owing to Grynaeus, who zealously taught the truth there. -These Dominicans obtained a decree against him. This excellent man was -seized and cast into prison. But some of the nobles took his part, and -the prison doors were opened. ‘Depart,’ they said to him; ‘leave the -kingdom.’ Hungary’s loss became Switzerland’s gain. Grynaeus became -professor of philosophy at Basel; and twelve years later he welcomed -Calvin there after his expulsion from Geneva. Winsheim, a man more -prudent and more timid than Grynaeus, kept his post for two years -longer, but was at length banished in 1525, and became professor of -Greek at Wittenberg. It was mainly on the ground of their opposition to -the worship of the Virgin that these two disciples of Christ were driven -from Hungary. But neither prison nor exile could banish the Reformation. -The fire within was increasing and no one was capable of extinguishing -it. - -Fresh students set out for Wittenberg. Martin Cyriaci of Leutschau -returned thence, impressed and strengthened by Luther’s teaching, and -applied himself immediately to the work. Some influential nobles and -some of the cities also declared for the Reformation. In 1525, the five -free towns of Upper Hungary pronounced themselves in its favor, namely, -Leutschau, Seben, Bartfeld, Eperies and Kaschau. In Transylvania a -Lutheran school had been founded; and while the priests were every -Sunday excommunicating those whom they called heretics, laymen protected -them against persecution. If any of the clergy wanted to erect -scaffolds, merchants and artisans rose and prevented it.[537] - -The archbishop of Gran and the legate of the pope, who had counted on -destroying the Reformation by means of the royal edicts, were filled -with grief when they saw that these documents availed them nothing; and -they made more strenuous efforts still to use and to abuse the youth and -weakness of the king.[538] - -The archbishop had assumed in Hungary the part of persecutor of the -Reformation; and he resolved, seeing that it was so hard to kill, to -give it a fresh blow. He wished the persecution to be at once more -general and more cruel. As a Diet was to meet in 1525, he determined, -with the cardinal’s assent, to promote a new edict. Having been formerly -governor to the king, the archbishop had great influence at court, and -knew perfectly well how to proceed in order to gain over his old pupil. -He manœuvred so cleverly that he got what he aimed at.[539] All that the -pious queen could say to the young king was powerless before the -influence of the two prelates and the sixty thousand ducats. The priests -gained over also the Catholic members of the Diet. They were led to -believe that if they once got rid of Luther it would be easier to effect -their deliverance from Mohammed. They were not to be long, however, -before they found out their mistake. Louis commanded Duke Charles of -Munsterberg, governor of Bohemia, to banish thence all the Lutherans and -the Picards; and an edict which became a law of the kingdom of Hungary -ordered the general extirpation, _by burning_, of the evangelicals. - -[Sidenote: Burning Of Heretics.] - -They now set to work. At Buda lived a bookseller named George, a marked -man with the pope’s party, as a seller of suspected books. George was -apprehended, his Christian books were carried off, and the pious -bookseller was burnt, together with his volumes, which served as his -funeral pile.[540] Louis ordered that the same course should be pursued -in all his dominions. He wrote to several magistrates at Oedenburg, -Hermanstadt, and other places; and particularly addressed Count -Pempflinger in Transylvania, enjoining him to extirpate heresy, -threatening him with the severest punishments if he failed to do so, and -promising him his royal favor if he executed his cruel edicts. Hungary -was to be covered with scaffolds. But a storm, gathering in the East, -was rapidly coming on, bringing Divine punishments. The sword of the -persecutor was to be broken, the disciples of Christ saved, and the -young and unfortunate prince, a victim of clerical intrigues, was to pay -dear for all his cruelties. - -Footnote 522: - - Spalatinus, _Relatio de Comitiis August_. 1530. - -Footnote 523: - - _Archiep. Strigon. comp. dat. Tyrnaviæ_, p. 96. - -Footnote 524: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, mit einer Einleitung - von Merle d’Aubigné_, p. 35. Berlin, 1854. - -Footnote 525: - - ‘Incredibilem in multis accendit ardorem ad videndum - Lutherum.’—Scultetus, _Annal. Ev. rinovati_, p. 51. - -Footnote 526: - - ‘Ex publicis academiæ matriculis constat.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 527: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 41. - -Footnote 528: - - Saint-Martin. - -Footnote 529: - - Paul Janet. - -Footnote 530: - - Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherth._, p. 603. _Geschichte der - Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 45. - -Footnote 531: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 42. - -Footnote 532: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 42. - -Footnote 533: - - 2 Kings xviii. 27. - -Footnote 534: - - ‘Pœna capitis et ablatione omnium bonorum suorum punire - dignetur.’—_Hist. Diplomatica_, p. 3. - -Footnote 535: - - ‘Jam pridem ediximus ne quis in hoc regno nostro sectam illam auderet - amplecti aut approbare.’ This ordinance, hitherto unpublished, may be - found in the Hungarian journal _Magyar_, p. 524—_Figyelmezo_, - Debreczin, 1871. - -Footnote 536: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 44. - -Footnote 537: - - Haner, _Hist. eccles. Transylvaniæ_, pp. 147-178. - -Footnote 538: - - ‘Juvenis bonitate abutebatur.’—Scultetus, _Annales_, p. 62. - -Footnote 539: - - Baronius, _Annales_, anno 1525. - -Footnote 540: - - ‘Georgium quemdam bibliopolam una cum libris evangelicis - exusserunt.’—Scultetus, _Annales_, p. 62. Luther, _Epistolæ_. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - SOLYMAN’S GREAT VICTORY. - (1526). - - -[Sidenote: Invasion Of Solyman.] - -Solyman the Great, the conqueror, the magnificent, the most famous of -the Sultans, was marching at the head of a numerous army. His life was -to be for nearly half a century a series of battles and of victories. -Five years before this time the Turks had taken Belgrade and bathed -their feet in the Danube. The illustrious follower of Mohammed intended -to do more. He purposed to invade Hungary, Austria, Italy, and Spain. -The cross should be trodden under foot, and the crescent should wave -triumphantly above it. Europe was to become Mussulman. On the 23d of -April, 1526, Solyman, who was preparing to leave Constantinople, visited -the tombs of his ancestors and of the martyrs of Islam. Then, glorious -in his youth and strength—he was now thirty-two years of age—endowed -with the energy of his creed, inflamed with that passion for conquest -which had distinguished his forefathers, the prince set out from -Constantinople at the head of an army which was continually receiving -reinforcements. Ibrahim Pacha, who set out before him, was already -besieging Peterwaradin. He took this town; and at the moment of the -Sultan’s entering upon the soil of Hungary, at the head of three hundred -thousand soldiers, Ibrahim laid at his feet, as a token of welcome, -fifty Hungarian heads. ‘Forward! To Pesth!’ was the cry raised in the -camp of the son of Selim. This great army set out on its march along the -Danube. - -In Hungary nothing was ready. All the land was seized with alarm. The -most enlightened men did not deceive themselves. In the assembly at -Tolna it had been asserted that ‘every kingdom is in need of two things -for its defence, armies and laws; now our Hungary has neither of -these.’[541] Division among the grandees and the pretensions of the -clergy had weakened the country. Places were bestowed only as matter of -personal favor; soldiers were parading and showing themselves off in the -streets of the capital, while the frontiers were left without defenders. -The young queen strove in vain to establish order in the state, for the -grandees opposed it. At their head was the powerful Zapolya, who proudly -relied on his seventy-two castles. This high and sovereign lord, of whom -a prediction had been uttered that the crown would one day be placed on -his head, asked for nothing better than to see the discomfiture of his -native land, for he hoped that it would thus become easier for him to -get himself proclaimed king.[542] Louis was entreated to exercise his -authority and to reform abuses; but things remained in that mournful -state of confusion which precedes the ruin of a nation. - -Solyman had called upon the king, by a message of the 20th February, to -pay him tribute, threatening at the same time that if he refused to do -so he would annihilate the Christian faith, and bring both his princes -and his people into subjection to himself. The king, young and -thoughtless, had paid little attention to the summons. But when he -learnt that the Sultan had left Constantinople, he was excited and -perplexed; and he understood that it was necessary to put Hungary in a -state of defence. But it was now too late. He wished to levy taxes, but -money did not come in. He endeavored to form an army, but recruits did -not make their appearance; he appealed to the rich, but these chose -rather to employ their wealth in decorating churches. He issued the most -stringent orders; all Hungary was to rise, even the students, priests, -and monks; in the country one priest only was to remain for the service -of two parishes. But hardly a man moved. At last, when the enemy was -drawing near, when it was known that he was marching on Pesth, the -necessity was felt of occupying the passes on which it might be possible -to check his advance. But the prince had only an army of three thousand -men, and only fifty thousand florins to cover the expenses of the war. -This sum had been lent him by the banker Fugger on solid securities. -Young, inexperienced, and unenergetic, he was not at all inclined to go -to meet Solyman. But the magnates refused to march without the king. -Louis then formed a bold resolution. ‘I see well,’ he said sorrowfully, -‘that my head must answer for theirs, and I am going to take it to the -enemy.’ He took leave of his young wife in the island of Csepel, near -Buda. Although they were not much in agreement, they loved each other. -Their hearts were torn; - - Digne épouse, reçois mes éternels adieux. - -On the 24th of July the king set out with his small force. The -Christians numbered but one against a hundred of their enemies.[543] - -Meanwhile, though marching against the successor of Mohammed, Louis had -not withdrawn his decrees against the disciples of Jesus Christ. Were -the reformers who did not set out to the war, the women, the old men, -the children, and those who were already prisoners for the Gospel’s -sake, to be cruelly put to death? The noble Pempflinger was greatly -distressed. He had from the first looked on the persecuting edicts as -unjust, and he now felt the necessity of declaring to the king that to -send the disciples of the Lord to the stake would be to call down the -judgment of God on Hungary. Nor could he endure the thought that every -other parish should be left without a pastor. He resolved therefore to -go to Louis. If every minister of religion remained in his parish to -take care of the afflicted, if the sentence of death which had gone -forth against the evangelicals were revoked, and if they were allowed to -go out to defend their country on the field of battle, the divine wrath -might perhaps be appeased and Hungary and the Gospel might be saved. The -monks already, taking advantage of the edict of persecution and of the -general excitement, were striving to stir up the people and to obtain by -violent means the death of the evangelicals. In their view these were -the sacrifices likely to avert calamities which were ready to fall upon -the land. The count set out with all speed; but ere long his progress -was arrested by terrible tidings.[544] - -[Sidenote: The Hungarian Army.] - -The young king, while marching at the head of his three thousand men, -had been joined by the Hungarian magnates and the Polish companies. By -the time he reached Tolna, he had from ten to twelve thousand men. The -troops from Bohemia, Moravia, Croatia, and Transylvania were not yet -under his banner. He received, however, some additional forces, and -reached Mohacz on the Danube, a point about half-way between his capital -and the Turkish frontier, at the head of about twenty-seven thousand -men. Hardly any of these had ever been under fire. In the middle ages -the command of armies had frequently been given to ecclesiastics. Louis -followed this strange custom, and entrusted his troops to Jomory, -archbishop of Cologne, an ex-Franciscan, who had previously served one -or two campaigns, and had won distinction. The king thought that an -energetic monk would be better, in spite of his frock, than a cowardly -general. But this nomination showed plainly into what hands the king had -fallen. - -Solyman had, unopposed, thrown a convenient bridge across the river, and -his immense army had for the last five days been defiling over it. He -was acquainted with the art of war and with the scientific manœuvres -which had already been practised by Gonzalo of Cordova and other great -captains. He had a powerful artillery, and his Janissaries were -excellent marksmen. Louis, who was aware of the superiority of his -enemy, might have retired on Buda and Pesth, and have taken up a strong -position there while occupied in collecting additional bodies of troops. -But he was, like his subjects, blind to the feebleness of his resources, -and filled with hopes of the most delusive kind. The two armies were -separated by intervening hills. On August 29th the Turks began to appear -upon the heights, and to descend into the plain. Louis, pale as death, -had himself invested with his armor.[545] The monk commanding in chief -and the most intelligent of the leaders foresaw the disaster. Many -nobles and ecclesiastics shared their opinion. ‘Twenty-six thousand -Hungarians,’ said Bishop Perenyi, ‘are on their way, led by the -Franciscan Jomory, to die martyrs of the faith and to enter into the -kingdom of heaven.’ The prelate added by way of consolation, ‘Let us -hope that the chancellor will be spared in order to obtain their -canonization of the pope.’ The Hungarians, seeing the Mussulmans come -down the hill and approach, throw themselves on them. The Turks disperse -and retire, and the Hungarians, joyful at a flight so unexpected, reach -the top of the hill. There they discover the countless host of the -Osmanlis, but, deceived by the retreat of the vanguard, they believe -that victory is already theirs, and rush upon the enemy. Solyman had had -recourse to a common artifice in war. His soldiers had made a feigned -flight only for the purpose of drawing the enemy after them. At the back -of the hill he had planted three hundred guns, and the moment Louis and -his men came in sight a terrible fire received them. At the same time -the cavalry of the Spahis fell on the two wings of the small Christian -army, disorder began, the bravest fell, the weakest fled. - -[Sidenote: Rout Of Mohacz.] - -The young king, who saw his army destroyed, made his escape like the -rest. A Silesian ran before him to guide him in his flight. When he -reached the plain he came to a piece of black, stagnant water, which he -was obliged to cross. He pushed on his horse to reach the opposite bank, -which was very high; but in climbing the animal slipped and fell with -the prince, who was buried in the marshy waters. Melancholy -burial-place! Louis had not even the honor of dying arms in hand. All -was lost! The crescent triumphed. The king, twenty-eight magnates, five -hundred nobles, seven bishops, and twenty thousand armed men left their -corpses on the field of battle.[546] Terror spread far and wide. The -keys of the capital were brought to the Sultan. He pillaged Buda, set -fire to the town, reduced the library to ashes, ravaged Hungary as far -as the Theiss, and caused two hundred thousand Hungarians to perish by -the hands of his Mussulmans. - -This victory, which appeared to ensure the predominance of Islamism, -filled Germany and all Europe with sorrow and alarm. There were some -small compensations. Pempflinger, having no longer to fear either the -priests or the king, saved the evangelical Christians who were -threatened by the fury of the monks. But this deliverance of a few did -not lessen the horror of the public disaster. At the sight of their -smoking towns, their devastated fields, their slaughtered countrymen, -and the crescent taking the place of the cross, the Hungarians wept over -the ruin of their country. The unfortunate Mary, a widow still so young, -lost at the same time her husband and her crown, and saw with distress -of heart the Hungary which she loved ravaged by the Turks. - -This terrible blow was felt at Wittenberg, where the Hungarian students -had excited a warm interest in their native land. Luther on hearing of -the affliction of the queen was moved with lively pity, and wrote to her -a letter full of consolation: ‘Most gracious queen, knowing the -affection of your Majesty, and learning that the Turk has smitten the -noble young prince, your husband, I desire in this great and sudden -calamity to comfort you so far as God may enable me, and I send you for -this purpose four _psalms_ (with reflections), which will teach your -Majesty to trust solely in the true Father who is in heaven, and to seek -all your consolation in Jesus Christ, the true spouse, who is also our -brother, having become our flesh and our blood. These psalms will reveal -to you in all its riches the love of the Father and the Son.’ ‘Dear -daughter,’ said Luther further to the queen, ‘let the wicked oppress -thee and thy cause; let them, wrapped in clouds, cause the rain and the -hail to fall upon thy head and bury thee in darkness. Commend thy cause -to God alone. Wait upon Him. Then shall He bring forth thy righteousness -as the light, and thy judgment as the noonday. God permits indeed the -righteous to fall into the hands of the wicked, but He does not leave -them there. - -‘The pope and his agents condemned John Hus, but that was of no avail. -Condemnation, outcries, hypocritical tears, rage, tempest, bulls, lead, -seal, excommunication, all was useless. Hus has still lived on -gloriously, and neither bishops, nor universities, nor princes, nor -kings, have been able to do any thing against him. This man alone, this -dead man, this innocent Abel has struck a Cain full of life, the pope -and all his party; and in consequence of his powerful words they have -been acknowledged as heretics, apostates, murderers, and blasphemers, -they could not but burst with rage at it.’[547] It is difficult for -Luther to utter a word of consolation without adding a word of energy -and of reprobation. He sometimes adds a violent word. He could be a -lamb, but he was also a lion. - -[Sidenote: The Queen’s Hymn.] - -The trial and these consolations helped the young queen onward in the -path of piety. It was with pain that Charles the Fifth observed her -evangelical sentiments; and he and his ministers frequently made her -sensible of it. They would fain have taken from her her Gospel. But the -emperor loved her, and always finished by bearing with her. She gave -expression in a beautiful hymn to the consolations which she found in -communion with God. ‘If I can not escape misfortune,’ she says in her -hymn, ‘I must endure dishonor for my faith; I know at least, and this is -my strength, that the world can not take away from me the favor and the -grace of God. God is not far off; if He hide His face, it is for a -little while, and ere long He will destroy those who take from me His -word. - -‘All trials last but for a moment. Lord Jesus Christ! Thou wilt be with -me, and when they fight against me, Thou wilt look upon my grief as if -it were Thine own.[548] - -‘Must I enter upon this path ... to which they urge me ... well, world, -as thou wilt! God is my shield, and He will assuredly be with me -everywhere.’ - -This path, this vocation of which she speaks, could not but alarm her. -Charles the Fifth, knowing the great abilities of his sister, named her, -in 1531, Governess of the Netherlands. She re-entered the palace of -Brussels in which she was born. She had an evangelical chaplain; but -while endeavoring to soften the persecuting orders of the emperor, she -was often compelled to submit to their execution and to attend the -Catholic ceremonies in the court chapel. She was doubtless afraid that -if she offered any resistance to the inflexible will of her dreaded -brother she would be cast into prison for life, like her mother Joanna, -called the Mad. - -If Mary was consoled by the words of Luther, the friends of the Gospel -in Hungary saw danger increasing around them. The king being dead, the -ambitious Zapolya at length attained the object of his desire. He was -crowned king on the 26th of November, 1526, in the ancient palace of -Alba-Royal, which had been for five centuries the abode of the kings. He -was not the only claimant of the sceptre of Hungary. The archduke -Ferdinand of Austria, relying upon the arrangement entered into with -King Ladislaus and supported by the partisans of his sister, the Queen -Mary, had himself crowned at Presburg. These two kings, each aspiring to -the support of Rome and of her clergy, had only one point in -common—their opposition to the Reformation—and in cruelty they were to -be rivals of the terrible Turk. - -Zapolya published, January 25, 1527, an edict against the Lutherans, and -the priests immediately made use of it. The Gospel had gained adherents -in all parts of the country, and particularly on the mountains and in -the pleasant valleys of the Karpathians, rich in mines of silver and -gold. Libethen, a town of miners, had a flourishing church, all the -members of which lived in the most charming brotherhood. A rising of the -laborers in the mines was the pretext of which the priests availed -themselves to stir up persecution. They accused these men of peace of -having instigated the revolt. The pastor succeeded in hiding himself in -a deep hollow in the mines; but the rector of the school and six -councillors were seized and taken to the town of Neusol. ‘Abjure your -heresies,’ said the judge, ‘and disclose to us the hiding-place of your -pastor, or you will be burnt alive.’ The councillors, alternately -threatened and flattered, gave way. Constables (_sbirri_) descended into -the mines and seized the minister. The rector was burnt at Altsol, -August 22; but the pastor was taken to a greater distance, near the -Castle of Dobrony. His keepers having halted near this building, in the -midst of grand and solemn scenery, the priests called upon their -prisoner to forswear his faith. Nicolaï—this was the name of the -Hungarian martyr—remaining unmoved, was killed with a sabre-stroke and -his body was thrown into the flames.[549] - -[Sidenote: Edict Of Ferdinand.] - -While these things were taking place under the sceptre of Zapolya, his -rival Ferdinand issued at Buda, August 20, 1527, an edict for -persecution.[550] Imprisonment, banishment, confiscation, death by -drowning, sword, or fire, were decreed against heretics, and any town -which did not execute this royal ordinance was to be deprived of all its -privileges.[551] - -A sky loaded with clouds foreboded to Hungary days of suffering, of -blood, and of mourning. - -Footnote 541: - - _Historia Critica Ungariæ_, xix. p. 89. - -Footnote 542: - - ‘Sarei contento che quel regno si perdesse,’ &c.—_Relazione del Signor - d’Orio_, Dec. 1523. Ranke, _Deutsch. Geschichte_, ii. p. 407. - -Footnote 543: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 45. Broderichus, - _Clades Mohacziana_, apud Schardium, p. 558. Ranke, ii. p. 409. - -Footnote 544: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 47. - -Footnote 545: - - ‘Wobei Tödtenblässe sein Angesicht überzog,’ &c.—_Geschichte der - Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 47. - -Footnote 546: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 48. - -Footnote 547: - - These sentences are taken from Luther’s Commentary on Psalms xxxvii., - lxii., xciv., and cix. See the Letter and the Commentary, Luther, - _Opp._ Leipsic, vol. v. pp. 609-640. - -Footnote 548: - - ‘Herr Jesu Christ, - Du wirst mir stehn zur Seiten, - Und sehen auf das Unglück mein, - Als wäre es dein, - Wenn’s wider mich wird streiten.’ - - Bunsen, _Evang. Gesang- und Gebet-Buch_, p. 290. Rambach, - _Anthologie_, ii. p. 78. (Rambach supposes the hymn to have been - composed for the queen by Luther at the same time as the exposition of - the four psalms.—Editor.) - -Footnote 549: - - _Matricula Plebanorum_, xxiv. p. 463. _Geschichte der Evangelischen - Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 51. - -Footnote 550: - - See First Series, vol. iv. book xiii. chap. ix. - -Footnote 551: - - Ferdinand’s Mandat. Luther, _Opp._ xix. p. 596. _Geschichte der - Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, pp. 51-53. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - DEVAY AND HIS FELLOW-WORKERS. - (1527-1538.) - - -The triumph of the Reformation in Hungary was to be slow and difficult, -or rather it was never to be complete. The two kings, who after the -death of Louis II. shared the kingdom between them, fancied as we have -seen, that they should ensure victory to themselves by giving up the -Reformation to the Roman clergy. But the only result of persecution was -to advance reform. Many of the evangelical Christians at this time -quitted Hungary to go to Wittenberg. ‘A great number of Hungarians,’ -said Luther on May 7, 1528, ‘are arriving here from all quarters, -expelled from Ferdinand’s dominions; and as Christ was poor, they -imitate Him in His humble poverty.’[552] The reformer welcomed, -consoled, instructed, and strengthened them. ‘If Satan employs cruelty,’ -he said to one of them, ‘he acts his own part; Scripture everywhere -teaches us that this is what we are to expect from him. But for thee, be -a brave man, pray and fight in the spirit and the word, against -him.[553] He who reigns in us is mighty.’ Luther even called to him the -Christians of Hungary. He wrote to Leonard Beier, who was in the states -of Ferdinand—‘If thou art expelled come hither. We offer thee -hospitality and all that Christ gives us.’ The reformer’s charity won -hearts to the Reformation. These men, on their return to their own land, -became so many missionaries. - -[Sidenote: Mathias Biro Devay.] - -Not long after this there appeared at Wittenberg a man who was to be one -of the greatest Hungarian reformers. One day, in 1529, Luther was -visited by a young man who so completely won his heart that he admitted -him into his house and to his table; and, during his stay at Wittenberg, -the young Magyar had the privilege of listening to the pious discourses -and the witty talk of the great doctor. This student was born at Deva in -Transylvania, near the banks of the river Maros, in the waters of which -gold is found. The town stands on the road to Temeswar, which passes by -the defiles of the mountains and the Iron Gates, at a short distance -from the ruins of Sarmizegethusa, the capital of the ancient Dacians, on -the site of which the Romans afterwards erected Ulpia Trajana. Here -Mathias Biro Devay was born, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, -of a noble family. It is supposed that he was one of the disciples of -Grynaeus at Buda. In 1523 he went to the university of Cracow, where he -matriculated at the same time as his friend Martin of Kalmance. He -remained there about two years, and was known as a sincere Roman -Catholic. - -Devay returned from Cracow towards the close of 1525, and having become -priest and monk he showed himself a zealous friend of the pope. He who -was to beat down the idol was at this time on his knees before it. It -appears to have been in the second half of the year 1527 and the first -half of the year 1528 that his mind was enlightened by the Gospel. He -embraced the faith in Christ the Saviour with all the frankness and -energy of his nature. The catholics, who had known his devotion to the -doctrine of Rome, were in consternation. ‘He has been a Roman priest!’ -they said, ‘and a man most devoted to our Catholic faith!’ Devay felt -the need of getting established in the evangelical doctrine and of -qualifying himself to defend it. He therefore went to Wittenburg, and on -December 3, 1529, matriculated there. - -While Devay was in Saxony, the Reformation was making great progress in -Hungary. The two kings had expected to destroy it, but an invisible -power, greater than that of courts, was widely extending it; and that -old saying in the Gospel was fulfilled—_My strength is made perfect in -weakness_. A powerful magnate, Peter Perenyi, who had embraced the -Gospel a year before, had declared with his sons Francis, George, and -Gabriel for the doctrine of Luther. The son of Emerick, the former -palatine of Hungary, he had just been made vayvode of Transylvania, and -he possessed numerous castles in the northern part of the kingdom. It -was at the court of Queen Mary, in the time of King Louis, that he had -been enlightened, by means of the frequent conversations which he had -held with the ministers Kopaczy and Szeray. Not content with allowing -the evangelical doctrine to spread in his demesnes, he exerted himself -personally to provide pious pastors for the people. Other magnates also, -particularly Laelany, Massaly, and Caspar Dragfi, had been converted to -Protestantism by the teachings of the ministers Osztoraï and Derezki. -Dragfi’s father was in his day vayvode of Transylvania; and King -Ladislaus had honored his nuptials with his presence. The son, now a -young man of two-and-twenty, sent for evangelical divines to his -estates; and Ovar, Isengen, Erdoeil and numerous villages were reformed -by their preaching. It was to no purpose that the bishops threatened -this young and decided Christian; he cared nothing about it, but gave -his protection to all those who were persecuted for the faith. Some -women likewise promoted the extension of the Reformation. The widow of -Peter Jarit, a venerated woman who had the most ardent love for the -Gospel, maintained preachers on her vast estates, so that all the -country which lay between the rivers Maros and Koeroes was brought -through her influence to the profession of the faith. The palatine - -Thomas Nadasdy, Francis Revay, Bebek, the Podmanitzkys, Zobor, Balassa, -Batory, Pongratz, Illeshazy, Eszterhazy, Zriny, Nyary, Batthyani, the -counts of Salm and Hommona, with many other nobles and magnates, heard -the Word of God as the sovereign voice of the Church. The townsmen did -the same, and the greater number of the towns embraced the -Reformation.[554] - -[Sidenote: Slackening Of Persecution.] - -The report of all these conversions reached the courts of the two -princes who were at this time disputing the crown. They thought they had -better spare men of whose support they were ambitious. Persecution -therefore slackened, and the transformation of the Church profited -thereby. Liberty and truth made conspicuous progress. At Bartfeld, -Doctor Esaias preached against Romish traditions, called his hearers to -Jesus Christ, and stirred the whole town. At Leutschau, two evangelists, -Cyriaci and Bogner, returning from Wittenberg, proclaimed the word of -salvation; and the ultramontane churches, in spite of their incense, -their images, and their pompous ceremonial, were day by day being -deserted. At Hermanstadt the inhabitants, regardless of the outcries -against them raised by the priests and their adherents, quickly adopted -measures for positively abolishing the Roman services. - -The court of Rome, more and more perplexed, was intriguing at Vienna -with a view to winning over Ferdinand. The pope wrote to the celebrated -general Francisco Frangipani, who had been enrolled as a member of the -order of St. Francis of Assisi, and was on this account under especial -obligation to obey the pontiff. He entreated him to support with all his -might the Catholic religion now so gravely threatened. The monks of -Hermanstadt, provoked at seeing that the cruel decree of Ferdinand -remained unexecuted, strove to stir up the people against their -adversaries; and there were frequent disturbances. The magistrate would -have consented that every one should be free to serve God according to -his conscience; but persecution on the part of the monks appeared to be -a rooted and incorrigible necessity. The council, despairing of -enlightening them, ordered them (February 8, 1529) upon pain of death to -leave the town within the space of eight days, unless they chose to live -in conformity with the Gospel. This order was variously received by the -monks. Some of them put off their cowls, dressed themselves like honest -citizens, and began to earn their bread. Others left the town. Three -days later there was not to be found in Hermanstadt a single Roman -Catholic.[555] Some people cried out that freedom was trampled under -foot by the council of Hermanstadt; others remarked that by the course -it had taken it suppressed culpable intrigues. - -Liberty is a power which occasionally passes through very strange -phases, and of which history presents some singular features. This was -the case at this period in Hungary. The two rival kings, Ferdinand and -Zapolya, were supported by two powerful emperors, the one eastern, the -other western, Solyman and Charles the Fifth. This twofold movement at -once endangered and favored religious liberty in Hungary. In 1529 -Ferdinand went to Spire, where the emperor Charles the Fifth had -convoked the Diet; and, submissive to the dictation of his august -brother, annulled there the edict which he had published in 1526 in -favor of religious liberty.[556] - -But while the Austrian king was thus confirmed in intolerance by the -influence of Catholic Europe, the Hungarian king took a lesson of -liberty from the Mussulman emperor. Solyman was once more marching into -Hungary at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand men; and halting on -the famous battle-field of Mohacz, he there received Zapolya, who had -come to offer him homage. He took Buda on August 14, delivered the -evangelical commander-in-chief, Nadasdy, whom his troops with infamous -treachery had cast into a cave, and then marched on Gran, whose bishop, -escorted by eight hundred nobles on horseback and as many on foot, came -to meet him, and kissed his hand. Next, after presenting himself before -Vienna, the Grand Sultan returned to Buda, and there confirmed Zapolya -as king of Hungary. Although he was not a great admirer of freedom of -conscience, he pronounced against the oppression of the Protestants, -either because the Romish religion was that of the emperor his enemy, or -because the worship of images, which was one of the most conspicuous -parts of the Catholic religion, was impious in his eyes. The Gospel of -Christ enjoyed greater freedom at Constantinople than at Rome. - -[Sidenote: Confession Of Augsburg.] - -In the great year 1530, the Hungarian reformation received a fresh -impulse. The faithfulness and joy with which the Protestant princes -confessed the truth at Augsburg (June 25), in the presence of the -emperor, of King Ferdinand, and of several Hungarian lords—Nicholas -Duranz, Wolfgang Frangepertpan, Francis Ujlaky, and others—dispelled in -any prejudices. These noblemen on their return gave favorable accounts -of what they had seen and heard; and all who understood Latin or -German—and these were very numerous in Hungary—could read the admirable -Confession, which made many hearts beat high. From this time the -disciples of Christ who were desirous of diffusing His light increased -in number. The glorious instrument of Augsburg was like a bell, the -tones of which, far resounding, brought to Wittenburg, and thus to the -Gospel, a great number of students and even of learned men, who desired -to become acquainted, in the very seat of the movements, with the great -transformation which was taking place in Christendom, and to draw with -their own hands at the fountain of living waters. - -[Sidenote: Devay’s Completeness.] - -In the year which followed the Confession, in the spring of 1531, Devay -returned to Hungary. He felt himself impelled to publish in his native -land the great facts and the great doctrines of redemption, proclaimed -at Augsburg by the princes and the free towns of Germany. He had -attentively followed all the scenes of this great Christian drama; he -attached himself at the same time with sympathy to the teaching of -Melanchthon, whose mildness, prudence, and knowledge, and whose -anxieties even, filled him with affection and admiration. It was not -till later that the illustrious friend of Luther showed his leaning to a -spiritual interpretation to the Lord’s Supper; but the germ was already -there. Devay and other Hungarians followed this tendency with hearty -interest. Some reformers have perhaps been inconsistent; their doctrine -has not been in all points in harmony with the principles which they -professed. Devay and others went the whole length; they walked straight -along the road. Devay was a complete divine. He made progress. He did -not stop at a few beautiful figures in the picture, at a few grand -portions of the building; he saw the whole and embraced it. He -recognized with Melanchthon the spirituality of the Supper, and with -Luther the sovereignty of grace. Or, it would perhaps be more historical -and more logical to say that with Calvin he believed both; a complete -man _par excellence_, at least as far as man can be so. Further, he was -not a mere recluse, complete only on his own account; he was a teacher. -With a strong desire to know the truth, he combined a steadfast, -determined character. He feared nothing, he hoped nothing from men; his -hope and his fear were in God. He thought, as Pascal afterwards did, -that the fear of men was _bad policy_. There was no faltering in him, he -did not waver as some did, but went on with an intrepid heart and a -confident step. There are some divines who venture only to present the -truth by degrees, and this the human understanding frequently requires. -The very light of the sun goes on increasing from dawn to midday. But -the Hungarian reformer proclaimed at the outset the whole evangelical -truth, with a frank heart, completely and boldly. He demanded an entire -transformation of the life, a complete reformation of the church; and he -extolled the greatness and the certainty of the salvation of which he -was the herald. Distinguished for his theological attainments, he was -equally so for his decision of character and his courage. - -Devay, highly appreciated and recommended, was settled in the capital of -Hungary. As pastor at Buda, which is united by a bridge to Pesth, so -that the two cities are virtually but one, he put forth all his energy -in diffusing there the principles of the Reformation by his discourses, -his writings, and his deeds. As the saints played an important part in -the religion of the country, he showed in one of his works the -nothingness of their invocation.[557] He composed fifty-two theses in -which, after confuting his opponents, he set forth clearly the essence -of a real Christian reformation, or, as he used to say, _the rudiments -of salvation_.[558] Unfortunately he had not at this time a -printing-press at his service, Hungary being much behindhand in this -respect. He therefore made numerous copies of his writings, as used to -be done before Gutenberg’s invention. At the same time he preached with -power. He appeared wherever he saw that any conquest was to be made. At -his word many turned to the Gospel, and among them some eminent men. - -Devay was not alone in his endeavors to spread Christian life in the -Hungarian Church. Anthony Transylvanus was preaching the Gospel at -Kaschau and in the surrounding districts, Basil Radan at Debreczin, -Andrew Fischer and Bartholomew Bogner at Zipsen, Michael Siklosy and -Stephen Kopacsy in the comitat of Zemplin. Leonard Stoeckel and Lawrence -Quendel, who had studied at Wittenberg at the same time as Devay, soon -propagated the evangelical faith in other places. The Reformation was -thus quite peacefully, without great struggles or great show, making the -conquest of Hungary. The Gospel was not spreading there with the roar of -torrents, as it did in the places where Luther, Farel, and Knox spoke; -but its waters flowed smoothly. They did not fall rushing and foaming -from the mountains, but they came forth imperceptibly from the ground. -It was a conquest without clash of cymbals and trumpets, made by brave -scouts. Reform often began with men of the lower ranks. Some humble -evangelist would proclaim in a small town the words of eternal life, and -many hearts joyfully received them. - -There were exceptions, however, to the calm of which we speak, and the -life of the greatest reformer of these lands presents to us tragical -situations such as abound in the history of the Reformation. - -Devay did not remain long at Buda. He was called to Cassovia (Kaschau) -in Upper Hungary, then under the rule of Ferdinand, from which place he -was able to bear the heavenly doctrine to the banks of the Hernath and -the Tchenerl, into the whole comitat of Abaujvar, to Eperies on the -north, and to Ujhely on the east. Everywhere he labored zealously. Ere -long the inhabitants attached themselves with all their heart not only -to him, but to the Word of God. The nobles of one of the market towns of -the comitat of Zemplin, impressed by his powerful discourses, left the -Romish Church and received with faith the divine promises. The -inhabitants of several villages of the neighborhood were gained over by -this example. These numerous conversions excited the wrath of the Roman -clergy, and on all sides the priests called for the removal of a man so -dangerous as Devay. Thomas Szalahazy, bishop of Eger (Erlau), denounced -him to King Ferdinand. Agents of this prince made their way secretly to -the places where the simple but powerful reformer might be found, and -they seized and carried him off. A deed so daring could not be -concealed. The report of it spread among the inhabitants of the town of -Cassovia, and the people, who were warmly attached to the reformer, rose -in revolt. But all was useless. The tools of the bishop dragged Devay -into the mountains of the comitat of Liptau; but even there they did not -think him safe enough. They feared the mountains, the forests, the -defiles; they could not dispense with prisons, keepers, and thick walls. -They conducted Devay, therefore, to Presburg, and thence to Vienna; and -here he was very rigorously treated. Put in chains, supplied with scanty -nourishment, subjected to all kinds of privations, he suffered cruelly -in body, and his soul was often overwhelmed with sorrow. He wondered -whether he was ever to escape from those gloomy walls. He sought after -God from the depth of his soul, knowing that He is the only deliverer. -At a later time he frequently used to speak of all the bodily and mental -sufferings which he had undergone in the prison of Vienna. - -John Faber, bishop of the diocese, a learned man and of superior -abilities, had at first taken much interest in Luther’s writings; but he -found the diet a little too strong for the weak stomachs of the people. -In 1521, being over head and ears in debt, and having nothing to pay, he -betook himself to Rome to escape from his creditors and to claim help of -the pope; and in order to make himself agreeable he composed a work -against the great reformer. Rome transformed Faber, and, on his return -to Germany, he began to contend against the Reformation, without, -however, being entirely proof against the Christian words of Luther. In -1528 he tried to gain over Melanchthon, offering him as the price of -apostasy a situation under King Ferdinand.[559] The same year he -contributed to the erection of the stake at which Hubmeyer was burnt. -Faber had been provost of Buda, and in 1530 he was named bishop of -Vienna. He cited Devay to appear before him. The bishop was surrounded -by many ecclesiastics, and a secretary or notary seated before a table -took down every thing in writing. The Hungarian reformer did not allow -himself to be intimidated by his judges, nor weakened by a wish to put -an end to his sufferings. He spoke not only as a cultivated and learned -man, but still more as a Christian full of decision and courage. He set -forth unreservedly evangelical truth. ‘You are accused,’ said Faber, ‘of -asserting that after the words have been uttered—_This is my body, this -is my blood_—the substance of the bread and the wine still exists.’ ‘I -have explained in the clearest way,’ replied Devay, ‘the real nature of -the sacraments, their character and their use. They are signs of grace -and of the good-will of God towards us; thus they console us in our -trials; they confirm, establish, and make certain our faith in God’s -promise. The office of the Word of God and of the sacraments is one and -the same. The latter are not mere empty and barren signs; they truly and -really procure the grace which they signify, but, nevertheless, are -beneficial only to those who receive them in faith, spiritually and -sacramentally.’[560] It is clear that the spiritual element predominated -in the theology of Devay, and that he was already almost of the same -opinion as the theologians of reformed Switzerland. He set forth his -whole belief with piety so manifest that the court did not feel -authorized to condemn him. He was therefore set at liberty.[561] - -[Sidenote: Devay At Buda.] - -Devay now went to Buda, where he had first exercised his ministry, and -which was now subject to John Zapolya, the rival of Ferdinand of -Austria. Zapolya, a capricious and despotic prince, was at this time in -a very ill humor.[562] He had a favorite horse, which the smith from -unskilfulness had pricked to the quick while shoeing it. The king, in a -fit of rage, had ordered the smith to be cast into prison, and had sworn -that if the animal died of the injury, the man who had pricked it should -die too. Hearing that the preacher who was branded by the priests as a -great heretic had arrived in his capital, his splenetic humor -immediately vented itself on him. Theologian or shoeing-smith, it was -all one to him, when once he was displeased. Devay was seized and -confined in the same prison with the artisan. Thus the reformer escaped -from a gulf only to be dashed against a rock; he fell from Charybdis -upon Scylla. He was in expectation of death, but he had a good -conscience; and, his zeal increasing in the prospect of eternity, he -ardently desired to win some souls to God before appearing in His -presence. He therefore entered into conversation with his unfortunate -companion in captivity; and finding him melancholy and alarmed, he did -what Paul had done in the prison at Philippi for the jailer trembling at -the earthquake—he besought him to receive Jesus Christ as his Saviour, -assuring him that this alone sufficed to give him eternal life. The -smith believed, and great peace took the place of the distress which -overwhelmed him. This was a great joy for the faithful evangelist. The -horse got well, and the king, appeased, gave orders for the release of -his smith from prison. When the jailer came to bring this news to the -man, the latter, to the great surprise of his keeper, refused the favor -which was offered him. ‘I am a partaker,’ said he, ‘in the faith for -which my companion is to die. I will die with him.’ This noble speech -was reported to Zapolya, who, although capricious, was still a feeling -man: and he was so much affected that he commanded both the prisoners to -be set at liberty. This second imprisonment of Devay lasted till 1534. - -Devay went out of the prison weakened and broken down, but ever pious -and anxious to consecrate his days to the service of Him who is the -truth and the life. A Hungarian magnate, the Count Nadasdy, a rich and -learned man, who openly and actively protected the Reformation, and who -had at great expense founded a school with a view to promote the -cultivation of literature,[563] one of the Maecenases of the sixteenth -century, thought that the reformer, after his trials and his two harsh -imprisonments, stood in need of repose and quiet occupation rather than -a hand-to-hand fight with his adversaries. In his castle of Sarvar, -Nadasdy had a very fine library. He invited Devay to take up his abode -there, and to turn to account the studies in which he might engage for -the propagation of evangelical knowledge. The reformer accepted this -noble hospitality; and Sarvar became for him what the house of Du Tillet -at Angoulême had been to Calvin, after his escape from the criminal -lieutenant of Paris, and what the Wartburg had been to Luther. There -was, however, this difference, that Devay had already endured several -years of rigorous confinement, which was not the case with either Luther -or Calvin. He set to work immediately, and studied and composed several -polemical pieces. He had escaped from soldiers and jailers only to -contend with adversaries of another kind. - -The whole life of an evangelist is one continual struggle; and what more -glorious conflict is there than that of truth with error? A champion -worthy of Rome appeared to reply to Devay. Gregory Szegedy, doctor of -the Sorbonne, and provincial of the Franciscan order in Hungary, having -become acquainted with the first manuscript works of Devay, had declared -that he undertook to refute them. He kept his word, and published at -Vienna a treatise in which he controverted the theses on _the rudiments -of salvation_.[564] This was the first work published by a Hungarian -against the Reformation. Devay applied himself to the task of answering -it, and his work was finished in the course of 1536. - -During this period, towns, boroughs, entire parishes, and even some -members of the higher clergy embraced the evangelical doctrine. But at -the same time Szalahazy, bishop of Eger, caused Anthony, pastor of -Eperies, and Bartholomew, chaplain to the chapter, to be thrown into -prison; and King Ferdinand commanded the evangelical church of Bartfeld -to abolish all innovations, upon pain of confiscation and of death.[565] - -[Sidenote: Devay At Wittenberg.] - -Meanwhile Devay’s writings remained in manuscript, and he was -considering where he should get them printed. Szegedy had published his -at Vienna, but Devay had no inclination to return thither. He determined -to go in search of a publisher into Saxony, and set out at the end of -1536. At Nürnberg he fell ill, and was there attended by Dietrich Veit, -a former friend of his at Wittenberg, whom Melanchthon used to call -_suus summus amicus_. After his recovery he arrived at Wittenberg, and -there sojourned, as far as appears, in the house of Melanchthon,[566] -from the month of April to the month of October, 1537. These two men -became intimate friends; they were like brothers. ‘How pleasant his -society is to me,’ said Luther’s friend when speaking of Devay; ‘how -excellent is his faith, and how much prudence, knowledge, and piety he -has!’ He was not the only Hungarian who was attached to Master Philip. -As the majority of the Hungarians who came to Wittenburg were -unacquainted with German, Melanchthon preached for them in Latin,[567] -which made them more familiar with the mode of thought of this divine. -Moreover, even before the first return of Devay to Hungary, the doctrine -of Zwinglius was known and embraced there. As early as 1530, Luther -complained that this was the case with one of the pastors of -Hermanstadt. Nevertheless, Devay was also on brotherly terms not only -with Luther but with all evangelical men. He related to them the -progress of the Reformation in Hungary; he sought after every thing that -might make him more competent to promote it; and he found by experience -how much fellowship with those who believe strengthens the heart and -enables a man to fight valiantly. - -Devay did not print his manuscript at Wittenberg nor in any other town -in Germany. Did he find any difficulty in doing so? We do not know. - -When the time was come for him to depart, he begged his host to write to -his patron Count Nadasdy. A letter from the teacher of Germany could not -fail to be greatly valued by the Hungarian magnate. Melanchthon wrote a -letter, and entreated the count to do all in his power that the churches -might be taught with more purity; and, anxious to see teaching and -literature protected by influential men, he said, ‘In former times the -Greeks associated Hercules with the Muses and called him their -chief.[568] Every one knows that you Pannonians (Hungarians) are the -descendants of Hercules. On this ground the protection of such studies -ought to be in the eyes of Your Highness a domestic and national -virtue.’ The letter is of the 7th October, and is dated from Leipsic, to -which place Melanchthon possibly accompanied his friend. - -[Sidenote: Devay At Basel.] - -Devay did not go from Wittenberg direct into Hungary, although he was -eagerly called for there. He went to Basel. He was attracted to this -town of Switzerland partly by the desire to become acquainted with the -theologians of the country, partly by the celebrated printers of the -town, who published so many evangelical books, and partly also by the -presence there of Grynaeus, with whom he had probably corresponded. The -manuscripts which he took with him comprised three different works. The -first treated ‘of the principal articles of Christian doctrine’; the -second, ‘of the state of the souls of the blessed after this life before -the day of the last judgment’; and the third, ‘of the examination to -which he had been subjected by Faber in the prison.’ The volume appeared -in the autumn of 1537, with this inscription—‘Master, at thy word I will -let down the net.’[569] After this publication Devay left Basel. - -On arriving in Hungary, he betook himself immediately to the count, to -whom he was to deliver the letter of the reformer. John Sylvestre, whom -Melanchthon called a real scholar, was at the head of the school of -Uj-Sziget, near Sarvar, founded by Nadasdy. This nobleman was a treasure -for Hungary. A wealthy man, a pious Christian, he took pleasure in -encouraging literature and the arts, and gave rewards and tokens of his -esteem to those who cultivated them; but above all he had at heart the -advancement of the kingdom of God. He perceived that Devay and Sylvestre -were men of the choicest kind, and associated them with himself. They -were all three convinced that schools and good books were necessary for -the education of the people, for the establishment of the Reformation in -Hungary, and for refining the manners and ensuring the prosperity of the -country. Devay asked the count for a printing-house, and this request -was immediately granted. The building was set up by the side of the -school, and was the first in Hungary. Devay at once began to compose an -elementary book for the study of the Hungarian language (_Orthographia -ungarica_). He took pains to make it useful, not only as a grammar, but -also as a means of Christian instruction. He taught in it at the same -time the rudiments of the language and those of the Gospel, remembering -the word of the Master—_Suffer the little children to come unto me_. -These three Christian men thought that it was essential to begin the -work of man’s restoration in his childhood, not merely to assist nature -but to transform it and to bring it into that new state of righteousness -which is a conflict with the original nature, to the end that Christ may -be formed in him. They believed, as M. de Saint-Marthe has said, that -children have in them a natural gravity which draws them violently -towards evil; that we must therefore be always on the watch lest the -enemy enter into their heart as into a deserted place, and do just what -he will there. It is also necessary that a faithful guardian should be -careful to remove from before their eyes and their feet whatsoever may -become to them an occasion of falling. Devay had added to his book some -prayers in Hungarian intended for children, for which he had laid under -contribution Luther’s smaller catechism. This volume was the first -printed in the language of the country. It passed through many editions. - -But Devay did not neglect active evangelization. The scene of his labors -was especially the demesnes of Nadasdy, and the comitats of Eisenburg, -Westprim and Raab, near the frontiers of Austria, between the right bank -of the Danube and Lake Balaton (the Plattensee). This apostle used to be -met in his journeys along the roads on the shores of Lake Balaton and on -the banks of the nine rivers which flow into it. He preached the Gospel -in rural dwellings, in castles, and in the open air. He called all those -who heard him to come to Christ, and declared that the Saviour did not -cast away any one who so came. If he met with any who while they -believed were still uneasy and disturbed, he did not hesitate to -reassure them by announcing to them the election of grace. He told them -that if they had come to God it was because he had chosen them, and that -the Good Shepherd keeps in his fold to the end the sheep which he has -brought there. - -[Sidenote: Conspiracy Of The Prelates.] - -While Devay was laboring to the south of the Danube, Upper Hungary was -not neglected. Stephen Szantai, an eminent man and an earnest Christian, -was at this time preaching there energetically. He was full of faith and -a good dialectician, filled with devotion and enthusiasm in the cause of -the Lord. The prelates who had formerly imprisoned Devay took in hand to -do the same with Szantai. A clerical conspiracy was formed. The bishops -George Frater, Statilius and Frangipani, supported by the heads of some -of the monastic orders, besought Ferdinand to have the evangelist seized -and put to death. Statilius, bishop of Stuhlweissenburg, near the vast -forest of Bakonye, enjoyed the reputation of a master in the art of -persecution. A little while before, he had ordered the arrest of an -evangelical minister, had caused him to be beaten with rods, and, when -the men charged with this service had presented the victim half-dead, -the infamous prelate had thrown him to the dogs to despatch him. -Frangipani, formerly a military man, had indeed laid down the sword and -put on the frock; but he had retained a soldier’s manners, and held it a -maxim that business and men must be disposed of swiftly, and without -delicate considerations. He governed his servants with pride and -harshness, and, as it is said, gave his commands with a rod. This was -the man who took upon himself to obtain from the king the death of -Szantai. He had no doubt that the king would let himself be guided like -his servants. But certain very remarkable changes had been wrought in -Ferdinand’s mind. The Confession of Augsburg had given him a less -unfavorable impression of Luther’s doctrine. His confessor, who was a -Spaniard, when on his death-bed, had acknowledged to him that he had not -led him in the right way, and that Luther had hitherto taught nothing -but the truth. It appears that the children of Joanna of Castile all -resembled their mother in having some regard for the truth, while they -resembled their grandmother, the illustrious Isabella, in submission to -priests. King Ferdinand was therefore now less hostile to the reformers. -Nevertheless, he was far from decided, and Rome had not lost in his case -the influence which she knew how to exercise over princes. He had -nothing more than passing gleams of light, which the clergy called -caprices; he sometimes wavered, but always returned to the pope’s side. -He was looked upon sometimes as a friend to the Protestants, and -sometimes as their enemy. - -However this might be, Ferdinand did not yield this time to the demand -of the priests; but he appointed (1538) a religious conference to be -held at Schässburg between the priests and Szantai. The perplexity of -the bishops equalled their astonishment. Not only did the king refuse to -condemn Stephen without a hearing, but he commanded them to enter into -discussion with him. Sensible of their incompetence, they were not at -all concerned about it, and began to look for a good Roman Catholic who -should be able to cope with the man they called _the heretic_. - -There was among the Franciscans a monk celebrated for his exploits in -theological strife, one Father Gregory. He was now summoned to -Schässburg, and went thither accompanied by other monks. For umpires -Ferdinand selected Dr. Adrian, episcopal vicar of Stuhlweissenburg, and -Martin de Kalmance, rector of the school of the same place. These men, -in the king’s opinion, could not but be, considering their personal -character, impartial judges; and he said to them, ‘I exhort you to -conduct the whole affair in such a way that the truth may in no respect -suffer.’[570] - -[Sidenote: Conference Of Schassburg.] - -The disputation began. Roman Catholics and Protestants had come together -from all quarters. Stephen Szantai set forth the evangelical doctrine, -and supported it with solid proofs. The clever Franciscan was unable to -confute them; and the monks seeing this supplied by outcries and a great -disturbance the place of the arguments which were lacking on the part of -their colleague. A layman, John Rehenz, a learned doctor of medicine, -indignant at this strange method of argument, sharply rebuked the monks -and censured them for the uproar as a stratagem unbecoming a discussion -so grave; and taking up the replies which Gregory had made, he showed -their worthlessness. Szantai spoke again in his turn, and left on his -hearers a deep impression that the cause which he was defending was that -of the truth. The disputation lasted several days longer, during which -the doctrine of the Reformation instead of losing gained ground. - -The discussion being finished, Adrian and de Kalmance had to pronounce -judgment. For this purpose they went to the king. They were seriously -embarrassed, and without being undecided were in a great difficulty. -‘Sire,’ they said, ‘all that Szantai has maintained is founded on the -Holy Scripture, and he has demonstrated the truth of it; but the monks -have uttered only words without meaning. Nevertheless, if we publicly -assert this, we shall be everywhere decried as enemies of religion, and -then we are ruined. If on the other hand we should condemn Szantai, we -should be acting against our own consciences, and we could not escape -the judgment of God. For this reason we entreat Your Majesty to devise -some plan which will furnish us a way of escape from this twofold -danger.’ The king understood the difficulty of their position and -promised to do all that he could for them. - -This was in the morning. Ferdinand was almost as much embarrassed as the -two judges. In vain he reflected on this difficult case; he found no -solution. He acknowledged that the Protestants had a right to be -protected in their religious liberty; and he felt that it was dangerous -to exasperate so considerable a number of his subjects. But what would -Rome and the clergy say if he granted an amnesty to Szantai? - -About three o’clock in the afternoon, word was brought to him that -several bishops, prelates, and monks desired to speak to him. Disquieted -by their defeat, they wished to put pressure upon the mind of the -prince. ‘Sire,’ said the bishop of Grosswardin, ‘we are the shepherds of -the Church, and we are bound to take care of our flock. For this reason -we have demanded that this heretic should be seized and condemned, in -order that those who are like him, alarmed by his example, may cease to -speak and to write against the Roman doctrine. But Your Majesty has done -the very reverse of that which we asked; you have granted a religious -conference to this wretched man, who has thus had an opportunity of -inducing many to take his poison. Assuredly the Holy Father will not be -pleased with this. There is no need of a discussion. The Church has long -since condemned these brigands of heretics, and their sentence is -written on their foreheads.’ - -Ferdinand replied—‘Not one man shall perish, unless he be convicted of a -crime worthy of death.’ ‘What!’ said Bishop Statilius, ‘is it not enough -that he gives the cup to laymen, while Christ instituted it only for -priests, and that he calls the holy mass an invention of the devil? -Assertions such as these deserve death.’ ‘Do you think, bishop,’ said -the king, ‘that the Greek Church is a true Church?’ ‘I do, sire.’ ‘Well, -then,’ replied Ferdinand, ‘the Greeks receive the supper in both kinds, -as they were taught by the holy bishops Chrysostom, Cyril, and others. -Why should we not do the same? They have not the mass, we therefore can -dispense with it.’ The bishops held their peace. ‘I do not take the part -of Szantai,’ added the prince, ‘but I wish the cause to be examined; a -king must not punish an innocent man.’ ‘If Your Majesty does not support -us,’ said the bishop of Grosswardin, ‘we will seek for some other means -of getting rid of this vulture.’ - -[Sidenote: Embarrassment Of Ferdinand.] - -The bishops withdrew, but Ferdinand had about him men as passionate as -they were, who were bent on the destruction of the reformer. At nine -o’clock in the evening of the same day, the king, in a state of distress -and suspense, was conversing on these matters with two of his magnates, -Francis Banfy and John Kassai, when the burgomaster of Kaschau requested -an audience of him, and entered his presence followed by Szantai. The -king immediately addressing the reformer said—‘What then do you preach?’ -‘Most gracious prince,’ replied the minister, ‘it is no new doctrine. It -is that of the prophets, of the apostles, and of our Lord Jesus Christ; -and whosoever desires the salvation of his soul ought to embrace it with -joy.’ The king was silent for some seconds; and then, no longer able to -refrain, he exclaimed—‘O, my dear Stephen, if we follow this doctrine, I -am very much afraid that some great evil will befall both thee and me. -Let us refer the cause to God; He will make it turn to good. But tarry -not, my friend, in my states. The magnates would deliver thee to death, -and if I attempted to defend thee, I should be myself exposed to many -dangers. Go, sell what thou hast, and depart into Transylvania, where -thou canst freely profess thy doctrine.’ The weak Ferdinand half yielded -to the fanaticism of the priests. He saw what was good and durst not do -it. He made a present to Szantai, towards the expenses of his journey; -and then he said to the burgomaster of Kaschau and another evangelical -Christian, Christopher Deswœs, who accompanied him—‘Take him away -secretly by night, conduct him to his own people, and protect him from -all danger.’ The three friends departed, and Ferdinand was left alone, -disturbed and _unstable in all his ways_. - -Footnote 552: - - ‘Pulsi de regnis Ferdinandi, pauperem Christum in paupertate - imitantur.’—Luther, _Epp._ iii. p. 289. - -Footnote 553: - - ‘Tu vero vir esto fortis, ora et pugna in spiritu et verbo adversum - ipsum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 554: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, pp. 55, 56. Herzog, - _Ency._ xvi. p. 641. - -Footnote 555: - - Hanner, _Hist. Eccles._ p. 199. _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche - in Ungarn_, p. 59. _Timon, Epit Chronol._ p. 118. - -Footnote 556: - - It had been voted on the 27th August, 1526, that while awaiting a - national council, each state should act in religious matters so as to - be responsible to God and to the emperor. - -Footnote 557: - - _De sanctorum dormitione._ - -Footnote 558: - - ‘Propositiones erroneæ Matthiæ Devay, seu ut ille vocat rudimenta - salutis continentes,’ said his adversary, Dr. Szegedy (Vienna, 1535). - -Footnote 559: - - ‘Faber hortatur ut deficiam a causa habiturum me defectionis - præmium.’—_Corp. Ref._ i. p. 798. - -Footnote 560: - - ‘Iis solis sunt salutaria qui _in fide spiritualiter_ et - sacramentaliter hæc mysteria percipiunt.’—Devay, _Expositio examinis - quomodo a Fabro in carcere sit examinatus_. Basel, 1537. - -Footnote 561: - - Revesz, in Herzog’s _Encyclopædia_, xix. p. 407. - -Footnote 562: - - _Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 62. - -Footnote 563: - - ‘Intelligo te magno sumptu scholam constituere et optimarum artium - studia excitare.’—Melanchthon to Count Nadasdy, _Corp. Ref._ iii. p. - 417. - -Footnote 564: - - _Censuræ fratris Gregorii Zegedini_, &c. Vien, bey Syngren, 1535. - -Footnote 565: - - Ribini, _Memorabilia Aug. Conf._ p. 38. _Geschichte der evangelischen - Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 64. - -Footnote 566: - - ‘Talis hospes, ut Homerus jubet, ἀντι κασιγνήτου esse - debet.’—Melanchthon Vito Theodoro. _Corp. Ref._ iii. p. 416. - -Footnote 567: - - Em. Revesz., _M. B. Devay und die ungarische reformirte Kirche_. - Herzog’s _Ency._ xix. p. 410. - -Footnote 568: - - ‘Olim Græci Herculem addiderunt Musis, earumque ducem - vocabant.’—_Corp. Ref._ iii. p. 418. - -Footnote 569: - - Luke v. 5. - -Footnote 570: - - _Hispaniai vadaszag._ This rare and remarkable book narrates the - disputation in detail, perhaps giving it an emphasis in favor of the - Reformation. See also _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, - p. 66. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - PROGRESS OF EVANGELIZATION AND OF THE SWISS REFORMATION IN HUNGARY. - (1538-1545.) - - -The conference of Schässburg and the deliverance of Szantai, which put -an end to persecution in the countries subject to Ferdinand, had results -still more marked in the states of Zapolya. The impression produced by -these events was so powerful that many parishes and towns declared for -reform. The manner of its accomplishment in Hungary was characteristic. -It advanced, as we have said, by an almost imperceptible progress. The -pastors gradually came to preach in a manner more conformed to the -Gospel. Without attracting notice they changed the rites and usages, and -their parishes followed them. In some instances indeed, the flocks took -the first steps forward; but usually they waited patiently for the death -of their old Catholic priest, and then chose in his stead an evangelical -minister. There were no violent revolutions, no angry schisms. Parishes -embraced _en masse_ the evangelical confession, and kept their churches, -their schools, their parsonages, and their property. The love of order -and of peace was carried perhaps a little too far. The Lutheran pastors -maintained their accustomed relations with the Catholic bishops. They -paid them the dues as before, and were protected by them in their rights -and liberties, provided only that they did not pass into the ranks of -the Zwinglians or the Calvinists. It was an age of gold, says a -Hungarian historian. It seems to us that it was rather an age in which, -as in Daniel’s statue, a strange mixture was seen of gold, silver, iron, -brass, and clay.[571] - -[Sidenote: Zwinglian Views In Hungary.] - -This mention of the Zwinglians is remarkable. It reveals to us, if we -may use the phrase, the reverse of the medal, the dark side of the -picture. If evangelical truth was advancing in Hungary, there were -nevertheless troubles and divisions of various kinds. The doctrines of -Zwinglius had early penetrated into the country. Ferdinand had mentioned -them at the same time as the Lutheran doctrines, in his edict of -persecution of 1527. They were therefore at that time spread abroad, and -numbered amongst their adherents some persons of the higher classes. In -1532, Peter Perenyi, first count (_supremus comes_) of the comitat of -Abaujvar, had the first church for the disciples of Zwinglius built at -Patak, between Tokay and Ujhely. This state of things, in accordance -with the principles of religious liberty, and consequently just, had -nevertheless injurious effects. The conflicting views of Luther and -Zwinglius on the Lord’s Supper disquieted some persons, and most of all -those who most ardently sought after the truth. One of these was Francis -Reva, count of Thurotz, a Hungarian noble of highly cultivated mind, who -attentively studied the theology of the Scriptures, and had accepted the -Lutheran way of regarding the Lord’s Supper. The writings of Zwinglius -unsettled him. Being no longer at peace but suffering much anxiety as to -what he ought to believe, Reva determined to write to Luther. He laid -open to him his doubts in a long letter and implored him to dispel them. -Luther, very much engaged at the time, replied briefly. He exhorted him -to continue steadfast in the faith as he had received it, urged him to -remember the omnipotence of God in order to put an end to his doubts -about the mystery of the Supper, and added—‘Not a single article of -faith would be left to us, if we were to submit every thing to the -judgment of our own reason.’[572] - -[Sidenote: Political Divisions.] - -Divisions of another kind, which were to have far graver consequences -for the public peace, afflicted Hungary. Members of the same community, -sons of the same soil, the Hungarians found themselves divided into two -hostile parties, by the ambition of the two kings who had shared the -kingdom between them. Colloquies had been frequently held with a view to -put an end to this state of things, but the rival princes had looked on -them with no friendly eyes. At length an assembly which was held at -Kenesche on Lake Balaton agreed to a plan intended to bind up the wounds -of the common country. Men’s feelings were soothed, and the two kings -concluded an agreement at Grosswardin, in pursuance of which each of -them was to retain his titles and possessions; but after the death of -Zapolya the whole of Hungary was to be reunited under the sceptre of -Ferdinand, even if his rival left an heir. This took place in 1538, and -at that time Zapolya had neither wife nor children. Was this a subject -of regret with him? Had he a desire to perpetuate in his own family the -sceptre of a portion of Hungary? However this might be, he married in -1539 Isabella, daughter of the king of Poland; and in 1541, as he lay -seriously ill and on his death-bed, word was brought to him that he had -a son. Delighted at the news, he sent for the bishop of Grosswardin, -George Martinuzzi, a Dalmatian who was at once warrior, monk, -diplomatist, and prelate, Peter Petrovich, and Joeroek de Enged. The -bishop, perceiving the secret wishes of the prince, encouraged him to -violate the agreement made with Ferdinand. Zapolya named these three -persons guardians of his son, and added—‘Take care not to give up my -states to Ferdinand,’ a formidable legacy for the new-born child. The -Queen Isabella seized upon some pretext for breaking the compact, had -her son John Sigismund proclaimed king of Hungary, and feeling herself -incapable of resisting the power of Ferdinand placed herself with the -young prince under the protection of the Sultan. Thus was fidelity, the -faith of treaties and of oaths, trampled under foot by the ambition of -this new dynasty. Its dishonesty was plain.[573] - -This step, as must have been expected, was the signal for great -disasters. The Turkish army which was to secure the crown to the son of -Zapolya advanced into Hungary in such force that Ferdinand could not -resist it. The land was now plunged in distress; evangelical religion -had to suffer much; it saw its most useful institutions and its most -venerated supports taken away. The school and the printing-house -established by Count Nadasdy at Uj-Sziget were destroyed. Devay and his -friends were compelled to fly precipitately, and many of them took -refuge at Wittenberg. Devay was in great affliction. He had continually -present to his mind the barbarity of the Mussulmans, carrying fire -everywhere and shedding the blood of his fellow-citizens and his -friends. The destruction of the modest institutions which he had founded -and from which he anticipated so much good for his country broke his -heart. Even the imprisonment which he had undergone at Vienna and in -Hungary had caused him less grief, for the Mussulman plague was not then -ravaging his native land. An exile, distressed and in deep destitution, -he could see no way opening before him by which he might be permitted to -re-enter the sphere of activity which was so dear to him. He poured out -his sorrow into the bosom of his friend Melanchthon, who felt himself -the most lively interest in the great misfortunes of the Magyars. A -thought occurred to these two friends. The margrave George of -Brandenburg had been one of the guardians and governors of the young -king of Hungary, Louis II., who fell at Mohacz. He had remained a friend -to the Hungarians; he possessed estates in the country, and favored -there the extension of the Reformation. Devay and Melanchthon considered -whether he would not be the man to reopen for Devay the door of his -native land. Melanchthon consequently wrote (December 28, 1541) to -Sebastian Heller, chancellor to the margrave. ‘There are now with us -some Hungarians,’ he said, ‘whom the cruelty of their enemies has driven -from their country. Mathias Devay, an honest, grave, and learned man is -one of the number. I believe that he is known to your most illustrious -prince. On this ground he implores, in these trying times, the -assistance and aid of the margrave. I pray you to support the holy cause -of the pious and learned exile. He has already been exposed to a great -many dangers from his own countrymen on account of his pious preaching.’ -It does not appear that the margrave had it in his power to bring about -the return of Devay to Hungary; but perhaps he gave him some assistance. -Devay, finding that the doors of his country were closed to him set out -for Switzerland, which had a special attraction for him, not indeed so -much for the beauties of nature which are found there, as for its pious -and learned men, and for the simple, scriptural, and spiritual religion -which he knew he should meet with at the foot of the Alps.[574] - -Meanwhile, Hungary was in the most lamentable state. Not only was the -country full of distress and disorder, but in addition to this a foreign -king, who hoisted the crescent on the ancient soil on which the cross -had been planted, was master of this heroic people. But we can not help -seeing that here was once more realized the truth that God often carries -on his work of light and peace in the midst of the confusion of states -and the dissensions of nations. Gradually the first rage of the -followers of Islam abated; and as they really cared very little about -the controversies of the Christians, they were inclined to leave them -full liberty to maintain their conflicting doctrines. What most of all -shocked them in the land which they were treading under foot was the -images and the worship offered to them by the adherents of Rome. - -[Sidenote: Progress Of Reform.] - -Owing to the impartiality of the Mussulmans, the Gospel was propagated -from the banks of the Theiss as far as Transylvania and Wallachia, a -fact testified by a letter addressed to Melanchthon.[575] Shortly before -the Mussulman invasion, Sylvestre had published at Uj-Sziget his -translation of the New Testament, intended for all the people of -Hungary. When the first storm was past, this precious book began to -circulate amongst the people. Ere long pious Christians endeavored to -evangelize the country. Many Hungarians, partly on account of the -persecution, partly for the sake of repose from their rude labors, and -to console themselves for their sufferings, went to refresh and -strengthen themselves at Wittenberg and afterwards returned to fresh -conflicts. Wittenberg with Luther and so many other Christians full of -lively faith was for these visitors an oasis in the desert. Amongst -those who went to take shelter under these cool shades and beside these -clear fountains were Stephen Kopaczy, Caspar Heltus, Emeric Ozoraes, -Gregory Wisalmann, Benedict Abadius, and Martin de Kalmance (the last -four afterwards adhered to the doctrines of Calvin). These were followed -by many others. There was a continual going and coming. In proportion as -the Mussulman ravages abated and fell off, the Christians took heart -again and increased their efforts to rebuild the house of God. Hungary -was like an ant-hill, where every one was astir and at work. God had -there created sons for Himself, who actuated by His Spirit set -themselves with unflagging earnestness to do the work of the Lord.[576] - -Even in those districts which, from their nearness to Austria, were more -subject to clerical authority, the Gospel was also making progress. For -some time the struggle between the two doctrines was very sharp at Raab. -The evangelicals in this town were without pastors, and a military -prefect well-disposed towards the Reformation gave them one. At -Stuhlweissenburg the Roman Catholics beset the justice of the town with -their entreaties. ‘Prohibit,’ they said, ‘the preaching of the Gospel -and the distribution of the Supper in both kinds, and put in prison the -ministers and the communicants.’ The justice, a righteous and -God-fearing man, firmly replied—‘In this matter I will obey God rather -than men; in all things else I will fulfil my function.’ This man was a -soldier who knew the commander whom he must before all obey.[577] - -It was, however, chiefly in Upper Hungary and Transylvania that ruin was -impending over the Roman Church. The influence of the conference of -Schässburg was still very powerful there. Many of the inhabitants of -these countries, hitherto heedless of the work of reformation, and even -full of prejudices respecting it, began seriously to reflect on this -great spiritual movement which was shaking the nations, and applied -themselves to the reading of the ancient Scriptures of God, in which -they recognized the active principles of the transformation of which -they were witnesses. Whole parishes, carried away by the power of the -truth and by the noble example of brave men who sacrificed every thing -for the cause of God, declared openly for the Reformation. At Bartfeld, -Michael Radaschin had preached the Gospel with so much power that all -the force of Rome seemed to be destroyed there. In Transylvania many -towns followed the example of Hermanstadt. The greater number of the -inhabitants of Mediasch and Kronstadt, at the eastern extremity of the -country, and of many other cities, declared that they were determined to -believe nothing but [Sidenote: John Honter.] what is taught in the Word -of God. The principal instrument of God in these districts was John -Honter. After studying at Cracow and at Basel, he had returned into his -native land, rich in knowledge, strengthened by faith, and inflamed with -zeal. He had established there a printing-house, which was the first in -Transylvania, as that of Uj-Sziget was the first in Hungary, and had -published a multitude of school-books and evangelical books. It was not -long before the whole of southern Transylvania, the country of the -Saxons, was gained over to the Reformation. Honter himself at a later -time published a narrative of these conquests.[578] The work, however, -appears to have been less solidly done in these districts than in -others. Transylvania was one of the few countries of the Reformation -into which Socinianism penetrated as early as the sixteenth century. - -Conquests more solid and more complete were in preparation. Devay, as we -said, had gone into Switzerland. He had seen there the best men of the -Helvetic Reformation, and had attached himself to the principles which -they professed, towards which he had previously been attracted by his -intercourse with Melanchthon, by his own study of Holy Scripture, and by -his meditations in the prisons of Vienna. It was no longer the rather -superficial theory of Zwinglius, but the more spiritual and profound -doctrine of Calvin, that he had chiefly been in contact with. When he -learnt that the disorders of the Mussulman invasion had come to an end -and that it was once more possible to labor in Hungary to win souls to -the Gospel, he returned home. He did not make his appearance there in -any sectarian spirit. Christ crucified, the wisdom of God and the power -of God, and a new birth by the operation of the Holy Spirit, always -formed the basis of his teaching. But aiming at a close union with -Christ he said—_Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His -blood, ye have no life in you_; adding however as the Saviour did—_It is -the Spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing_. At Eperies and -other towns in the mountains, there were some Hungarian ministers, -disciples of Luther, who were astonished to hear that the man, who like -them had for his master the Wittenberg reformer, spoke like Calvin. To -these men it gave great pain to see that their fellow-countryman -disagreed with the great doctor whom they had so long held in honor. -They might, however, have rejoiced at the fact that Devay declared that -_the flesh of Christ is meat indeed and His blood is drink indeed_. The -real doctrine of Luther and the real doctrine of Calvin respecting the -Lord’s Supper approximate to each other sufficiently for Lutherans to -respect that of the Reformed Church, and for the Reformed Church to -respect the Confession of Augsburg. Both sides ought to have done this, -even had their difference on this point been greater than it really was, -since both said—_Christ is all in all_. But it was the misfortune of -that age that many fastened upon a few differences of detail rather than -upon the great truths on which they were agreed. - -These Hungarian pastors wrote to Luther in the spring of 1544; -expressing their surprise that Devay, who had lately been at Wittenberg, -professed a doctrine on the Supper different from that which was taught -there. Luther’s astonishment on receiving this letter exceeded that of -the Hungarians; and his grief was still greater than his surprise. He -could not believe what they wrote to him. ‘What!‘[579] said he, ‘the man -who had such a good name amongst us!... No, it is too hard to believe -what they have written to me. One thing is certain, and that is that he -did not receive from us the doctrine of the sacramentarians.[580]... We -have constantly opposed it both in public and in private. There is not -with us the slightest appearance of such an abomination.... I have not -the faintest suspicion of Master Philip nor of any of the others.’ -Henceforth the great and pious Luther, unfortunately somewhat irritable, -frequently inveighed against the Devay whom he had so much loved, and -loudly complained that he was teaching and practising rites very -different from his own.[581] Luther then forgot the beautiful concord of -Wittenberg to which he had been a party. - -[Sidenote: Devay At Debrecsin.] - -Devay, on his return from Switzerland, went to Debreczin, not far from -the frontier of Transylvania, probably in consequence of a suggestion of -Count Nadasdy. This town was a fief of Count Valentine Toeroek de -Enying, one of the heroes of Hungary and a great protector of the -Reformation. He was a near relation of Count Nadasdy. This magnate -settled Devay at Debreczin not only as pastor but also as dean. The -noble herald of the Gospel endeavored without delay to fertilize -spiritually the waste and barren lands in the midst of which the town -was situated. He gave instruction by his preaching, by his writings, -many of which however were not printed, and also by his hymns. One of -these began with the line— - - Fit that every man should know—[582] - -and it set forth in succession the great and vital doctrines of the -Gospel. This hymn was long sung in all parts of Hungary. A powerful -minister of the Word who had been a fellow-student with him at Cracow -was at first his colleague and afterwards his successor. This was Martin -de Kalmance. He was distinguished by two characteristics. One of these -was that doctrine of grace which is especially set forth by Paul and by -Calvin, and which had taken possession of his heart, joined with that -spiritual communion with Christ of which the outward communion is the -sign, the pledge, and the seal. The other was an animated and -captivating eloquence which deeply stirred and carried away the souls of -men. While his burning words extolled the eternal compassion of God who -saves the sinner by Jesus Christ, it seemed as if all who heard him must -fall at the Saviour’s feet to receive from Him the gift of life. -Probably not one of the Hungarian reformers had warmer partisans or more -implacable enemies. These last were so completely mastered by their -hatred that they left traces of it everywhere. Like a hero of the mob, -who sticks even upon the walls insulting names, a papist, who happened -to be at Cracow, wrote in the matriculation-book of the university, -beneath the name of Devay’s colleague, the following words—‘This -Kalmance, infected with the spirit of error, has infected with the -heresy of the sacramentarians a great part of Hungary.’[583] He was -perpetually pursued by fanaticism. One day, when he was preaching at -Beregszasz, a Roman priest, impelled by deadly hate, crept into the -church, concealing under his dress a weapon with which he had provided -himself, and shot him dead.[584] This humble minister was thus to meet -the tragical end of the illustrious William of Nassau and other great -supporters of evangelical doctrine. But this did not take place till -some years later, in 1557. This faithful servant of God and his -companions in arms had first to suffer many other assaults. - -[Sidenote: Persecution Instigated.] - -The Roman clergy, alarmed to see that the evangelical doctrine was -invading Hungary, were determined to unite all the forces at their -disposal, and give decisive battle to this enemy. It was on the slopes -of the mountains, and particularly in the comitat of Zips, that the most -fanatical and enraged priests were found. There also the doctrines of -the Word of God had made the most real conquests. Bartfeld, Eperies, and -Leutschau, the capital of the comitat of Zips, were towns filled with -adherents of the Reformation. In the spring of 1543, all the priests of -the comitat met together, and perceiving that all their efforts had been -useless, and aware also that they had not strength to conquer by -spiritual weapons, they resolved to have recourse to the power of the -state. King Ferdinand was at this time at Nürnberg; and they drew up a -petition and sent it to him there. They stated that notwithstanding all -the pains which they took to maintain religion, his subjects were drawn -away after what was worse. ‘For this reason,’ they said, ‘we request of -you that no preacher should be settled in any place whatsoever without -authorization of the Church. Do not allow any one to bring to your -subjects this new gospel, which wherever it goes brings in its train -divisions, sects, anger, debate, envy, ignorance, murders, and all the -works of the flesh.’ It was just at this time that Charles the Fifth was -attempting to conclude peace both with Francis I. and with Solyman, in -order to give his undivided attention to the suppression of the -Reformation. Ferdinand, whose intentions although more enlightened were -not very decided, and who did not think that it was proper for him to -act in a different way from his brother, issued (April 12) an ordinance -by which he placed at the service of the clergy ‘all secular authority -necessary for the upholding of the old and holy Catholic religion, the -confession of the Roman faith, and the praiseworthy rites and customs -which it enjoins.’[585] But this ordinance remained a dead letter. The -king’s moderation was well known in Hungary; and people believed that if -he had yielded to the clergy it was, in fact, only an apparent yielding, -and that his threats were not to be followed by action. The depositaries -of the temporal power, moreover, had no mind to use it in persecuting -men who were examples to all. The pro-palatine Francis Reva therefore -turned a deaf ear to it. The clergy, astonished and provoked at seeing -their petitions and even the orders of the prince without effect, -addressed to the king a second petition more pressing than the first. -Ferdinand, who was then at Prague, signed (July 1) an order more severe -addressed to the pro-palatine—‘I am astonished,’ said he, ‘that you did -not strictly discharge your duty towards the heretics and their -doctrine. I command you, upon pain of losing my royal favor, to punish -every one who separates from the true and ancient Church of God, -whatever may be his condition or his rank, and to make use for this -purpose of all the penalties adapted to bring back into the sheepfold -those who go astray.’[586] This order of Ferdinand, so far from -terrifying the champions of the Gospel, increased their courage and -their zeal. In the midst of tribulation they said—‘In all these things, -_we are more than conquerors through Christ who loved us_.’ Even at -Leutschau the evangelicals, far from drawing back, determined to go -forward. They were still without pastors at the time their adversaries -wished to put them to death; and they heroically resolved to appoint -one. Ladislaus Poleiner, justice of the town, and founder of the -Reformation there, began to seek in all directions after such a man as -they wanted. Amongst the young Transylvanians who had been converted by -the ministry of Honter was one named Bartholomew Bogner, distinguished -for his faith, his knowledge, and his zeal. The courageous justice -called him to Leutschau, and Bogner immediately applied himself to the -work. He did this with the activity of a man whose natural powers are -sanctified by the Divine Spirit. His ministry bore rich fruit. Not only -did the word of God which he preached give to many a new birth unto -eternal life, but after a few years all the ceremonies of the Romish -worship were abolished in the very town in which the weapons had been -fashioned which were to destroy the Reformation.[587] - -[Sidenote: Stephen Szegedin.] - -A similar work of regeneration was being accomplished in the south of -Hungary, introducing there the Gospel and the spiritual faith of the -Swiss divines. A young man, named Stephen Kiss, remarkable from -childhood for his discretion and abilities, was born at Szegedin on the -Theiss, north of Belgrade, in 1505. He studied at various schools in his -own country, and afterwards at Cracow. Having been enlightened by the -Gospel, he had come to Wittenberg in 1540, being then thirty-five years -of age. Ere long he became not only the disciple and the guest, but also -the assistant of Luther and Melanchthon. These two great doctors -perceived in him the qualifications of a reformer; a lively piety which -led him to seek in every thing the glory of God, a modest seriousness in -his manners, his conversation, and his deportment; an accurate -acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures, close application to work, -remarkable skill in the administration of the Church, and a lively and -powerful style in preaching the Gospel.[588] The Wittenberg reformers, -struck with these gifts, were glad to employ him in the important and -numerous affairs which they had on their hands.[589] He was usually -called Szegedin, after his native town, according to a very common -practice of the age. - -On his return to his native land, Stephen settled at Jasnyad. Full of -remembrances of Wittenberg, and a friend to theological studies, as he -saw that the harvest was great but that the laborers were few, he -founded in that town, in co-operation with a few friends of the Gospel, -a school of theology of which he was the principal professor. He was at -the same time both preacher and doctor. In his sermons he showed himself -as a man of mind. He did not compose feeble homilies, nor confine -himself to diluting his text and uttering pious sentiments. In all that -he said there was a solid foundation of truth; in all his teaching there -was admirable method, and he set forth the leading thought of his -discourses with great clearness.[590] But at the same time his phrases -were vigorous, he struck heavy blows, he roused conscience, he convinced -sinners of their faults and their danger, and he so forcibly exhibited -the love of God in Jesus Christ, that suffering souls threw themselves -by faith into the merciful arms of the Saviour.[591] It was given to him -to present the truth with such persuasive power that it left a deep -impression on men’s minds. His contemporaries said that his memory and -his discourses would survive for ages.[592] - -[Sidenote: His Writings.] - -Szegedin was not only a great orator, he was also a learned theologian. -An indefatigable worker, it was not easy to turn him aside from his -studies. Work was to him not only a duty but a delight, the very joy of -his life. He shut himself up in his study with the Holy Scriptures, read -them, sounded their depths, and thoroughly fixed them in his mind. He -brought no self-love to the study of them; nor did he even publish his -own writings in his lifetime. They were published after his death by two -of the most distinguished divines of the sixteenth century, Theodore -Beza at Geneva and Grynaeus at Basel; and this fact is undoubtedly a -proof of their excellence. He produced analytical works on the prophets -David, Isaiah, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jeremiah; and also on the Gospels of -Matthew and John, the Acts, the epistles of Paul, and the Apocalypse. In -addition to these expository works, Szegedin wrote some on doctrine, and -particularly one entitled ‘Commonplaces of Sacred Theology, concerning -God and concerning man.’ This was in imitation of his master -Melanchthon. Deeply grieved to see the errors which afflicted his native -land, he undertook to contend against them. He pursued them, armed with -the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God; and evangelical -Hungary had no braver or more intrepid champion. He chiefly tried his -strength with the Unitarians and the Papists. He composed a ‘Treatise on -the Holy Trinity against the extravagances (deliramenta) appearing in -some districts,’ directing his attacks equally against Arianism and -Socinianism. The papal traditions he fought against in his ‘Mirror of -the Roman Pontiffs, in which are concisely delineated their decrees -opposed to the word of God, their lives and their monstrous excesses.’ -There is also another work of his entitled—‘Entertaining Inquiries -(Quæstiones jucundæ) concerning the papal traditions.’ His devotion to -the truth and the force of his understanding shone out in all these -works, and his contemporaries were proud of them. ‘This man,’ they used -to say, ‘is indeed a theologian, and what is more, a true witness for -Christ; a serious, steadfast, and most energetic defender of orthodox -truth in countries infested, alas, with Arianism, Mohammedanism, and -other sects, to say nothing of the papacy.’[593] - -Szegedin’s intercourse with Melanchthon had prepared him to understand -in respect to the Lord’s Supper, that _it is the Spirit that -quickeneth_. He adhered to Calvin’s view. His writings, as we have -mentioned, were published by the Swiss theologians; and we find his name -inscribed as a member of the Reformed synod of Wardein. He brought over -some of his fellow-countrymen to the same conviction. One of these, then -very young, bore testimony to it about thirty or forty years later. -‘Szegedin,’ said Michael Paxi in 1575, ‘was the second of those teachers -who, when I was still a youth, successfully corrected and completely -suppressed in our land erroneous doctrines respecting the Supper.’[594] -The first was undoubtedly Devay. Paxi was mistaken as to the victory of -the doctrine taught by Calvin. It was not so complete as he states. A -great many divines and faithful men held Luther’s view. It was -justifiable indeed for Szegedin and his friends on the one side, and for -the Lutherans on the other, to declare themselves decidedly for the -doctrine which they esteemed true; but it was not so for them to deny -that both deserved the reverence of Christians. The war which was -carried on between these two churches was, perhaps, the greatest -calamity which befell the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Banishment Of Szegedin.] - -The activity of Stephen Szegedin, the decision of his faith, and the -vigor with which he attacked the Romish errors drew upon him the hatred -of papists and the insults of fanatics. In particular, the bishop, who -was guardian of the young son of King Zapolya, was beside himself when -the tidings were brought to him of the energetic efforts of this great -champion of the Gospel. One day, the evangelical doctor having delivered -a very powerful discourse, the prelate no longer restrained himself; and -in the first burst of his wrath he sent for the captain of his -body-guards—the bishop had his guards—and said to the man, whose name -was Caspar Peruzitti—‘Go, give him a lesson that he may remember.’ The -captain, a rough, impetuous fellow, went to the venerable doctor and, -addressing him in a saucy tone, gave him several slaps on the face with -the palm of his hand. Szegedin did not lose his self-command, but -desired to clear himself of the wrongs which were alleged against him. -The coarse soldier then knocked him down, and trampling on him in anger -and rage gave him repeated sharp blows with his heavy boots armed with -spurs. This was the method of confutation adopted by a Romish prelate in -Hungary in the sixteenth century. There were confutations, we must say, -of a more intellectual kind. The bishop did not stop here; he -confiscated the doctor’s precious library, which was his chief earthly -treasure and the quiver from which he drew his arrows. He then drove him -from Jasnyad. God did not abandon him. Szegedin renounced himself, took -up his cross, cried to God and besought Him to shed abroad His light. In -the following year he was enabled to devote his talents and his faith to -the cause of knowledge and the Gospel in the celebrated school of Jynla; -and not long after he was called to be professor and preacher at -Czegled, in the comitat of Pesth.[595] - -Footnote 571: - - Dr. Burgovzky, _Ungarn_. Herzog, _Ency._ xvi p. 641. - -Footnote 572: - - ‘Sic nullum tandem haberemus articulum fidei, si judicio rationis - nostræ æstimandum fuerit.’—Ribini, _Memorabilia_, p. 44. Luther, - _Epp._ Wittenberg, 4 Aug. 1539.—_Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche - in Ungarn_, p. 69. - -Footnote 573: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 70. - -Footnote 574: - - Revesz, in Herzog’s _Ency._ xix. p. 409. - -Footnote 575: - - Melanchthon, lib. ii. _Epp._ p. 339. - -Footnote 576: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 71. - -Footnote 577: - - Johannes Manilius in Collect. i.; _De calamitate afflict._ p. 139. - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 72. - -Footnote 578: - - His book was entitled, _Reform der Sächsischen Gemeinde in - Siebenbürgen_, 1547. Herzog, _Ency._ xiv. p. 344. - -Footnote 579: - - ‘Cum apud nos sit ipse adeo boni odoris.’—Luther’s letter of 31st - April, 1544. - -Footnote 580: - - ‘Certe non a nobis habet sacramentariorum doctrinam.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 581: - - ‘Maxime autem invehitur in Devayum, quod ritus quosdam a suis valde - diversos doceret exerceretque.’—Timon, _Epitome chronologica rerum - Hungaricarum_. - -Footnote 582: - - ‘Minden embernek illik ezt megtudni.’—Herzog, _Ency._ xix. p. 410. - -Footnote 583: - - ‘Hic Calmanchehi spiritu erroris infectus, hæresi postea - sacramentariorum magnam partem Ungariæ infecit.’—Revesz, _Devay und - die Ungar. reform. Kirche_. Herzog, _Ency_. xix. p. 411. - -Footnote 584: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 585: - - _Analecta Scepus._ part ii. p. 234. _Geschichte der evangelischen - Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 73. - -Footnote 586: - - _Analecta Scepus._ part ii. p. 234. _Geschichte der evangelischen - Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 73. - -Footnote 587: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 74. - -Footnote 588: - - ‘Tanta in homine fuerat pietas, gravitas et prudentia administrandæ - rei ecclesiasticæ.’—_Ep._ Michaelis Paxi, April 5, 1573, ad Simlerum. - -Footnote 589: - - ‘Ut magno illi Luthero ac sancto Melanchthoni in magnis rebus gerendis - profuerit.’—_Ep._ Michaelis Paxi, April 5, 1573. - -Footnote 590: - - ‘Ordinis in discendo et docendo ita amans, ut qui maxime.’—Skarica, - _Vita Szegedini_. - -Footnote 591: - - ‘Seine an den Volk. . . mit grosser Begeisterung gerichtete - Predigten.’—_Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 75. - -Footnote 592: - - ‘Id quod conciones ejus, et imprimis quæ in publicum evulgatæ sunt, - sacra hypomnemata, luculentur testantur; quæque, ut ille de alio, - canescent sæclis innumerabilibus.’—Skarica, _Vita Szegedini_. - -Footnote 593: - - ‘Orthodoxæ veritatis in illis arianismo, mahometanismo, aliisque (ut - de pontificiis nihil dicamus) sectis infestis regionibus propugnator - acerrimus.’—Skarica, _Vita Szegedini_. - -Footnote 594: - - ‘Secundus erat inter cos qui, me puero, corruptelam de Cœna emendarunt - ac sustulerunt penitus.’—_Ep._ Paxi ad Simler. - -Footnote 595: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 75. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - THE GOSPEL IN HUNGARY UNDER TURKISH RULE. - (1545-1548.) - - -One characteristic feature of this epoch is the fact that two religions, -two powers, were then dominant in Hungary; Rome and Constantinople, the -Pope and Mohammed. The former persecuted the Gospel, and the latter -granted to it reasonable liberty. Roman Catholicism recognized in -evangelical Christianity its own principal doctrines, the divinity of -Jesus Christ, the expiation of the cross and others besides; while -Islamism was shocked at the idea of the Trinity, of the Godhead of the -Saviour, and of salvation by His expiation, and said haughtily—‘God is -God, and Mohammed is his prophet.’ In the nature of things Roman -Catholicism would surely respect and protect evangelical Christians who -were living under the dominion of the Crescent; and the successor of -Mohammed would as naturally persecute those who, in his opinion, -professed detestable doctrines, as his master had done before him, sword -in hand. The very reverse took place. - -[Sidenote: Rome A Persecutor.] - -This, however, is easily explained. Rome, by her church system, had -established herself apart from the Gospel. Of course something of the -Christian religion remained in her doctrine; and this Christianity was -and had always been dear to the seven thousand who, in the midst of the -Catholics, had not bowed the knee to Baal. But this _residuum_ was -generally concealed, and what was apparent was something entirely -different. It was the pope, his cardinals, his agents, worship paid to -the Virgin, to the saints, to created beings, numberless rites, images, -pilgrimages, indulgences, and every one knows what besides. The -Catholicism of the pontiffs, not finding these superfluities and -superstitions in evangelical Christianity, was stoutly opposed to it. It -was all the more so because it saw instead the great principles of a -living faith, of regeneration, and of the new birth, of which it knew -not what to make. It therefore waged on its opponents ‘a strange and -long war in which violence attempted to suppress the truth. It committed -frightful excesses against the word of Jesus Christ.’[596] -Ultramontanism in the sixteenth century, as well as in later times, -awoke every morning with sword drawn, in a kind of rage, like Saul, and -wanted to overturn every thing, as has been said of the writer who was -in our own time its most energetic champion.[597] It did as he boasted -of doing, fired _in the teeth of the enemy_. - -The position of Islamism was different. In view of the two forms of -Christianity, it despised both and was not at all inclined to place its -sword, as the Catholic princes did, at the service of the pope. In the -Roman churches the Mohammedan was chiefly struck by the images; and -remembering better than the pope the commandment of God—_Thou shalt not -make any graven image nor the likeness of any thing_—he felt a higher -esteem for Protestants who kept it. The judges appointed by the Sublime -Porte often displayed a sense of justice; and they did not think it -their duty to sacrifice good men to their enemies on the ground of their -not acknowledging the high-priest of Rome. While therefore we meet in -these years with instances of the respect shown by the Turks for the -free worship of the Gospel,[598] we constantly find examples and very -numerous ones of Romish intolerance. - -Ferdinand formed an exception. He perceived that the Reformation was -making great progress in his kingdom; and, more enlightened than his -brother had been, far from declaring open war on Protestantism, he was -anxious of the two opposing parties to mould one single Church, and -thought that in order to succeed in this he must make important -concessions. He believed, in common with the Hungarian Diet, that a -general council alone, which should take as the basis of its labors the -Holy Scriptures, could bring about this important reconciliation. This -council, which assembled at Trent in December, 1545, Ferdinand called -upon to unite the two parties by effecting a reform of faith and morals, -particularly as regarded the pope and his court; by abolishing -dispensations and simony, sources of so much disorder; by transforming -the clergy, who ought for the future to give themselves to an honorable -and chaste behavior, and to primitive simplicity and purity in their -dress, their way of life, and their doctrine; by administration of the -Supper in both kinds; by urging the pope to take as his model the -humility of Jesus; by abolishing the celibacy of priests, occasion of so -much scandal; and by suppressing apocryphal traditions.[599] These -demands for reform showed plainly enough what strength the Gospel had -gained in Hungary, and the immense benefit which the Reformation would -have conferred on the Church universal if Rome, instead of withstanding -it, had submitted to its wholesome influence. Instead of all this the -council pronounced the anathema against the holiest doctrines of the -Gospel and of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Council Of Trent.] - -If Hungary did not succeed in exerting an influence upon the Council of -Trent, the council nevertheless produced some effect on Hungary. -Evangelical Christians felt the necessity of drawing together, of -concentration, of union. There were in the country, in the fifteenth -century, some Hussite congregations, the organization of which was -Presbyterian in form; and God had just raised up a great number of -Christians who, by means of Devay and others, had been brought into -contact with the Swiss, and had attached themselves to the synodal -system which was flourishing among the confederates. They desired to act -in concert and to help each other under the direction of Christ, the -King of the Church, at a time when the adherents of the pope were united -under his law. The powerful and pious magnate Caspar Dragfy encouraged -them with a promise of his protection. An assembly was held in the town -of Erdoed, comitat of Szathmar, in the north of Transylvania. -Twenty-nine pastors attached to the Helvetic confession met there; and -anxious to set forth the faith which formed their bond of union, they -conversed together of God, of the Redeemer, of the justification of the -sinner, of faith, good works, the sacraments, the confession of sins, -Christian liberty, the head of the Church, the Church, the order which -must be established in it, and the lawful separation from Rome. They -were all agreed; and having embodied in a formula their belief on these -twelve points, they were desirous at the same time of expressing their -close union with all Christians and particularly with the disciples of -Luther. They therefore added in conclusion the following statement: ‘In -the other articles of the faith we agree with the true Church, as it is -set forth in the confession presented at Augsburg to the emperor Charles -the Fifth.’ This conclusion shows that on some points these churches did -not agree with the Confession of Augsburg, and proves the adhesion of -the Erdoed pastors to the Helvetic confession; an adhesion which is -denied by some writers.[600] - -It was not long before the Lutherans on their side followed this -example. They were found chiefly in those parts of Hungary and -Transylvania in which German was spoken; while the Helvetic confession -had its most numerous adherents among the Magyars of Finnish origin. - -In 1546, five towns of Upper Hungary held an assembly at Eperies, in -which sixteen articles of faith were settled. ‘We will continue -faithful,’ said the delegates, ‘to the faith professed in the Confession -of Augsburg and in Melanchthon’s book.’[601] This assembly laid down -very rigorous regulations. A minister who should teach any other -doctrine, after being warned, was to be deprived of his office; and the -magistrate was to be exhorted not to allow serious offences, in order -that the ministers might not be compelled to re-establish -excommunication. No one was to be admitted to the Lord’s Supper until he -had been properly examined. - -Notwithstanding the severity of these principles and the determined -temper of the Hungarians, there were not seen among them at this time -those passionate conflicts which sometimes took place between opposing -confessions. This may have been owing to the difference of -nationalities. For the two races inhabiting the country were separated -by language and by customs. It may also have been the case that there -was a clearer apprehension in this noble country than elsewhere of the -truth that when there exists a unity in the great doctrines of the faith -contention ought not to be allowed on secondary points.[602] - -The evangelical doctors did not confine themselves to holding their -regular meetings; but everywhere they preached the Gospel to great -multitudes.[603] - -[Sidenote: Szegedin At Temeswar.] - -About this time Szegedin was called from Czegled to Temeswar, an -important town situated a little farther south than Szegedin, his native -place, the name of which he bore. This call was sent to him by Count -Peter Petrovich, one of the guardians of the young son of Zapolya, but a -very different man from his colleague, the bishop. Petrovich was the -avowed friend and the powerful protector of evangelical reform. -Szegedin, in his new position, immediately put forth all his energies. -He not only expounded and defended sound doctrine as a theologian, but -he scattered abroad in men’s hearts the seeds of truth and of life. The -count loved and admired him, and countenanced his labors. He protected -him against his enemies, and took an interest in the smallest affairs of -his life. For example, he gave him for winter wear a coat lined with -fox-fur.[604] The glad tidings of the love of God, which save him who -believes, were spreading farther and wider in these lands, when after -three years Szegedin had the pain of seeing the place of his protector, -Count Petrovich, taken by a superior officer of the army, Stephen -Losonczy. If the former concerned himself lovingly about the Gospel of -peace, the latter made no account of any thing but war, cared for -nothing but the soldiery, and was devoted to the Romish party. Losonczy -troubled himself very little about the army of Jesus Christ. He wanted -to hear only of that army which he trained, and which at his command -executed skilful manœuvres; and he was annoyed with those evangelists -who troubled conscience and urged men to think of things above. In this -he could see nothing but a dangerous enthusiasm. He thought it was far -more useful to mind things below. In his view the military art was not -only the most beautiful and the most ingenious, but also the most -essential. Men of truly Christian character have been sometimes found -serving in armies, and even in the higher ranks. But those who, like -Losonczy, look upon religion as a troublesome superstition which must be -suppressed have never been rare, even in religious epochs. The successor -of Count Petrovich, therefore, did not hesitate to expel from the -country those whom his predecessor had called thither; not Szegedin -alone, but also the other ministers, his colleagues. No sooner had he -done this than the Turks appeared, seized the fortress, and massacred -all the Christians they met with, including the unhappy Losonczy -himself. None escaped but the pastors whom the terrible general had -placed in safety by banishing them, with the intent to ruin them. The -merciless Losonczy had imagined that he should defend Temeswar all the -more effectually by getting rid of these tiresome ministers, whom he -looked upon as mere _impedimenta_, quite useless, and, moreover, very -embarrassing. Yet these faithful heralds of the Gospel, by interceding -with God and by strengthening the hearts of men, might perhaps have -saved the town and its inhabitants. They would at least have consoled -them in their affliction.[605] - -[Sidenote: The Gospel At Tolna.] - -If the Turks were making their conquests, the Christians likewise were -making theirs, even in the districts of Hungary, then subject to -Mussulman authority. Emeric Eszeky (Czigerius), a disciple of Luther and -Melanchthon, having at this period returned to Hungary—Wittenberg was a -fountain from which living water did not cease to flow—made a stay at -Tolna on the Danube, south of Buda. His heart was grieved to see the -population of the town wholly given up to superstition and impiety. -Nevertheless, he was not disheartened; and he began to make known the -Gospel in private houses and everywhere. After fifteen days, three or -four persons had received the knowledge of the Gospel. This was little, -and yet it was a great deal. But desirous of a more abundant harvest, he -left the town and travelled about the surrounding country. Finding the -common people absorbed in the concerns of mere material existence, he -resolved to address chiefly the school-masters and the priests, -expecting to find in them a good soil for the sowing of the word. He was -not altogether mistaken; for if many bigoted priests dismissed him, some -of the ecclesiastics and masters of schools nevertheless gave him -welcome. Arriving one day at the parish of Cascov, comitat of Baranya, -he knocked at the door of the parson, Michael Szataray. He was kindly -received, and they had a long conversation. The priest, a serious and -sincere man, relished the good words of Eszeky, and with all his heart -believed the good news of the Gospel, which hitherto he had but vaguely -understood. He felt immediately impelled to communicate it to others, -and courageously joined Eszeky. The two travelling ministers, filled -with earnestness, succeeded in spreading abroad evangelical light in the -whole of Lower Hungary. They led a life of hardship, and had frequently -to meet with hatred and persecution. But their patience was perfect, and -God kept them safe from all danger.[606] - -While Eszeky, accompanied by his fellow-laborer, was thus visiting the -towns and country districts, the seed which he had scattered at Tolna, -and which at first seemed to have sprung up only in two or three places, -had germinated a little everywhere. The field which had seemed barren, -had at length given proof of fertility. Those of the inhabitants who had -embraced the Reformation had built a church at the extremity of the -town; and, two years and nine months after the departure of the -reformer, he received a call to preach the Gospel there again. He -returned to Tolna, proclaimed Christ, and the church was filled with -hearers. But great dangers awaited him there. There were two distinct -parties in the place; and while some of the people attached themselves -to the Saviour, others continued to be thoroughly devoted to the pope. -At the head of the latter party was the burgomaster, who, in the -frequent interviews which he held with the priests, was pressed to rid -the town of the heretics. Unfortunately for the clergy, the magistrate -could do nothing of the sort without the consent of the Turks who -occupied the country. The Ultramontanes thought that they could smooth -away the difficulty by untying their purse-strings. They therefore -collected a considerable sum of money, and handed it to the burgomaster, -who then set out for Buda, the place of residence of the pasha. Having -obtained an audience of the Mussulman, he stated to him the occasion of -his coming, the disturbance which was created in the town by -Protestantism, and presented his rich offering. Confident that this -officer was what is called a true Turk, inexorable and pitiless, and -knowing how offenders, even viziers themselves, are despatched at -Constantinople, he in plain terms requested the pasha to have Eszeky put -to death, or at the least to banish him. The Mohammedan governor did not -think it his duty to proceed without observing judicial forms. He -consulted his Cadis, who informed their chief that the man against whom -the complaint was laid was an opponent of images and other Romish -superstitions. The pasha consequently gave orders that ‘the preacher of -_the doctrine discovered by Luther_ (this was how they described the -Gospel) should freely proclaim it to all who were willing to hear it.’ - -Eszeky and his companions were delighted to hear that the Turks gave -them the liberty of which the Romanists wished to deprive them. The -evangelical Christians could now without hinderance diffuse the -knowledge of Christ either in the church or elsewhere. A school was -established; and on August 3, 1549, Eszeky applied to his friend -Matthias Flacius Illyricus for books and assistants.[607] - -[Sidenote: Progress Of The Gospel.] - -The provinces which submitted to Ferdinand were no more forgotten than -those which were under the rule of the Turks. The Reformation was now -making great progress there. The priest Michael Szataray, who was -converted by the ministry of Eszeky, went to Komorn. Anthony Plattner -joined him; and both of them laboring zealously in this island formed by -the confluence of the Danube and the Waag, they laid the foundation of a -great community of the Helvetic confession. At Tyrnau also, to the north -of Presburg, the former teaching of Grynaeus and Devay, and the -evangelical writings which were eagerly read there, led the greater part -of the population to embrace the evangelical doctrines. The five towns -of the mountain region, which were held as allodial estates by Queen -Mary, peacefully enjoyed under her government the blessings of the -Gospel. But the princess having made a lease of them to her brother -Ferdinand, the priests wanted immediately to take advantage of this for -the oppression of these pious people. These attempts rekindled their -zeal; and the churches forwarded to the king’s delegates, at Eperies, an -evangelical confession full of faithfulness and of charity -(_Pentapolitana Confessio_). Ferdinand commanded that they should be let -alone.[608] - -The characteristic feature of this epoch, however, was—we say once -more—the progress which the Gospel was making under the rule of the -Turks. Fresh instances of this were constantly appearing. Faithful -ministers proclaimed the consolation and the peace of Jesus Christ to -the distressed and impoverished Hungarians who had remained in Buda -under the Mussulman yoke. The servants of Rome endeavored to gainsay -them. ‘A coarse, papistical Satan,’ wrote some one from Hungary to a -Breslau pastor, ‘opposed with all his might this Christian -ministry,’[609] He brought the subject before the pasha. The latter, -after hearing both sides, decided in favor of evangelical preaching, -‘Because,’ he said, ‘it teaches that one God alone is to be worshipped, -and because it condemns the abuse of images which we abominate.’[610] -The pasha, addressing the accuser, added—‘I am not placed here by my -emperor to busy myself about these controversies, but in order to keep -his empire as much at peace as possible.’ At Szegedin also he protected -the Gospel and its ministers against the violence of the papists. ‘See,’ -said the friends of the Gospel, ‘how wonderful and how consoling is the -counsel of God! We thought that the Turks would be cruel oppressors of -the faith and of those who profess it; but God would have it otherwise. -Is it not astonishing to see how the good news of the glory of God is -spreading in the midst of all these wars and disturbances?[611] The -whole of Transylvania has received the evangelical faith, in spite of -the prohibition of the monk and bishop George (Martinuzzi). Wallachia, -which is also subject to the Turks, professes the faith. The Gospel is -spreading from place to place throughout Hungary. Assuredly, if these -agitations of war had not broken out, the false bishops would have -stirred up against us far graver ones.’ - -Footnote 596: - - Pascal. These words immediately refer to the struggle of Roman - Catholicism against the Port-Royalists; but they are far more true - with respect to the Reformation. - -Footnote 597: - - De Maistre. - -Footnote 598: - - Gieseler, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 465. - -Footnote 599: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 77. - -Footnote 600: - - Ribini, _Memorabilia_, p. 67. _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in - Ungarn_, pp. 75, 76. Guericke, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 239. - -Footnote 601: - - This is doubtless the _Apology for the Confession_. Schroeckh, - _Reform._, ii. p. 734. - -Footnote 602: - - Ribini, _Memorabilia_, p. 66. Gebhardi, _Geschichte des Reichs - Ungarn_. - -Footnote 603: - - In this place the author wrote on his manuscript as a direction to his - amanuensis, ‘Leave one page blank.’ This _lacuna_ was not filled - up.—Editor. - -Footnote 604: - - ‘Vestem vulpina pelle subductam.’—Skarica, _Vita Szegedini_. - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 79. - -Footnote 605: - - Skarica, _Vita Szegedini_. _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in - Ungarn_, p. 80. - -Footnote 606: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, p. 80. - -Footnote 607: - - Epist. Czigerii ad M. Flacium Illyricum, in Ribini, _Memorabilia_, i. - p. 501. - -Footnote 608: - - _Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn_, pp. 81, 83. Ribini, - _Memorabilia_, i. p. 78. - -Footnote 609: - - ‘Crassum quendam Satanam papisticum vehementer obstitisse.’—Adalb. - Wurmloch in Bistriz ad Joh. Hess in Breslau. (MS. cited in Gieseler, - iii. p. 465.) - -Footnote 610: - - ‘Approbare evangelium, quod doceat unum colendum Deum reprobetque - abusum imaginum quas Turcæ abominantur.’—(MS. cited in Gieseler, iii. - p. 465.) - -Footnote 611: - - ‘Mirum namque in modum evangelium gloriæ Dei sub istis bellicis - tumultibus quam latissime vagatur.’—Joh. Creslingus ad Ambrosium - Moibanum.—(MS. in Gieseler, iii. p. 465.) - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - BOHEMIA, MORAVIA, AND POLAND. - (1518-1521.) - - -The reformation of Denmark and Sweden proceeded, humanly speaking, from -Luther, at whose feet the Scandinavian reformers had received the -Protestant doctrine. Consequently it was of later date than the -reformation of Germany. But there was one country in which the piercing -tones of the evangelical trumpet had been heard a century before Luther; -and we must not forget this country in the general history of the -Reformation. The discourses of John Hus had resounded in Bohemia and -Moravia. A great number of believers were to be found there at the -beginning of the sixteenth century; but Luther’s reformation gave them a -new life. - -[Sidenote: The Disciples Of Hus.] - -The disciples of Hus were divided into two distinct parties. One of -these had kept up certain relations with the Government of the country, -and had been weakened by the influence of the court. The members of this -party did not reject the authority of the Roman Catholic bishops of -Bohemia; and their principal concern was to reclaim the cup for the -laity, which procured them the designation of _Calixtines_. But the -majority of the Hussites, who were chiefly to be found among the country -people and the provincial nobility, having entered into relations with -the Wycliffites and the Vaudois, went farther than Hus himself. They -professed justification by faith in the Saviour, and looked upon the -institution of the papacy as anti-christian. This party, distinguished -by the name of Taborites, was not at the time of its origin what it -afterwards became. The waters, far from being tranquil, had then been in -a state of fermentation, ebullition, and violent agitation. These ardent -religionists had uttered war-cries and fought battles. But gradually, -being purified by means of the struggle and by adversity, they had -become more calm, more spiritual; and from 1457 to 1467 they had formed -a respectable Christian community under the name of the _United -Brethren_. - -Two different views as to the Lord’s Supper prevailed among them, -without however disturbing their brotherly unity. The majority believed, -with Wycliffe that the body of Christ is truly given with the bread; not -however corporeally but spiritually, sacramentally—to the soul, not to -the mouth. This was afterwards very nearly Calvin’s thought. The most -decided of the Hussites on this side was Lucas, an elder of the church. -The others, fewer in number, bore some resemblance in their views to the -Vaudois, and looked upon the bread as simply representing the body of -Christ. This was afterwards the view of Zwinglius. The two parties were -tolerant of each other and loved each other; and both were strongly -opposed to the notion of a corporeal presence of Christ in the -eucharist. - -[Sidenote: Hussites And Luther.] - -Suddenly the report of Luther’s reformation reached Bohemia, and there -was great joy among the disciples of Hus. They saw at last arising that -_eagle_ which their master had announced, and a power shaping itself -which would bring them important aid in their struggle with the papacy. -The Calixtines had addressed Luther both by letter and by messengers. He -received these with kindness; but he was not so friendly to the United -Brethren. He would not enter into relation with a sect some of whose -opinions he did not share. One day, in 1520, when preaching on the -sacrament of Christ’s body, he said—‘The _Brethren_ or Picards are -heretics, for, as I have seen in one of their books, they do not believe -that the flesh and the blood of Christ are truly in the sacrament.’[612] -This deeply affected the Bohemian evangelicals. - -Oppressed as they were, these brethren were anxious to find support in -the Saxon reformation; and now it repulsed them! It seemed as if the -little relish which they had for dogmatic formulæ, and the altogether -practical tendency of their Christianity, must make it easy for them to -come to an understanding with the Wittenberg reformers. They therefore -sent two members of their body to Luther, John Horn and Michael Weiss, -whose appointed task was, while not in any particular disowning their -own doctrine, to bring the famous doctor to a better opinion of those -whom he called _heretics_. It was not without some timidity that the two -Hussites approached Wittenberg. As members of a despised and persecuted -community, how would they be received by the illustrious doctor, a man -who enjoyed the protection of princes, whose voice was beginning to stir -all Europe, and whose audacious utterances terrified his adversaries? -The interview took place at the beginning of July, 1522. The two humble -delegates set forth accurately their belief respecting the Lord’s -Supper. ‘Christ,’ they said, ‘is not corporeally in the bread, as those -believe who assert that they have seen his blood flow. He is there -spiritually, sacramentally.’[613] It might seem to Luther a critical -moment. He encountered habitually so much opposition in the world, that -he might well ask whether he should go on to compromise himself still -farther by giving his hand to these old dissidents, who had been so many -times excommunicated, mocked, and crushed. Was it his duty, in addition -to all the opprobrium under which he already labored, to take upon him -also that which attached to this _sect_? A small mind would have yielded -to the temptation; but Luther’s was a great soul. He had respect only to -the truth. ‘If these divines teach,’ said Luther, ‘that a Christian who -receives the bread visibly receives also, doubtless invisibly, but -nevertheless in a natural manner, the blood of Him who sits at the right -hand of the Father, I cannot condemn them. In speaking of the communion, -they make use of _obscure and barbarous_ expressions, instead of -employing Scriptural phrases; but I have found their belief almost -entirely sound.’ Then, addressing the delegates at the time of their -leave-taking, he gave them this advice—‘Be good enough to express -yourselves more clearly in a fresh statement.’ - -The United Brethren sent him this fresh statement in 1523. It was the -production of their elder, Lucas, who, as a zealous Wycliffite, came -near to Luther, but at the same time felt bound to make no concessions. -He had consequently set forth very clearly that there was in the Supper -only spiritual nourishment for spiritual use. He had likewise added that -Christ was not in the sacrament, but _only in heaven_. Luther was at -first offended by these words. One might have said that these Bohemians -took pleasure in defying him. But Christian feeling gained the -ascendency in the great doctor. The discourses of Lucas gave him more -satisfaction than his treatises. He therefore relented, and addressed to -the Brethren his work on the _Worship of the Sacrament_,[614] in which -while setting forth his own doctrinal views he testified for them much -love and esteem. Both sides seem to have vied with each other in noble -bearing. The party which most nearly agreed with Luther became the -strongest; and after the death of Lucas, feeling more at liberty, it -came to an agreement with the Saxon reformer, while those who looked -upon the bread as representing Christ’s body, at the head of whom was -Michael Weiss, entered into relations with Zwinglius.[615] All that we -have just said relates to the Taborites. - -[Sidenote: Taborites And Calixtines.] - -The Calixtines, on their part, also felt the influence of the movement -which was shaking the Christian world. One tie still bound them to the -Roman hierarchy. ‘Who is it that appoints pastors?’ they wrote to -Luther; ‘is it not the bishops who have received authority from the -Church to do so?’ The reformer’s answer was at once modest and decided. -‘What you ask of me,’ he replied, ‘is beyond my power. However, what I -have I give to you; but I intend that your own judgment and that of your -brethren should be exercised in the most complete freedom. I offer you -nothing more than counsel and exhortation.’[616] The reformer’s opinion -was contained in a treatise annexed to his letter; and therein he showed -that each congregation had a right itself to choose and to consecrate -its own ministers. The modesty with which Luther expressed himself is -something far removed from the arrogance which his enemies delight to -attribute to him. The Calixtines, captivated by the reformer’s charity -and faith, determined in an assembly held in 1524, to continue in the -way marked out by Luther the reformation begun by John Hus. This -decision called forth keen opposition on the part of some of the body, -and its unity was broken. The number, however, of the Lutheran -Calixtines continually increased. They received in general such of the -evangelical doctrines as were still wanting to them; and henceforth they -differed from the United Brethren only by their want of discipline and -more intercourse with the world. - -It was not in Bohemia alone that John Hus had become the forerunner of -the Reformation; he had been so in other lands of Eastern Europe. One -country, Poland, seemed as if it must precede other nations in the path -of reformation. But after some rough conflicts with Jesuitism it passed -from the van to the rear. Having lost the Gospel, it lost independence, -and now remains in the midst of Europe a ruined monument, showing to the -nations what they become when they allow the truth to be taken away from -them. Already, in 1431, some of the disciples of Hus had come into -Poland, and had publicly defended at Cracow evangelical doctrines -against the doctors of the university, and this in the presence of the -king and the senate. In 1432, other Bohemians arrived in Poland, and -announced that the general council of Basel had received their deputies. -The bishop of Cracow, a steadfast adherent of the Romish party, -fulminated an interdict against them.[617] But the king and even several -of the bishops were not at all disturbed thereby, and they gave a -favorable reception to these disciples of John Hus, so that their -doctrines were diffused in various parts of Poland. Wycliffe was also -known there; and, about the middle of the fifteenth century, Dobszynski, -a Polish poet, composed a poem in his honor. - -Thus Hus and Wycliffe, Bohemia and England, countries so wonderfully -unlike each other, were at the same time, as early as the fifteenth -century, laboring to disseminate the light in the land of the Jagellons. -It was not in vain. In 1459, Ostrorog, palatine of Posen, presented to -the Diet a project of reform which, without touching upon dogmas, -distinctly pointed out abuses, and established the fact that the pope -had no authority whatever over kings, because the kingdom of Christ is -not of this world. In 1500, celibacy and the worship of relics were -attacked in some works published at Cracow. In 1515 Bernard of Lublin -established the express principle of the Reformation—_that we must -believe only the Word of God_, and that we ought to reject the tradition -of men.[618] This was the state of things when the Reformation appeared. -How would it be received? - -The common people both in the country and in the towns were in general -dull of understanding and destitute of culture. But the citizens of the -great towns, who by commerce were brought into intercourse with other -populations, and particularly with those of Germany, had developed -themselves and began to be acquainted with their rights. A wealthy and -powerful aristocracy were predominant in the country. The clergy had no -power at all. The Church had no influence whatever on the State, nor did -the State ever assist the Church. The priests themselves, by reason of -their worldliness and their immorality, were in many places objects of -contempt. Sigismund I., the reigning sovereign, was a prince of noble -character and of enlightened mind; and he endeavored to promote a taste -for the sciences and the arts. Such a country appeared to be placed in -circumstances very favorable for the reception of the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Lutheranism In Poland.] - -The Reformation had no sooner begun, than Luther’s writings arrived in -Poland, and laymen began to read them with eager interest. Some young -Germans, who had been students at Wittenberg, made known the Reformation -in the families in which they were engaged as tutors; and afterwards -they endeavored to propagate it among the flocks of which they became -pastors. Some young Poles flocked around Luther; and afterwards they -scattered abroad in their native land the seed which they had collected -at Wittenberg. - -The Reformation naturally began in that part of Poland which lay nearest -to Germany, of which Posen is the capital. In 1524 Samuel, a Dominican -monk, attacked there the errors of the Roman Church. In 1525, John -Seclucyan preached the Gospel in the same district; and a powerful -family, the Gorkas, received him into their mansion, in which they had -already established evangelical worship, and gave him protection against -his persecutors.[619] This pious man availed himself of the leisure -afforded him by this Christian hospitality to translate the New -Testament into Polish. Alone, in the chamber in which he had been -obliged to take refuge, he accomplished, like Luther in the Wartburg, a -work which was to be the enlightening of many souls. - -The Gospel did not stop here. Just as in a dark night one flash which -shines in the west is succeeded by another on the farthest borders of -the east, so the doctrine of salvation, after appearing in the west of -Poland, suddenly showed itself in the north, in the east, even as far as -Königsberg. From the still chamber in which John Seclucyan carried on -his valuable labors the Polish reveille transports us into a great, -flourishing, and populous town, to which foreigners in great numbers -resorted from all quarters. Dantzic, which then belonged to Poland, -became the principal focus of the Reformation in these lands. From 1518, -German merchants, attracted thither by the commerce and industry of the -city, took pleasure in recounting there the great discoveries which -Luther was making in the Bible. A pious, enlightened, decided man, named -Jacob Knade, a native of Dantzic, gave ear to the good news which the -Germans proclaimed and received them joyfully. He opened his house -immediately to all who wished to hear the same. His frank and open -disposition and his amiable address made it easy for any one to cross -the threshold of his abode. He did not confine himself to Christian -conversation. As he was an ecclesiastic, he began to preach in public -his faith in the church of St. Peter. He loved the Saviour and knew how -to make others love Him. To flowers he added fruit, and to good words -good works. Convinced that marriage is a divine institution, the object -of which is to preserve the holiness of life, he married. This act -raised a terrible storm. The enemies of the Reformation, persuaded that -if this example were followed the Church of Rome could not subsist, had -him thrown into prison.[620] Released after six months, he was compelled -to leave the town; and he would have wandered to and fro if a noble in -the neighborhood of Thorn had not offered him an asylum, as the Gorka -family had done to the evangelist of Posen. The nobles of Poland showed -themselves noble indeed; and in practising hospitality they entertained -angels unawares.[621] - -The bishop of the diocese, of which Dantzic with its priests was a -dependency, awakened from their slumbers, tried all means of beating -back what they called _heresy_; and for this purpose they founded the -fraternity of the _Annunciation of Mary_, the members of which were -diligently to visit all persons who were spoken of as brought to the -Gospel. ‘Come now,’ they said to them, ‘return to the Catholic and -Apostolic Church, beyond whose pale there is no salvation.’ But the -evangelical work, instead of falling off, continued to increase. Various -divines had filled the post of Knade at Dantzic—the Hebraist -Böschenstein, a Carmelite, Binewald, and others. - -[Sidenote: Doctor Alexander.] - -The citizens would have no more of the Roman Church, on account of its -errors; and the common people scoffed at it, on account of its petty -practices. In the convent of the Franciscans there was a pious monk, -Doctor Alexander, who had gradually become convinced not only of -evangelical truth, but also of the necessity of preaching it. However, -he was no Luther. He was one of those placid, moderate, and somewhat -timid men who abstain from any thing which may provoke contradiction, -and are a little too much masters of themselves. He remained, therefore, -in his convent, continued attached to the Church, and preached the truth -seriously, but with great cautiousness. The more cultivated of the -inhabitants attended his preaching. There was a crowd of hearers, and -many were enlightened by his discourses. But some could not understand -why he did not separate from Rome. Some pious Christians, occasionally a -little enthusiastic, demanded that every thing should be changed, -without as well as within, and that an entirely new order should be -established in the Church. They were certainly not wrong to desire it, -but they did not understand that this new order must be established by -the faith of the heart, and not by the strength of the arm. One of -these, named Hegge,[622] preached in the open air outside the town. ‘To -bow down before images,’ he exclaimed, ‘is stupidity; nay more, it is -idolatry;’ and he induced his hearers to break the idols. Fortunately, -by the side of these iconoclasts there were some prudent evangelical -Christians who, perceiving like Luther that it was by the Word that all -needful change must be wrought, requested of the council that it might -be publicly preached. The council, which included the aristocracy of the -town, most of them Roman Catholics, and which was controlled by the -bishop, at first rejected this request. But, at length, finding that a -very large number of the inhabitants had embraced the Reformation, it -granted five churches for their use. From this time the two doctrines, -that of the Gospel and that of Rome, were both preached in the town. -Religious liberty existed, and the evangelicals were satisfied -therewith. - -But the enthusiasts of whom we have spoken, who had not yet renounced -the intolerant theories which were and always will be held by Rome,[623] -wanted something else. ‘What,’ they said, ‘Christian churches filled -with images of men! A people bowing down to them! All the churches must -be cleared of images, and the Word of God must be established.’ The -council gave a decisive refusal. It appeared to these Christians that -the magistrates were thus placing themselves in opposition to the will -of God. It was, therefore, essential to have others. Although the town -was under the sovereignty of the king of Poland, it enjoyed a complete -independence in the management of its home affairs. Four thousand -Lutherans took advantage of this fact. They assembled, surrounded the -town-hall, and appointed other magistrates from among their own friends. -These officers required the priests to preach the Gospel, and to cast -things defiled out of the sanctuary. As the priests refused to do so, -the new council set evangelical ministers in their place, abolished the -Romish worship, converted the convents into schools and hospitals, and -declared that as the wealth of the church was public property, it should -remain untouched.[624] - -[Sidenote: Church Organization.] - -The subject of the organization of the Church in conformity with the -Holy Scriptures was now under discussion. These men of action found that -they knew very little about it, and they determined to invite Doctor -Pomeranus to go and perform this task. Pomeranus (Bugenhagen) was the -organizer and administrator of the Reformation. One of the Dantzic -pastors, Doctor John, set out for Wittenberg. On his arrival he betook -himself to Luther, delivered to him the letter with which he was -entrusted, and gave him an account of the reformation at Dantzic, of -course omitting its unpleasant features, and depicting it in the fairest -colors. ‘Oh,’ said the great man, ‘what wonderful things Christ has -wrought in that town!‘[625] The reformer, without delay, despatched the -news to Spalatin, adding, ‘I should rather that Pomeranus remained with -us; but as a matter of so much importance is at stake, for the love of -God we must yield.’ All were not of the same opinion. Pomeranus was so -valuable at Wittenberg. ‘Ah,’ replied the ardent reformer, ‘if I were -called, I would go immediately.’[626] The council of the university then -interfered. ‘Many foreign students,’ said the council, ‘come to -Wittenberg; we must therefore keep the men who are competent to train -useful ministers for other towns of Germany.’ Michael Hanstein was -chosen instead of Pomeranus. ‘If there be any changes to introduce,’ -wrote the reformer when dismissing him, ‘images or other things to put -away, let it be done not by the people but by the regular action of the -council. We must not despise the powers that be.’[627] - -This prudent counsel came too late. The reforms effected at Dantzic had -thrown the Roman Catholics into a state of distress; and amongst them -were to be found the most eminent men. What! no more images, no more -altars, no more masses, no more churches! Some of the members of the old -council were dispatched to ask aid of King Sigismund. They arrived at -the palace in carriages hung with black; they made their appearance -before the prince in mourning apparel, their heads encircled with crape, -as if the sovereign himself were dead; and on their countenances was the -expression of deep grief. They laid their grievances before the king, -and entreated him to save the town from the complete ruin with which it -seemed to be threatened and to re-establish the old order of things -abolished by the townsmen. - -[Sidenote: Severity Of Sigismund.] - -The king was struck by the appearance of these men wearing mourning for -the Church. Notwithstanding his remarkable capacities he did not see -that there could be any other religion than that in which he was born; -and he followed in this matter the advice of his prelates. He therefore -summoned the leaders of the reformed party. These men, however, while -professing their loyalty to the prince, did not appear at his call, and -were consequently outlawed. In April, 1526, Sigismund himself went to -Dantzic. Although a Roman Catholic, he was an opponent of persecution on -account of religion. Being urged on one occasion by John Eck to follow -the example of the king of England, who had just declared against the -Reformation, the king replied—‘Let Henry VIII. publish, if he like, -books against Luther; but I for my part will be the same to the goats -and to the sheep.’ But the present case was very different. The -reformers had laid hands on the State; a political body had been -overthrown. Sigismund was pitiless. The heads of the movement were -punished with confiscation of their property and banishment from Dantzic -or death. Every citizen who did not return to the Roman Church had to -leave the town in fifteen days; the married priests, monks and nuns, in -twenty-four hours. Every inhabitant was to deliver up Luther’s books. -The Roman worship was everywhere restored, and the church of St. Mary, -in particular, was given back to the Virgin by a solemn mass. The -Dantzic reformers thus paid dear for the mistake which they had made, -forgetting the great apostolical principle, ‘The weapons of our warfare -are not carnal, but mighty through God.’[628] - -This persecution, however, did not extinguish faith in men’s hearts; it -purified them. Three years later, while a terrible epidemic was raging -at Dantzic, a pious minister, named Pancrace Klemme, proclaimed the -Gospel there, with love, power, and sobriety. The king broke out in -threatenings. Klemme declared that he would accept no other rule of -conduct or of teaching but the Word of God; and carrying on his work -vigorously he earned the title of the Dantzic Reformer. Sigismund, -struck with his wise procedure, and fearing lest this and other towns in -his dominions should ally themselves with evangelical Prussia, took no -notice. In the succeeding reign, the Gospel again triumphed in this -city, but without confusion, and without infringing on the liberty of -the Roman Catholics. - -Thorn, a town situated like Dantzic on the Vistula, but further south, -and which afterwards played a somewhat important part in the history of -the Reformation, was also among the first to display its enthusiasm for -it. At a Diet held in this town in 1520, the king issued an ordinance -against Luther. In the following year, the pope and the bishop of -Kamienez having determined to get an effigy of the reformer publicly -burnt, some partisans of the illustrious doctor, rather hasty no doubt, -finding that his enemies resorted to fire for the purpose of convincing -them, took up stones and threw them at the prelates and their adherents. -These disturbances were renewed in other shapes, but ultimately every -thing settled down; and a few years later the Gospel was regularly -preached in the churches. - -It might have been said that the Vistula bore the Reformation on its -waters; for we have found it at Thorn and at Dantzic, and we find it -also at the old capital of the kingdom, Cracow. A secretary of the king, -named Louis Dietz, afterwards burgomaster of this town, having visited -Wittenberg in 1522, came back full of what he had seen and heard, and -distributed his new treasure freely on his return. Many of the -inhabitants then embraced the doctrine of the Reformation. The -university appears to have been the centre from which the light -radiated. Luther’s works were publicly offered for sale, and every body -wanted to know what was in them. Theologians, students and townsmen -bought and read them eagerly, and the professors did not disapprove -them. Modrzewski, a writer of that time, has narrated what occurred in -his own case. Impelled simply by curiosity, he began to read the books -unconcernedly; but as he went on, the seriousness, the truth, and the -life which he found in them interested him more and more. When he had -come to the end, the opinions of the Roman tradition had given place in -his mind to the truths of the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: A Secret Society.] - -There was in Poland a party which held a middle ground between -enthusiasm on the one side and opposition to it on the other. The -educated classes were very generally at this time in a state of doubt, -hesitating between the two doctrines. A secret society was formed, -composed of well-informed men, both laymen and churchmen, whose object -was to read and to discuss the evangelical publications. The queen -herself, Bona Sforza, was one of these investigators. She had for her -confessor a learned Italian monk, one Lismanini, who received all the -antipapistical books published in the various countries of Europe, and -transmitted them to the society of examiners. The queen was sometimes -present at the conferences. It was not till a later day, however, that -this association rose into far greater importance.[629] - -The number of people decided in favor of reform was continually -increasing. The university, the library, the cathedral, and even the -bishop’s palace resounded with theological discussions between the -partisans of tradition and those of Holy Scripture. The students -especially were enthusiastic for Luther. The bishop, alarmed and bent on -applying some remedy, summoned a professor whose ultramontane orthodoxy -was unimpeachable, and explained his fears to him. The professor, all -afire with zeal, ascended the pulpit and delivered before the students -several very animated sermons against Luther and his Reformation.[630] -But it was to no purpose that he did so. The doctrine thus attacked was -constantly propagated farther and wider. Fabian de Lusignan, bishop of -Ermeland in the palatinate of Marienburg, was friendly to it; and other -bishops besides were believed to have leanings to Wittenberg. - -A fresh circumstance occurred to give this doctrine powerful support. -Albert, duke of Prussia Proper, whose seat was at Königsberg, had been -enlightened, as we have noticed, by the preaching of Osiander at -Nürnberg; and he had become the protector of evangelical doctrine in the -towns of Poland in his neighborhood. Luther rejoicing at the news wrote -to the bishop of Samland—‘In Albert, that illustrious hero, you have a -prince full of zeal for the Gospel; and now the people of Prussia, who -perhaps had never known the Gospel, or at least had only heard a -falsified version of it, are in possession of it in all its -brightness.’[631] - -Ere long the Reformation reached Livonia, and Luther was filled with joy -to hear that ‘_God was there also beginning his marvellous works_.’ -Luther was, so to speak, the bishop of the new churches, and his -powerful words came to them to guide and strengthen. In August, 1523, he -wrote to the Christians of Riga, Revel, and other places in that -country—‘Be sure there will come wolves who will want to lead you back -into Egypt, to the devilish and false worship. From this Christ has -delivered you. Take heed therefore that ye be not carried away. Be -assured that Christ alone is eternally our Lord, our priest, our -teacher, our bishop, our Saviour, and our comforter, against sin, -against sorrow, against death, and against every thing that is hurtful -to us.’[632] - -Directing our attention further to the east and the north, we see -Russia, of which we shall have something to say in connection with -Poland, and which did not see till a later day any disciples of the -Reformation, and these almost all foreigners. Nevertheless, at the time -of Luther’s rising against the captivity of the Church, there was also -in these lands a movement in the direction of the Bible. The sacred -writings, transcribed by ignorant copyists, had been gradually altered, -and the sense had been corrupted. In 1520, the Czar Vassili Ivanovich -applied to the monks of Mount Athos to send him a doctor competent to -restore the true text. Maximus, a Greek monk, well acquainted with the -Greek and the Slavonic languages, arrived at Moscow. He was received -with much respect, and he spent ten years in correcting the Slave -version by the original text. But the Russian priests, ignorant and -superstitious, were jealous of his superiority. They accused him of -altering the sacred books with a view to introduce _a new doctrine_; and -the doctor was consigned to a convent.[633] The Greek or Russian Church -unhappily remained outside the circle of the Reformation. - -Footnote 612: - - Luther, _Werke_, xix. p. 554. (Walch.) - -Footnote 613: - - Luther, _Epp._, ad Nic. Haussmannum. - -Footnote 614: - - Luther, _Werke_, xix. p. 1593. (Walch.) - -Footnote 615: - - _Apologia veræ doctrinæ eorum qui appellantur Waldenses vel Picardi._ - (Zurich, 1532. Wittenberg, 1538.) - -Footnote 616: - - ‘Sed liberrimum vestrum sit et omnium judicium.’—Luther, _Epp._ ii. p. - 452. - -Footnote 617: - - Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves_, p. 114. - -Footnote 618: - - Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves_, pp. 115, 116. - -Footnote 619: - - Fischer, _Reform in Polen_, i. p. 44. - -Footnote 620: - - Schroeckh, _Reform_, ii. p. 671. - -Footnote 621: - - Heb. xiii. 2. - -Footnote 622: - - Hartknoch, _Preussische Kirchenhistorie_, p. 654. - -Footnote 623: - - See the _Syllabus_. - -Footnote 624: - - Hartknoch, _Preussische Kirchenhistorie_, pp. 565-568. Krasinski, - _Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves_, chap, vi. p. 119. - -Footnote 625: - - ‘Mira quæ in Dantziko operatus est Christus.’—Luther, _Epp._ ii. p. - 642. - -Footnote 626: - - ‘Sed statim irem.’—Luther, _Epp._ ii p. 642. - -Footnote 627: - - Luther to the Dantzic Council, May 5, 1525.—_Epp._ ii. p. 656. - -Footnote 628: - - 2 Cor. x. 4. Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des Peuples Slaves_, chap. vi. - p. 120. - -Footnote 629: - - Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des Peuples Slaves_, vi. p. 121. - -Footnote 630: - - Friese, _Kirchengeschichte Polens_, ii. p. 64. - -Footnote 631: - - Luther to the Bishop of Samland, April, 1525.—_Epp._ ii. p. 449. - -Footnote 632: - - Luther to the Christians of Livonia, April, 1523.—_Epp._ ii. p. 374. - -Footnote 633: - - Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves_, chap. xiv. p. 261. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - THE POLISH REFORMER. - (1524-1527.) - - -In Poland, hitherto, it is only secondary workers, if we may so speak, -that we have met with. The country was, however, to possess in one of -her own sons a man worthy to rank with the reformers, and whose ambition -it would be to see his native land enlightened by the Gospel. Unhappily, -during his best years, the storm of persecution drove him to a distance -from her. - -[Sidenote: John Alasco.] - -At the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was in Poland a noble -and wealthy family, whose rare privilege it was to count among its -members several distinguished men. The foremost of these, John, baron -Alasco, was archbishop of Gnesen (Gniezno), capital of Great Poland, and -at the same time primate of the kingdom. He was a man endowed with a -noble character, a friend of the sciences, devoted to his country, the -legislation of which he had striven to improve, in favor at court, and -an avowed enemy to the Reformation. He had three nephews, brothers, who -were very distinguished men in their day. The eldest, Stanislaus, was -minister plenipotentiary of Poland in France under Francis I.; and he -discharged the same functions at the court of Austria. Yaroslav (or -Jerome), a learned and eminent writer, was active also in political -affairs, and played an important part in the disputes between Austria -and Turkey. The third brother was named John, like his uncle, and was -born at Warsaw in 1499. He dedicated himself to the priesthood, studied -with distinction, under the superintendence of the primate, and -according to some authorities was intended to succeed him.[634] - -At twenty-five John was still attached to the Roman Catholic faith; but -he was one of those spirits which are sensitive to the noble voice of -truth and freedom, when once it is heard. The principles maintained by -the Vaudois, by Wycliffe and the Hussites, had prepared Poland, as -already related, for the reception of ideas more Christian and more -liberal than those of the papacy. The young John Alasco had felt this -influence; and although he still held to Roman unity, and was prejudiced -against the work of Luther, he believed, nevertheless, that there was -something good in the movement for reformation which was then stirring -all Europe. He wished to be a nearer spectator of the movement. Erasmus -was at this time his ideal. This great scholar, while remaining in the -Catholic Church, boldly contended against its abuses, and strove to -diffuse everywhere more light. About 1524 Alasco quitted Poland for the -purpose of visiting the courts and the most famous universities of -Europe, and above all Erasmus. - -The young Polish noble did not swim with the stream which was at this -time carrying so many young men to Wittenberg and to Luther. He was at -present too much attached to the Roman Church, and his uncle, the -primate, was even more so. He therefore shaped his course at first, as -it seems, for Louvain, which the archbishop must have recommended to him -in preference to Wittenberg. But if he were really at Louvain at this -epoch, the scholastic and fanatical Catholicism of the university led -him immediately to seek more enlightened teaching elsewhere. It is -indeed stated that at Louvain he formed a friendship with Albert -Hardenberg.[635] He might at a later time have learned much from this -theologian, so distinguished for his knowledge, his penetrating -intellect, and his amiable manners. But in 1523 Hardenberg was only -thirteen, and he remained till 1530 in the convent of Aduwert, in the -province of Groningen. It was, therefore, at a subsequent period that -these two men became close friends. - -[Sidenote: Alasco And Zwinglius.] - -The first reformer with whom we find Alasco brought into connection is -Zwinglius. On his arrival at Zurich in 1525, it was natural that Alasco -should wish to see the Swiss reformer, who was himself the disciple and -friend of Erasmus. It was the time when Zwinglius was resisting Manz -Grebel and other enthusiastic sectaries. This might encourage Alasco, -who was at present a Catholic, to seek acquaintance with him. Zwinglius, -when this young nobleman of the North was introduced to him, lost no -time in pointing out the source at which he must seek for the truth. -‘Apply yourself,’ said he, ‘to the study of the sacred writings.’[636] -Alasco was struck with these words. He had already held intercourse with -many doctors at Louvain and elsewhere, ‘but,’ said he ‘this man was the -first who bade me search the Scriptures.’[637] The more he reflected and -the more he practised this precept, so much the more he began to -discover the new way that leadeth unto life. He felt the power of that -word, and acknowledged that it came from God.[638] Zwinglius went a step -farther. He called upon Alasco _to forsake the papal superstition and to -be converted to the Gospel_.[639] - -But the nephew of the primate of Poland was not inclined, at this time, -to follow the advice of Zwinglius. He was desirous of devoting his -powers to the service of his country, in which he was sure to hold an -influential position. It was not the episcopal mitre and its -accompanying honors which attracted him. It was the hope of diffusing in -the Church knowledge and piety. To attain this end he was persuaded that -he ought to remain within the pale of the Church. - -However this might be, Zwinglius had given him the first impulse. He had -received at Zurich the touch which comes from above, and which impels -men to seek for the truth in the Bible. He appears to have spent some -time at Zurich. He often remembered Zwinglius with gratitude; and when -he saw the reformer attacked, calumniated, and after his death -represented as the worst of all enthusiasts, Alasco, who had been a -witness of his conflicts with lawless men, bravely undertook his -defence. ‘Doctrines are attributed to him,’ he said, ‘of which he never -had a thought, and which are even contrary to those contained in his own -writings.’[640] - -Alasco passed through Zurich, he tells us, on his way to France.[641] It -was natural, however, that on going to Basel he should see Erasmus, -whose acquaintance he had so greatly desired to make. His visit to the -king of the schools, therefore, must have followed immediately his visit -to the reformer.[642] - -[Sidenote: Alasco’s Visit To Erasmus.] - -Erasmus was highly esteemed in Poland. Several grandees of the kingdom -had shown him marks of their good-will, and had also made him kind -presents. Alasco brought him letters from his friends; and there was in -himself a grace and a modesty which might well have sufficed without any -other recommendation. The scholar received him with much kindness and -even with warm feeling. The young man pleased him, and he invited him to -stay in his house. For the Polish student this was a most tempting -offer, and he accepted it. The illustrious Dutchman might have -entertained some scruples about offering to a young lord from the north -his modest abode, and his manner of life, so plain and devoid of -luxuries. But Erasmus did not think of this; and Alasco saw in the visit -an opportunity of procuring for this eminent man some comfort and -enjoyments. He had been, according to the custom of the church, richly -provided from his earliest years with titles and benefices; and he was -travelling, like the young nobles of the time, with a well-filled purse. -He therefore took upon himself, with true Polish liberality, the -household expenses during the stay which he was to make there; and he -did every thing on a grand scale. He set himself also to provide for the -literary tastes of Erasmus with as much generosity as delicacy.[643] - -Alasco thus spent several months in familiar intercourse with this great -man; and, aware of the ties which still bound Erasmus to the papal -system, he gave himself up the more confidingly to the impressions -produced on him by his fine genius in their daily intercourse. He broke -off more and more from that dark Catholicism, that intolerant monachism, -which Erasmus had long before lashed with his biting irony. The -influence of Erasmus was of even higher importance. The Bible, and -particularly the New Testament had been the special objects of his -labors. Observing the serious disposition of John Alasco, he advised him -to study the Holy Scriptures, thus urging him along the same path which -Zwinglius had pointed out. - -It is not enough, said Erasmus, in their frequent conversations, to aim -at holding an important place in the church. It is necessary to acquire -fitness for it, to study sound theology, and to seek for true religion -in the Gospel. Alasco gave his complete assent to a truth so just, and -he felt ashamed of himself. He was aspiring to the office of a priest, -of a bishop, probably even of primate; and he had taken little thought -about either the faith or [Sidenote: His Study Of The Scriptures.] the -knowledge which such a position demands. He set to work, and at a later -day he said to a reformer—‘It was Erasmus who led me to devote myself to -holy things; it was he who first began to instruct me in true -religion,’[644] He does not appear, however, to have found at this time -in Holy Scripture the deepest truth of the Christian faith. Erasmus -himself had not completely sounded this depth. He preferred the Gospel -to scholasticism; but he was filled at the same time with excessive -admiration for the Greeks and Romans, and could hardly help, he says -himself, often crying out—‘Holy Socrates, pray for us!’ It was exactly -at this time that this great man was engaged in a conflict with Luther, -and published his _Diatribe on the freedom of the will_, in which he -greatly reduced the power of divine grace. However, no man in his day -had acquired so universal a culture. Being near Erasmus was for Alasco -the best stimulus to progress in his studies. The young man resolved to -begin with Hebrew and the Old Testament; and at Basel he found the -necessary assistance. Conrad Pellican, a native of Elsass, who had -entered at an early age into the Franciscan order, had all alone in his -cell made himself master of the Hebrew language; and in 1502, while he -was still only twenty-four years of age, he had been named professor of -theology, and afterwards warden of his monastery. Light gradually arose -in his mind; and as early as 1512 Pellican and his friend Capito had -arrived at the perception of the simplicity and spirituality of the -Lord’s Supper. In 1523, at the request of some eminent citizens of -Basel, he had substituted, for masses read and sung without end in the -chapel, the daily exposition of the Holy Scriptures; and he had -persevered in this course, in spite of the complaints of the most -bigoted monks, who continually cried out that exposition of Scripture on -weekdays savored strongly of Lutheranism! By this man Alasco was -initiated in the knowledge of Hebrew and of the Old Testament. He -profited at the same time by intercourse with other eminent men who were -then at Basel; among whom were Glareanus,[645] a great master of the -Greek and Latin languages, and Oecolampadius, who devoted himself -especially to establishing the essential foundations of the faith, -without wasting time over subordinate differences. Alasco, on his part, -endeavored to be of service to these scholars. He was their young -Mæcenas, and he particularly encouraged Glareanus by generous subsidies. -To him Glareanus afterwards dedicated one of his books.[646] He found -unspeakable happiness in his intercourse with men at once so pious and -so accomplished; and this communion of mind, of ideas and sentiments -often recurred to his remembrance. ‘It is always with great joy of heart -that I recall to mind our life at Basel,’ he wrote twenty years later to -one of those whom he had known there.[647] Erasmus was hardly less -pleased with the young Pole. This prince of letters used to speak of him -when writing to his friends. In a letter of October 7, 1525, addressed -to Egnatius, we read—‘We have here John Alasco, a Pole. He is a man of -illustrious family, and will soon occupy the highest rank. His morals -are pure as the snow. He has all the brilliancy of gems and gold.’[648] - -Charmed with the society of Alasco, Erasmus wrote almost at the same -time to Casimbrotus—‘This worthy Pole is a young man, learned but free -from pride, full of talent but without arrogance, of a disposition so -frank, loving, and agreeable, that his charming company has almost made -me young again at a time when sickness, hard work, and the annoyance -occasioned by my detractors well-nigh made me pine away.’[649] To -Lupsetus likewise he wrote—‘The Polish count, who will soon obtain in -his own land the highest position, has manners so easy, so open, and so -cordial, that his company day by day makes me young again.’ - -Erasmus evidently had no doubt that Alasco would one day, and that very -soon, be primate of Poland.[650] ‘A glorious ancestry,’ said he further, -‘high rank, prospects the most brilliant, a mind of wonderful richness, -uncommon extent of knowledge ... and with all this there is about him -not the faintest taint of pride. The sweetness of his disposition puts -him in harmony with every one. He has at the same time the steadfastness -of a grown man and the solid judgment of an old man.’ We could not pass -over in silence this impression produced by Alasco on the greatest -critic of the age. - -[Sidenote: Alasco’s Return To Poland.] - -This delightful intercourse was suddenly broken up. The news reached -Poland that Alasco was living at Basel, not only in the house of -Erasmus, but in the society of the reformers. His friends were alarmed. -It was their wish that he should mix with the fashionable world and -attend king’s courts, rather than the meetings of those who were looked -upon as heretics. He received letters from Poland, enjoining him to -leave Basel, as the king called him to important affairs.[651] Alasco -was deeply grieved. ‘I shall never be able sufficiently to deplore,’ -said he afterwards, ‘that the happy connections which I had formed at -Basel were at that time broken off by the authority of my -superiors.’[652] While the young Pole was preparing to mount his -horse,[653] Erasmus wrote to one of his friends, a bishop—‘His departure -is the death-blow to Erasmus and to many others, so many regrets he -leaves behind him.’ Erasmus did not venture to detain him, since the -order was from the king. Alasco at his departure entreated Erasmus to -enter into correspondence with the king of Poland, in the hope that much -good to his country might result therefrom. The great writer could not -be comforted under his loss. To Reginald Pole he wrote—‘The Polish -baron, John Alasco, who made me so happy by his society, at this moment -afflicts me cruelly by his departure.’[654] In March, 1526, Erasmus -wrote to Alasco himself, to whom he gives, in a half-serious, -half-jocose tone, the title of Highness: ‘I have been compelled to make -great efforts for some months,’ says he, ‘to bring back my house, -corrupted by your magnificence, to its old frugality.[655] Through all -the autumn and all the winter I have done nothing but struggle with -accounts and calculations. This is but a small matter. Other -difficulties have beset me in which I could easily perceive that my good -genius had left me.’ It does not appear from this letter of Erasmus that -the great affairs spoken of in the letter to Alasco from Poland had been -entrusted to him. The message was perhaps a mere decoy. - -It is supposed that Alasco went next to the court of Francis I., where -his brother Stanislaus was residing, as ambassador of Poland. His own -name, the letter of which he was the bearer, and the amiability of his -character sufficed to ensure him at this brilliant court the most kindly -reception. At a later period he corresponded with Margaret of Navarre, -the king’s sister. Perhaps their acquaintance may date from this period. - -We feel some doubt, however, as to the course Alasco took on leaving -Basel. Possibly he made a short stay at Paris, or he may have gone to -Italy. A letter of Erasmus written four months after his departure is -addressed to Venice. The great author tells him that till that time he -had not known where to write to him. ‘Nobody, not even a fly,’[656] said -he, ‘went hence to Venice. We were in complete uncertainty as to what -part of the world contained you, whether Spain, France, or Poland.’ His -family appear indeed to have wished that he should visit France and -Spain; but Alasco himself seems to have been chiefly bent on visiting -Italy. Among his admirers was a distinguished scholar, Beatus Rhenanus, -who, having dedicated one of his works to him, sent the dedication to -him, in February, 1526, to Padua, where he believed him to be immersed -in scientific pursuits. But the young Mæcenas was by this time on his -way back to Poland. - -[Sidenote: His Struggles.] - -After returning to his native land, Alasco had severe struggles to pass -through. His family were anxious at any cost to turn him away from his -new notions and his new friends. What a scandal, what a sorrow, to see -the nephew of the primate, his destined successor too, uniting with the -sectaries of Zurich, Basel, and other places beside! His kinsfolk -thought that if they could induce him to enter upon the diplomatic -career, this would be the surest way to turn him away from the -evangelical path. It appears, indeed, that he was designated to -undertake more than one mission of this kind; but his fondness for -study, his feeble health, and doubtless the new faith which was -springing up in his heart, prevented him from accepting them. If he -escaped from these temptations he was ere long exposed to others. His -uncle, as we said, was a courtier. Before he was primate he had been -arch-chancellor of the kingdom, and had lived in close intimacy with the -kings Casimir IV., John Albert, and Alexander. People fancied that the -high sphere in which he moved would rescue Alasco from his strange -tastes. - -The rank of the young Pole, his family connections, his travels, the -charm of his character and his handsome person not only procured him -admission to the court circle, but made him much sought after. His -forehead expressed decision; his eye was clear and keenly observant; his -lips, curved and slightly parted, expressed a candid and affectionate -nature; a full and elegant beard flowed over his chest. At first the -court had some attractions for him. He mixed there with the first -society, cultivated men and amiable women; but he soon found that this -gay and worldly manner of life was a dissipation to his mind, turned him -aside from higher things, took up his time, and kept him away from -study. The interests, the talk, and the prepossessions of this worldly -company stood in marked opposition to the quiet and studious tastes by -which he had hitherto been influenced. Sometimes nothing was talked of -but Turkish invasions, the dangers impending over Hungary and Austria, -the wars, and the deep-seated uneasiness and agitations of Europe. At -other times it was pleasure, worldliness, and frivolous conversation, -the theatre and the dance, which appeared to take up the whole interest -of this brilliant society. Alasco shrank from the risk of being drawn -away into vanities by these dangerous attractions. He questioned within -himself how it was that these great lords, who were pressing into the -palace of the last but one of the Jagellons, who sought after the good -graces of princes, and took care not to miss a single feast at court or -in the town, took no thought for their eternal warfare. He was not only -struck with the passionate eagerness with which they sought after -grandeur and pleasure, the pomp of an age which passeth away; but, -penetrating more deeply into their minds, he perceived their dissembled -hatred, concealed interests, burning jealousies, treacherous intrigues, -and divisions ready to break out. He took no pleasure in the air, the -tone, or the manner of life which he saw around him. Every one was -outwardly as polished as marble, and inwardly as hard. He had some -difficulty, nevertheless, in tearing himself away from the claims and -the allurements which encircled him. He deeply regretted afterwards -having lost in the life of the court time which, if it had been spent in -study, would have yielded him so much good.[657] - -A decay of Christian faith was thus experienced by Alasco. When he -returned to his native land, he had brought there in his heart the -precious germ of a new life, still weak indeed, but which would have -borne fruit if it had been tenderly fostered. Contact with the world -stifled it, as thorns choke the wheat when it begins to form. Alasco -wavered while he was at court. He had all kinds of excuses. He said to -himself that the illustrious Erasmus did not break with old things, -although they did not completely satisfy him; and he wished to imitate -him. The evangelical Church appeared to him weak and contemptible, -compared with the grandeur of Rome. - -[Sidenote: His Falling Away.] - -One of the causes of his falling away was the reception given him on his -arrival in Poland. In some cases it was cold, in others sarcastic, and -in several instances angry. All sorts of rumors were in circulation -about him at the court, in the town, in the vestry, and the convents. -The most bigoted Catholics took advantage of these reports, and went to -communicate them to the archbishop. It was asserted that he brought back -a wife with him, and of course a heretical wife. His uncle the primate -received him with frowns. ‘I am assured, sir,’ said he, ‘that you have -married in Germany, and have there given your adhesion to the Lutheran -doctrine.’ Alasco was in consternation, and he protested that he had not -even had any thought of marrying.[658] Accustomed to reverence the -archbishop both as a father and as primate, he was intimidated, and he -strove to vindicate himself by going as far as his conscience permitted -him. There was an awakening in his soul, but he had not joined any -definite sect; and, with respect to his marriage, it was nothing but a -ridiculous fable invented by the priests to ruin him. Of this he so -thoroughly convinced his uncle that nothing more was said of it. It was -not so, however, with regard to doctrine. The primate was sincerely -devoted to the court of Rome. He had attended, in 1513, the fifth -General Council of the Lateran, had spoken there in the presence of Leo -X., and had received for himself and his successors the dignity of -legate of the Apostolic See. He had always displayed much zeal as -archbishop and prince, and had convoked not less than six provincial -synods. Various decrees, canons, and writings bore testimony to his -opposition to the Reformation.[659] Hence, the young Alasco, although -Erasmus had characterized him as head of piety, patron of knowledge, -model of morality, and bishop of peace, must expect on his part a -rigorous _surveillance_. - -The alleged misdeeds of Alasco had made much noise in Poland. The -primate could not reconcile himself to the thought of finding a heretic -in his nephew. He resolved to subject him to an examination. For this -purpose he judged it proper to associate with himself another bishop, so -that he might not lay himself open to a charge of too much indulgence. -He therefore requested the bishop of Cracow to take part with him in the -investigation.[660] - -To Alasco this was the most painful moment of his life. On the one hand, -he knew that the evangelical doctors of Basel would have wished to see -him openly confess evangelical truth. But, on the other hand, he asked -himself whether it was right to go further than his convictions, and -whether he could call for a reformation the absolute necessity for which -he did not yet acknowledge. By these considerations, which partly -originated in respect for men, he was restrained. He did something more -than hesitate; he yielded to the influence of his uncle, the light was -darkened within him, and the world resumed its sway. Surrounded by -zealous partisans of Rome, these men succeeded by their sophistry in -persuading him of the necessity of continuance in the unity of the -Church. - -Alasco made his appearance before the archbishop and the bishop; and, -full of respect for these persons of high dignity, he delivered to them -the declaration, in his own handwriting, which his uncle had required of -him, introducing into it, however, some reservations. - -[Sidenote: Renunciation Of Reform.] - -‘I, John Alasco,’ runs the document, ‘hearing that I have been falsely -represented by my enemies as accepting certain suspected dogmas, foreign -to the holy Catholic, apostolic, and Roman Church, I think it necessary -to declare that, although I have read, with the apostolic permission, -many writings of many authors, particularly some writings of those who -have separated from the unity of the Church, I have never attached -myself to any of their opinions, and I have never embraced knowingly or -willingly[661] any of their doctrines, especially if I knew that the -Roman Catholic Church rejected them. And if through imprudence (we are -all men) I have fallen into any error,[662] which has often happened in -the case of the most learned and the most pious persons, I now fully and -explicitly renounce it. I sincerely profess that I have no intention of -following any sect or doctrine foreign to the unity and the doctrines of -the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church, that I embrace only what is -approved by her, and am willing as long as I live to obey, in all lawful -and honest things,[663] the Holy See and our ordinary prelates and -bishops appointed by it.[664] This I swear, so help me God and His holy -Gospel.’ - -This declaration Alasco signed. It bears date in 1526. It has been -generally omitted in the narratives of his life, perhaps because it was -considered injurious to him. There was, indeed, a falling back in the -spiritual life of the young man. It must not, however, be forgotten that -he stood at this time not on the pure and steadfast rock of the Gospel, -but at the wavering point of view of Erasmus. However this may be, -historical fidelity compels us to recall this act of Alasco. As soon as -with the heart he believed unto righteousness, he made confession of the -Lord with the mouth unto salvation. But what religion Alasco possessed -at this period was the fruit of knowledge, not of faith. Now, ‘the seat -of faith,’ says Calvin, ‘is not in the brain but in the heart. It is -absurd to look for heat and flame where there is no fire.’ - -This oath taken by Alasco was, like his worldliness, a real fall. - -Alasco, although he spoke of remaining in the Catholic Church, had not -become a superstitious papist. He kept up the most intimate association -with Erasmus. Even after his oath, and although the Rotterdam scholar -was an object of hatred to many in Poland, Alasco boldly avowed himself -his disciple.[665] He even cherished the hope that his illustrious -friend would deliver him from the servitude which he was enduring. One -notion haunted him. He believed that, if Erasmus wrote to the King of -Poland,[666] the prince, who was of a noble character and had an -enlightened understanding, could not fail to deliver his country from -Romish superstition. Alasco therefore urged him to write to Sigismund. -‘He shows so much earnestness about this matter,’ thought Erasmus, ‘that -there must be some reasons for doing it.’ He therefore wrote to the -king, June 1, 1527, but so far as appears without any great result.[667] - -[Sidenote: Honors.] - -The primate, satisfied with his nephew’s declaration, made him provost -or head of the chapter of his cathedral church, _præpositus Gnesnensis_. -This was a first step towards the primacy;[668] and it was not long -before he was invested with other dignities. But these very dignities, -which placed him in habitual contact with the Roman clergy and Roman -superstitions, made him all the more sensible of the need of -reformation, and he was grieved to see that no one thought of such a -thing. The more he saw of the indifference and even hostility of his -uncle and of the king himself to the pure Gospel, the more he felt the -worth of it. The pomps and excitements of the court, the honor and the -burden of dignities, appeared to have stifled the new life within him. -But no plant which the heavenly Father has planted can be rooted up. On -the contrary, the divine plant, under the vivifying influence of the Sun -of righteousness, was now growing up in Alasco’s heart. He read the -writings of Melanchthon, and particularly his beautiful _Apology for the -Confession of Augsburg_. He entered afterwards into correspondence with -that amiable and learned doctor. He also sent some young Poles to study -under him at Wittenberg. The discussion on freewill between Erasmus and -Luther, the beginning of which he had seen at Basel, interested him -deeply. He wrote to Breslau asking that every work on the subject, -written either by Luther or by Erasmus, should be sent him.[669] One -fact marks a secret advance in Alasco,—that, whereas he had at first -been on the side of Erasmus, he now leaned to Luther’s side. The more -progress he made in the knowledge of his own heart and of the Holy -Scriptures, the more clearly he saw the abyss which lies between a man’s -own righteousness, even in the case of the most moral man, and the -perfect holiness of God. He felt that he was incapable of obtaining by -his own strength the joy of salvation, or even of going to meet the -grace which is given by Jesus Christ. God who had called did not abandon -him. In the midst of all the seductions which surrounded him, he was -brought to place all his hopes and to seek all his strength in the mercy -of the Saviour. ‘The grace of God alone has kept me,’ he said; ‘but for -that, I should have fallen into all kinds of evil, and no human wisdom -would have saved me from it. I should have been the most wretched of men -if the divine mercy had not saved me!‘[670] - -In proportion as Alasco attached himself by the strongest ties to the -Gospel, the artificial ties which had drawn him back to the Church, and -those which had united him to Erasmus, were loosened. He was shocked by -this saying of the illustrious writer, ‘that the Gospel in Germany and -in Switzerland rested on bad foundations.’ Even in 1527 Erasmus wrote to -an Englishman, Cox, that the daily experience which he had had of the -character of John Alasco was sufficient to make him happy even though he -should have no other friend.[671] Nevertheless, the continually -increasing decision of Alasco chilled the heart of the scholar. The -recurrence of the name of the young Pole gradually becomes less frequent -in the letters of Erasmus. This coolness must have been painful but -useful to Alasco. - -Another circumstance contributed to make him stronger and freer in his -progress and in the development of his faith. His uncle died in 1531. -The primate had exercised over him the authority not only of an official -superior but of a father; and the prolongation of his life might have -delayed the definitive enfranchisement of his nephew. Nothing was said -about making Alasco primate in his stead. He was too young for such an -office, and there were too many prejudices against him. - -[Sidenote: Growth Of Spiritual Insight.] - -Alasco does not stand in the first rank of the men of the Reformation. -But in one respect he surpassed them all, and this by reason of the -state of life in which it pleased God that he should be born. He knew -better than any one what it was to sacrifice for Jesus Christ the world -with its dignities and its favors; and he did this with a noble courage. -No sooner was the bandage, which for some time had been placed over his -eyes, removed, than he felt abhorrence of bondage. Nothing in the world -could make him bow his head under the yoke; and he became one of the -most beautiful examples of moral freedom presented in the sixteenth -century. It was evident to him that he must give up the thought of -reforming Poland. He saw obstacles increasing, and henceforth -acknowledged ‘that wherever the kingdom of Christ begins to appear, it -is impossible for Satan to slumber or fail to display immediately his -craft and his rage.’[672] He would fain have conquered his native land -for Jesus Christ; but he saw the way barred by fortresses and armies. -His position became intolerable. To be surrounded by abuses which -dishonor the moral teachings of Jesus Christ and to tolerate them was in -his view blasphemy. He would have liked to assail them straightway one -after the other, ‘to seize a powerful hammer and crush those -stones.’[673] The office of the true teacher, he thought, was to -admonish each one of the duty which he was bound to discharge. But, said -he, if the man whom you wish to admonish will not allow you to do so; if -he enjoins deference to his own will, is this fulfilling one’s ministry -with freedom?[674] In Poland, he who gave such commands was the king. -Now, the motto of Alasco was ‘_Liberty_.’ - -But the greatest temptations were still to come. John Alasco, we have -said, had a brother, Yaroslav, who played an important part in the -affairs of Hungary. Aware of the obstacles which his brother had to -encounter in Poland, and desirous no doubt of keeping him in the church, -Yaroslav conceived the project of settling him on the freer soil of -Hungary, and he got him appointed, in 1536, bishop of Wesprim.[675] But -Sigismund, on hearing this news, stood upon the point of honor. He had a -mind too lofty not to appreciate the fine qualities of Alasco, and he -was not willing that such a man should be lost to his kingdom. As he had -no doubt that episcopal honors would be a bond to attach him to Rome, he -named him bishop of Cujavia. Dignities were showered upon the head of -the young disciple of Jesus Christ. Will he yield, like Roussel -accepting the bishopric of Oléron? Will he bend the knee before the idol -of honor and of power? - -The position was a dangerous one. This collation to two bishoprics was a -way opened for arriving at the highest dignities. Called by two kings, -he might easily rise higher. The influence of kings was powerful in the -church. John Alasco was at this time enlightened, and it appears that -some extraordinary grace had been given him from on high. The work -formerly begun in him had been resumed and even accomplished. ‘God in -His goodness,’ said he, ‘has again brought me to myself; and from the -midst of the pharisaism in which I was lost, He has recalled me in a -marvellous way to His true knowledge. To Him be the glory!‘[676] He did -not hesitate. ‘Brought to my right mind by the goodness of God,’ he -says, ‘I will now serve, with what little strength I possess, that -church of Christ which I hated in the time of my ignorance and my -pharisaism.’ He was convinced that he could not serve God while -remaining in union with Rome, and was determined to follow the voice of -his conscience alone. In the same year, 1536, in which Calvin, at -Ferrara, wrote to his old friend Roussel his beautiful letter[677] -pointing out to him the duty of a Christian man and calling upon him to -refuse the favors of the pope, Alasco, at Cracow, was about to take -practically the step which the reformer extolled in theory, and not only -to refuse the episcopal mitres which were offered him, but also to -resign the advantageous and honorable ecclesiastical functions with -which he was already invested. - -[Sidenote: Departure From Poland.] - -He went to the king, stated to him his convictions, and told him that -they prevented his accepting the episcopal charge of Cujavia and that he -was going to leave Poland. Sigismund, although regretting his loss, does -not appear to have disapproved his plan. The king saw clearly what kind -of doctrine it was for which the young man wished to live, and he would -rather that he should not profess it within his dominions. He even gave -him letters of introduction which were probably never delivered. It was -not Alasco’s intention to renounce Poland forever. He hoped that a time -would come when he might return and freely proclaim the Gospel there. He -tenderly loved his native land, and never settled in any place without -imposing the condition that he should be at liberty to return to his own -country if he might preach Christ there. As he could not labor for the -reformation of Poland by preaching in Poland itself, he labored for it -in foreign lands by prayer. - -Having returned from the palace, Alasco made preparation for his -departure. His heart was stirred by the deepest emotion. He saw what he -was going to lose; but he saw also what he had gained in finding Jesus -Christ. A country in which he was about to serve him appeared more to be -desired than all the grandeur and the attractions of his beloved Poland. -The splendor of the Gospel had shone in his soul, and the worldly -splendors which had formerly dazzled him had now vanished. He felt that -even the reputation for nobleness and virtue which Erasmus and others -had given him, hindered him from coming to Christ. He acknowledged that -there were on earth things of great value; but the knowledge of Christ -surpassed in his eyes all that was fairest and greatest in the world. He -therefore did as those do who, sailing over the great waters and seeing -that their vessel is in danger, cast their goods into the sea, in order -that they may come happily into the haven.[678] - -Riches, palaces, honors, ancient and illustrious family, a great -future—all these he cast away. He had gained Christ. He wished to be -rich only with his grace, and great only with his greatness. - -Alasco left Poland in 1537, and undertook a long pilgrimage in foreign -lands, consoling himself with the thought that the servants of God have -no country on earth, but are seeking a heavenly one. He went first to -Mentz, at this time the home of his friend Hardenberg, who took there -the degree of doctor in theology. From Mentz he went to Louvain in the -Netherlands. - -Footnote 634: - - The principal authorities for the life of Alasco are—J. a Lasco, - _Opera_, Amsterdam, 1866, passim; Erasmus, _Epistolæ_; Bertram, _Hist. - Crit. Joh. a Lasco_. Gerdesius, _Annales_. Krasinski, _Hist. relig. - des peuples Slaves_, ch. vii. Bartels, _Joh. a Lasko_, &c. - -Footnote 635: - - ‘Lovanii, anno 1523, versatus est, atque cum Alberto Hardenbergio - contraxit amicitiam,’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 146. - -Footnote 636: - - ‘Me per virum illum (Zwinglium) ad sacrarum literarum studia inductum - esse.’—Alasco, _Opera_, i. p. 338. - -Footnote 637: - - ‘Illum primum omnium.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 638: - - ‘Divino beneficio.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 639: - - ‘Ut missa superstitione pontificia ad Evangelium se - converteret.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 146. It is difficult to fix - accurately the times at which Alasco was in the various towns he - visited. Gerdesius says that he was at Louvain in 1523. Bartels - supposes that he passed to Zurich in the autumn of 1524. Alasco - himself states, in his reply to Westphal, _Opera_, i. p. 338, that he - was at Zurich _ante annos quatuor et viginta_. This work, printed at - Basel by Oporin, bears date—_Anno salutis 1560, mense Martio_. This - would fix the removal of Alasco to Zurich in the year 1526. A letter - of Erasmus which we shall quote assigns Alasco’s stay at Basel, after - Zurich, to 1525. This date seems most worthy to be relied on. Alasco - may have been mistaken by a few months. - -Footnote 640: - - ‘Scio viro illi adscribi, de quibus nunquam videtur cogitasse, imo - quorum contraria in ejus monumentis passim habentur,’—Alasco, _Opp._ - i. p. 338. - -Footnote 641: - - ‘Cum per Tiguram in Galliam iter facerem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 642: - - Gerdesius, after relating the visit to Zwinglius, says, ‘Deinceps vero - Basileæ moratus.’—_Ann._ iii. p. 146. - -Footnote 643: - - Krasinski, _Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves_, p. 132. English edition, - p. 140. The French translation is by M. Gabriel Naville, who was too - early taken from his friends. It is preceded by an introduction, - written, at the request of the author and the translator, by the - author of the _History of the Reformation_. - -Footnote 644: - - ‘Erasmus mihi auctor fuit ut animum ad sacra adjicerem; imo vero ille - primus me in vera religione instituere cœpit’—To Bullinger. Alasco, - _Opp._ ii. p. 569. - -Footnote 645: - - ‘Glareanus,’ i.e. of Glaris. His personal name was Loriti. - -Footnote 646: - - _De Geographia._ Freyburg, 1529. - -Footnote 647: - - ‘Nunquam possum sine magna animi voluptate meminisse consuetudinis - nostræ Basiliensis.’—Alasco to C. Pellican. _App._ ii. p. 583. - -Footnote 648: - - ‘Moribus est plane niveis: nihil magis aureum aut gemmeum esse - potest.’—Erasmi _Epp._ xviii. 10. - -Footnote 649: - - ‘Joanne a Lasco, juvene citra arrogantiam erudito, citra supercilium, - magno ac felici, sed moribus adeo candidis, amicis, jucundis, ut per - ejus amabilem consuetudinem pæne repubuerim, alioqui jam morborum, - laborum et obtrectatorum tædio marcescens.’—_Ibid._ 13. - -Footnote 650: - - ‘Brevique summus futurus.’ (To Egnatius.) ‘Brevique ad res maximas - evehendus.’ (To Lupsetus.)—Erasmi _Epp._ xvii. 11. - -Footnote 651: - - ‘Cum jussu regis ad magna negotia vocareris.’—Erasmi _Epp._ xviii. 26. - -Footnote 652: - - Alasco, _Opp._ (To Pellicanus) ii. p. 583. - -Footnote 653: - - ‘Dum illustris a Lasco parat equos conscendere.’—Erasmi _Epp._ xviii. - 16. - -Footnote 654: - - ‘Tam nunc abitu discrucior.’—Erasmi _Epp._ xviii. 15. - -Footnote 655: - - ‘Sudandum erat ut domum hanc tua magnificentia corruptam ad pristinam - frugalitatem revocarem.’—_Ibid._ 26. - -Footnote 656: - - ‘Hic ne musca quidem quæ peteret Venetiam.’—_Ibid._ p. 26. - -Footnote 657: - - ‘Tempus illud _misere_ mihi totum periit, in cursitationibus, bellicis - tumultibus et _fastu aulico_, quod studiis alioquin meis impende e - multo _felicius_ potuissem.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 583. - -Footnote 658: - - ‘Affirmaret se nec duxisse uxorem nec doctrinæ Evangelii - adhæsisse.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 548. - -Footnote 659: - - Sanctiones ecclesiasticæ. (Cracow, 1525.) Constitutiones synodorum, - &c. - -Footnote 660: - - ‘Archiepiscopo Gnesnensi et episcopo Cracoviensi.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 661: - - ‘Volentem et scientem.’—Juramentum. Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 548. - -Footnote 662: - - ‘Quod si, ut sumus homines,’ &c.—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 663: - - ‘In omnibus licitis et honestis.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 664: - - The text reads _ad ea designatis_. The author appears to have read it - _ab ea_, _sede_ being understood.—(Editor.) - -Footnote 665: - - Erasmi, _Epp._ xix. 26. Alasco appears to have had some thought of - translating some of the works of Erasmus. - -Footnote 666: - - _Ibid._ xviii. 26. - -Footnote 667: - - _Ibid._ xix. 11. To Christopher de Schüdlovietz, chancellor of the - kingdom. - -Footnote 668: - - Same letter. - -Footnote 669: - - ‘Curares ut quicquid novi post Hyperaspistem prodiit ab Erasmo vel - Luthero, is consilio tuo mea pecunia emat.’ This letter of Alasco, - dated November 17, 1526, is the earliest which has come down to - us.—_Opp._ ii. p. 547. - -Footnote 670: - - Bartels, _Johannes a Lasco_, p. 8. - -Footnote 671: - - ‘Ut vel hoc uno amico mihi videar sat beatus.’—Erasmi, _Epp._ xix. 5. - -Footnote 672: - - ‘Fieri non potest ut Christi regno exoriente alicubi Sathanas dormiat, - cujus artes et furias,’ &c.—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 555. - -Footnote 673: - - ‘Sed peculiari quodam malleo petras contundente præstandum sane - esset.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 557. - -Footnote 674: - - ‘Si te multa simulare ac dissimulare cogat et tu illi obsequaris, - estne hoc _libere_ reprehendisse?‘—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 675: - - ‘Cum is, anno 1536, nominatus jam esset in Hungaria Episcopus - Vesprimensis.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 147. - -Footnote 676: - - ‘Sed bonus Deus me mihi rursum restituit atque ad veram sui - cognitionem, e medio Pharisaismo demum mirabiliter evocavit, Illi - gloria!‘—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 583. To Pellicanus. - -Footnote 677: - - Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 279. - -Footnote 678: - - Calvin. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - THE POLISH REFORMER IN THE NETHERLANDS AND IN FRIESLAND. - (1537-1546). - - -The Reformation had many friends in the Netherlands, and we shall have -an opportunity afterwards of seeing this; but they were found, -especially at the beginning, among the lowly. The Lollards, the Vaudois, -and the Brethren of the Common Life had circulated the Bible and its -doctrines there. They gained adherents principally among the weavers and -clothiers. True, they had also won over, in the great commercial towns, -some very influential merchants; but at Louvain, where Alasco settled -for some time, it was chiefly among the little ones that the worshippers -of Christ were to be found. - -[Sidenote: Alasco At Louvain.] - -The sojourn of Alasco in this town, in the midst of these Christian -people, clearly shows the humility of the Polish noble. He might have -received in the Netherlands the honors which he had renounced in Poland. -His brother, Ladislaus, ambassador in Austria, his brother Yaroslav, -then in high favor with King Ferdinand, could have procured for him a -favorable reception at the court of Brussels. He was indeed sought after -by eminent men. The chancellor of Ferdinand and the Margrave of -Brandenburg made him brilliant offers, if he would enter the service -either of the emperor or of the king his brother. But the more the world -seemed desirous of seizing upon Alasco, the more he withdrew into a life -modest, obscure, and consecrated to God. He now definitively separated -from Rome, by placing between them an insurmountable barrier. Determined -upon entering the married state, which God established from the -beginning of the world, and which the Roman Church itself makes a -sacrament, he married, at Louvain, a simple young woman, pious and full -of sociable qualities. - -Ere long Alasco resolved to leave this Ultramontane town. A wish to -remove from the court of Brussels, the need of a life humble and hidden -with God, which since his fall he deeply felt, was doubtless the -principal motive which induced him to leave Louvain. Perhaps he was also -desirous of strengthening himself further in the faith before facing -persecution. In search of a peaceful retreat, he went into a secluded -district on the shores of the North Sea, in East Friesland, and took up -his abode in the dull little town of Embden, as if he were determined to -bury himself in this gloomy and lonely place. The first stay he made -there, of about two years, was a rough time for him. The life he led -offered a strange contrast to the luxury of the court of Sigismund. His -life was not only outwardly wretched, without any of the comforts and -conveniences in the midst of which he had been brought up, but it was -drooping and mournful. In those regions bordering on the North Sea, -intermittent fevers prevailed, and these reduced him to a state of great -weakness. If he read a little it brought on giddiness, if he attempted -to write his sight became confused. In the middle of 1540 he said to -Hardenberg—‘I am fatigued with writing to you. I have had much -difficulty in tracing these few words, although I have devoted myself to -it at intervals through the whole day.’[679] His resources were at this -time at a very low ebb, for he was deprived of every thing. He had to -avoid even trifling expenses, and offered to sell his library. But these -adverse circumstances, far from casting him down, produced in him the -excellent fruit of patience. He acknowledged that God transformed for -him calamities into ‘aids to salvation,’ and gave him the courage -indispensable for enduring the trial with constancy. ‘Glory be to God!’ -he said to Hardenberg. ‘By these vicissitudes of good and bad health, of -life and death, He puts me in mind that He is the master of our whole -life, and at the same time a most merciful Father, who does not permit -any thing to befall us which is not good.’[680] - -[Sidenote: Alasco At Embden.] - -The religious condition of Friesland at this period was very sad. The -Reformation had penetrated into the country as early as 1520. Count -Edzard having read some of the writings of Luther, had favored it; and -Aportanus, preceptor to the young count, had publicly preached the -Gospel. But afterwards the work had been thrown back by the disputations -on the sacrament and by the pressure by force of arms of the Duke of -Guelderland, who was a very earnest Catholic. The adherents of the pope, -the zeal of the sects, and the indolence of the pastors, had all -contributed to ruin the Evangelical Church in Friesland. The little -country had become a battlefield on which the Roman Catholics, the -reformed Zwinglians of Holland, the Mennonites of Friesland, and the -Lutherans of Germany waged war. It seemed to be a place where all the -religious denominations of the age encountered each other, tried their -strength and struggled against one another. Many pious souls sighed for -peace, and wondered who could restore it to this distressed land. A way -was at length revealed to them as by a sudden flash of light. Some of -the nobles and magistrates, who bewailed the religious disorders, having -heard that Alasco was in the country, and being acquainted with his -piety, his attainments in knowledge, and his noble character, requested -Count Enno to call him to Embden as preacher and superintendent of the -Church in their country. Alasco had promised his brother Yaroslav not to -lose sight of Poland, and never to settle in a foreign land so long as -Yaroslav was living. Moreover, the language, which he only imperfectly -understood, and his uncertain health were serious obstacles - -in the way. His main point, however, was not to engage himself in any -work which might detain him at a time when he should receive a call to -evangelize his native land. He therefore declined to go, and proposed -his friend Hardenberg. But the latter also raised objections; and the -count gave up the attempt. - -[Sidenote: Story Of Yaroslav.] - -Mournful events were to be the occasion of Alasco’s entrance upon the -active duties of the ministry. He received one day a letter from Poland, -announcing that his brother Yaroslav was dying, and wished him to go to -him immediately. Alasco set out at the end of winter, 1542, and reached -the bedside of his dying brother. Yaroslav had been a clever, active -man, but withal ambitious, and one that would hesitate at nothing that -was necessary for success in his projects, or for avenging himself of -his enemies. Here Alasco learnt things which were before partly unknown -to him. Zapolya, king of Hungary, after the first successes of his -antagonist, King Ferdinand, had fled into Poland. There he had been -received at court and had formed a friendship with Yaroslav. ‘Conclude -an alliance with the Turks,’ said the latter to Zapolya, ‘and they will -restore you your crown. I undertake the negotiation.’ ‘If you recover me -Hungary,’ said Zapolya, ‘I will give you Transylvania.’ - -Solyman did, in fact, arrive at the gates of Vienna, and restored the -Hungarian crown to Zapolya. But Yaroslav had dealt with an unthankful -man. The king felt uneasy in the presence of one to whom he owed his -crown; and instead of giving him Transylvania he threw him into prison. -Yaroslav, having soon after obtained his release by legal intervention, -swore that he would hurl Zapolya from the throne on which he had -re-established him. He then passed over to Ferdinand’s side, fought -under his flag in several battles, and next went to Constantinople for -the purpose of inducing the sultan to declare against Zapolya. But the -party of this prince was still influential in that city. The vindictive -Yaroslav was imprisoned, and was only liberated after a long -confinement. Disgusted with Hungary and Austria, he returned to his -native land; but ere long he fell sick there. It is asserted that the -partisans of Zapolya, bent on putting an end to a life so restless and -so dangerous for their master, had poisoned him at Constantinople. His -brother now closed his eyes; and, thus witnessing the sad end of one who -had aimed at wearing a crown, he was anew impressed with the lesson that -we ought to avoid, as a deadly poison, every thing which we cannot get -without sinning against God; and that even in the case of such -advantages of the earthly life as may be enjoyed with a good conscience, -we must before all things learn, like Moses, to esteem ‘the reproach of -Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt.’[681] - -[Sidenote: Alasco And Hardenberg.] - -During his sojourn in Poland, Alasco was on good terms with his -fellow-countrymen, and stood also in intimate relations with the bishop. -He appears to have had some thought of getting his friend Hardenberg -called into Poland. ‘You would smile,’ he wrote to him on May 12, 1542, -‘if you knew what I have been doing with our bishops while in my native -country.’[682] As for himself, he went modestly back to Friesland; and -soon after his return his health improved. The journey seemed to have -done him good. He was animated with fresh zeal. Hardenberg was at this -time in the cloisters of the Bernardines at Aduwert, in the province of -Groningen, where he seemed to wish to shut himself up. Alasco, -cherishing the highest esteem for his friend, did every thing that was -in his power to draw him out of the monastery; convinced that this -Christian man, endowed with a most amiable disposition, a most excellent -understanding, and the most profound knowledge—a kinsman, according to -common report, of Pope Adrian—was called to play an important part in -the religious renovation of the age. This was in fact the case at a -later day. But the Cistercian monk, although awakened by the quickening -spirit which then breathed in the Church, remained still tied to his -institution and to the rites of which he acknowledged the abuse. He was -one of those timid souls who can not make up their minds to break their -chains. He had, however, received some emphatic lessons which ought to -have made him understand the impossibility of living with Rome. When in -1530 he made a stay at Louvain, the theologians of the university -denounced him at the court of Brussels as infected with heresy. He was -even on the point of being seized and taken to the capital, when the -students and the townsmen rescued him from the hands of the inquisitors, -and he escaped. They confined themselves to rigorous treatment of his -writings. Hardenberg, instead of retiring to Wittenberg or some other -Protestant city, took refuge in his convent of Aduwert, where the -tolerant abbot placed him in the rank of a professor in the school. His -conscience admonished him that he ought to quit the monastic life; but -he was enveloped in the powerful bonds with which Rome holds souls in -captivity. He tried very hard to convince himself that he need not go -forth from the Roman community. He believed that it was possible for him -to cease to be a superstitious papist and yet remain a pious Catholic. -But sharp pangs of distress tortured him, and he had to sustain terrible -conflicts. ‘I am overwhelmed with shame,’ he wrote to Alasco, ‘with -grief and sadness; and the wretchedness which I experience keeps me in a -state of perpetual torture.’[683] Afterwards he recovered himself and -wrote to Alasco: ‘But I can, I am sure, justify before Christ the -motives of my conduct.’ ‘What!’ replied his friend, ‘thou art at peace -with Christ, and yet with me thou art full of shame and distress.... Am -I then greater than He? No, he who has his rest sanctified in Jesus -Christ will not find it disturbed by men.[684] Since thou art tossed to -and fro by so many conflicting thoughts, I am very much afraid, my dear -Albert, that thou art farther off from the peace of God than thou -seemest to be. What! thou art in doubt whether the life which thou art -leading in the cloister is a blasphemy; but as for those absurd errors -which thou perceivest in the worship in which thou takest part and which -are dishonoring to the merits of Christ, are they not blasphemies?... -Thou sayest that one Babylon is as good as another, and that thou mayest -as well stay in thy convent as come to us. This comparison is unjust. We -have among us no idols; but as for you, you venerate, by offering public -worship to it as if it were God, that abomination whose minister you -are.[685] ... If there be still any idols with us, they are laid aside -in contempt and neglect. Thou art waiting, sayest thou, for a leading of -the Spirit. But what kind of leading? I do not know. Is it not the -Spirit of God who says—“Come out from among them and be ye separate.” My -dear Albert, I love thee, but I do not like thy indecision.’ - -It was in vain that Alasco thus earnestly appealed to Hardenberg. The -monk clung to the bars of his cloister, and seemed, by the aid of his -monks, to defy every effort. But Christ at length set him free. His -advance in the knowledge of the Gospel did what the persuasions of his -friend had failed to do. In 1543 he quitted the monastery, and betook -himself to Wittenberg, where the reformers gave him the most brotherly -welcome. - -Count Enno was now dead. His wife, Countess Anna of Oldenburg, became -regent of Friesland. She was a woman of noble character, pious but -rather feeble. She called Alasco to undertake the direction of the -churches of the country. The Pole had by this time got accustomed to the -climate and had learned the language; and, as his brother was dead, he -was set free from the promise which he had made to him. In reply to the -countess he therefore said, ‘I accept your proposal, but on this -condition—that if ever I am called into Poland for the cause of the -Gospel, I shall be at liberty to go there.’[686] The countess agreed to -this condition; and all those who had at heart the prosperity of -religion and of the country were filled with joy. Alasco lost no time in -writing to his friends of the whole affair. ‘Explain to the king,’ said -he, ‘that although I have accepted a ministerial office here, I am free -at any time, if he should recall me, to return to my native land.’ In -Poland people fancied that he was inclined to come back whatever might -be the nature of the work to which he was called. He therefore received -royal letters inviting him to return, and holding out to him the hope of -some great bishopric.[687] These letters deeply grieved him. His heart -was greatly pained. It was not the king alone who thus misunderstood -him; his relations and friends did the same. ‘What,’ said he, ‘they -would fain have me again enter upon my old way of life, the pharisaic -way. It is asking me to return to my vomit.’ He immediately replied: ‘I -will have no apostleship invested with the bishop’s tiara or the monk’s -cowl.[688] My return is not to be thought of, except it be for some -legitimate vocation.’ Language so decided cooled his friends; nor did -they write to him again for some time. - -[Sidenote: Accusations.] - -Alasco now applied himself to the work which was allotted to him in -Friesland. The Reformation, it was said, was in need of _the file_.[689] -Exorcism and other superstitious rites were not yet abrogated. Various -questions about the sacraments were disturbing men’s minds. A great -number of sectaries had taken refuge in the country; and many of the -courtiers led a dissolute life, caring least of all about religion. -Alasco displayed admirable prudence, zeal, moderation, and -steadfastness, and thereby excited the more violent discontent. Those -whom he aimed at putting right began to calumniate him. Some said—‘He is -an anabaptist;’ others—‘he is a sacramentarian.’ The countess herself -having vindicated him, they adopted another course for ruining him. They -stirred up the monks against him, which was not a difficult matter. -These men appealed to higher powers than Countess Anna. They carried -their accusations against the new superintendent to the court of the -Netherlands, and this was in fact denouncing him to the emperor. ‘He is -a perjurer and a disturber,’ they said. Ere long the countess received -an order from Brussels to take severe measures against the firebrand. -The order fell upon Friesland like a hurricane. ‘Dost thou hear the -growl of the thunder?’ said Alasco.[690] His friends were alarmed. The -scenes which he had witnessed at Louvain, the burning of men, the -burying alive of women, by order of the same government, were, perhaps, -now going to be repeated. Alasco, however, remained calm, and the Divine -goodness protected him.[691] He appeared before the princes and the -higher orders of the state, and, having asserted his innocence, was -informed that there was no intention of depriving him of his ministry. - -He was nevertheless still threatened with great dangers. The government -of the Netherlands was not inclined to relinquish its proceedings. It -was incensed against a man who had rejected the flattering offers made -to him at Brussels, to undertake in Friesland a work so offensive to the -fanaticism of that court. If Protestantism were to be established in -this country, the Protestants of the Netherlands might find there -support and a place of refuge. This was not all. John of Falkenberg, -brother of the late Count Enno, at first thoroughly devoted to the -Reformation, married, at Brussels, Dorothea of Austria, a natural -daughter of Maximilian and aunt of Charles the Fifth. Thenceforth, this -Frisian prince became an ardent adherent of Rome, and labored with all -his might to exclude Alasco and the Gospel from Friesland.[692] Alasco -saw the clouds getting heavy and the waves swelling, but he remained -calm. ‘I know not yet to what conflicts I shall be called,’ he wrote to -Bullinger, ‘but I am sure they will not stop till they have driven me -away. This is not all. The sectaries on one side, and false brethren on -the other, are causing trouble everywhere; but I look upon all these -tribulations as convincing evidence that I am a minister of Christ—of -Christ, against whom the world and the devil point all their warlike -engines. I thank God, our Father, through Jesus Christ, my deliverer, -that my faith is exercised by these trials; and I beseech Him to give me -with the trials the courage I have need of, that I may show forth his -glory whether by my life or by my death. I may expect fresh thunders -from the court of Brabant, but God is mightier than they. It is in Him -that I have believed, and it is also to Him that I entirely commit -myself at this time.’[693] - -[Sidenote: Hatred Of The Monks.] - -Without delay he put his hand boldly to the work, and endeavored to -clear the country of the last vestiges of the domination of the Pope. -The tide as it ebbed had left there images and monks. Some minds placed -between old things and new wavered between Rome and the Gospel. Others, -more attached to the traditions, said, ‘Do what you will, so long as we -have the monks and the images, the Roman Church subsists among us.’ The -Franciscans of Embden, it is true, no longer said mass; but they -displayed great activity in the endeavor to regain the ground which they -had lost. They preached, baptized, administered extreme unction, paid -visits, and drew up wills by the bedside of sick persons. A decree of -the government, which groped along the border-line of freedom and -intolerance, enjoined them to appear before the superintendent who would -examine into their knowledge and their faith, and would give or refuse -them authority to preach and to administer the sacraments. The monks -were indignant. ‘We have nothing to do,’ they said, ‘with any -superintendent, and least of all with this foreigner and his long -beard.’ Alasco offered them a conference for the discussion of the -principal points in controversy between them. ‘Any thing but that,’ they -answered. And they bestirred themselves to raise up discontent and -murmurings against the reformer. ‘If we keep him in this country,’ they -said, ‘great dangers impend over us. The wrath of Count John and of the -emperor will burst forth against us. Who can withstand them?’ - -The countess and her advisers took alarm at this argument. What were -they in comparison with the formidable Charles the Fifth? Their zeal was -cooled. They began to wish that some event might rid them of a man who -compromised them in such high quarters. Alasco perceived that the -countess after having set her hand to the plough was looking back. He -saw that the moment was critical, and that if the Reformation was not to -be suppressed in Friesland, he must be quick to ward off the stroke of -the enemy. It is not to be expected that a man of the sixteenth century -would act on the principles of the nineteenth. Alasco, a man of resolute -spirit, appealed to the princess herself, and wrote to her the following -beautiful letter—‘I know, Madam, that you are desirous of promoting -among your subjects the glory of Jesus Christ. But you err in two -respects. You too readily comply with either party in matters of -religion. This is one fault. You act in conformity with the wishes of -those about you rather than with the will of God. This is the second. It -is not your own salvation alone which is at stake, but that of many -churches confided to the care of you and me, of which you will have to -give account to the eternal Judge. It is a magnificent destiny to be a -prince; but on this condition, that you seek the glory of God.... The -monks are guilty of idolatry, and they are its ministers. They lead -astray many of your subjects who offer to idols a forbidden worship. We -cannot endure this. It is commanded us to flee from idolatry. Put away -therefore the idols, and remove their ministers from the midst of us. -How long shall we go on trying to please at once both God and the world? -If God is our master, why not follow Him resolutely? If He is not, what -need have you of me as his minister? I am ready not only to spend my -property in the service of the Church, but to give my life for the glory -of Christ, if only you will consent to be governed by the Word. If you -will not do this, I cannot promise you my services as a minister. Be -sure, I understand how useful the esteem of men is, and especially of -those whose favor is of so much importance. I am only a foreigner, -burdened with a family and having no home. I wish therefore to be -friends with all, but ... as far as to the altar. This barrier I cannot -pass, even if I had to reduce my family to beggary.[694] He who sustains -all flesh will also sustain my dear ones, even though I should leave -them no resources. Never, Madam, would I have said these things to you, -did I not know your piety and your goodness. But I should betray the -cause of truth, if I did not say them to you. It is better to be -unpolite than unfaithful. May God give his Holy Spirit to guide your -counsels. - -‘(August 8, 1543.)’ - -Such was the noble letter written by Alasco to the Princess Anna of -Friesland. She appreciated the piety and the freedom of his words, and -replied to him with much kindliness. She told him that she would give -orders for the removal of the images, but that it must be done -gradually, without noise, and by persons duly authorized, keeping the -ignorant populace from interfering in the proceeding. The work was -begun, but went on very slowly, so that the measure adopted in August -had made little progress in November. - -[Sidenote: Progress Of The Reformation.] - -At this crisis, arrived Count John, the husband of Dorothea of Austria. -This noble man, earnestly devoted to the Romish system, was immediately -beset by the monks. Greatly provoked by the reforms which he saw in -process of accomplishment in Friesland, he laid before the countess all -the grievances of the monks and said to her, ‘It is absolutely essential -that you should banish this man.’ But the reformer vindicated himself -with so much force and truth that the count was shaken; and when the -countess said positively, ‘I can not do without Alasco,’ John gave way. -This victory hastened on the Reformation. All public worship was -forbidden to the monks; nor were they allowed to maintain any -intercourse with members of the Church calculated to turn them aside -from the obedience due to the Word of God. They were allowed to live at -peace in their convent; but public services of the Roman Church were -even there forbidden. Gradually they took their departure. In the same -way images disappeared. Alasco, a moderate man, did not think it his -duty to precipitate reform. He labored for it persistently and -prudently; and notwithstanding this slowness it made progress. He -believed—and this feature distinguished him from some reformers—that a -Christian is likely to succeed as well, and even better, by gentleness -than by rashness. - - Patience et longueur de temps - Font plus que force ni que rage. - -[Sidenote: The Protestant Sects.] - -This patience was not idleness. Various sects, banished from the -Netherlands and other districts of Germany, had taken refuge in -Friesland, where they found freedom. The Brussels government called upon -the countess to expel them. The princess and her advisers were quite -inclined to do so without further inquiry, but Alasco opposed this. He -conceived an excellent plan of action, but one very difficult to -execute. He would have liked to unite the different Protestant parties -in a single body, comprehending therein even the smallest sects. ‘You -have permitted,’ said he, ‘these strangers to settle among your people, -and we can not now, just to please those who pursue them, drive them -away without any form of trial. Let us examine first what they are. An -error of the understanding does not render a man liable to punishment; -but guilty intentions alone.’ The countess requested him to make such an -examination as he suggested. Alasco then, actuated by a generous longing -for unity and freedom, applied himself to the task; but he soon found -himself involved in a conflict with a great number of differing -opinions, often irreconcilable, and had to maintain a sad struggle with -grave errors. One man among them all appeared to him to be sincerely -pious, and to set before himself a really praiseworthy object. This was -Menno. Alasco invited him to a religious conference which turned upon -the subjects of the ministry, the baptism of children, and the -incarnation of the Son of God. It was chiefly this last point with which -he concerned himself. Menno taught a fantastical doctrine. He believed -that the birth of Jesus had been only in appearance, that He had not -received from the Virgin Mary his flesh and blood, but had brought them -from heaven. Alasco did not confine himself to a _vivâ voce_ opposition -to this Gnostic dogma; but wrote a treatise[695] on the subject. Menno -having put forward several other opinions which were peculiar to -himself, Alasco admitted that it was impossible to attach him to the -great evangelical body; but at the same time he did not ask for his -expulsion.[696] - -Another divine, a far less estimable man than Menno, not only holding -fantastic notions, but also leading an immoral life, next appeared -before him. His name was David Joris (or George); and he was a native of -Delft in Holland. His father was a conjuror who, as well as his wife, -used to play off juggling tricks at fairs and markets. The young David, -endowed with an original and even profound intellect, remarkably clever -and of lively imagination, was at the same time filled with ambition and -vanity. He learnt the business of painting on glass; but on Sundays and -festival days he used to join his parents and amuse the spectators with -his legerdemain. This doubtless had a bad effect on him. He afterwards -heard the evangelical doctrine preached, and fastened upon it, but not -without admixture. He saw in it, not a means of salvation in heaven, but -a means of being great here below; and discontented with his modest -calling he aspired to become head of a sect. Joris composed treatises -and hymns, preached, gained adherents and baptized them. He was -prosecuted in several towns of Holland, wandered to and fro under -various disguises, and at last arrived in East Friesland. Here his ardor -obtained him some disciples. ‘The doctrine announced by the prophets,’ -said he, ‘and even by Jesus Christ, is not perfection. The Pentecostal -spirit led man forward indeed, but only brought him to the age of youth. -Another spirit was needed for the development of a grown man, and this -spirit is in the Christ David (Joris). I am the first-born of the -regenerate, the new man of God, the Christ according to the Spirit. It -is necessary to believe unreservedly in me. This faith will bring the -man who possesses it to perfect freedom, and he will find himself above -all law, all sin, and all compulsion.’ Alasco, when he heard these -strange pretensions, said to him, ‘Prove to us by the testimony of the -Word of God that this vocation belongs to you. Many churches have been -troubled by men who, like you, arrogated for themselves a divine -mission; and it is to pretensions of this sort that we owe the tyranny -of the pope and of Mohammed.’[697] - -David replied in the style of an infallible doctor. He told Alasco that -he would communicate to him his _Book of Miracle_,[698] that this book -would show him how he, David, surpassed him in the knowledge of the -truth, and that he would give himself up to be led by it to the highest -knowledge of God. Alasco replied that it was impossible for him to admit -his infallibility.[699] ‘In spiritual things,’ he added, ‘the Word of -God alone has any worth for me. I shut my eyes to all besides. May the -Lord govern me and keep me for his glory _by the true sceptre of his -royalty_.’ - -Joris quitted Friesland and betook himself to Basel. There he assumed -fictitious names, continued to direct his partisans in the north, who -sent him a good deal of money, and fared well and lived licentiously. It -was discovered after his death that this wretched man had several -illegitimate children. The men of Basel, alarmed at having had such a -man among them, testified their abhorrence of his memory in the most -energetic manner.[700] - -[Sidenote: Church Government.] - -Alasco, in the midst of these struggles, was diligent in the work of the -ministry. He explained the Holy Scriptures from the pulpit; but, while -he usually conformed to received customs, he allowed much freedom in the -outward arrangements of the service, because he feared that uniformity -would lull men’s minds to sleep, and that from too rigorous adherence to -this mode, or that rite, or such a vestment, there would soon arise a -new papacy. He therefore considered it desirable that from time to time -there should be some variety and change. The main point, in his view, -was the preaching of the Word of God. ‘Let us beware,’ he said, ‘of -letting our attention be distracted by a multitude of ceremonies.’ There -was, however, one matter to which he attached higher importance. He -desired that the life of Christians should be conformed to their -profession. ‘What,’ said he, ‘are we to contend against errors without, -and at the same time allow license to be established in our own houses, -and while we are severe towards others are we to be indulgent to our own -irregularities?‘[701] He therefore appointed in the church at Embden -four elders, grave and pious men, who in the name of the whole church -were to watch over good morals. Finally, not wishing the government of -the Church to be in the hands of a prince or a magistrate, or even of -national consistories established in various places, he entrusted this -office to what he called the _Cœtus_, the assembly of the pastors. His -error was the non-admission to it of the elders. This institution, -however, contributed to promote unity in sound doctrine, harmony of life -and faith, and a good theological culture. Brotherly conferences were -held in which were made mutual exhortations to sanctification. The -necessities of the flock were investigated and the means of providing -for them. The life of candidates, both inward and outward, engaged their -attention; and many of the members of the _Cœtus_ said that they had -learnt more in it than at the university.[702] - -Alasco, who with regard to literature was a follower of Erasmus, with -regard to worship a follower of Zwinglius, and with regard to -discipline, the constitution of the Church, and the sacraments, a -follower of Calvin, was, with regard to the doctrine of grace, rather a -follower of Melanchthon. In 1544 he wrote an _Epitome of the doctrine of -the churches of East Friesland_. He sent this to Hardenberg, requesting -him to communicate it to Bucer at Strasburg and to Bullinger at -Zurich.[703] He firmly believed that an eternal counsel of God controls -all history; that Christ is the central point of Christianity, and that -apart from him there is no salvation. ‘But God,’ he said, ‘so far as it -rests with him, shuts out no one from his mercy. Christ, by his holy -death, has expiated the sins of the whole world. If a man be lost, it is -not because God created him for the purpose of suffering everlasting -punishment, but because he has voluntarily despised the grace of God in -Jesus Christ.... God is the Saviour of us all, the most loving Father of -all, most merciful to all, most pitiful for all. Let us then implore his -mercy through Him to whom nothing can be refused, to wit, Jesus -Christ.’[704] Some persons, bound to system, having accused Alasco to -Calvin on account of this doctrine, the latter would not listen to these -denunciations; and the brotherly affection of the two reformers was not -in the least interrupted. - -It was not so in Friesland. Alasco encountered a sharp opposition on the -part of some of his colleagues and some of the magistrates. At the same -time, disorders prevailed and fatal opinions were spreading in the -country. Once more Alasco appealed to the princess. ‘The monks and their -idolatry still hold their ground, ecclesiastical discipline is -destroyed, and so much indulgence is shown for licentiousness, that if -any man lead a sober life, he might on this ground be called a sectary. -Nor is this all. The country is again the receptacle of the strangest -doctrines, and, after having waged war on the gnats, we are now giving -food to wasps and hornets, and are allowing ravens to croak at their -leisure.’[705] - -[Sidenote: Alasco’s Resignation.] - -Alasco, perhaps, aspired to a perfection which is not attainable in this -world. Struck with the divine element, he did not sufficiently apprehend -the influence of the human element in the things of this life. Finding -that his endeavors to purify the Church were useless, he could not -endure the responsibility imposed on him by his episcopal office. He -thought it burden enough to be responsible for his own errors, without -being also responsible for the faults of others. He therefore resigned -his office of superintendent, while retaining that of preacher. This -failure to achieve complete success did not, however, at all abate the -energy of his zeal. Faith had created within him a moral force which -could not decay. The princess having entreated him to resume his office, -he laid down certain conditions. He would be amenable only to God and -his Word. He could not endure that men of the world should come and -intrude themselves in his path. He required to be guaranteed against -interference of the magistrates in the internal affairs of the Church, -and against disturbance by pastors who would interrupt its unity.[706] - -This was conceded; and he now resumed his work courageously. But the old -trials were followed by fresh ones. Count John and most of the courtiers -could not endure the seriousness of his character and his desire to see -the prevalence of order in the Church. His enemies reproached him for -protecting dangerous sectaries, perhaps because he contended against -them only by the word, and had no wish to proceed against them by -imprisonment or banishment. Other trials fell upon him. He was again -afflicted with fever and even threatened with loss of sight. One of his -children, little Paul, was taken from him. His heart was broken by this -loss. ‘Every thing makes me feel,’ he said, ‘that this earthly dwelling -is about to be destroyed, and that soon (so I hope) we shall be in the -Father’s house, with Christ. Our dear little one has gone before us, and -we shall soon follow him.’[707] - -[Sidenote: His Country Home.] - -These mournful events made him feel a longing for a more quiet life. He -sighed for some retreat in which he might pray at peace, while applying -himself diligently to the work of his ministry. He bought a house in the -country, with land adjoining, and in it he invested almost all his -property. In this situation he had some rural occupations. He was busied -about his house, and also a little about his fields; and it was a joy to -him to be in the midst of the works of God. He was a good father and, -according to the injunction addressed to bishops by St. Paul, he -endeavored to bring up his children in all purity and modesty. His wife -managed the house affairs, milked the cows, and made the butter. But -Alasco did not forget the main point. In his view the most indispensable -condition for the prosperity of his own personal piety and for the -success in his pastoral functions was the diligent study of the Holy -Scriptures. He carried on correspondence with Melanchthon, Bucer, -Bullinger, and others. He studied the works of Calvin, whom he highly -esteemed, although there was some difference in their opinions. He was a -large-hearted man. We do not find, however, that he wrote to Calvin -before the year 1548.[708] - -His residence in the country by no means lessened his active exertions; -it appears, on the contrary, to have extended them. We find his -influence operative in West Friesland, where it was diffused both by the -ministry of the pastors of those districts who had taken refuge at -Embden, and by himself personally. He appears to have visited Franeker -and other towns. Far from narrowing his sphere of action, he enlarged -it. He devoted attention to every thing steadfastly and prudently. In -his case was demonstrated the truth that he who has an acquaintance with -the common life of men and practice in conducting worldly business is so -much the more qualified for guiding the Church of God. - -[Sidenote: Viglius Of Zuychem.] - -It is possible that Alasco may have found in West Friesland some -unexpectedly favorable conditions. If credit is to be given to authentic -documents, a man who has always passed for a persecutor, and who held an -important position in the government of the Netherlands, at this time -secretly favored the Reformation of Friesland. This was the celebrated -Viglius of Zuychem, a man endowed with great talents and a distinguished -jurisconsult, who had studied first at Franeker, and afterwards in the -universities of the Netherlands, France, and Italy. Viglius is so -famous, so well known for the ability which he displayed in opposition -to the Reformation that we can not refrain from lifting the veil for the -purpose of disclosing one side of his history which is very little -known. He is a striking example of a class of men too numerous in the -sixteenth century. His mind was not devoid of liberal tendencies, and in -his heart was some leaning to the religion of the Gospel. But he saw -that under Charles the Fifth he could secure his position and retain the -high honors with which he was loaded only by siding with those who -opposed the light and the Gospel. This, therefore, he did. Like Alasco, -he was indebted to Erasmus for his first impressions. While still a -young boy, he was an enthusiastic admirer of the learned Dutchman, his -fellow-countryman. ‘From my childhood,’ he wrote to Erasmus in March, -1529, ‘my feelings toward you have been of such a nature that in my -studies I had never felt a more powerful stimulus than the thought of -making such progress as would warrant the hope of my winning your kindly -regard.’[709] Afterwards, even before he made the personal acquaintance -of Erasmus, he took his part against those who assailed him. ‘I am -desirous,’ he wrote, ‘that you should know the great love I cherish for -you, and that I am ready vigorously to repel the rage of shameless and -perverse men who assailed you, and thus to protect a peaceful leisure -which you employ in the most useful studies.’ Erasmus, on his part, was -charmed with what he called the easy and amiable disposition of Viglius; -and he added that he had found in his letters powerful enchantments -which had completely won his heart. With respect to the attacks of which -the young man had spoken, he said, ‘Alas! it is my destiny to be engaged -in a perpetual conflict with the whole phalanx of sham monks and sham -theologians, monsters so frightful and so dangerous that it was -certainly easier for Hercules to contend with Cacus, Cerberus, the -Nemean lion, and the hydra of Lernæ. As for you, my dear young friend,’ -he added, ‘consider by what means it may be possible for you to obtain -praise without hatred.’[710] Unfortunately Viglius followed his advice -too well, or at least allowed himself in following it to be led into -acts of culpable cowardice. - -While still imbued with elevated sentiments, the young Frisian at first -avoided making any engagement with Charles the Fifth, with whose cruel -policy he was too well acquainted. He refused several offers of this -prince, and particularly an invitation to take charge of the education -of his son Philip; but ambition ultimately gained the ascendency. As an -eminent jurisconsult, Viglius entered in 1542 into the great council of -Mechlin, of which in the following year he was named president. The -emperor next made him president of the privy council at Brussels and -head of the order of the Golden Fleece. From the time that he accepted -these offices, the enthusiastic disciple of Erasmus saw the beginning of -a conflict in his inner life which seems to have ended only with his -death. On the one side, he declared boldly against freedom of conscience -and against heresy, things which he regarded as the ruin of nations. He -even went so far as to call those atheists who desired to be free in -their faith. But if he thus satisfied Charles the Fifth and his -ministers, he was unable entirely to stifle the best aspirations of his -youth; and he secretly showed for the Protestants a tolerance which was -quite contrary to his principles. He was accused; and the government of -the Netherlands, having received orders to get precise information about -him, requested, with the utmost secrecy and under the seal of an oath, a -churchman and a man of letters, whose names have not been divulged, to -state what they knew respecting him.[711] The report made by these -priests presents a strange contrast to the judgment of history on this -man. ‘Viglius is accused,’ said these two anonymous reporters, ‘of -having been from his youth greatly suspected of heresy, and chiefly of -the heresy of Luther; of having been and of still being reputed a -heretic, not only in the Netherlands, but in France, Italy, and Germany; -of having associated only with heretics, as, for example, those of -Augsburg, Basel, and Würtemberg; of having given promotion, since his -elevation to the post which he fills, only to men of the same character; -of having caused the nomination, as councillor to the Imperial chamber, -of Albada, who had resigned his office of councillor in Friesland -because he would not consent to the punishment of Anabaptists, -Calvinists, and other sectaries; of having introduced into the -university of Douai, for the purpose of exercising jurisdiction over -churchmen, _lay_ and _married_ rectors; of having lavishly conferred -offices upon his brothers, kinsmen, and friends in Friesland, _all of -them tainted and infected with heresy_; and of many other things of the -like kind.’[712] - -In quoting this passage, we do not profess to reform the judgment of -history; but only to show what sometimes lay hidden under the rude and -menacing manners of the councillors of Charles the Fifth. - -The testimony of the two priests astonished the duchess of Parma. ‘With -me,’ she said, ‘the president has always appeared to be a good -Catholic.’ Was Viglius then secretly a follower of Luther? By no means. -But he cherished some of the liberal notions of his illustrious -fellow-countryman, Erasmus, and even felt some regard for the -Reformation. When he was censured for having taken part in drawing up -the persecuting edicts of 1530, he denied the charge, and asserted that -he had done all he could to induce the emperor to mitigate their -severity. A priest, who is not suspected of partiality for Protestants, -has said of Viglius—‘This great man used his influence to moderate the -harshness of the duke of Alva by milder counsels.’[713] Viglius, while a -thorough Roman Catholic in his speeches, was less so in his deeds, when -he could be so without risking the loss of the favor of princes. He was -not a hypocrite in virtue, as so many are; he was a hypocrite in -fanaticism. But fanaticism then passed for a virtue, and secured him -wonderful advantages. - -[Sidenote: Alasco And Viglius.] - -What a contrast between the two men whose names were at this time so -widely known in the two Frieslands! The influence of Alasco was not -confined to these countries. On the banks of the Rhine he took part, in -conjunction with his friend Hardenberg, in the attempts at reform in the -diocese of Cologne. The time was, however, soon to arrive when he would -find himself compelled to leave Friesland, and would be removed to a -larger sphere, to labor there, in the midst of distinguished men, at the -work of the Reformation. - -Footnote 679: - - ‘Jam sum hac scriptione fatigatus ... cum hæc pauca toto hoc die ex - intervallis vix etiamnum absolverim.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 553. - -Footnote 680: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 552. - -Footnote 681: - - Bartels, _John a Lasco_, p. 12. - -Footnote 682: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 556. - -Footnote 683: - - ‘Quæ tu de pudore, dolore, tristitia atque ea quæ, te perpetuo, ut - scribis, excarnificat, miseria adfers.’—Alasco to Hardenberg, _Opp._ - ii. p. 556. - -Footnote 684: - - ‘Qui sabbathum in Christo suum sanctificat, non est cur apud homines - turbetur.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 685: - - The reference is doubtless to the host in the mass. - -Footnote 686: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 588. - -Footnote 687: - - ‘Spem magni cujusdam episcopatus, si redirem.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. - 588. - -Footnote 688: - - ‘His jam respondi me nolle esse neque _cornutum_ neque _cucullatum_ - apostolum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 689: - - ‘Desiderabatur ultima adhuc lima.’—Gerdesius, iii. p. 148. - -Footnote 690: - - ‘Audis fulmina,’ &c.—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. 588. - -Footnote 691: - - ‘Adversus hæc me tutata est divina bonitas.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 692: - - Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, p. 14. - -Footnote 693: - - ‘Expectanda nova fulmina ab Aula Brabantia; sed potentior est Deus.’ - (Embden, August 31, 1544).—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 694: - - ‘. . Sed usque ad aras; hæc septa transilire non posse, etiam si - deserenda sit omnium amicitia, atque adeo familia in summa inopia et - mendicitate relinquenda.’—_Opp._ ii. p. 560. According to the - statement of Kuyper, he has reconstructed the letter from citations - made _oratione obliqua_ by Emmius, _Hist. Fris._ p. 919. - -Footnote 695: - - ‘Defensio veræ doctrinæ de Christi incarnatione adversus Mennonem - Simonis.’—_Opp._ i. pp. 5-60. - -Footnote 696: - - Bartels, _Joh. a Lasco_, p. 18. - -Footnote 697: - - ‘Huic sane debemus omnem Papæ et Mahumetis tyrannidem.’—Alasco, _Epp. - Opp._ ii. p. 567. - -Footnote 698: - - Wonderboek, 4to. 1542. - -Footnote 699: - - ‘In quo videlicet nec falli possis nec fallere.’—Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. - 571. - -Footnote 700: - - Alasco, _Opp._ passim. Trechsel, _Antitrinitarier_, in Herzog i. pp. - 30-35. Bartels, _Joh. a Lasco_, pp. 18-20. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 116. - -Footnote 701: - - ‘Si dum in alios severi sumus, in vitiis interim ipsi nobis - indulgeamus.’—To Hardenberg, July 28, 1544.—_Opp._ ii. p. 574. - -Footnote 702: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 575. _Gutachten über die Stellung des Cœtus_, - Embden, 1857. Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, p. 22. - -Footnote 703: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. p. 586. To Bullinger, August 31, 1544. - -Footnote 704: - - ‘Ad eum, ut ad servatorem nostrum omnium ac patrem omnium longe - optimum, omnium beneficentissimum longeque omnium indulgentissimum, - decurramus.’—Epitome Doctrinæ Ecclesiarum Phrisiæ Orientalis.—_Opp._ - i. p. 493. - -Footnote 705: - - ‘Ut qui paulo frugalius velit vivere, mox pro sectario habeatur... In - his culices, si Deo placet, persecuti sumus, et vespas interim et - crabrones ipsos alimus: danda est corvis venia.’ The letter is written - to Hermann Lenthius, councillor of the Countess Ann.—Alasco, _Opp._ - ii. p. 597. September 6, 1545. - -Footnote 706: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. pp. 606, 607. - -Footnote 707: - - Alasco, _Opp._ ii. pp. 609, 617. - -Footnote 708: - - The first letter of Alasco to Calvin is dated from Windsor, December - 14, 1548. Among the works of Alasco there are extant only four letters - from the Polish reformer to the Genevese. These are of the years 1548, - 1551, 1555 and 1557. But Alasco sent some books to Calvin. In the - public library of Geneva are preserved two folio volumes, printed at - Louvain in 1555, bearing this title:— - - ‘Explicatio articulorum venerandæ facultatis sacræ theologiæ Generalis - Studii Lovaniensis.’—The author of these volumes is Ruard Tapper of - Enkhuizen. Below the title of the first volume are the following - words, in an elegant handwriting:—‘Viro sanctissimo, D. Jo. Calvin, - Jo. a Lasco mittit.’ - -Footnote 709: - - ‘Quo tuæ me insinuari benevolentiæ posse sperarem. A puero non alius - mihi vehementior ad studia stimulus fuerit quam ut sic proficerem,’ - &c. _Erasmi Epp._ lib. xx. _Ep._ 80. - -Footnote 710: - - ‘Meditare quibus rationibus laudem absque invidia tibi pares.’—_Ibid._ - _Ep._ 81. - -Footnote 711: - - Letter of the Duchess of Parma, written from Brussels, in the - _Correspondance de Philippe II._, from the archives of Simancas, - published by M. Gachard, archivist-general of the kingdom, vol. i. p. - 318. - -Footnote 712: - - The informations laid against Viglius are to be found in the - _Correspondance de Philippe II._, vol i. p. 319. - -Footnote 713: - - Moreri, art. _Viglius_. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - BEGINNING OF REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS. - (1518-1524). - - -The Reformation was Catholic or universal in the sense that it appeared -in all the nations of Christendom. It gained, undoubtedly, the most -powerful hold on the sympathy of the northern nations. But the peoples -of central Europe would all have welcomed it but for the persecutions by -princes and priests. In the south it achieved the most beautiful -conquests, and had its martyrs even in Rome. Our task is to follow up -its traces in every direction. - -It was in the Netherlands that the first echo of Luther’s voice was -heard. There dwelt a people who had been free since the eleventh -century. Each of the provinces had its States, without whose consent no -law was made, no tax imposed. The love of freedom and the love of the -Gospel together actuated these interesting communities in the first half -of the sixteenth century, and both contributed to their glorious -revolution. - -Other elements, however, had their share in the great movements of this -people. Agriculture, which had been called ‘the foundation of human -life,’ was thriving there in the midst of numerous canals. The -mechanical arts were held in honor. Everywhere throughout these -provinces hands and bodies were in motion. They were animated by an -inventive spirit; and Brussels was already renowned for its carpets. The -Netherlands had risen into importance by bold ventures upon the seas, -and their innumerable seamen exchanged their productions with all the -known world. Commerce and industry had given to these regions great -prosperity, and had created rich and powerful towns. In the sixteenth -century, they contained above three hundred and fifty great cities.[714] -At the head of these stood Antwerp, a vast market of the world, thronged -by merchants of all nations, and having a population of 100,000—only -50,000 less than that of London. - -[Sidenote: Charles The Fifth.] - -The suzerainty of the Netherlands had passed in 1477 from the house of -Burgundy to that of Austria. Under Maximilian the people had retained -the full enjoyment of their liberties. Charles the Fifth, who was by -birth a Fleming, loved his native country and enjoyed from time to time -making some stay in it. The joyous festivals of the Belgian cities -lightened his cares. He appointed Flemings to high offices; opened for -their commerce numerous channels in his vast empire; and everywhere -protected transactions which were so profitable to himself. Those -generous merchants, indeed, did not hesitate to testify their gratitude -to the emperor by rich tribute. But the ambition of the monarch ere long -began to disturb these agreeable relations. Fond of power, Charles the -Fifth did not intend to be satisfied with the modest functions of a -stadtholder. He aimed at making of all these republics a single kingdom, -of which he would be absolute sovereign. The citizens of these free -provinces were no less determined to maintain their rights. The -Reformation came in to double their energies; and the land became the -scene of long-continued and cruel conflicts. The Church in the sixteenth -century was indeed to the Belgians and the Dutch the Church under the -cross. Other reformed countries—France, Hungary, Spain, and Italy—had -their share in the martyrs’ crown. But the Netherlands, groaning under -the treacherous blows of a Philip II. and a duke of Alva, have a title -to the brightest jewels of that crown. - -The Catholicism of the Netherlands was not at this time a fanatical -system of religion. The cheerful-hearted people were especially fond of -indulgences, pictures, and festivals; but the majority had not even this -amount of piety. ‘Preaching was rare,’ says an old author, ‘the churches -were poorly attended, the feast-days and holidays ill observed; the -people ignorant of religion, not instructed in the articles of faith. -There were many comic actors, corrupt in morals and religion, in whose -performances the people delighted; and some poor monks and young nuns -always took part in the plays. It seemed as if people could not take -their pleasure without indulging in mockery of God and the Church.’[715] - -Nevertheless, the civil liberty enjoyed in the Netherlands had for a -long time been favorable to reforming tendencies. If there was not much -religion within the Church, there was a good deal outside its pale. The -Lollards and the Vaudois, who were numerous among the weavers and -clothiers, had sown in these regions the good seed of the Word. In the -Church likewise, the Brethren of the common life, founded by Gerard -Groot in the fourteenth century, had diffused instruction, so that every -one could read and write. In no quarter had forerunners of the -Reformation been more numerous. Jan van Goch had called for a reform -according to the Bible. Thomas à Kempis, sick of the devotional -practices which then made up religion, had sought after an inward light -which might bring with it life. Erasmus of Rotterdam, king of the -schools, had diffused knowledge which was not in itself the Reformation, -but was a preparation for it. Johan Wessel, born at Groningen in 1419, -had preached Christ as alone the way, the truth, and the life. At -length, among the wealthy merchants and other laymen, men were to be met -with who had a certain knowledge of the Gospel. This people, more -enlightened, more civilized, and more free than most of the European -nations, could not fail to be one of the first to accept this precious -reformation of the Church, so congenial to its own character, and so -well adapted to increase its greatness.[716] - -[Sidenote: Reform At Antwerp.] - -It was at Antwerp that the fire first blazed forth. In the convent of -the Augustine order there was a simple, sensitive, and affectionate man, -who, although not a German, was one of the first to be impressed by the -preaching of Luther. He had been a student at Wittenberg, had heard the -great doctor, and had been attracted at the same time both by the -sweetness of the Gospel and by the pleasing character of the man who -proclaimed it. It was the prior, Jacob Spreng, commonly called _Probst_ -(provost), after the name of his office. He had not the heroic courage -of his master, nor would he have made at Worms such an energetic -declaration. But he was filled with admiration for Luther; and when any -daring deed of the reformer was made known and the monks talked of it -with one another, he used to say, lifting up his head, ‘I have been a -disciple of his.’ He gloried in it, as if he, a feeble and timid man, -had a share in the heroism of his master. Then unable to repress the -affectionate feeling that filled his heart, he added, ‘I love him -ardently; I love him above every thing.’[717] - -At the outset of his career, the reformer was looked upon, not as a -heretic, but as a monk of genius. Consequently the monks, filled with -admiration, regarded their chief with respect. The Word of God which the -professor _Ad Biblia_ expounded at Wittenberg had entered into the heart -of Spreng; and while the Antwerp priests were preaching nothing but -fables, he proclaimed Christ.[718] Some of the monks and several -inhabitants of the town were converted to God by the reformer’s -disciple. - -It was likewise through Luther’s influence that the light reached the -university town of Louvain. Some of the shorter writings of this -reformer, printed at Basel in 1518, were read at Louvain in 1519. A -storm immediately burst forth. The theologians of the university put -forth all their efforts against the book, prohibited booksellers from -selling it and the faithful from reading it; but the latter courageously -defended the writings and their author.[719] ‘’Tis heresy!’ exclaimed -the theologians. ‘Not so,’ replied the townsmen, ‘it is a doctrine -really Christian.’[720] Increasing in number day by day, they determined -to judge for themselves, read the books, and were convinced. The -theologians were more angry than ever. Disparagement, falsehood, -imposture, craft, and every available means were resorted to by them. -They ascended the pulpit, and exclaimed in tones of thunder ‘These -people are heretics; they are antichrists; the Christian faith is in -danger.’ They occasioned in houses and in families _astonishing -tragedies_.[721] - -It was not Luther’s writings and influence alone which began the work of -the Reformation in the Netherlands. Brought into contact by their -commerce with all the countries of Europe, they received from them, not -only things salable for money, but in addition and without money that -which Christianity calls the pearl of great price. Foreigners of every -class, both residents and travellers, merchants, German and Swiss -soldiers, students from various universities, everywhere scattered on a -well-prepared soil the living seed. It was to the conscience that the -Gospel appealed; and thus it struck its roots deeper than if it had only -spoken to the reasoning faculty, or to an imagination fantastic and -prone to superstition. One man especially contributed, not to the -establishment, but to the preparation of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Erasmus Assailed.] - -Erasmus was at this time at Louvain. Some of the monks went to him and -accused him of being an accomplice of Luther. ‘I,’ he replied—‘I do not -know him, any more than the most unknown of men. I have hardly read more -than a page or two of his books.[722] If he has written well, it is no -credit to me; and if ill no disgrace. All I know is that the purity of -his life is such that his enemies themselves find nothing in it to -reproach.’ In vain Erasmus spoke thus. Day by day the Dominicans in -their discourses[723] threw stones at him and at Luther; but they did -this so stupidly that even the most ignorant people said that it was the -monks who were wrong and not Luther. The theologians, perceiving the -state of things, published on the 7th of November, 1519, a bull of -condemnation, hoping thus to have the last word.[724] - -The light appeared also in the provinces of the North. Dort, a town of -South Holland, was one of the first to receive it. A Dominican named -Vincent, one of those violent men who passionately disparage their -opponent and are desperate in conflict,[725] delivered a foolish and -aggravating discourse against the Reformation. The hearers went away -greatly excited, and there was immense agitation around the church. The -excitement soon passed from honest and religious men to that ignorant -and passionate class which is always ready to make a riot. When the monk -came out, they uttered loud cries and were almost ready to stone him. -Vincent, in alarm, threw himself into a cart, and fled to Louvain, where -he presented himself as a martyr. ‘I have all but lost my life for the -sake of the faith,’ he said.[726] ‘Erasmus is the cause of it, and the -letters which he has written.’ To burn Erasmus would in his opinion have -been a truly Roman exploit. - -The Dominicans availed themselves of this incident, and appealed to the -Count of Nassau, governor of Flanders, Brabant, and Holland. The -States-general were to be assembled at the Hague. The Dominicans -vehemently complained to the count of the progress which the principles -of reform were everywhere making, and demanded that the States should -without delay put a stop to it. ‘Go, then,’ said Nassau to them, ‘preach -the Gospel of Christ in sincerity, as Luther does, without attacking any -body, and you will have no enemies to contend against.’[727] Henry of -Nassau thus sounded the prelude to the noble aspirations of his family. - -Disheartened by such an answer, the enemies of the Reformation fancied -that they would meet with a better reception at the hands of Margaret of -Austria, the governess of the Netherlands. The Nassau family were -essentially Germans; but this princess, said the priests, is a good -Catholic. She professed, indeed, to be so; but she was a clever -diplomatist and very zealous in her administration. She was anxious to -see great progress made in literature and the arts. The doctors of -Louvain said to her, ‘Luther, by his writings, is overthrowing -Christianity.’ The princess feigned ignorance, and replied, ‘Who is this -Luther?’ ‘An ignorant monk,’ replied the priests. ‘Well, then,’[728] -rejoined the aunt of Charles the Fifth, ‘there are many of you; write -against this ignorant fellow, and the whole world will place more faith -in many learned men than in one unlearned.’ - -[Sidenote: Tirades Of The Monks.] - -A wind was now blowing that was favorable to the Gospel, and voices were -raised in behalf of Luther, even at the court festivals. One day, when a -great imperial banquet was held, the conversation turned upon the -reformer. Some assailed him, but others boldly undertook his defence. De -Ravestein exclaimed, ‘A single Christian man has arisen in the course of -four centuries, and the Pope wants to kill him.’[729] The monks, -restless and alarmed, asked one another whether the world had gone mad. -Rejected by the learned, they endeavored to stir up the common people. A -Minorite preaching at Bruges in the church of St. Donatianus, and -speaking of Luther and Erasmus, exclaimed—‘They are simpletons, they are -asses, beasts, blockheads, antichrists.’[730] In this style he ran on -for an hour. His hearers, amazed at his stupid vociferations, in their -turn wondered whether he had not himself lost his head. A magistrate -sent for him, and requested him to inform him what errors there were in -the writings of Erasmus. ‘I have not read them,’ said he; ‘I did indeed -once open his Paraphrases, but I closed the book again immediately; from -their excellent Latinity I was afraid that heresy lay beneath.’ Another -Minorite friar, weary of continually hearing the people about him -demanding to have the Gospel preached to them, said aloud, ‘If you want -the Gospel, you must listen to it from the mouths of your priests;’ and -he ventured to add, ‘even though you know that they are given up to -licentiousness.’[731] The debauchery and the despotism of a great many -of the priests brought discredit on the clergy. ‘I value the order of -the Dominicans,’ said Erasmus, ‘and I do not hate the Carmelites; but I -have known some of them who were of such a stamp that I would sooner -obey the Turk than endure their tyranny.’[732] - -The fanatical priests now set in motion more powerful engines of war. -Aleander, the papal nuncio, obtained on the 8th of May, 1531, a special -decree of persecution for the Netherlands;[733] and, misusing the name -of the emperor, exerted all his influence to induce Margaret rigorously -to execute the cruel edict. The princess, if left to herself, would have -been more tolerant; but she felt bound to comply with the requirements -of her powerful nephew. Placards were posted up in all the towns, which -spread alarm everywhere. The middle classes in the Netherlands, -sympathizing with progress of every kind, had looked upon Luther as a -glorious champion of Gospel truth; and now they read at every street -corner, that it was forbidden under pain of death to read his writings, -and that his books would be burnt. This was the beginning of the -persecution which was to devastate the Netherlands during the sixteenth -century. During the single reign of Charles the Fifth more than fifty -thousand persons, accused of having read the prohibited books, of having -on a certain day eaten meat, or of having entered into the bonds of -marriage in defiance of the canonical prohibition, were beheaded, -drowned, hung, buried alive or burnt, or suffered death in other -ways.[734] Erasmus therefore exclaimed, ‘What then is Aleander? A -maniac, a fool, a bad man.’[735] - -[Sidenote: Jacob Spreng.] - -Fanaticism had not waited for the edict of Worms. The provost of Antwerp -had been one of its first victims. Jacob Spreng, we have seen, as early -as 1517 proclaimed with earnestness the salvation which Luther had found -in Jesus Christ, and which he had also found himself. Luther’s courage -increased his own, which was not great. He repeated that he had seen him -and heard him, and that he was his disciple. He did not cease to preach, -like his master, that man is saved by grace, through faith. One day, it -was in 1519, the provost was arrested in his own convent, and, in spite -of the commotion among his friars, was carried off prisoner to Brussels. -There he appeared before the judge and was examined, was exceedingly -worried, and appears even to have been put to the torture and condemned -to death by burning.[736] Spreng, we have said, was not strong. They -worried, threatened, and terrified him. He had not yet the steadfastness -of a rock. The prospect of being burnt alive made him shudder. He was -not what his master would have been; he yielded and, with bowed head and -dim eye and a heart cast down and broken, he agreed to every thing that -was required of him. What a triumph for his enemies! They determined to -make a great display of it. In February, 1520, Aleander, Jerome van der -Nood, chancellor of Brabant, Herbaut, suffragan of Cambray, Glapio, -chaplain to the emperor, and several other dignitaries of the Church, -met together in the presence of a large assembly; for the business in -hand was to invest the recantation of the unhappy man with all possible -solemnity. The president announced to him that thirty of Luther’s -articles were going to be read, and that he must condemn them under pain -of death.[737] These articles had been skilfully selected. The secretary -read—‘Every work of the free will (of the natural will of man), however -good it may be, is a sin, and is in need of the pardon and the mercy of -God.’ ‘I condemn this doctrine,’ said Spreng, terrified at the thought -of death. He did the same with respect to other points. ‘Ah!’ said -Erasmus, who was acquainted with the unbelief of a great number of Roman -priests, ‘many make a great hubbub against Luther on account of some -assertions of little importance, while themselves do not even believe -that the soul continues to exist after death.’[738] - -Aleander and his colleagues were not satisfied with having forced -Spreng, with the dagger at his throat, to retract the doctrines of the -reformer. They also compelled him to assert the contrary doctrines. - -The session had been a frightful one. The unhappy Spreng withdrew -broken-hearted and filled with bitter sorrow. He had denied his faith; -he had not, however, sinned with any desperate evil intent. He confessed -his fault to God, gradually recovered himself from his fall, and became -afterwards one of the heralds of the Gospel. - -He went out of prison indignant with those who had compelled him to -renounce his faith, but especially with himself. He now went to Bruges, -and there began to speak boldly against his own unfaithfulness, and to -spread abroad the knowledge of the Saviour. He was once more arrested -and was taken to Brussels. As a relapsed heretic he had nothing to look -for but death. A rumor was even current that he had been burnt -alive.[739] But there were many who cried to God to obtain his -deliverance. A Franciscan monk, affected by his fate, succeeded in -procuring his escape. Without remaining longer in the Netherlands, he -betook himself in 1522 to Wittenberg, his _Alma Mater_,[740] and from -thence to Bremen. He became one of the pastors of this place, happy in -being able to lead souls in peace in the sweet smiling pastures of the -Gospel. - -[Sidenote: The Inquisition.] - -It was not without good reason that he fled from the Netherlands. -Charles the Fifth could not remain a stranger to what was going on -there. He was doubtless first of all a politician; and when his temporal -interests required it, he could display a little tolerance, either in -Germany or elsewhere. But in secular affairs he was a despot, and in -religious affairs a bigot. He had no doubt that the Reformation, if it -were introduced in the Netherlands, would cross his autocratic projects. -He therefore indemnified himself in these provinces for the cautious -proceedings to which he was obliged to resign himself in other regions. -He had recourse to the Inquisition. It was not, however, that terrible -institution as it was known in Castile, where it found a people -enthusiastic for its cruelties. The free people of the Netherlands -rejected with abhorrence that criminal institution. Nevertheless, the -two inquisitors of the faith nominated at this time by the Emperor, one -a layman, Franz van der Hulst, a ‘great enemy of letters,’ said Erasmus; -the other a monk, Nicholas van Egmont, ‘a very madman armed with a -sword,’ did not do their work badly. They first committed people to -prison, and afterwards inquired into their faults.[741] All those who -had any leaning to the doctrine of Luther were ordered to appear within -the space of thirty days before these judges, who were invested with the -power of excommunication. - -[Sidenote: Cornelius Grapheus.] - -The departure of Spreng was a loss to Antwerp and the Netherlands. There -were not many men whose faith was so simple and so genuine. Some eminent -laymen, indeed, declared early for the Reformation; but the relation of -these to the Gospel was rather that of _amateurs_ than of believers. -Cornelius Grapheus (in Flemish, Schryver), secretary of the town of -Antwerp, and a friend of Erasmus, was a superior man. He had travelled a -good deal and learnt a good deal; and although he was invested with one -of the first offices of the imperial town in which he lived, he spent -much time in reading. Jan van Goch’s work on the freedom of the -Christian religion charmed him; and desirous of imparting to others the -enjoyment which he had himself experienced, he translated it into -Flemish. He also wrote a preface to it, in which he censured, but not -ill-naturedly, those who imposed on Christians a useless yoke. Every -well-informed man said as much. Grapheus, finding that these words were -received with approbation, did not suppose that in saying them he had -done a deed of courage. But the two inquisitors, who felt the need of -making some splendid arrest, exclaimed that it was a crime to dare to -speak of a _yoke_, leaped upon their prey, and seized Grapheus in his -own house, in the presence of his terrified wife and children. The whole -city was astounded. What! one of the first magistrates of the town, a -distinguished man, who had travelled in Italy, who cultivated painting, -music, and poetry, such a man as this a heretic! The victim once in -prison, the inquisitors read the criminated treatise, picked out line -after line, and drew up a terrible indictment. Grapheus, a humanist, a -magistrate, an artist, and man of letters, was the most astonished of -all. He had fancied that he was doing nothing more than a literary -exercise, and was distressed at being taken for a theologian. This was -in his eyes an honor of which he was not worthy, and by no means dreamed -of. He said, like Erasmus—no martyrdom. To be restored to a beloved -family, of which he was the sole support, this was the object of his -desire. He sought honorably to apologize. ‘If I have spoken of a -_yoke_,’ said he, ‘it is in no controversial spirit; I entreat pardon -for my rashness, and am willing to retract my errors.’ But the Popish -party were implacable, and they cast him into a black dungeon.[742] - -The two inquisitors, not venturing to touch Erasmus, were bent on -striking his friend, and on terrifying by this example the partisans of -literature. They had a platform erected in the principal square of -Brussels; a crowd of people stood round it, and the secretary of Antwerp -appeared upon it. His only thought was to recover his peaceful life, to -be once more in his study, to sit again at his family table. For this -end he was prepared to do any thing. At the command of the inquisitors -he hastened to retract publicly the articles of his preface; and he -threw it into the fire, so much harm had it done him. Grapheus was not a -Lutheran; he was only an Erasmian; and he would have done much more to -regain his liberty. He supposed that he had gained it; but the judges to -whose clemency he had appealed condemned him to the confiscation of his -property, to deprivation of office, and to imprisonment for life. This -is what a man gets by venturing to speak of a _yoke_ in a country where -there are inquisitors. - -The unfortunate man, solitary in his dungeon, lamented his essay in -literature, and thought only of his wife and his children. He determined -to appeal to the chancellor of Brabant. ‘I wrote that preface,’ said he, -‘as a literary task for the exercise of my understanding. Alas! how much -better it would have been for me had I been a blockhead, a buffoon, a -comedian, or any other despicable creature, instead of obtaining by my -limited abilities important offices. While so many people are allowed to -publish their tales, their comedies, their farces, their satires, no -matter how rude and improper they may be, a citizen is oppressed because -he has had a share in human frailty.’ Sinking beneath the cruel yoke of -Rome, Grapheus was quite ready to assert that this very yoke had no -existence. He requested, as a great favor, that the town of Antwerp -might be assigned as his prison, in order that he might be able to earn -a livelihood for his family. All his entreaties were fruitless. For a -mere literary peccadillo one of the first magistrates of the Netherlands -groaned for years in the prisons of the town the government of which he -had administered. It appears, however, that he was afterwards liberated, -but he was not reinstated in his office. Instances of this kind show -that Rome had a grudge not only against the Gospel, but against -civilization, intelligence, and freedom. - -In this same town of Antwerp, a more cruel fate was to overtake a true -evangelist, a man of great intelligence, and also endowed with deep -feeling and a living and steadfast faith. - -[Sidenote: Henry Of Zutphen.] - -Henry Mollerus, of the town of Zutphen, the name of which he usually -bore, had entered the Augustinian order. He had distinguished himself in -it, and after having several times changed his convent had settled in -that of Antwerp. Here he had soon risen to an important position. Eager -to advance, he strove continually to attain to a loftier knowledge and -to a more powerful faith.[743] He was not one of those Christians who -lie down and slumber, but of those who awake, go on, press forward, and -run to the goal which they have set before them. In consequence of -hearing the prior, Jacob Spreng, speak much about Martin Luther, he -betook himself in 1521 to Wittenberg, was admitted to the convent of the -Augustines, was joyfully welcomed by Luther, and began immediately to -study in earnest. The reformer, who often conversed with him, was struck -with his capacity and his faith, and considered him worthy to be a -recipient of the honors of the University. Henry applied himself -especially to the study of man; he descended into the depths of his -nature, and made discoveries there which alarmed him. He was struck with -the holiness of the Divine law; he perceived that he could not fulfil -its commandments; and falling to the ground, with closed lips, he -confessed himself guilty. But ere long Christ having been revealed to -his soul, he had lifted up his head and contemplated the Saviour in all -his beauty. From that time he had lived with Christ, and had been eager -to walk in his steps. - -Henry of Zutphen requested permission of the University to maintain -publicly some theses, with a view to his taking the degree of bachelor -in theology. The friars of the convent of the Augustines, professors and -students, and other inhabitants of Wittenberg, assembled to hear him. -Zutphen began:—‘Man, having turned aside from the Divine word, wherein -is his life, died immediately, that is to say he was deprived of the -spirit of God.[744] - -‘Oh, the impiety of the philosophy which aims at persuading us that this -death of the soul with which we are affected is a life! Oh, vanity of -the human heart, which, in not esteeming the knowledge of God as the -supreme good, and in choosing rather to follow a blind philosophy, goes -astray and rushes into the paths of perdition! - -‘As there is nothing good in the root, there is consequently nothing in -the fruit that is not tainted with the poison. - -‘The maxims of morality which men stitch together are nothing but -fig-leaves intended to hide their shame.[745] - -‘Man is therefore twice dead; once because this is his nature, and yet -again because, instructed by philosophy, he dares to assert—I live. - -‘The law does not create sin, but it makes it plainly appear, as the sun -draws out the foul smell of a corpse.[746] - -‘The law is a sword which drives us violently out of paradise and kills -us. - -‘Faith is a steadfast witnessing of the Spirit of Christ with our spirit -that we are children of God.’ - -The hearers had, for the most part, attained in their own experience to -a certain knowledge of the truths which the Dutchman avowed; but all of -them appreciated the power with which he set them forth, and the -picturesque style in which his thought was dressed. He continued:— - -‘Christ is the servant and the master of the law. He it is who, while -sinking under the burden of sin, takes it away and casts it far from us -and destroys it. He is at once the victim of death, and the medium by -which death is destroyed. He is the captive of hell, and yet it is he -who bursts open its gates.[747] - -‘Perish the faith which lies slumbering and torpid, and does not -vigorously press and drive on to charity. If thou hast faith indeed, -fear not, thou hast also charity!’ - -After having thus delivered a good testimony of his faith, Henry of -Zutphen left Wittenberg, came to Dort, and passed thence to Antwerp, -where he labored zealously. In the cells of his brethren, the -Augustines, in the refectory, as they went to the chapel and returned -from it, he did not cease to urge the monks to draw from the Scriptures -the treasures which had enriched himself.[748] He preached with so much -fervor that the church of the Augustines would not hold the multitude -that flocked to it. The learned, the ignorant, the magistrates, all -classes wanted to hear him. He was the great preacher of the age; -Antwerp hung upon his lips.[749] It appears that he was at this time -nominated prior of the Augustines, as successor to Spreng. - -But the more enthusiasm one party displayed, the more wrath was -displayed by the other. Certain monks of other convents, certain -priests, with the inquisitor Van der Hulst at their head, enraged at -this concourse of people, applied to the governess of the Netherlands. -They put forward false witnesses, who declared that they had heard from -the lips of the preacher heretical statements. At the same time they -sought to stir up the people. But God, says Zutphen, prevented any -tumult, however sharp the provocation might be. Van der Hulst had -already prepared at Brussels the prison in which he reckoned on -confining him. Zutphen expected it. - -[Sidenote: His Arrest.] - -On Michaelmas Day (September 29) he was arrested. The agents of the -inquisitors laid before him certain articles of faith, extracted from -his discourses, and required him to retract them. But he replied with -intrepid courage, and well knew from that moment that he had nothing to -look for but death. It was in the morning; and the inquisitors, fearing -the people, determined to wait till night to remove him to -Brussels.[750] The prisoner therefore remained all day in peace within -the convent walls, engaged in meditation and in preparation for giving -up his life. Suddenly the noise of a great disturbance was heard. In the -evening, after sunset,[751] men were seen, and women too, usually timid -but now made valiant by their love for the Word of God, hurrying -together from all quarters and surrounding the monastery.[752] The most -determined among them burst open the doors; the crowd rushed into the -convent; some men and some women penetrated into Henry’s prison, took -him by the hand, and conducting him to the house of one of his friends, -concealed him there. Three days elapsed, and no one had any suspicion of -his place of refuge. His enemies moved heaven and earth to discover him, -and ransacked all nooks, and corners. They summoned his friends, and -with threats demanded of them whether they knew his place of -concealment. Flight alone could save him from death. ‘I will go to -Wittenberg,’ he said. The difficulty was to get out of the town. He -effected his escape, however, and succeeded in reaching Enkhuysen, a -town of Holland, and there took up his abode in the monastery of the -Augustines. An order arrived to arrest Henry, to bind him and to take -him before Margaret at Antwerp. He had just before left Enkhuysen, and -was arriving at Amsterdam. He set out with all speed from the town and -betook himself to his native place, Zutphen. But here he was presently -recognized and seized. He appeared before the ecclesiastical tribunals. -‘Who art thou? Whence comest thou? Whither goest thou?’ they said to -him. ‘Art thou not come hither to preach?’ ‘If that is agreeable to -you,’ said he, ‘I shall do so with much pleasure.’ ‘Get you gone!’ -exclaimed his enraged judges. - -[Sidenote: His Murder In Holstein.] - -He then set out for Bremen. Here he remained some time without any one -suspecting who he was. Some good townsmen, however, having made his -acquaintance, requested him to preach. He did so, on St. Martin’s Day -(Sunday), 1522, and was immediately cited by the magistrate of the town. -‘Why have you preached?’ said the canons to him. ‘Because the word of -God must not be bound.’ ‘Expel him from the town,’ said the canons to -the magistrates. The latter replied that they could not do this; and -Henry continued to preach. The nobles and the prelates of two dioceses -then demanded that he should be delivered to the bishop; and they -invited the notables of the town and the heads of the trades to unite -with them for this purpose. But they all replied, ‘We have never heard -any thing from his lips but the pure Gospel.’ Henry’s preaching became -more and more powerful, and danger was incessantly increasing. ‘I will -not leave Bremen unless I am driven away by force,’ said Zutphen. He -therefore remained at Bremen, preaching the Gospel fervently and -successfully. ‘Christ lives,’ he said; ‘Christ is conqueror, Christ -commands.’ His prosperous career was suddenly interrupted. Called into -Holstein, he went there, and preached energetically. But, on the day -after the Feast of the Conception, the _Ave Maria_ was sounded at -midnight. Five hundred peasants, instigated by the monks, assailed him, -pulled him from his bed, bound his hands behind his back, dragged him -almost naked over the ice and the snow through the bitter cold air, -struck him a blow with a club, and burnt him. His tragical end we have -narrated in our account of the German Reformation.[753] Luther described -and deplored his martyrdom. - -A convent which sent forth such men as Spreng and Zutphen could not be -allowed to subsist. Its suppression was obtained by the inquisitors. All -the friars were turned out of the monastery.[754] The governess of the -Netherlands herself attended this sinister expedition of the inquisitors -of the faith. Those monks who were from Antwerp were confined in the -house of the Beghards, others in other places; and a small number who -had renounced the Gospel were set at liberty. The host was solemnly -removed from this heretical place and carried in great pomp into the -church of the Holy Virgin, at which the governess of the Netherlands, -the aunt of Charles the Fifth, was present for the purpose of receiving -it with high honors. All the vessels of the monastery were sold; the -church and the cloisters were closed, and the passages stopped up. At -length, in the month of October, 1522, the convent was demolished and -razed to the ground.[755] These ruins were to teach every one, and -especially the monks, not to read, and above all not to preach, the Word -of God. - -Three of the Augustine monks, Esch, Voes, and Lambert, were eminent for -their faith. We have elsewhere narrated their noble and affecting -martyrdom, and have mentioned the beautiful hymn composed in honor of -them by Luther.[756] - -But it was vain to burn those who had awakened to a new life; there were -still many who were no longer willing to sleep. - -Holland and other states of the North were beginning to assume the -position which they were afterwards to hold as the United Provinces. - -At Delft, Frederick Canirmius, by some discourses delivered in the -Gymnasium, had damaged the cause of the monks. The enemy strove to -stifle his voice by orders, epistles, and deputations. But the brave -Christian man had said with proud confidence, ‘The Lord will cause this -mountain in labor to bring forth nothing but a mouse.[757] Oh!’ he -exclaimed, ‘if only it were permitted us to preach publicly, the cause -of the monks would be ruined.’ But obstacles were every day increasing, -and the ruin of monachism seemed more and more remote. Canirmius did not -lose courage. ‘The Lord withdraws his arm,’ said he, ‘because we -attribute every thing to our own efforts. But if he see that we cling to -him with all our soul as to the sole salvation of Israel, then he will -suddenly present himself in the midst of his Church.’[758] - -[Sidenote: A Christian Triumvirate.] - -A Christian triumvirate had been formed in these provinces. At the -Hague, William Gnapheus, director of the Gynasium, was diffusing the -Gospel in the midst of his pupils and his connections, substituting for -false worship a living faith in Christ. A learned jurisconsult, -Cornelius Hoen, an excellent man, says Erasmus, and John Rhodius, rector -of the college of Utrecht, assisted him. They carried on their labors in -common; and to them is attributed the translation of the New Testament -into the vulgar tongue, which was published in 1523.[759] The necessity -of an intimate union with Christ was a distinctive feature of the -teaching of these three Dutchmen. ‘Our Lord Jesus Christ,’ said Hoen in -1521, ‘when announcing to his people the pardon of their sins, added a -pledge to his promise, lest their faith should waver. Just as a -bridegroom desirous of ratifying an engagement gives a ring to his bride -and says to her, Take this, I give myself to thee; just as the bride -receiving this ring believes that her husband is hers, turns her heart -away from all other men, and desires only to please her husband; so also -must he who receives the Supper, the precious pledge by which the -Heavenly Bridegroom desires to testify that he gives himself to him, -firmly believe that Christ[760] gave himself for him, and must -consequently turn his heart from all that he has hitherto loved, and -seek after Christ alone, must be anxious only about what pleases him and -cast all his cares upon him. This is what is meant by _eating the flesh -of Christ and drinking his blood_.’ These words did not completely -satisfy Luther, but Zwinglius heartily approved them. The reformed -symbol was early adopted in Holland. These three Dutchmen were peaceably -disseminating the Gospel in their respective spheres, when a storm -suddenly burst over them. Hoen and Gnapheus[761] were arrested and -thrown into prison, without any trial of their cause. - -These two men, no friends to noise or display, never speaking of -themselves, intent on the duties of their calling, believing that the -truth ought to be sown in peace, had never supposed that any danger -could overtake them; and now, in the twinkling of an eye, they found -themselves in a dungeon. They were astounded. ‘Every one knows,’ said -Gnapheus,[762] ‘with what diligence I have always devoted myself to the -instruction of the young, but without representing to them ceremonies as -the essence of religion. This is my crime!’ After three months, the -Count of Holland, who highly esteemed these excellent men, became bail -for them. They were then removed to the Hague, and this town was -assigned as their prison. Some time afterwards, Hoen fell asleep in -peace; and Gnapheus, at the end of the second year, was set at liberty. - -There were in the Netherlands men of more decided faith than the three -humanists. At Groningen, where that pastor Frederick lived whom Erasmus -proclaimed to be a second Augustine, the doctor of law, Abring, and the -masters of arts, Timmermann, Pistoris, and Lesdrop, sharply attacked the -papal monarchy. ‘We refuse,’ they said, ‘to the Roman pontiff that sword -which is commonly assigned to him. Christ, when speaking of heretics, -said, Beware of them;[763] but He did not say, Massacre and destroy -them.[764] Christ gave to his Church teachers and not satraps.’ Thus -spake, despising danger, these energetic doctors. Boldness was -discretion and won the victory. But such cases were rare, especially in -the southern portion of the Netherlands. - -[Sidenote: A Martyr.] - -The enemies of the Reformation seemed to be more thoroughly awake in the -south than in the north. At Antwerp and in the surrounding districts -there were (1524) a great number of people of every rank who began to -relish that divine word which had been proclaimed by Spreng, Henry of -Zutphen, and others. The preaching of a pious Augustine monk having been -prohibited, those who longed for the light arranged to meet on Sundays -near the Scheldt, at the place where ships were built, thinking that if -men should hold their peace the very stones would cry out. The -congregation was assembled, and there was no preacher; but, after some -seconds, a young man, perhaps a seamen, rose. His name was Nicholas; and -the word of God which he had received was warmly stirring in his heart. -When he saw all these poor people gathered together in this lonely spot, -ardently desiring good for their souls, and finding none, Nicholas -remembered the five thousand who were without victuals in the -desert.[765] He went to the margin of the river, stepped into a boat -that he might be better heard by the multitude, and read that part of -the Gospel which relates how Jesus fed the hungry ones. This word told -him that the power of God was not tied to outward means; and that it is -all one to him whether there be few or many to edify his people. In -short, God so blessed his word that all those who heard it were -satisfied.[766] The multitude standing on the bank, who had listened -with sympathy, then dispersed. The report of this preaching having -spread through the whole town, the enemies of the Reformation were very -much enraged, and they resolved to get rid of Nicholas, but to do it -clandestinely because they feared the people. The next day the plot was -executed. A band of their accomplices came noiselessly upon the young -man; two or three seized him, while others held a great sack. They -forced Nicholas into it, bound the sack with a cord, then carried it to -the river and threw it into the water.[767] Since he was fond of -preaching on the Scheldt, let him do it now at his leisure! When the -execution was accomplished, these wretches made a boast of it. This -crime filled the hearts of honest men with terror; and the friends of -the Gospel perceived the dangers which surrounded them. - -More freedom was sometimes allowed to priests than to laymen. At Meltza, -a place distant two German miles from Antwerp, an eloquent preacher made -a spirited attack on Romish superstitions, without perhaps thoroughly -comprehending evangelical doctrine. Hearers flocked to him in such -multitudes that he had to preach in the fields. ‘We priests,’ said he, -speaking one day of the mass, ‘we are worse than the traitor Judas. For -Judas sold the Lord Jesus and delivered him up; while we, for our part, -sell him indeed, but _we do not deliver him over to you_.’[768] People -had for a long time been accustomed to these epigrams, and they were -less dreaded than a serious and living word. - -There were, moreover, in the ranks of the higher clergy of the -Netherlands enlightened men who, without being on the side of the -reformers, were preparing the way for the Reformation. Philip, bishop of -Utrecht, was one of their number. He devoted the beginning of the day to -prayer, and he liked especially in prayer to make use of the words of -the Bible. He had read the sacred writings several times, and Erasmus -boasted of his wisdom and the purity of his morals.[769] He was above -all struck with the licentiousness occasioned by the celibacy of priests -and monks, and expressed the hope that, within his lifetime, all -compulsory celibacy would be abolished by the unanimous consent of -bishops and priests.[770] - -This did not fail to produce some impression. In Holland, Brabant, and -Flanders, many monks and nuns quitted the convents. A large number of -the inhabitants of these provinces embraced the reformed doctrine. Great -meetings were held outside the town of Antwerp, in spite of the placards -of Charles the Fifth. But it would have been an easier task to stop the -sun’s rays than to prevent the light of the Gospel from penetrating into -the hearts of men. - -Unfortunately the evangelical work encountered adversaries of another -kind. One day a man who came from the Netherlands presented himself to -Luther, and said to him, in a tone at once emphatic and coarse—‘God, who -created the heavens and the earth, sends me to thee.’ ‘One more!’ -thought Luther; ‘all these famous men are pressed by the desire to break -a lance with me! What do you want with me?’ he said to the Netherlander. -‘I request you,’ he replied, ‘to read to me the books of Moses.’ ‘And -what sign have you,’ said the reformer, ‘that God sends you to me?’ -‘This sign is to be found in the Gospel according to St. John,’ said the -Netherlander. Luther had enough of this. ‘Good,’ said he, ‘come again -another time. The books of Moses are too long for me to find time just -now to read them to you.’ - -[Sidenote: Illuminism.] - -The prophet indeed came back. His religion was a kind of rationalism -embellished with illuminism. ‘Every man,’ he said, ‘has the Holy Spirit; -for this is nothing but his own reason. There is no hell; our flesh -alone is condemned, and every soul will have eternal life.’ - -Luther, alarmed, wrote immediately to the Antwerp Christians.[771] ‘I -see,’ said he, ‘that there are spirits of error stirring among you; and -I will not by my silence allow an evil to spread which I may have power -to prevent. Under the papacy Satan held his court in peace. But one who -is mightier (Christ) having now come and conquered him, Satan is furious -and creates an uproar. If therefore one of these men wishes to talk with -you about high and difficult questions worked out by them, say to -him—What God reveals to us suffices us.... Art thou mocking us that thou -wouldst induce us to search into things which thyself knowest not? The -devil attempts to bring forward profitless and incomprehensible -questions to the end that he may draw giddy minds out of the right path. -We have enough to do for our whole life if we endeavor to become well -acquainted with Jesus Christ. Let useless prattlers alone.’ - -The Christians of the Netherlands profited by these counsels. A great -number of men enlightened by the Gospel enlightened others by means of -it. These unknown men were Gerard Wormer, William of Utrecht, Peter -Nannius, Lawrence, Hermann Coq, Nicholas Quicquius, the learned Walter -Delenus, and at the imperial court, Philip de Lens, secretary of -Brabant.[772] In spite of all the efforts of the _censura sacra_, the -truth was spreading in all directions; and a people of believers was -forming who were to become a people of martyrs. - -Footnote 714: - - ‘Urbes supra trecentas et quinquaginta censenter.’—Strada, _De Bello_, - i. p. 32. - -Footnote 715: - - _Histoire de la Cause de la Désunion des Pays-Bas_, by Messer Renom de - France, chevalier, vol. i. chap. 5. - -Footnote 716: - - For fuller details on the forerunners of the Reformation in the - Netherlands, see _Hist. of the Reform._ First series, vol. i. book i. - ch. 6 and 8. - -Footnote 717: - - ‘Est Antverpiæ Prior, qui te unice deamat.’—Erasmus to Luther, _Epp._ - 427, in Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 18. - -Footnote 718: - - ‘Is omnium pæne solus Christum prædicat.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 719: - - ‘Curavimus ne in nostra universitate liber publice venderetur.’—Bulla - damnatoria. Luther, _Opp. Lat._ i. p. 416. - -Footnote 720: - - ‘Asserentes hujus libri doctrinam vere esse Christianam.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 721: - - ‘Miras excitarunt tragœdias.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 19. - -Footnote 722: - - ‘Nec adhuc vacavit hominis libros evolvere præter unam et alteram - pagellam.’—Erasmus, _Epp._ 317; in Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 17. - -Footnote 723: - - ‘Ego in quotidianis concionibus lapidor a prædicatoribus.’—Erasmus, - _Epp._ 234. - -Footnote 724: - - Luther, _Opp. lat._ i. p. 416. Löscher, iii. p. 850. - -Footnote 725: - - ‘Obtrectator pertinacissimus.’—Erasmus, _Epp_. 562. - -Footnote 726: - - ‘Pro fide capitis subire periculum.’—Erasmus, _Epp._ 562. - -Footnote 727: - - ‘Ite et prædicate sincere evangelium Christi sicut - Lutherus.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 22. Seckendorf, lib. i. s. 81. - -Footnote 728: - - ‘Totus mundus plus credet multis doctis quam uni indocto.’—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii. p. 22. Seckendorf, lib. i. s. 81, p. 23. - -Footnote 729: - - ‘Unus homo Christianus surrexit in quadringentis annis, quem Papa vult - occidere.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 730: - - ‘Vocavit nos grues, asinos, bestias, stipites, - anti-christos.’—Erasmus, _Epp._ 314. - -Footnote 731: - - ‘Etiam si noctis concubuerint cum aliquo scorto.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 732: - - ‘Ut malim parere Turcæ quam horum ferre tyrannidem.’—Erasmus, _Epp. - App._ p. 307. - -Footnote 733: - - ‘Ordonnantie en Statuten van Vlaenderen.’—Deel, i. p. 88. - -Footnote 734: - - ‘Capite truncata, submersa, suspensa, defossa, exusta, aliisque mortis - generibus extincta, ultra quinquaginta hominum millia.’—Scultetus, - _Ann._ p. 87. - -Footnote 735: - - ‘Aleander plane maniacus est, vir malus et stultus.’—Erasmus, _Epp._ - 317. - -Footnote 736: - - ‘Captivus ducitur Bruxellas, ubi mire divexatus, atque ignis supplicio - gravissimo perterrefactus.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 23. - -Footnote 737: - - ‘Articulos ad abjurandos miserum Jacobum metu mortis cogere veriti non - fuerunt.’—_Ibid._ p. 24. - -Footnote 738: - - ‘Cum ipsi non credant . . animum superesse a morte corporis.’—Erasmus, - _Epp._ p. 587; in Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 24. - -Footnote 739: - - ‘Præsumitur jam exustus esse.’ . . Luther, _Epp._ ii. pp. 76, 80. Ad - Langium et ad Hausmannum.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 25. - -Footnote 740: - - Luther, _Epp._ ii. p. 182. - -Footnote 741: - - Erasmus, _Epp._ 669; in Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 27. - -Footnote 742: - - Letter of Grapheus to the Archbishop of Palermo, chancellor of the - court of Brabant.—Brandt, _Hist. der Reformatie_, i. p. 71. - -Footnote 743: - - ‘Profecisse atque ad altiora esse enisum.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 28. - -Footnote 744: - - We give only a portion of the remarkable theses of Henry of - Zutphen.—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. _App._ p. 16. - -Footnote 745: - - ‘Sola quippe folia sunt ficus et occultamenta dedecoris quicquid - unquam est ab hominibus morale consutum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 746: - - ‘Sicut sol excitat fœtorem cadaveris.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 16. - -Footnote 747: - - ‘Mortis rapina simul et laqueus. Captus in infero quem - disrupit.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 16. - -Footnote 748: - - ‘Omnem movebat lapidem.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 29. - -Footnote 749: - - ‘Ab ejus ore pependerant.’—_Ibid._ p. 30. - -Footnote 750: - - ‘Ex quo noctu fueram educendus et Bruxellas deducendus.’—Henrici - _Epist._ ad Jac. Spreng. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. _App._ p. 13. - -Footnote 751: - - ‘Vespere dum sol occubuisset.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. _App._ p. 13. - -Footnote 752: - - ‘Aliquot mulierum millia concurrentibus simul viris.’—_Ibid._ ‘Credo - te nosse quomodo mulieres vi Henricum liberarint.’—Luther, _Epp._ ii. - p. 265. - -Footnote 753: - - First series, vol. iii. l. x. chap. vi. - -Footnote 754: - - ‘Monasterio expulsi fratres, alii aliis locis captivi.’—Luther, _Epp._ - ii. p. 265. De Wette. - -Footnote 755: - - ‘Monasterium illud solo plane esse æquatum.’—Cochlæus. Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii p. 29. - -Footnote 756: - - First series, vol. iii. book x. chap. iv. - -Footnote 757: - - ‘Ut monte parturiente nascatur ridiculus mus.’—Ep. Fr. Canirmii ad - Hedionem, 1522. - -Footnote 758: - - ‘Tum demum ex improviso aderit ecclesiæ suæ.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 759: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 55. See also Van Till, Le Long, &c. - -Footnote 760: - - ‘Similiter sumens eucharistiam pignus sponsi sui, firmiter credere - debet Christum jam esse suum.’—Epistola Christina per Honium. - -Footnote 761: - - ‘Causa inaudita in carcerem conjici jusserunt.’—Gnapheus, _Tobias and - Lazarus_. - -Footnote 762: - - ‘Regnum illud cæremoniarum et falsorum cultuum non assectari.’—_Ibid._ - Preface. - -Footnote 763: - - Matt. vii. 15. - -Footnote 764: - - ‘Non ait: _Perdite_, _trucidate_, _jugulate_.’—Disputatio habita. - Groningæ, 1529. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. _App._ pp. 29-60. - -Footnote 765: - - Matt. xiv. 14-21. - -Footnote 766: - - ‘Juvenis quidam Nicolaus in navem littori proximam ascendit et - Evangelium. . . pie explicavit.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ sec. i. p. 192 in - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 37. - -Footnote 767: - - ‘Postero autem die sacco indutus. . . subito in profluentem projectus - est.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 37. - -Footnote 768: - - ‘Nos vero eum vobis vendimus et non tradimus.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ p. - 210. - -Footnote 769: - - Erasmus, _Epp._ 266. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 40. - -Footnote 770: - - ‘Ut omnis compulsæ castitatis necessitas tolleretur.’—Mathæi, - _Analecta_, vol. i. pp. 192-203. - -Footnote 771: - - Luther, _Epp._ Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 42 and _App._ p. 63. - -Footnote 772: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 44. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - ‘TOOTHING-STONES.’ - (1525-1528.) - - -[Sidenote: Charles The Fifth.] - -If Rome was for some centuries to crush the new people, the offspring of -the Gospel in the east of Europe, in Hungary, there was at the western -extremity of the European continent another people which she was to -strive, with still greater violence, to annihilate. The Netherlands were -to become the theatre selected by the adherents of the papacy for the -accomplishment on the grandest scale of their greatest crimes. Charles -the Fifth, a prince who on some occasions displayed a tolerant spirit, -was the man from whom were to proceed the cruel edicts; and his -successor was to go beyond him in the art of destruction. - -Charles the Fifth had some remarkable qualities. He was active, -intelligent, a keen politician, brave, energetic, and calm. But a lofty -soul was wanting to him. He was destitute of faith, of compassion and of -justice, addicted to intemperance of every kind, especially to that of -the table. He did not eat, he devoured; and his excesses hastened his -end. But if he made no scruple of transgressing the greatest -commandments of God, he was all the more eager to observe cold and -trivial ceremonies. He used holy water and had mass sung to him every -day. He invoked the saints; and, in drawing up his will, in order to -make more sure of the pardon of his sins, he commended his soul not only -to God, but also to the blessed Virgin Mary, the blessed St. Peter, St. -Paul, St. George, St. Anne, and generally to all the saints, male and -female, of Paradise, _and to the converted thief_ (_au bon -larron_).[773] He appeared zealous for the ordinances of God, affected -like certain Jews to ‘write them on his door-posts,’ but he did not put -them in his heart; and he sought to make up for great offences ‘by some -paltry trash of satisfaction.’ His son Philip, and others who after him -occupied the throne of Spain, likewise adopted and carried out, in a -manner yet more striking, this hypocritical and shameful system. Charles -was not a bigot from fanaticism; he was not afraid to imprison the Holy -Father himself. He did not in reality put much difference between -evangelical and Romish creeds. But, endowed with considerable judgment, -he understood that the doctrine which offered resistance to the -despotism of the popes would assuredly in certain cases offer resistance -to the despotism of princes; and he feared that, if liberty were once -established in the Church, people would end with wanting to introduce it -in the State. Now, this was in his eyes the crime of crimes. Thus, -although the schemes of his policy often led him to spare the -Protestants, Charles was really a decided enemy of the Reformation. He -found it a difficult matter at this epoch to destroy it in Germany, -where he was not sovereign master, and by doing so he would have damaged -his influence. But it was otherwise in the Netherlands. If he had -received the empire by free election of his peers, he held these -provinces by right of succession, and was determined to treat them -according to his own good pleasure. He assumed therefore to hold _carte -blanche_ with regard to them. - -The generous inhabitants of these provinces had liberties of ancient -date, and they freely lavished their treasures on the emperor. But the -prince was not in the humor to be stayed in his course either by their -rights or their gifts. He would massacre, burn, and crush them. Thirty -thousand men, some say fifty thousand, were sacrificed in the -Netherlands as heretics during the reign of Charles the Fifth. In this -matter he did not stand much upon ceremony. His secretaries fabricated -frightful placards, which, being silently posted up in the streets of -the towns, proclaimed cruel penalties, filled peaceful citizens with -terror, and soon made numerous victims. The most excellent of his -subjects were burnt, drowned, buried alive or strangled for having read -the Word of God and maintained the doctrines which it teaches. The most -cruel methods were the best. This great prince, therefore, who has been -and is still extolled by so many voices, instead of being crowned with -glory, ought to be branded by posterity with the mark of its -reprobation. - -[Sidenote: Charles Of Egmont.] - -Charles found co-operators both in the pope, Clement VII., and in some -of the leading men of the country. One of these was Charles of Egmont, -Duke of Guelderland, an ambitious and violent man, who had spent his -life (he was nearly sixty) in perpetual agitation and wars; a sour and -gloomy man, who died of grief when, in 1538, his duchy was given to the -Duke of Cleves. Egmont was one of those who feared, not without reason, -that the religious change would draw after it a political change. -Alarmed at the progress which the Reformation was making around him, -actuated by a blind and impetuous zeal, he wrote from Arnheim to the -pope to enlist him in the war which he intended to undertake. ‘In all -humility,’ he said to him, ‘we kiss your feet, most holy Father, and we -inform you that as the pernicious heresy of Luther does nothing, alas, -but propagate and strengthen itself from day to day, we are striving to -extirpate it. We are extremely distressed at finding that some princes, -our neighbors, permit many things which they ought to repress. This is -the reason for our entreating your Holiness to command them to use more -vigilance lest the many-headed beast should swallow up the church of -Jesus Christ. And as the ecclesiastics are themselves infected, and as -we dare not lay our hands on the Lord’s anointed, we pray you to -authorize us to compel them to return to the good path, and if they do -not repent to inflict on them the punishment of death.’[774] - -The pope did not keep him long waiting for an answer. A pontifical brief -of Clement VII., addressed to Erhard de la Marck, cardinal bishop of -Liége, said to him—‘We are convinced that for the extirpation of this -pestilence a higher authority is needed than that of the inquisitors -established by Campeggio; we therefore require you to put forth all your -ability and anxious endeavors to support the labors of the holy -inquisition, and we give you full authority over it. Apply yourself with -all your heart to root out the tares which Lutheran treachery has sown -in the Lord’s field. Never will you find a more splendid opportunity of -obeying God and of making yourself agreeable to us.’[775] - -This brief was not to remain long without effect. Indeed, there were -already in the Netherlands many, both men and women, who were suffering -tortures or death that they might bear witness to the Gospel. We shall -describe some cases. - -[Sidenote: John Van Bakker.] - -At Woerden, a town situated between Leyden and Utrecht, lived a simple -man, warden of the collegiate church, an office which gave him a certain -position. He was well-informed, was of a religious spirit, liked his -office, and discharged its duties zealously. But his warmest affection -was fixed on the person of his son John. John van Bakker, called in -Latin Pistorius, studied under Rhodius at the college of Utrecht. He -made great progress there in literature, but he also learnt something -else. It was at the period of the revival of the Christian religion. The -young man was struck by the glorious brightness of the truth, and a -living light was shed abroad in his heart.[776] Rhodius was attached to -his young disciple; and they were often seen conversing together, like -father and son. The canons of Utrecht took offence. The two evangelicals -were watched, attacked, threatened, and denounced as Lutherans; and word -had been hastily sent to the father that his son was fallen into heresy. -The old churchwarden, thunderstruck by the news, trembling at the -thought of the danger impending over his beloved son, at once recalled -him to Woerden. But the very evil which he wished to avoid was by this -means only increased. John, filled with ardent desire for the -propagation of the truth, let slip no opportunity of proclaiming the -Gospel to his fellow-citizens. Attacks were renewed; the alarm of the -father grew greater. He now sent his son to Louvain to improve himself -in literature, and also because this town passed for the stronghold of -popery. But old ties of hospitality united the father with Erasmus; and -John was therefore placed under the influential patronage of this -scholar. Out of deference to the wishes of his father, but sorely -against his own will, he became a priest. He immediately availed -himself, however, of this office to contend more effectively against the -anti-christian traditions and to spread abroad more extensively the -knowledge of Christ. The canons of Utrecht, who had not lost sight of -him, summoned him to appear before them. He refused to do this; and upon -this refusal, the prefect of Woerden put him in prison. But Philip, -bishop of Utrecht, was favorably disposed towards the Gospel; and John -regained his liberty and without delay betook himself to Wittenberg. -Here he lived in intimate intercourse with Luther and Melanchthon, and -with many pious young men from all the countries of Europe. He thus -became established in the faith. On his return to Holland, he taught -evangelical truth with still more energy than before. The chapter of -Utrecht, whose inquisitorial glance followed him everywhere, now -sentenced him to banishment for three years, and ordered him to go to -Rome, that he might give himself up to the penances required for the -expiation of his errors. But instead of setting out for Italy, he began -to travel all over Holland, instructing, confirming, and building up the -Christians scattered abroad and the churches. He visited Hoen and -Gnapheus, who were at the time prisoners for the Gospel’s sake, and -consoled them. His father followed him with both joy and anxiety in his -Christian wanderings. Although he feared that John’s faith would bring -down persecution upon him, he nevertheless felt attracted towards it. If -the sky looked threatening, the old man in alarm would fain have -recalled his son; but if no cloud seemed likely to disturb the serenity -of the evangelical day, the father rejoiced in the piety of his son and -triumphed in his triumphs.[777] - -[Sidenote: His Trial.] - -We have now reached the year 1523. Hitherto Bakker had outwardly -belonged to the Church of Rome. He now began to consider whether he -ought not to bring his outward actions into harmony with his inward -convictions. This harmony is not always attained at the first step. -Bakker discontinued officiating in the church, and renounced all profit -and advantage proceeding from Rome. When he understood that sacerdotal -life is opposed to the Gospel, he married; and, calling to mind the -example of Paul, who was a tentmaker, the lettered disciple of Rhodius -set himself to earn his livelihood by baking bread, digging the ground, -and other manual labor. But at the same time he preached in private -houses, and welcomed all who came to seek at his hands consolation and -instruction. A step at this time taken by Rome tended to increase his -zeal. The pope, anxious to consolidate his tottering see, invented a new -species of indulgences, which were not to be offered for sale like those -of Tetzel, but were to be given gratuitously by the priests to all -persons who, at certain times and in certain places, should come to hear -a mass. These indulgences having been preached in Woerden, Bakker rose -in opposition to them. He unveiled the craft of those who distributed -them, boldly proclaimed the grace of Christ, strengthened the feeble, -and pacified troubled consciences. The inhabitants of Woerden, affected -by such zeal, resorted in crowds to the lowly dwelling in which they -found the peace of God, a Christian woman who sympathized with all their -sorrows and endeavored to relieve their necessities, and a pious -minister who earned his living by the labor of his own hands. The -ordinary priest of the place, provoked by the neglect into which he had -fallen, denounced Bakker, at first to the magistrate, and next to the -governess of the Netherlands. He made such desperate efforts[778] that -one day, in 1525, the officers of justice, by order of Margaret, -arrested Bakker and committed him to prison at the Hague. The poor -father on hearing the news was struck as by a thunderbolt. Bakker, -doomed to harsh and solitary confinement, perceived the danger which -hung over him. He looked all round and saw no defender except the Holy -Scriptures. His enemies, who were afraid of his superior knowledge, sent -for theologians and inquisitors from Louvain; and an imperial commission -was instructed to watch the proceedings and see that the heretic was not -spared. The doctors came to an understanding about the trial, and every -one’s part was fixed. The inquisitorial court was formed, and the young -Christian—he was now twenty-seven years of age—appeared before it. -Cross-pleadings were set up. The following are some of the affirmations -and negations which were then heard at the Hague:— - -_The Court._—‘It is ordered that every one should submit to all the -decrees and traditions of the Roman church.’ - -_Bakker._—‘There is no authority except the Holy Scriptures; and it is -from them only that I can receive the doctrine that saves.’[779] - -_The Court._—‘Do you not know that it is the church itself which, by its -testimony, gives to the Holy Scriptures their authority?’ - -_Bakker._—‘I want no other testimony in favor of the Scriptures than -that of the Scriptures themselves, and that of the Holy Spirit which -inwardly convinces us of the truths which Scripture teaches.’ - -_The Court._—‘Did not Christ say to the apostles—He who heareth you -heareth me?’ - -_Bakker._—‘We would assuredly listen to you if you could prove to us -that you are sent by Christ.’ - -_The Court._—‘The priests are the successors of the apostles.’ - -_Bakker._—‘All Christians born of water and of the Spirit are priests; -and, although all do not publicly preach, all offer to God through -Christ spiritual sacrifices.’ - -_The Court._—‘Take care! heretics are to be exterminated with the -sword.’ - -_Bakker._—‘The church of Christ is to make use only of meekness and the -power of the word of God.’ - -It was not for one day only, but during many days, and in long sessions, -that the inquisitors plagued Bakker. They charged him especially with -three crimes—despising indulgences, discontinuing to say mass, and -marrying.[780] - -[Sidenote: His Condemnation.] - -As Bakker’s steadfastness frustrated all the efforts of the inquisitors, -they bethought themselves of making him go to confession, hoping thus to -obtain some criminating admission. So they had him into a niche in the -wainscoting, where the confessor received penitents; and a priest -questioned him minutely on all kinds of subjects. They could only get -one answer from him—‘I confess freely before God that I am a most -miserable sinner, worthy of the curse and of eternal death; but at the -same time I hope, and have even a strong confidence that, for the sake -of Jesus Christ my Lord and my only Saviour, I shall certainly obtain -everlasting blessedness.’ The confessor then pronounced him altogether -unworthy of absolution, and he was thrown into a dark dungeon. - -So long as Philip, bishop of Utrecht, lived, the canons, although they -had indeed persecuted Bakker, had not ventured to put him to death. This -moderate bishop, so friendly to good men, having died on the 7th of -April, 1525, the chapter felt more at liberty, and Bakker’s death was -resolved on. The tidings of his approaching execution spread alarm -through the little city;[781] and people of all classes immediately -hastened to him and implored him to make the required recantation. But -he refused. Calm and resolved, one care alone occupied his thoughts, the -state of his father. The old man had followed all the phases of the -trial. He had seen the steadfastness of his son’s faith and the supreme -love which he had for Jesus Christ, so that nothing in the world could -separate him from the Saviour. This sight had filled him with joy and -had strengthened his own faith. The inquisitors, who were very anxious -to induce Bakker to recant, thought that one course was still open to -them. They betook themselves therefore to the old man, and entreated him -to urge John to submit to the pope. ‘My son,’ he replied, ‘is very dear -indeed to me; he has never caused me any sorrow; but I am ready to offer -him up a sacrifice to God, as in old time Abraham offered up -Isaac.’[782] - -[Sidenote: His Martyrdom.] - -It was then announced to Bakker that the hour of his death was at hand. -This news, says a chronicler, filled him with unusual and astonishing -joy.[783] During the night he read and meditated on the divine word. -Then he had a tranquil sleep. In the morning (September 15) they led him -upon an elevated stage, stripped him of the priestly vestments which he -had been obliged to wear, put on him a yellow coat, and on his head a -hat of the same color. This done, he was led to execution. As he passed -by one part of the prison, where several Christians were confined for -the sake of the faith, he was affected and cried aloud—‘Brothers! I am -going to suffer martyrdom. Be of good courage like faithful soldiers of -Jesus Christ, and defend the truths of the Gospel against all -unrighteousness.’ The prisoners started when they heard these words, -clapped their hands, uttered cries of joy, and then with one voice -struck up the _Te Deum_. They determined not to cease singing until the -Christian hero should have ceased to live. Bakker, indeed, could not -hear them, but these songs, associated with the thoughts of the martyr, -ascended to the throne of God. First they sang the _Magnum Certamen_; -then the hymn beginning with the words, ‘_O beata beatorum martyrum -solemnia_.’ This holy concert was the prelude to the festival which was -to be celebrated in heaven. The martyr went up to the stake, took from -the hands of the executioner the rope with which he was to be strangled -before being given up to the flames, and passing it round his neck with -his own hands, he said with joy—‘O death! where is thy sting?’ A moment -afterwards he said—‘Lord Jesus, forgive them, and remember me, O Son of -God.’ The executioner pulled the rope and strangled him. Then the fire -consumed him. The great conflict was finished, the solemnity of the -martyrdom was over. Such was the death of John van Bakker. His father -survived to mourn his loss.[784] - -John van Bakker was not the only one visited with these extreme -penalties which the duke of Guelderland had demanded of the pope. There -was in the convent of his order at Britz, a Carmelite, named Bernard, -about fifty years of age. As a fearless preacher of the Gospel the monks -detested him, and they succeeded in getting him sentenced to death. His -execution was attended by some singular circumstances, which gave rise -to one of those legends so numerous in the Romish church, and from which -all the evangelicals had not yet freed themselves. Rome still left her -mark occasionally on the Reformation. When Bernard was cast into the -flames the fire went out. This was thrice repeated. The executioner then -seized a hammer and struck the victim. Thus far the story is credible; -but at this point it is changed, and passes from history to fable. The -body being cast for the fourth time upon the pile, the fire again went -out, and the body, it was said, was no longer visible to the bystanders; -so that a report was circulated that this man of God had been translated -to heaven.[785] - -The death of these pious men did not extirpate evangelical Christianity. -The seed scattered abroad in the Netherlands had everywhere sprung up -and had borne fruit at Antwerp, and especially at Bois-le-Duc, both -wealthy and powerful towns. ‘At Antwerp,’ said Erasmus, ‘we see, in -spite of the edicts of the emperor, the people flocking in crowds -wherever the word is to be heard. It is found necessary for the guards -to be under arms night and day. Bois-le-Duc,’ added the Rotterdam -scholar, ‘has banished from its walls all the Franciscans and -Dominicans.’[786] By the vast commerce of the Netherlands men were -attracted to the country from all quarters, and many of these immigrants -were lovers of the Gospel. These provinces, it was said, resembled a -valley which receives in its bosom the waters of many different regions, -so that the plants which are to be found there thrive and bear the -finest fruits. The year 1525 produced the most excellent of all. The New -Testament in the Dutch language had been published at Amsterdam as early -as 1523. The Old Testament appeared at Antwerp in 1525; and the same -year, in the same town, Liesveld published the whole Bible. The Roman -doctors, indeed, ridiculed the missionaries ‘whose office it is to sow -in remote lands the leaves of a book which the winds carry one knows not -whither.’[787] But these leaves, in conjunction with the preaching of -the reformers, took from the pope, in the sixteenth century, the centre -and the north of Europe. - -Nevertheless, the best minds at the court, and especially the Governess -Margaret herself, an enlightened princess, and one who was sincerely -anxious for the prosperity of the Netherlands, were asking themselves -what was the source of the evil, and whether the death of such men as -Bakker and Bernard could check it. Erasmus and others replied that a -reform of the priests and monks would render useless that which Luther -called for. This was a mistake. More than once, in different ages, such -a reform had been tried; some outward improvements had been effected, -but the change had been only of short duration, because inwardly the -deep principles of Christian faith and life had not been re-established. -The government, however, attempted this superficial reform. About the -close of September, 1523, Margaret addressed the magistrates of the -Netherlands. ‘Be on your guard,’ she said to them, ‘lest the teaching of -the priests, which abounds in fables, and their impure manner of life, -give a blow to the prosperity of the church.’[788] She did more. -Appealing to the priests themselves, she said—‘It is our intention that -those men only should be allowed to preach who are prudent, intelligent, -and moral.[789] Let the preachers avoid every thing which might -scandalize the people; and let them not speak so much against Luther, -and against his doctrines and those of the ancient heretics.’[790] - -Such were the sentiments of enlightened Catholics; but neither Margaret -nor Charles the Fifth had power to transform the Church. Their letters -even called forth murmurs and objections. ‘Why, they are laying the -blame on the priests for the wrongs caused by the reformers. Luther did -the mischief, and now the monks must bear the burden and the penalty!’ -It was a penalty for those who thus complained to have to begin to do -well. - -[Sidenote: A New Edict.] - -After a gleam of good sense, the authorities went astray once more and -resumed their rigorous proceedings. In the judgment of many this was the -easier and more logical course. The papist party regained the -ascendency, and declared with all their might that there was only one -thing to do—to extirpate evangelical doctrine. A new edict was published -in the provinces. Religious meetings, whether public or private, were -prohibited. The reading of the Gospels, of the epistles of St. Paul, and -of other pious works, was forbidden. Any person who asserted, either in -his own house or elsewhere, any thing respecting faith, the sacraments, -the pope and the councils, incurred the heaviest penalties. No work -could be printed before being approved, and every heretical book was to -be burnt.[791] This ordinance was carried into execution without delay, -and its provisions were extended even to writings inspired by the most -praiseworthy benevolence. A noble lady of Holland having lost her -husband, her trial excited warm sympathy in the heart of Gnapheus. He -wrote a book in which he set forth all the consolations to be found in -evangelical doctrine, pointing out at the same time that the doctrine of -the priests was destitute of them. He was immediately arrested and -confined in a monastery, was fed on bread alone, and was condemned to -three months’ penance. The humanist felt keenly the distress of the days -in which he lived; and, desirous of alleviating his own bitter -sufferings and those of his contemporaries, he began in his cell a work -to which he gave the title of _Tobias and Lazarus_. Therein he offers to -all Christians the most precious consolations, and shows how much those -are mistaken who see in the first evangelical Christians of the -Netherlands only more or less violent adversaries of the pope. ‘Receive -afflictions with resignation and a joyful spirit,’ said he, ‘thou wilt -straightway discern in them a source of true and permanent consolation. -Give to God in faith the name of Father, and every thing which thou -shalt receive from His fatherly hand will seem good to thee. Lay hold on -Christ by faith, and then nothing will strengthen you like trials. -Fatherly love is never better seen than in its chastisements; and it is -in the midst of tribulations that the glory of the kingdom of God shines -forth.’ This book bore wholesome fruit, and many by reading it were led -to the knowledge of the truth.[792] Gnapheus in his day fulfilled the -office of a comforter. - -This was not the part which Charles the Fifth had chosen. On concluding -(January 15, 1526) with Francis I. the peace of Madrid, he declared in -the preamble that the object of this peace was ‘to be able to turn the -common arms of all Christian kings, princes, and potentates to the -expulsion and destruction of miscreants, and the extirpation of the -Lutheran sect and of all the said heretics alienated from the bosom of -Holy Church.’[793] It was very soon seen that this resolution was -sincere. - -[Sidenote: Wendelmutha Klaessen.] - -In the town of Monnikendam, on the shores of the Zuyder Zee, there was -living at this time a widow named Wendelmutha Klaessen, who had sorrowed -greatly for the death of the partner of her life, but had also shed -other and still more bitter tears over the sad state of her own soul. -She had found the peace which Christ gives, and had clung to the Saviour -with a constancy and a courage which some of her friends called -obstinacy. The purity of her life created a sanctifying influence around -her; and as she openly avowed her full trust in Christ, she was -arrested, taken to the fortress of Woerden, and soon after to the Hague -to be tried there. - -The more steadfast her faith was, the more the priests set their hearts -on getting her to renounce it. Monks were incessantly going to see her, -and omitted no means of shaking her resolution. They assailed her -especially on the subject of transubstantiation, and required her to -worship as if they were God the little round consecrated wafers of which -they made use in the mass.[794] But Wendelmutha, certain that what they -presented to her as God was nothing more than thin bread, replied—‘I do -not adore them, I abhor them.’ The priests, provoked at seeing her cling -so tenaciously to her ideas, urged her kinsfolk and her friends to try -all means of getting her to retract her speeches. This they did. - -Among these friends was a noble lady who tenderly loved -Wendelmutha.[795] These two Christian women, although they were as one -soul, had nevertheless different characters. The Dutch lady was full of -anxiety and distress at the prospect of what awaited her friend, and -said to her in the trouble of her soul—‘Why not be silent, my dear -Wendelmutha,[796] and keep what thou believest in thine own heart, so -that the schemes of those who want to take away thy life may be -baffled?’ Wendelmutha replied, with simple and affecting firmness—‘Dost -thou not know, my sister, the meaning of these words—With the heart man -believeth unto righteousness, _and with the mouth confession is made -unto salvation_?’ - -Another day, one of her kinsfolk, after having endeavored in vain to -shake her resolution, said to her—‘You look as if you had no fear of -death. But wait a little, you have not yet tasted it.’ She replied -immediately with firm hope—‘I confess that I have not yet tasted it; but -I also know that I never shall taste it; for Christ has endured it for -me and has positively said—If a man keep my saying he shall never see -death.’ - -Shortly afterwards, Wendelmutha appeared before the Dutch Supreme Court -of Justice, and answered that nothing should separate her from her Lord -and her God. When taken back into prison, the priest urged her to -confess. ‘Do this,’ he said, ‘while you are still in life.’ She -replied—‘I am already dead, and God is my life. Jesus Christ has -forgiven me all my sins, and if I have offended any one of my neighbors, -I humbly beg him to pardon me.’ - -On the 20th of November, 1527, the officers of justice conducted her to -execution. They had placed near her a certain monk who held in his hand -a crucifix, and asked her to kiss the image in token of veneration. She -replied—‘I know not this wooden Saviour; he whom I know is in heaven at -the right hand of God, the Almighty Saviour.’[797] She went modestly to -the stake: and when the flames gathered round her she peacefully closed -her eyes, bowed down her head, as if she were falling asleep, and gave -up her soul to God, while the fire reduced her body to ashes. - -Other victims besides were sacrificed. Among their number was an -Augustinian monk of Tournay, whose name was Henry. Having been brought -to a knowledge of the Gospel, and finding the inactivity of cloister -life insupportable, he betook himself to Courtrai, a neighboring town, -scattered there the seed of faith, married, and to preaching added the -example of the domestic virtues. Arrested at Courtrai,[798] he was -committed to prison at Tournay. He was tried, deprived of the symbols of -the priesthood, and condemned to the flames. At this moment, the sense -of the blessedness which he was about to enjoy in the presence of the -Saviour so powerfully possessed his soul that, unmindful of the priests -and the judges who were around him, he began singing aloud that fine old -hymn attributed to Ambrose and to Augustine—_Te Deum Laudamus_. The -spectators went away from the stake touched by the courage of his soul -and the greatness of his faith.[799] - -[Sidenote: The ‘Revived Gospel.’] - -The Reformation therefore showed itself to be in truth the _revived -Gospel_, as it has been called.[800] It was this Gospel, not only on -account of its conformity with the writings of the apostles, but for yet -other reasons. In the presence of the splendid palaces of a proud -hierarchy, it restored apostolical poverty and humility to a declining -Christendom. In the midst of death it created life. Light sprang up in -the midst of darkness; devotion and self-sacrifice stood face to face -with monkish and sacerdotal egotism. It was a holy religion, holy to the -pitch of heroism, and formed Christians whose life, full of good works, -was crowned by the triumphant death of martyrdom. This faith, this -courage, and these deaths were the preparation for and the introduction -to the formidable and immortal conflict which was afterwards to make the -Church of the Netherlands illustrious. They were only the outworks of -the fortress which this people would one day erect against the -oppression of the papacy. They formed the junction between the lowly -walls which the faith of the little ones was at this time constructing -in these lands and the glorious building which was afterwards erected. -They served as the beginning of a great future. Moreover, these lives -and these deaths were not isolated events. They were continually -recurring in all countries during the epoch of the Reformation, and they -filled it with glory. Nothing like them has been produced either by Rome -or by systems of philosophy. - -Footnote 773: - - State Papers of Cardinal Granvella, vol. i. p. 253. - -Footnote 774: - - ‘Suppliciis etiam extremis adficiendi.’—Pontanus, _Hist. Gueld._ lib. - xi. fol. 720. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 46. - -Footnote 775: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 46. - -Footnote 776: - - ‘Fulgore veritatis quæ tum renasci cœperat tactus.’—_Ibid._ p. 48. - -Footnote 777: - - Joh. Pistorii Woerdenatis Martyrium e MS. editum a Jac. Revio. Lugd. - Batav. 1649.—Scultetus, _Ann._ ad annos. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. pp. - 48, 49. - -Footnote 778: - - ‘Manibus pedibusque egit.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 49. - -Footnote 779: - - ‘Se extra scripturam sacram nil quicquam quod ad salutarem attinet - doctrinam fide accipere.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 50. - -Footnote 780: - - ‘Diuque et multum ab inquisitoribus vexatus.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ ad - annum. - -Footnote 781: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii p. 51. - -Footnote 782: - - ‘Paratum se quidem Abrahami exemplo filium oppido carum ... Deo - offerre.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 51. - -Footnote 783: - - ‘Stupendo quodam et inusitato animi gaudio.’—Gnapheus, _Hist. - Pistorii_, p. 163. - -Footnote 784: - - Revius, Schroeckh, Brandt, Scultetus, ad annum. - -Footnote 785: - - ‘Cadaver ex oculis adstantium disparuisse, secuta constanti fama virum - Dei ad cœlum translatum esse.’—Schelhorn, _Amœnit. litterar._ iv. p. - 418, &c. - -Footnote 786: - - Erasmus, _Epp._ 757. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 43. - -Footnote 787: - - Phrase used by the Rev. Father Félix, in his discourses at Notre Dame, - Paris. - -Footnote 788: - - ‘Per eorum doctrinam fabulis refertam vel mores - impurissimos.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 54. - -Footnote 789: - - Document dated from the Hague, September 27, 1525.—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 790: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 791: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 53. - -Footnote 792: - - ‘Ejus virtute permulti ad veritatis cognitionem sunt - perducti.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 56. - -Footnote 793: - - Dumont, _Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens_, iv. i. p. - 399. - -Footnote 794: - - ‘Illas rotundas hostiolas.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 62. - -Footnote 795: - - ‘Nobili cuidam feminæ Wendelmutham unice diligenti.’—_Ib._ 63. - -Footnote 796: - - ‘Cur non taces, mea Wendelmutha?‘—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 797: - - ‘Hunc ego ligneum salvatorem non agnosco.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 63. - -Footnote 798: - - ‘Propter verbum Dei captus.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ ad annum. - -Footnote 799: - - ‘Magna animi fortitudine et fidei magnitudine supplicium sustinuisse - traditur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 64. - -Footnote 800: - - This term is used by Gerdesius and Scultetus in the title of their - _Annales_. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE VICTIMS OF CHARLES THE FIFTH. - (1529-1535.) - - -[Sidenote: ‘Tender Mercies’ Of Charles.] - -Charles the Fifth continued to prosecute his schemes. Each of the -numerous countries which he united under his sceptre had its destination -in accordance with the private views of its master. The Netherlands were -to be the field for the display of his arbitrary authority and his cruel -despotism. The emperor had already given proof of his fierce disposition -in the treaty of Madrid; but he now gave further evidence of the same. -On the 29th of January, 1529, he concluded, at Barcelona, an alliance -with the pope which was worthy of both of them. It was therein declared -that ‘many persons having completely deviated from Christian doctrine, -the emperor and his brother would make use of their power against those -who should obstinately persist in their errors.’ All the princes were -invited to join this ‘holy alliance.’[801] On the 5th of August of the -same year the emperor confirmed, by the treaty of Cambray, his -determination to extirpate evangelical doctrine; and the same year a new -placard, dated from Brussels, October 14, was everywhere posted up, -which ordered that all those who dwelt in the country should, before -November 25, deliver into the hands of the prefect of the place all -books and manuscripts conformed to the opinions of Luther. Whosoever -failed to do so, and whosoever should receive heretics into his house, -should be punished both with confiscation and with death. -‘Nevertheless,’ it was added, ‘that we may manifest to all with what -compassion we are moved, those who before the said date shall confess -and abjure their errors shall be reconciled to the Church.’ Relapsed -persons and prisoners were, however, excepted. The relapsed were -condemned to the flames; and with respect to other heretics, the men -were to be beheaded, and the women condemned to the pit, _i.e._, to be -_buried alive_. Half of the goods of accused persons was promised to the -informers.[802] Such was the compassion with which, according to the -assurance which he gave, the heart of Charles the Fifth was moved. Was -the atrocious penalty pronounced against women consequent on the fact -that they usually showed more piety and gave greater provocation by -their zeal to the satellites of Charles? This is possible; and at all -events the fact is greatly to their honor. - -The emperor was not the only oppressor of the evangelicals of the -Netherlands. Charles of Egmont, duke of Guelderland, who was at this -time residing in the ancient palace of his town of Arnheim, on the right -bank of the Rhine, indulged without restraint his wrath against the -Reformation. Two men were the objects of his especial detestation. One -of these was Gerhard Goldenhauer of Nimeguen, a correspondent of -Erasmus, who had brought many of the inhabitants of Guelderland to the -knowledge of Christ. The other was Adolph Clarenbach, a learned and -eloquent man, who had courageously proclaimed evangelical truth. Shortly -after the conclusion of the alliance between the emperor and the pope, -the duke determined to do every thing in his power for the purpose of -crushing the enemies of the pope. ‘I will have,’ said he, ‘all those who -are tainted with the Lutheran heresy, young and old, natives and -foreigners, men and women,[803] all who, either within the privacy of -their own houses, or in hostelries, or in conventicles, shall have said -or done any thing which savors of heresy, deprived without mercy and -without respect of persons, of their property and their lives. One third -of their fortune shall be mine, another third shall go to the towns or -other places where the offence has been committed, and the remaining -third shall go to the informer.’ The ducal fanatic had signed with his -own hand an edict embodying these barbarous stipulations. He did not -confine himself to threats. At Arnheim, Nimeguen, and elsewhere, he -caused men, women, and even monks, to be arrested; and after having -examined them, had some of them drowned, others beheaded, and many -banished. With respect to evangelical books, he ordered them all to be -burnt. In the palace where these orders were signed and discussed there -was a young man not very friendly to popery, whose heart these cruel -proceedings filled with sorrow. This was Charles, a son of the duke by a -noble lady, and a much better man than his father, leading a virtuous -life, and dear to all good men. But nothing could stay the violence of -the wretched Egmont. Perpetually restless, gloomy, and fierce, he could -not lay hands on Clarenbach and Goldenhauer; but the former, immovable -in his avowal of the truth, was burnt alive on the 20th of September, of -this same year, 1529, at Cologne. Goldenhauer withdrew to Strasburg, and -was afterwards called to Marburg as professor of theology.[804] - -Nothing could check the course of the government of Charles the Fifth. -On the contrary, it hastened on. Six days after the publication of the -last placard, William, a Christian man of Zwoll, was struck. He had been -one of the ministers of Christian of Denmark, and had come into Belgium -with this prince. Ere long, certain theologians of Louvain, irritated by -his profession of evangelical doctrine, had him arrested. They then went -to him and said—‘Here are certain articles on which we require your -opinion. We give you twelve days to reply to us; and if you refuse to do -so,’ they added in a threatening tone, ‘we shall proceed against you as -we think proper.’ - -[Sidenote: Executions.] - -William read the articles, eight in number, and feeling that there was -no need to take twelve days to answer them, he immediately made a -confession of his faith.[805] ‘Reverend doctors,’ he said to the -theologians, ‘I believe, with respect to the pope, that if he be minded -to wield the temporal sword, to refuse obedience to the lawful -magistrate, rather than confine himself to the spiritual sword which is -the word of God,[806] he has no power either to bind or to loose -consciences. With respect to purgatory, every Christian knows perfectly -well that after death he will be blessed. With respect to the invocation -of saints, we have in heaven Christ alone as mediator, and it is to Him -that I cling. With respect to the mass, it is certainly not a sacrifice; -for the blood of Christ shed upon the cross suffices for the salvation -of the faithful. With respect to Luther’s books, I admit that I have -read them, not however out of contempt for His Imperial Majesty, but in -order that by learning and knowing the truth I may reject every -untruth.’ - -The doctors of Louvain, noted for their hatred of the Gospel, listened -with abhorrence to this candid confession, in which piety so singular -shone forth.[807] For such a confession, they said, the man who makes it -assuredly deserves to be condemned to death. A stake was therefore -prepared at Mechlin, and William was burnt alive amidst the lamentations -of pious men, who all mourned the death of this Christian martyr.[808] - -A young man of Naarden, on the Zuyder Zee, not far from Amsterdam, -studied at the university of Louvain. Endowed with a certain good -nature, lively but not diligent, he voluntarily forsook his studies, -disregarded rules, laughed, drank, and spent his money. He returned to -Holland and to his father’s house. The influences of home appear to have -been salutary, and he began to reflect on his conduct. One day as he was -walking near the sea-shore, he suddenly fell down as if he had been -struck by lightning, and lay stretched upon the ground. Was this -collapse purely physical, or were moral causes in operation? The -remembrance of his misdeeds had doubtless something to do with it. The -young Dutchman had so completely lost consciousness that the people who -ran to his assistance and lifted him up thought that he was dead, and -carried the body home. He was laid on a bed, and gradually he came to -himself; but he was changed. He felt that the severe blow which the hand -of God had struck him was necessary to subdue him to obedience. He was -in distress; but the mercy of Christ consoled him, and henceforth he -walked uprightly. When he had been cast down, like Paul on the road to -Damascus, he had, like him, heard the voice of the Saviour. He diffused -light around him, going from place to place preaching the Gospel. These -events occurred in 1530. The imperial governor sent him orders to appear -at the Hague. He went voluntarily; but he was so simple and so true that -he was dismissed. The same thing happened a second time. But on a third -occasion he was sent to prison. He excited, however, so much interest in -those about him, that they offered him the means of escape. He refused -the offer, and was condemned to death. He went quite joyfully to -execution, with a heart full of love for God and for men. He was heard -singing a hymn to the praise of the Lord who called him to himself by a -death which was made sweet to him. He had nothing about him, not even -the smallest coin; but, seeing near the scaffold some poor people -entirely destitute, he took off with great simplicity his shoes and -stockings, and gave these to them.[809] The victims of Charles were men -of this sort. - -[Sidenote: Mary Of Hungary.] - -A change which took place in the government of this prince seemed likely -to effect a change with respect to evangelical Christians, and the -friends of the Reformation indulged lively hope from it. Margaret, aunt -of the emperor, who for ten years had governed the Netherlands with -wisdom but with severity, died in 1531, and was succeeded by Mary, queen -of Hungary, the sister of Charles. This princess was a great lover and -student of literature. ‘Verily,’ said Erasmus, speaking of her, ‘the -world is turned upside down; monks are ignorant and women are educated.’ -She was a clever woman, of heroic spirit, and a great huntress. But when -she went to the hunt she carried the Gospels in her pocket. We have -already met with her in Hungary, and have not forgotten the words of -consolation which Luther gave her after the death of the king her -husband. - -At the Diet of Augsburg she had had the Gospel preached in her own -house, and had won the hearts of the Protestants, who admired her -moderation and her piety. She loves the evangelicals, they used to say, -and has often allayed the wrath of the emperor. She pleads their cause -with him, although with moderation and timidity.[810] She was thus an -object of suspicion to the pope and his adherents, and they accused her -of heresy. The pope, when he had learnt her conduct, instructed his -legate to complain of her to the emperor. ‘She secretly favors,’ said -the nuncio to Charles, ‘the Lutheran faction; she lowers the Catholic -cause, and opposes the measures of your ministers.’[811] She was charged -even with having dissuaded the elector of Trèves from joining the -Catholic alliance, and with having prevented the bishop of Lavaur, envoy -of Francis I., from going into Germany for the purpose of taking counsel -with the Romish party. - -Mary of Hungary arrived at Brussels, and took up her abode in the palace -of the court. Little reflection was needed to discover how difficult was -the position assigned her. Although she was not a fully enlightened -Christian and disciple of the Reformation, she nevertheless loved the -Gospel and felt pity for the persecuted evangelicals. On the other hand, -she was sent by her brother to execute his laws against the Protestants, -laws which the emperor did not fail to sanction and often to aggravate -by new ones. What should Mary do? How escape from this cruel dilemma? -She ought to have refused the government with which her brother had -invested her; but this office gave to the widowed queen a rank among the -princes of Europe, and Charles was not one of those whose favors it was -easy to refuse. He had set her in a false position, and unhappily she -remained there. She proposed to steer her course between two contrary -currents; and, while carrying out the orders of her lord and brother, -while endeavoring also to retain his favor and to dissipate his -suspicions by severe letters against the Protestants, she strove as much -as she could to alleviate their sufferings. Some have believed that as -governess of the Netherlands, she had renounced the religious sentiments -which she had held as queen. This, we think, is a mistake. Her life was -a tissue of inconsistencies and contradictions; but she held to the last -sentiments which were suspected at Rome. This was shown by the -determination of Philip II., who, when he resolved to execute in these -provinces his sanguinary designs, recalled his aunt to Spain. Poor -woman, poor princess! What inward struggles she had to undergo! -Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged that the torments which she -suffered in her own heart were the penalty of her ambition and her -cowardice. By the course which she took she did harm even to the cause -which she had wished to promote. Her leaning to the Gospel, accompanied -by the sanction which she gave to the death of those whom in her own -conscience she honored, frequently added to the distress of pious men, -and increased the weakness and humiliation of the Reformation. Hope -deceived weighs down and disheartens. - -[Sidenote: Cornelius Crocus.] - -Meanwhile the evangelical meetings multiplied under Mary’s government. -They were held sometimes in the open air, and sometimes in concealed -retreats; and their attendants were counted by thousands. Among all the -towns of Holland, Amsterdam was distinguished by the number of its -inhabitants, its commercial activity, and the abundance of its wealth. -Evangelical doctrine had early been proclaimed there, either by some of -its inhabitants who cultivated literature and read the Greek Testament -of Erasmus, or by such of its burgesses as went to Germany on matters of -business and brought the Gospel back with them, or by pious foreigners -who came amongst them for the sake of their trade. There was a priest, -by name Cornelius Crocus, a learned man who taught the _belles-lettres_, -but at the same time, being full of zeal for the papacy, addicted -himself to all the Romish practices, and despised the Reformation. It -was, however, silently making progress around him, and he suddenly found -himself encompassed with evangelicals. His kinsfolk, his acquaintances, -and his former disciples[812] had embraced the doctrine of Luther and -Œcolampadius, and were aiming, he thought, to corrupt those who were -still pure in faith. He was alarmed. The peril which was hemming him -round took up his thoughts and tormented him night and day. -Nevertheless, full of confidence in himself, he fancied that if only he -could write a book the danger would be dispelled. But he saw one -obstacle in his way, and only one. As a member of the Minorite order, he -had every day so many prayers to read that not a single moment was left -him for composition. Only a month, he thought, one month of leisure, -would accomplish the task. The book would be written, and Lutheranism -destroyed. He resolved to apply to episcopal authority; and on the eve -of the Epiphany, 1531, he wrote to the official of Utrecht, delegate of -the bishop, to exercise his jurisdiction in this matter—‘I most -earnestly entreat you to permit me to break off my prayers for one month -only, in order that I may compose a work adapted to turn away men’s -minds from Luther and Œcolampadius, and to prevent the corruption of -those who are as yet unaffected. I am obliged to make all the more haste -because some of those whom I have in view are to set sail next month on -a voyage to the East, according to the custom at Amsterdam.’[813] -Amsterdam, already famous for its maritime expeditions, was even then -privileged to bear afar in its vessels the doctrine of the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Controversies.] - -There was especially one evangelical at Amsterdam whom Crocus in his -alarm did not lose sight of. This was John Sartorius, who was, as it -appears, his colleague in teaching the _belles-lettres_. Born in this -town in 1500, endowed with remarkable ability and a strong character, he -had much distinguished himself as a student. On a visit to Delft, he had -made the acquaintance of Walter, a Dominican of Utrecht, who, being -proscribed by his own party, had taken refuge in this town. This monk -was the first to impart to Sartorius a taste for the truth. Afterwards, -Sartorius having become intimate with Angelo Merula, pastor of -Heenvliet, he gained by intercourse with this pious man, a solid -knowledge of the truths of the faith.[814] Sartorius was master of -Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; and being charged with the teaching of the -learned languages, he obtained permission of the magistrates to give his -pupils a course of Hebrew lessons which, as we know, was at this time -almost a heresy. Ere long he gave yet more convincing proofs of his -religious sentiments. While engaged on philology, he endeavored to -implant in the minds of his pupils the fundamental principles of the -Gospel; and the doctrine on which he most dwelt was that of faith -alone,[815] because he was certain, like all the reformers, that it was -the surest means of filling a Christian’s life with good works. Crocus, -while mechanically reading his long prayers was thinking of something -else; and, being carried away by the violence of his passion, uttered -loud cries. He resolved to attack Sartorius, confident that he should -crush him at the first blow. He therefore composed and printed at -Antwerp a work entitled _Concerning Faith and Works, against John -Sartorius_. Crocus was joined by Alard, another divine of Amsterdam. -‘This man,’ said he, ‘has a cultivated mind, but he has unfortunately -chosen the worst of all preceptors, presumption.’ Sartorius, though -sharply assailed, did not waver. Immovable in his faith, he courageously -defended it, and without flinching contended against the enemy. He was -not afraid of the superstitious, and was determined to resist them. He -wrote successively—_On justifying faith against Crocus_, and _On the -holy Eucharist_; and in these works, aiming to call things by their true -names, he fearlessly made use of expressions rather too strong. He -published also _Assertions of the Faith, addressed to the satellites of -Satan_.[816] But while he remained immovable in his convictions, he was -obliged frequently to change his place of residence. We find him at -Norwic, at Haarlem, and at Basel. Other evangelical Christians were -compelled like him to quit their native land. John Timann, having tasted -the truth and finding that he could not freely teach it to his -fellow-citizens, took refuge at Bremen, where he labored as a faithful -minister for thirty years, and there died. It was no unimportant matter -that the civil power should thus deprive the Christian people of their -guides, and this it was to learn one day to its own cost. Sartorius -could not endure exile, and he afterwards returned to his native land, -where - - Longtemps tourmenté par un destin cruel, - Rend son corps à la terre et son esprit au ciel. - -These are the last two lines of his epitaph, written by himself.[817] -Sartorius was one of the noblest combatants of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Persecution At Amsterdam.] - -Although the doctors had to take their flight, the Holy Scriptures and -the Christian books remained. It is even possible that Mary of Hungary -secretly promoted the printing of the Bible. This sacred book was -eagerly read in the Netherlands. ‘Ah,’ people used to say, ‘it is -because many of the dogmas taught by the clergy are not to be found in -the oracles of God, that the reading of them is so rigorously -prohibited.’ Thus the wrath of Charles and of his councillors was -kindled against the authors, the printers, and the readers of these -books which contradicted Rome; and a new placard made its appearance -(1531), drawn up with a refinement of cruelty. It was posted up in all -the provinces, and ran thus—‘It is forbidden to write, to print, or to -cause to be printed or written any book whatsoever without permission of -the bishops. If any one do so, he shall be put in the pillory; the -executioner shall take a cross of iron, he shall heat it red-hot, and -applying it to his person shall brand him; or he shall pluck out one of -his eyes, or cut off one of his hands,[818] at the discretion of the -judge.’ The papacy in the sixteenth century was not in favor of freedom -of the press. - -At the same time, orders were given for the promulgation, every six -months, without delay, of the edict of 1529. There were some things the -remembrance of which Charles V. was not willing that his _faithful -ones_, as he called them,[819] should for one moment lose. Men were -bound always to keep in mind the _sword_, women the _pit_, and the -relapsed the _fire_. Three good thoughts these were, fit to keep alive -the fidelity of the faithful. The government did not restrict itself to -words. A little while after, the agents of the imperial authority at -Amsterdam, entering by night into certain houses, which they had marked -during the day, crept noiselessly to the bedsides of those whom they -sought, seized nine men, ordered them to put on their hose immediately -and without murmuring, and then carried them off to the Hague. There, by -the command of the emperor, they were beheaded. - -They were suspected of preferring the baptism of adults to that of -infants.[820] - -These executions produced profound irritation among the free population -of the Netherlands, and in some places they offered resistance to the -caprices of the autocrat. Deventer contained many evangelicals. -Consequently, some envoys of the emperor received instructions, in 1532, -to make an inquiry concerning those suspected of Lutheranism. It was -intended to place the unhappy town under the régime of the fire, the -sword, and the pit. When the envoys of Charles arrived at the gates of -the city their entrance was prohibited.[821] They were amazed to see the -townsmen sending away the deputies of their sovereign. ‘We demand -admission of you _in the name of the emperor_,’ repeated the imperial -officers. The senate and the tribunes of the people assembled. The -question was hardly discussed. The ancient Dutch immunities still lived -in the hearts of these citizens, and they intended to put in practice -the right of free manifestation of conscience. The deputies of the -senate therefore went to the gates of the city and said to the envoys of -Charles—‘We can not by any means consent that foreign commissioners -should usurp the rights which you claim. If you have any complaint to -make, carry it before the burgomaster or before the delegates of the -senate.’ Noble and courageous town, whose generous example is to be held -in honor! - -[Sidenote: A Family Of Martyrs.] - -All magistrates were not so bold. At Limburg, a small town in the -province of Liège, many of the townsmen had been converted to the Gospel -without being exposed to any interference on the part of the -magistrates. Among these converts was one family, all of whose members -were consecrated to God. There were six of them: the father and mother, -two daughters and their husbands. Called one after another to the -knowledge of the Saviour, they had taken their lamps in their hands in -order to show to others the path of life; and truly their upright and -holy life enlightened those who were witnesses of it. Some emissaries of -the emperor arrived (1532), and no one stopped them at the gates. The -home of this family was immediately pointed out to them. They entered -the house, and seized father and mother, sons and daughters. Sobs and -groans were now heard in this abode, which used before to resound with -the singing of psalms. In the midst of their great trial, however, these -six Christians had one consolation—they were not separated from each -other, but were condemned to be all burnt at the same fire. The pile was -constructed outside the town, near the heights of Rotfeld.[822] While -they were being led to execution, the father and mother, the two -daughters, and the sons-in-law felt, it is said, a kind of holy -transport, and uttered cries of joy.[823] It appears, however, that some -among them showed signs of momentary weakness. Therefore, desirous of -strengthening each other, they began to sing together their beautiful -psalms—‘God is our God forever and ever; He will be our guide even unto -death.’ Thus they reached the place of execution; and each of them -breathed his last calling upon the Lord Jesus.[824] This blessed family -had been removed to heaven all together, and without any painful -separation. - -Persecution did not slacken. In 1533, four men accused of holding -evangelical doctrines were put to death at Bois-le-Duc. Five men and one -woman, terrified at the prospect of death, abjured their faith and were -condemned to walk in procession before the host, carrying lighted -tapers, to cast their Lutheran books into the fire, and to wear -constantly on their garments a yellow cross. One man, named Sikke -Snyder, was beheaded at Leeuwarden for having received baptism as an -adult;[825] and not long before, a woman, for the same crime, had been -thrown into the lake of Haarlem. This was the most expeditious way to -get rid of her; but they did her husband the honor of burning him alive, -with two of his friends, at the Hague. - -The like crimes marked the year 1534. A potter of Bois-le-Duc lost his -head for the crime of being an evangelical. William Wiggertson suffered -the same fate, but secretly, in the fortress of Schagen; and Schol, a -priest of Amsterdam, distinguished for his eloquence and his virtues, -was condemned to the flames at Brussels.[826] - -These horrors—and there were many besides those we have described—could -not but produce a fatal reaction. The persecutions which befell the -adherents of the reformed faith in those lands in which the change was -most thorough, in the Netherlands, in France, in England, and in -Scotland, were to exert a lasting influence. It is felt even to the -present day. It may be said that the martyr-fires are hardly yet -extinguished, that the bell of Saint Bartholomew’s Day is still -resounding, and that there are yet visible the last of those numerous -bands of prisoners and of refugees, defiling some of them to the -galleys, others into exile. In the Lutheran countries, and especially in -Germany, where the blood of the martyrs was not spilt at all, or to a -very small extent, there is a certain moderation, and even some -kindliness in the intercourse between Roman Catholics and Protestants. -The conflict there is scientific only. But it is otherwise in the -countries of the reformed or Calvinistic faith. There people do not -forget the fire and the sword, and the two parties appear to be -irreconcilable. If this is the present result of cruelties perpetrated -more than three centuries ago, we may imagine what the effect must have -been on contemporaries. They filled the hearts of pious men with sorrow -and distress. - -[Sidenote: The Enthusiasts.] - -As early as 1531, it was generally acknowledged that the whole body of -the people would embrace the Reformation if persecution ceased. Those -who were not guided by the fear of God were exasperated and enraged with -the persecutors. Nor was this the worst; the want of spiritual leaders -left the field open to enthusiasts who believed themselves inspired, and -to impostors who pretended to be so. If the pastors are set aside, fools -or knaves set themselves up as prophets, and, instead of instructing the -people, lead them astray. It appears that some of the disciples of the -enthusiastic divines whom Luther and Zwinglius had strenuously opposed, -when driven out of Germany and Switzerland, brought their visions into -the Netherlands. They knew that these lands had long been in the -enjoyment of liberty, and hoped that they should be able to propagate -their system there without disturbance. The persecutions of the Romish -clergy threw many evangelicals into their arms. The system of these -enthusiasts was altogether opposed to that of the reformers. They -differed, in particular, as to the doctrine of the powerlessness of the -soul for good. They consequently separated into two parties. Man, said -some of their doctors, is able by his own power to obtain salvation. For -these, Christ was a schoolmaster rather than a Saviour; and some of -them, Kaetzer, for example, positively denied his divinity. ‘He redeems -us,’ they said, ‘by pointing out the path that we ought to pursue.’[827] -Others asserted that the flesh alone was subject to sin, that the spirit -was not affected, and that it had no share in the fall. All of them -looked upon the evangelical church and its institutions as a new papacy. -Both alike, they affirmed, the new and the old, were about to be -destroyed, and a great transformation of the world was about to be -effected. It would begin by depriving kings and magistrates, and by -putting pastors and priests to death. - -These so-called prophets frequently made their appearance without any -one’s knowing whence they came or whither they went. They began by -saluting in the name of the Lord. Then they spoke of the corruption of -the world. They announced the end of all things, naming even the day and -the hour, and they styled themselves the messengers of God to seal the -elect with the seal of the covenant. All those who were sealed were -about to be gathered together from the four quarters of the world, and -all the ungodly would be destroyed. They especially addressed themselves -to artisans, and in them they found men more intelligent than the -peasants of the rural districts, men wearied with their laborious -occupations, bitter about their low wages, and full of eager desire for -a better position. The principal leaders were tailors, shoemakers, and -bakers. The majority of these respectable classes stood aloof from the -dreams of the fanatics, and continued to earn their livelihood by honest -means. But the enthusiasts among them in Switzerland, in Alsace, in -Germany, in the Netherlands, and elsewhere, proposed to form a great -international league, by means of which they would live in pleasure and -have nothing to do. Professing themselves inspired of God for the -accomplishment of His purposes, they gave themselves up ere long to the -most shameful passions and the most cruel actions. It has been remarked -that the most signal example of fanaticism recorded in the pages of -history was inspired by an exaggerated devotion to the papal system; and -those citizens of Paris have become famous, who on the night of Saint -Bartholomew, assassinated, butchered, and tore to pieces those of their -fellow-citizens who did not go to mass. History, however, does present -to us a fanaticism yet more disgusting, if it be not more cruel. It was -that of a sect which was neither Romanist nor Protestant—the enthusiasts -of whom we speak. And if we consider their relations, whether with Rome -or with Protestantism, it seems to us that it is no deviation from a -wise impartiality to say that the cruelties of the imperial government, -frequently supported by the priests, essentially contributed to plunge -these unfortunate men into their extravagances and cruelties; while the -Protestant divines earnestly contended against them with the pen, and -the princes with the sword. - -If the fire of fanaticism was sometimes brought from Germany into the -Netherlands, it was most frequently kindled there without foreign aid. -The fermentation which took place in certain rude and coarse natures, -and the persecutions of Rome, developed there an unwholesome heat which -irritated men’s tempers and inflamed their imaginations. There was no -need here of Stork, of Munzer, or of Manz. - -[Sidenote: Prophets.] - -In 1533, agents of the Government discovered arms in the possession of -some of the enthusiasts.[828] ‘Assuredly,’ said Queen Mary, ‘this is not -far from sedition.’ Melchior Hoffmann, a Suabian fur-trader, a clever, -eloquent, and audacious man, had before this time spent some years at -Embden, in East Friesland, and had given himself out as one called of -God to contend against the doctrines of the pope, of Luther, and of -Zwinglius, and to manifest the truth to the world.[829] John Matthison, -a Haarlem baker, an acute, daring, and immoral man, now at Amsterdam, -had enthusiastic raptures, and asserted himself to be Enoch.[830] He -pretended that as such he was charged to announce the coming of the -kingdom of God; he predicted sufferings so horrible against those who -refused to believe him, that the poor people in their terror fancied -they already saw hell opened before them; and subdued by alarm they -blindly believed every thing that Enoch told them. Among his disciples -was one John Bockhold, a Leyden tailor, whom he ordained, and whom he -sent out with eleven others (twelve apostles!) to preach the new Gospel. -The restitution of all things is at hand, said these new prophets. A -spiritual and temporal reign of Christ is approaching. None will be -admitted but the righteous; the ungodly must be destroyed beforehand. -Even ministers must take the sword and establish the new kingdom by -force. Then, desirous of assigning to each his part, they declared that -‘Luther and the pope were, indeed, both of them false prophets, but that -Luther was the worst.’[831] ‘The times of persecution are ended,’ cried -they, in the midst of the populations terrified by the cruelties of -Charles the Fifth; ‘you have nothing more to fear. The moment is come in -which the faithful will triumph over the whole earth, and will render -unto tyrants double for the evil which they have done them.’ If any one -hesitated to believe the prophets, they charged him with resisting the -Spirit of God; called him Korah, Abiram, or Jambres; and the poor -people, afraid of opposing a divine mission, accepted with trembling the -promises which were to put an end to their sufferings. The tailor -Bockhold preached thus at Amsterdam, Enkhuysen, Alkmaar, Rotterdam and -elsewhere, establishing in all these places small communities of the -faithful, numbering from ten to twenty persons. The thought that the -cruel tyranny of Charles was about to be brought to judgment, and that -it was necessary to hasten the end, took possession of men’s minds. They -became restless, and had no thought but of taking vengeance on those -whose instruments were the pit, the fire, and the sword. - -[Sidenote: Delusions.] - -One night, in a solitary spot in the province of Groningen, a man rose -in the midst of a great multitude which had come together from all -quarters. He was naked to the waist, his soul was troubled, his -intellect disordered, his thoughts incoherent; and, in a state of the -strangest hallucination, he cried out with an unsteady and inharmonious -voice, ‘I am God the Father.... Kill, kill the priests and the monks; -kill the magistrates of the whole world, but especially those who govern -us. Repent ye, repent ye! Behold, your deliverance is at hand.’ This -maniac, whose name was Hermann, gave utterance to terrible groans and -vociferations,[832] and heated and inflamed as he was, he drank great -draughts of wine to allay his thirst. - -The rumor was continually gaining ground that the hour of judgment was -approaching, that all the faithful would be saved, but that unbelievers -would perish under severe chastisements. More than three hundred men -hurried together in a single night, filled with alarm, and demanded with -loud cries the baptism which was to shelter them from the judgments of -heaven, and they received it, convinced that all those who had not -received it were going to perish. - -A spirit of darkness was more and more diffusing itself among the poor -and ignorant men who were terrified by the executions. It seized even -upon the most vulgar classes, worked them up to a state of fatal fear, -and subjected them to the force of extravagant imaginations. One night, -a young gardener[833] got up and went to the bedside of Hermann, who -gave himself out as the Father eternal, and said to him, ‘I am the Son -of God.’ Then, filled with pity for the wretched ones who were -persecuted by the agents of the emperor and of the priests, and who did -not believe in the deliverance proclaimed, he cried out, ‘O Father, have -pity on the people: have pity! and pardon.’ A great crowd had assembled; -he took a cupful of strong drink and drank it, intending to honor the -Holy Spirit; then mounting on a chair, he uttered piercing cries, -proclaiming himself the Son of God. Seeing his mother in the crowd, he -turned to her: ‘Dost thou not believe,’ he said before them all, ‘and -dost thou not confess that thou hast brought forth the Son of God?’ The -poor woman, astonished and alarmed, not knowing what had happened to her -son, replied quite simply that she did not. The deluded man then flew -into a rage and so terrified his poor mother that she stammered out, -tremblingly, that she did believe it. But one of the men who were -present, having declared that he for his part did not believe it at all, -the demoniac seized him and hurled him violently into the filth of a -dunghill that lay near a cow-shed. ‘Behold,’ he said, ‘thou art lying in -the abyss of hell.’ A robust man, who had good sense and was indignant -at these fooleries, now seized him and threw him down. Others, not very -tolerant, threw themselves upon the raving maniac and overwhelmed him -with blows; so that the unfortunate man had much difficulty in making -his escape by flight from the hands of those who so roughly chastised -him. As to Hermann, he was arrested by order of the magistrate, -conducted to Groningen, and cast into prison. The atrocious cruelties of -Louis XIV. also gave rise to similar acts on the part of enthusiasts. -But there is no room for comparison between the sincere and often pious -Camisards and the coarse and impure fanatics of the Netherlands. These -facts of different kinds agree only in showing the fatal consequences of -the criminal persecutions of the papacy. The sect of the enthusiasts, -however, became purer in course of time. - -[Sidenote: Adoption Of Calvinism.] - -At the same time an important change was gradually effected among the -evangelicals who remained faithful to the Word of God. A profound -acquaintance with the history of the Netherlands in the sixteenth -century has not in all cases excluded a mistake—not, however, very -widely spread—as to the origin of the Reformation in these provinces. It -has been asserted that it had found its way thither, not through -Germany, but through France, by means of the Huguenots.[834] We have -seen that it came direct from Wittenberg, and that at the very beginning -of the movement. From what took place at Antwerp and in other towns, -there is no room for doubt on the subject. But after those mad, fierce -displays of fanaticism, that portion of the evangelicals which had -continued sane (and this formed the great majority), sided by preference -with the French and Swiss Reformation; and step by step the Netherlands, -which had apparently embraced the Reformation of Luther, attached -themselves to that of Calvin. Geneva took the place of Wittenberg. -Viglius, who was appointed by Charles the Fifth president of the great -council at Mechlin, said—‘There are but few who adhere to the confession -of Augsburg; Calvinism has taken possession of almost all hearts.’[835] -To assert that the sole cause of this movement was the fanaticism which -passed from the banks of the Rhine into the Netherlands would be an -exaggeration. There were other causes at work in this transformation; -but the enthusiasm, the disgust, and the alarm which it aroused went for -much. This fact is no disparagement to Lutheranism, for Luther and his -adherents were ‘at this time the most vigorous censurers of these -disorderly proceedings.’ One other cause besides might be assigned for -the change, so remarkable and almost unique, which was brought about in -the Netherlands. It was in this country that the most furious -persecution raged. Now, it has been remarked that those reformed parties -which were the objects of violent persecution were those which rejected -images, crucifixes, and every thing which tradition has bequeathed to -some Protestant churches, and resolved to maintain the conflict -according to the teaching of the Scriptures, only by the word of their -testimony and by the blood of the Lamb. This remark is worthy of some -attention; but it must not be forgotten that no one drew more strength -than Luther did from the arsenal of the Word of God. - -Footnote 801: - - Dumont, _Corps universel diplomatique_, iv. pp. 1, 5. - -Footnote 802: - - Haræi, _Annales Ducum Brabantiæ_, ii. p. 582, Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 65. Brandt, Schook. - -Footnote 803: - - Pontanus, _Hist. Geldr._ lib. xi. fol. 762. - -Footnote 804: - - Sleidan, Scultetus, Rabus, _Martyrologium_, Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. pp. - 41, 67. Melchior Adam. - -Footnote 805: - - ‘Sine mora fidei suæ rationem exhibendam esse.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 68. - -Footnote 806: - - Ephes. vi. 17. - -Footnote 807: - - ‘Illa confessio ingenua certe ac singulari pietate - conspicua.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 70. - -Footnote 808: - - ‘Magno piorum luctu vivus sit combustus.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 809: - - Brandt. - -Footnote 810: - - ‘Pro quibus non semel, timide licet et verecunde, apud Cæsarem - intercesserat.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 74. - -Footnote 811: - - Sarpi, _Hist. of the Council of Trent_, § lxi. - -Footnote 812: - - ‘Sunt quidam partim cognati mei partim noti partim etiam qui fuerunt - discipuli mei.’—Letter from Crocus to the official of Utrecht, 1531. - Foppens, _Bibliotheca Belgica_, i. p. 197. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 76. - -Footnote 813: - - ‘Mense proximo quidam illorum navibus profecturi sunt in partes - orientales, ut hic Amsterdami mos est.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 76. - -Footnote 814: - - Pauli Merulæ, _Descriptio rerum adv. Ang. Merulam gestarum_, p. 108. - -Footnote 815: - - ‘Quum. . . imprimis de justificatione ex sola fide doctrinam - evangelicam urgeret.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 77. - -Footnote 816: - - ‘Assertiones fidei ad Satanæ satellitium.’—_Ibid._ p. 78. - -Footnote 817: - - ‘Sed postquam virtus duris exercita fatis - Destituit corpus, spiritus astra tenet.’ - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 78. - -Footnote 818: - - ‘Et candentem crucem cauterio inurendam.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. - 79. - -Footnote 819: - - ‘Cæsar suis fidelibus salutem.’—Edict of 1529. - -Footnote 820: - - Brandt. i. p. 37. - -Footnote 821: - - ‘Legatos Cæsaris admittere suam in urbem noluerunt.’—Revii, _Deventria - illustrata_, p. 250. Gerdesius. _Ann._ iii. 80. - -Footnote 822: - - ‘Ad Montana Rotfeldii.’—_Histoire des Martyrs_, fol. 686. - -Footnote 823: - - ‘Jubilis dicuntur replevisse viam supplicii.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 80. - -Footnote 824: - - Gerdesius. Brandt, i. p. 40. - -Footnote 825: - - Brandt, i. p. 40. - -Footnote 826: - - Brandt i. p. 41. - -Footnote 827: - - Röhrich, _Ref. in Elsass_, i. p. 338. Ranke, iii p. 367. - -Footnote 828: - - ‘In Transisalania arma bellica apud sectarios quosdam - inveniri.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 82. - -Footnote 829: - - ‘Non papismum solum, sed Lutheri quoque et Zwinglii doctrinam - vehementer reprehendebat.’—_Ibid_. p. 83. Emmius, _Hist. rer. Frisic._ - lib. lv. p. 860. - -Footnote 830: - - ‘Se Enochum esse affirmavit.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 87. - -Footnote 831: - - ‘Lutherum et pontificem Romanum esse falsos prophetas, Lutherum tamen - altero deteriorem.’—Opus restitutionis. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 83. - -Footnote 832: - - ‘Ululantem potius quam clamantem.’—Emmius, _Hist. rerum Frisicarum_, - lib. lvii. fol. 884. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 91. - -Footnote 833: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 92. - -Footnote 834: - - See Mr. Motley’s great work on the Foundation of the United Provinces, - part ii. ch. i. It contains an account of the early days of the - Reformation in the Netherlands. The Christianity which was propagated - in the times of which we are speaking became the principal cause of - the great and tragic revolution described by this historian. - -Footnote 835: - - ‘Confessioni Augustanæ paucissimi adherent, sed Calvinismus omnium - pæne corda occupavit’—Viglius van Zuichem to Hopper. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - LOUVAIN. - (1537-1544.) - - -At this point the history of the Netherlands presents to us a noble -spectacle: we see on the one hand the little ones, those unknown to the -world, serving God with fervor and indomitable resolution, and on the -other hand, persecutors thirsting for their blood, and conflicts and -martyrdoms awaiting them. The heroism of the lowly appears infinitely -small in the eyes of the world. In our eyes it is one of the glories of -the Reformation, that in its history the little ones are especially -brought before us. This is one of the features which distinguish it from -secular history, which takes delight chiefly in palaces and in the -splendid achievements of conquerors. - -[Sidenote: Evangelists At Ghent.] - -At Brussels, Antwerp, Louvain, Ghent, and other towns, there were many -friends of the Gospel. Evangelical Christianity was continually gaining -strength, but at the same time Romish fanaticism was also on the -increase. Ghent, a town of such extent that it was called _a country -rather than a town_, contained at this period numerous adherents of the -Reformation. So much did they hunger and thirst after sound doctrine -that, in 1537, when a preacher who spoke French only preached the Gospel -in this town, where nothing but Flemish was understood, numberless -hearers thronged around him and hung upon his lips. Pierre Bruly -(Brulius)—this was his name—spoke with such fervor of spirit, and with -eloquence so forcible, that the Flemings, although they could not -understand what he said, were edified by the earnest and affectionate -feeling with which he spoke. When the sermon was over, some of his -hearers who could afford it, anxious to know exactly what was said by a -preacher who pleased them so much, betook themselves to persons who were -acquainted with both languages, and, taking out of their pockets the -small bag in which they carried their money, said to them—‘Translate to -us, if you please, the discourse which the preacher has delivered; we -will give you so much for it.’[836] More than three hundred of the -Ghentese, men and women, appear to have been converted by the preaching -of Bruly. As he was anxious, however, to address people who could -understand him, he left Flanders three or four years later, and went to -Strasburg, where he succeeded Calvin as pastor of the French Church. -People said of him—‘He has, like the young Picard (Calvin) a pure -doctrine and a spotless life.’ We shall meet with him again hereafter in -Belgium. - -Happily, other friends of the Gospel still remained in Ghent. There was -Clava, an old man in years, said Erasmus, but who always renews his -youth like the spring-tide and bears the most beautiful fruit; Jean -Cousard also, who had been a correspondent of Zwinglius; and especially -the four Utenhovs. Nicholas Utenhov, a distinguished jurisconsult, an -elegant littérateur, a wise, modest, and upright man, long held at -Ghent, with high honor, the presidency of the Supreme Council of -Flanders. Every moment of leisure that he could snatch amidst the noises -of the palace, the numerous causes brought before him, the exclamations -of the suitors and the advocates who were about him, Utenhov employed in -reading the Holy Scriptures; and he frequently devoted to the study of -them part of the night.[837] - -Martin van Cleyne, a physician, a commentator on Hippocrates and Galen, -tasted the Word of God, rejoicing to see how faith and the Gospel healed -sick souls and gave them a new life. In the practice of his art he had -never seen such marvellous cures; and he said to himself that, in spite -of all the efforts which physicians make to heal them, men nevertheless -die at last; while Jesus Christ heals forever and makes immortal. He -therefore began to communicate to his friends and neighbors the -sovereign remedy which he had discovered. But, being persecuted by the -Inquisition, he went to London under the assumed name of Micron, and -became pastor of the Belgian church there.[838] - -When Alasco arrived at Louvain he found there zealous partisans both of -the papacy and the Gospel; on the one side theologians and fanatical -monks, and on the other a little flock among the citizens who received -gladly the light of the Gospel. A lady, belonging to one of the -principal families of the town, Antoinette Haveloos (born van Roesmals) -many of whose ancestors had in old times occupied the foremost place in -the state, was animated with a lively piety, and, by her virtues, was an -example to all the town.[839] She possessed at this time a competency, -which she afterwards lost, and she joyfully practised hospitality. It -was in her house that Alasco took up his abode when he came to -Louvain.[840] Antoinette was then about fifty-two years of age, and she -resided at a place called Bollebore, from a fountain situated near the -river La Vuerre. ‘Above all things she was given to reading and -meditating on the Holy Scriptures; and by this means she became -acquainted with the will of God, which she also put in practice, -discharging towards her neighbors the offices of charity.’[841] She was, -moreover, regarded as the soul of the Reformation in Louvain. She had a -daughter named Gudule, elegant in figure, perfectly beautiful and -refined, at this time in the flower of her age.[842] Gudule was reserved -and modest, and did not make much display of her religious sentiments; -but she had deep feeling and especially great love for her mother. -Antoinette’s family circle was large, and her nephews and nieces had -almost all become believers in the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Jan Van Ousberghen.] - -The Reformation also counted numerous friends beyond the limits of this -family. The most faithful evangelist of Louvain was Jan van Ousberghen. -His was not a spirit restless with rash zeal. The bookseller Jerome -Cloet, who was well acquainted with him, called him ‘the quietest man in -Louvain.’[843] He appears to have been well educated, and to have read -the Latin works on the faith which were published in Germany and -elsewhere. He let no opportunity slip of making the Gospel known, and -souls were enlightened by his private conversation. ‘To the instructions -of Jan van Ousberghen,’ said a pious woman, Catherine, the wife of the -sculptor Beyaerts, ‘I am indebted for the sentiments which I -profess.[844] Still more frequently Ousberghen spoke at meetings held in -private houses, in the farms of the neighborhood, and in the open air. -There were also at Louvain a small number of priests who, although they -acted with less freedom than Ousberghen, nevertheless exercised a -powerful influence. Among them was one man of sixty, feeble in body, his -head hoary with age, modest, but very learned. His name was Paul van -Roovere. He possessed many hymns, psalms, and other writings in the -vulgar tongue (Flemish), besides the Holy Scriptures, in the study of -which he spent his time.[845] He was a poet and was very skilful in -versification; he was likewise a musician and player on the flute. The -evangelicals of Louvain frequently accosted him when they saw him in the -street, at church, or in the cathedral of Louvain, where he appears to -have discharged some ecclesiastical functions. The sculptor Jan -Beyaerts, one day in Lent, entered into conversation with him in St. -Peter’s church, opposite to the altar of St. Ann. They spoke of the -communion, and Master Paul, setting transubstantiation aside, said that -the holy supper was simply a pledge which Christ had left to us of his -passion by which we are saved. Master Paul had established a charitable -fund for the poor reformed Christians; and when he went to the house of -Catherine Sclercx, the wife of Rogiers, he used frequently to give her -money to distribute to the poor, ‘because he knew that she liked to -visit the houses of the needy.’[846] This pious priest was at the same -time an agreeable man, and his conversation ‘turned upon entertaining -subjects.’ He was a handsome old man, always kindly and good-humored. -‘Sincere convictions,’ it has been observed, ‘do not exclude the love of -the fine arts or the graces of wit.’[847] - -Master Paul had a friend, Matthew van Rillaert, with whom ‘he often -talked about the word of God and the sacrament of the Eucharist, and -discussed the questions whether communion should be in both kinds and -whether priests ought to marry.’ ‘Ah,’ said Matthew, ‘better take a wife -than commit the sin of fornication.’ He often went to the shop of the -bookseller Jerome Cloet, and ‘there religious subjects were talked of, -the councils of the Church and justification by faith.’[848] But among -the believers, of Louvain the most eminent was Master Peter Rythove, -school-master of St. Gertrude, who, in this capacity, was entrusted with -the education of young men intended for the ministry. He was a -well-informed man, and the most learned of the theologians. He was a -frequent visitor at the bookseller Cloet’s, and used even to buy books -on botany, medicine, and other sciences.[849] - -[Sidenote: An Innocent Walk.] - -One of the most noteworthy personages of the evangelical band at Louvain -was Jacques Gosseau, bachelor of the Civil and Canon Laws, and formerly -dean of the Drapers’ Guild. He lived on his fortune. He had married -Mary, the niece of Antoinette van Roesmals. One day, at vintage-time, -when Antoinette, her daughter Gudule, and other friends were at his -house, Mary said that she had a great longing to eat some grapes, and -proposed to go to Rosselberg to the vineyard of her sister Martha. The -Rosselberg is a line of hills which takes its name from the ferruginous -color of the soil. Extensive vineyards existed there till the -seventeenth century. ‘With all my heart,’ said Antoinette. The company -rose to depart. It was in the afternoon. When they came to the ramparts, -near the gates of the city, they met the evangelist Van Ousberghen, Jan -Beyaerts and his wife Catherine. They walked on together towards the -Rosselberg; and on the way Jan van Ousberghen, began to read in the New -Testament. They arrived at the vineyard. The porter, said one of the -accused, was ‘a believer.’ They ate some grapes; and then on their way -back the party took the road to Boschstrathen, and sat down for a while -in the fields. Jan van Ousberghen again took his precious volume and -read in the New Testament. Many persons were afterwards prosecuted for -this innocent walk.[850] - -But the conferences on matters of faith, as they used to call them, were -chiefly held at the house of Antoinette, either at Bollebore or at the -black Lys, where she afterwards took up her abode. - -There were present both men and women of various ranks, who freely -conversed with one another. It is probable that Alasco attended these -meetings, especially those held at Antoinette’s house, in which he often -resided. His name, however, does not appear in the interrogatories. Jan -Schats often read the Bible there. There is no purgatory, said he; the -soul, when it escapes from the body, rests until the day of judgment in -a place which God knows.[851] Jan Vicart, the haberdasher of the Golden -Gate, said—‘There are two churches, the Christian church and the church -of Rome. It is enough for us to make confession to God, because from Him -cometh all salvation. I receive the sacrament in remembrance of Christ, -and I bring up my daughters in these sentiments.’[852] - -[Sidenote: Boldness Of Beyaerts.] - -The faith of some of these disciples was not steadfast and pure. The -sculptor Beyaerts was one of the frequenters of these meetings; but he -held some views which were more ardent than profound, and had more -enthusiasm than steadfastness in his faith. In each of the churches of -St. Peter and St. James there was a picture intended to impress the -parishioners and induce them to come forward to the help of souls -detained in purgatory. Beyaerts devoted himself to the task of putting -an end to the scandal which these pictures occasioned among his friends. -One evening he went by stealth into St. Peter’s church, near the tower, -under the bells, by the side of a crucifix. He was alone in the church; -he took down the picture, concealed it under his gown, and went quickly -away. Meeting Catherine Sclercx, she saw the picture and said to him, -‘Well done.’ Beyaerts did the same with the picture in St. James’s -church, and all his friends were pleased, and said that these pictures -were ‘wicked cheats.’ But this same man, now so bold, displayed -lamentable weakness when brought before the judges. - -But there was something more than weakness. The Spirit of God was -carrying on His work at Louvain and in the Netherlands, but the evil one -was not idle. A black sheep had crept into the fold. George Stocx, a -member of a chamber of rhetoric, and author of various songs and poems, -appears to have belonged to the party of the libertines. While he was a -devout speaker at the meetings he denied his doctrine by his manner of -life. He sought after opportunities of luxurious living, sang verses -which excited laughter, danced and drank. One evening after attending a -feast at Gempe, he was so drunk when the time came for returning to -Louvain that they had to throw him into a wagon.[853] - -It was otherwise with Jan van Ousberghen. With respect to him there was -but one testimony. He was a holy man, people said, who had suffered much -for the glory of God.[854] He had strong faith in Christ, great piety, -singular modesty, and marvellous steadfastness. He was the soul of the -meetings held in the house of Antoinette. But two calamities -successively occurred to waste the little Christian flock. An epidemic -broke out in Louvain, apparently in 1539. It attacked especially the -household of Antoinette, and carried off her husband and several of her -children. The disconsolate widow took refuge, with Gudule, who was -spared to her, in one of the towers of the town. These towers looked -over the country, and the plague-stricken were compelled to resort to -them, to prevent contagion spreading in the town. This epidemic, which -took from Antoinette the objects of her tenderest affections, made a -change also in her condition of life. She was henceforth ‘a poor old -woman, laden with poverty and sufferings, having lost all that she -possessed, even her very means of subsistence.’[855] But the Gospel -remained to her. - -[Sidenote: Arrests By Night.] - -The persecution of 1540 had been only partial. The inquisitors were -provoked to see that it had not put an end to what they called heresy. -Evangelical books and lectures were multiplied. The theologians and the -monks—the band of Pharisees, as they were called by a minister of the -day—multiplied their complaints and outcries. The Council of Brabant -resolved, at the beginning of 1543, to make a general arrest of -suspected persons at Brussels, Antwerp, Oudenarde, and especially at -Louvain, where the reformed Christians were taking greater and greater -liberties. In the course of March the attorney-general, Peter du Fief, a -man notorious for his violent and unjust proceedings, arrived at -Louvain. He determined, in order that none of those who had been -denounced to him might escape, to apprehend them in a body during their -first sleep. One night, in the middle of March, when it was already -dark, Peter du Fief assembled his men and informed them that the -business in hand was the seizure and imprisonment of all the heretics, -without any noise, and without words, in the darkness. Between ten and -eleven o’clock at night the officers set out on their way. The poor -people, mostly of the class of artisans, wearied with their day-labor, -had lain down to rest in their beds without a thought of any thing -happening.[856] The officers knocked at the door. If perchance the -father of the family, on account of his hard work, had fallen into a -sound sleep and did not immediately come to open to them, the door was -broken down, and these _brigands_ hastened violently to the very bedside -of the father. There they took by surprise the husband and the wife, -who, starting out of sleep, stared about, wondering what was the matter. -The sergeants immediately laid hands on the husband, sometimes on both -husband and wife, according to orders, and took them away.[857] Thus -were seen leaving their homes the sculptor Beyaerts and his wife -Catherine, Dietrich Gheylaert and his wife Mary, van der Donckt and his -wife Elizabeth. The children, who were beside their parents, sometimes -even in the same bed, were the last to wake, and they all trembled. The -whole house was filled with armed men, torches were flaring here and -there, soldiers were ferreting about in every corner in search of books -or men—a suspected book was sufficient ground for a sentence of -death—drawn swords, halberts and cuirasses gleamed in the pale light of -the torches. The little ones, who saw their father and mother ill-used, -dragged one this way, the other that way, and carried off with their -hands bound, wept and cried aloud. They called after them—‘Where are you -going, father? Where are you going, mother? Who is going to stay here? -Who will give us our food to-morrow?’ The sergeants, fearing that the -neighbors would hear these cries and come to help them, seized the -little ones. ‘The poor children were flogged,’ says the chronicler. As -they only cried the more, their mouths were closed by force. - -Nevertheless, the constables did this to no purpose, for the uproar was -too loud not to be heard. Many evangelicals, ‘when they perceived these -boors were coming,’ threw themselves out of bed, leaped over the walls -in their shirts, and made their escape. Sometimes ‘some good people’ -came with all speed to warn their friends, who then escaped; and this -greatly increased the fury of the tyrants. The attorney-general, -inflamed with rage and hatred against the truth, kept up the hunt all -night with his men; and nothing could pacify his wrath but committing to -prison twenty-three of the townsmen, fathers and children, husbands and -wives, brothers and sisters, of various classes. He had them confined in -different places, giving orders that they should not be allowed to read, -to write, or to speak to any one, whether it were father, mother, or -wife. Besides those whom we have named, there were also seized -Antoinette van Roesmals, the chaplain Paul de Roovere, the parson van -Rillaert, the Sclercx, Schats, Vicart, Jerome Cloet, and others, who, -when thus torn away from their homes, were persuaded that nothing short -of their death would allay the rage of their enemies. - -The honest townsmen of Louvain could not restrain their indignation. -‘What!’ said they, addressing the cruel du Fief, ‘thou art sending to -prison people who by their virtue gave a good example to the whole town! -Have they stirred up any sedition? Hast thou seen a single one of their -number with a bloody sword in his hand? How durst thou lay on innocent -men those unclean and sacrilegious hands with which thou hast pillaged -the holy places, and robbed the poor of their earnings? Will not these -houses into which thou dost make bold to enter for the purpose of -persecution fall on thee?‘[858] - -[Sidenote: The Examinations.] - -The examinations forthwith began. Latomus, a doctor of the university of -Louvain, famous for his controversy with Luther, the dean, Ruard Tapper, -of Enkhuysen, whom the pope six years before had nominated -inquisitor-general of the Netherlands, and others besides, betook -themselves every day to the prisons; and they went ‘as if they were -going to a combat, equipped and tricked out at all points against a body -of poor weak women. The younger prisoners modestly kept silence; but the -more experienced turned the arguments of the theologians against -themselves, so that the latter retreated in confusion.’ - -It was on the 20th of March, 1543, that the inquiry began. Catherine -Sclercx, wife of Jacques Rogiers, an apothecary, was brought up _pede -ligato_ on that day, on March 31, and on June 13. ‘What do you hold -about the invocation of saints?’ they said to her. ‘I am little -practised in discussion,’ replied Catherine, ‘but I will not hold any -thing except what Holy Scripture teaches. It is there said _we must -worship God only_ and _there is only one Mediator_. I have therefore -purposed in my own mind to worship and to invoke none but Him.’ ‘What -impudence!’ said the theologians; ‘thou art venturing, with hands full -of uncleanness, to present thyself before God. If the emperor came into -this town, wouldst thou not, before approaching him, appeal to Monsieur -de Granvella, in order that he might recommend thee to him?’ ‘But see,’ -simply answered Catherine, ‘suppose the emperor were at a window and -called me with his own tongue, saying—“Woman, thou hast to do with me; -come up hither, I will grant thee what thou shalt ask for,” would you -still counsel me to wait until I had gained friends at court?’ This -noble woman then said, with a holy boldness—‘I have a heavenly emperor, -Jesus Christ, the redeemer of the world. He says aloud to all men, Come -unto me! It is not to one or two of you, gentlemen, our masters, that he -speaks this word. It is to all; and whosoever, feeling the burden of his -sins pressing upon his soul, hastens in tears to respond to the call of -God’s mercy, needs no other advocate, neither St. Peter nor St. Paul, to -procure him access to his prince.’ The judges in astonishment rose -without coming to any decision, contenting themselves with exclaiming, -as they went away, ‘A Lutheran.’ This was an argument which they found -unanswerable.[859] - -‘Even the women mock at us,’ said the theologians; ‘let us put an end to -this trial as soon as possible, and let us begin with those of our own -order.’ They then gave orders to bring up the priest, Peter Rythove, -schoolmaster of Sainte-Gertrude. They were more afraid of him than of -any one, conscious that he knew them well and had the power of divulging -their frauds.[860] Word was brought to them that he had escaped. This -was an addition to their trouble. ‘Quick,’ they said; ‘let placards be -posted up that he may be arrested.’ He took good care not to make his -appearance, and they declared him to be an obstinate heretic. Then -flying to his house, like insatiable harpies,[861] they plundered him of -every thing that belonged to him. ‘O players!’ said honest men, ‘how -well you agree to perform your farces before the simple-minded people! -and especially never to return empty-handed to your homes!’ - -[Sidenote: Paul De Roovere.] - -They now fell upon the poor priest, Paul de Roovere, and they were -determined to have him put to death with pomp and solemnity, and to -exhibit him as a public spectacle. Artisans set to work and erected a -platform in the great hall of the Augustines. On the day of the -exhibition a great crowd of townsmen and of students filled both the -hall and the adjacent streets. The procession advanced. At its head -there walked a small wan old man, thin, with a long white beard, and -almost wasted away with grief and exhaustion.[862] Truly, said the -spectators, this is the shadow of a man, a corpse already in a state of -decomposition. It was poor Paul surrounded by armed men. Behind them -came the dignitaries of the university, the heads of the convent, and -others of the clergy. These doctors, at once accusers and judges, -ascended the platform and took their seats in a circle, with Paul de -Roovere standing in the midst of them. There sat the chancellor, -Latomus, a great enemy to literary culture, who, when preaching one day -before Charles V., narrowly escaped being hissed by some lords of the -court.[863] By his side sat the dean and inquisitor, Ruard of Enkhuysen, -‘a man whose oratory was of the poorest kind, but whose cruelty was -extreme.’ Next to him was Del Campo a Zon, also an inquisitor, canon of -St. Peter’s, and rector for the occasion, who was called by some ‘the -devil incarnate,’ and there were several others. ‘Sergeants, armed at -all points, surrounded the platform, prepared to defend these brave -pillars of the Church.’ The rector, who was afterwards bishop of -Bois-le-Duc, rose, enjoined silence, and said with a loud -voice—‘Desirous of faithfully discharging our duty, which is to defend -the sheep against the furious assaults of wolves, to kill the latter and -to strangle them,[864] we present to you, as a rotten member of our -mystical body, which ought to be lopped and cut off, this man, in whose -house we have found a great number of Lutheran books, and who dares even -to say that to be saved it is enough to embrace the mercy of God offered -in the Gospel.’ - -Then, turning to the people, the rector, canon, and inquisitor -exclaimed—‘Beware, therefore, you who are here present, and let the -danger which threatens you, and the fear of losing your souls, restrain -you from despising the power of the Roman pontiffs. This wretch is -condemned to be degraded from the priesthood and delivered over to the -secular arm to undergo the punishment which he deserves.’ - -The rector was followed by Father Stryroy, prior of the Dominicans, a -vehement man, whose voice was a thunder-peal of audacity and impudence. -But some laughed at his storm of words, and others abhorred a course so -disgraceful. Many even talked of driving the orator and the judges from -their seats and of rescuing the priest Paul.[865] But no one was willing -to be captain and bell the cat. One glance from Paul would have -sufficed; but the poor priest, weakened in body as well as in mind, -remained motionless and silent, and thus disheartened his partisans. The -priests also had noticed the dejection of the old man. They determined -to take advantage of it; and, retiring into an adjoining hall, they -employed for the purpose of inducing him to recant vehement entreaties, -supplications, flattery, promises, and allurements. ‘The old man -resisted all.’ The inquisitors then, provoked, calling to remembrance -the tyrant of Agrigentum, who had his enemies burnt at a slow fire and -his friends in a copper bull, said to him—‘We will make you suffer more -grievous torture than any Phalaris ever inflicted.’ Paul trembled at -these words. He was led back to prison, and monks and theologians came -every day and talked to him about the cruel sufferings which were in -preparation for him. - -[Sidenote: His End.] - -Meanwhile the attorney-general was preparing for the trial of the -laymen. This lasted from March 21 to the end of April; but no sufficient -evidence was obtained. The judges now had the prisoners taken into the -great prison, where the rack was, and there they began that frightful -and marvellous process of which it has been said that it is perfectly -certain to ruin an innocent man who has a feeble constitution, and to -save a guilty man if he were born robust. This lasted fifteen days. The -torturers knew no pity for age, or sex, or infirmity. The poor women -were victimized (_géhennées_) and tormented as well as the men. The -piteous cries of these cruelly-tortured wretched ones were heard in the -streets of Louvain. Their voices, raised by grief to a higher pitch, -were borne to a distance. Inarticulate sounds, piercing words, repeated -exclamations, lamentations, weeping, mournful noises, broken sobs, and -dying voices spread terror everywhere. Throughout the town there was -nothing but sighs, tears, and lamentations from people of every class, -whose hearts were filled with grief.[866] Almost all were steadfast, but -one sad victim consoled the tyrants, as the chronicler calls them. They -had so terrified poor Paul that the wretched old man was seen ascending -the platform with trembling steps, and there he read a statement which -the theologians had prepared. He declared, with a voice scarcely -audible, ‘that he detested that religion which at the instigation of -Satan he had hitherto followed.’ Deep sighs and broken sobs every moment -interrupted him. Good men who heard him were touched with compassion at -the sight of this unfortunate victim. At the command of his masters, the -poor man took his books and cast them into the fire; while the doctors -and the judges, with an air of pride and triumph, insulted the Gospel of -God. The wretched man was placed in close confinement in the castle of -Vilvorde, was fed on bread and water only, and was not allowed to read -or to write, or to see any body. He was ‘like a dead body in a grave, -until at length he died there of exhaustion.’ - -It was now the turn of the other prisoners. Jan Vicart and Jan Schats -were taken to the town-hall, and there the attorney-general turned -towards them a cruel countenance and said—‘My friends, I am grieved at -your fate; but the devil has deceived you, and consequently you are -condemned to be burnt and reduced to ashes as men relapsed into -Lutheranism. If I were to act otherwise, I should not be Cæsar’s -friend.[867] - -The whole city of Louvain was in a state of great excitement. Although -executions usually took place outside the town, the inquisitors had -determined that in this case the victims should suffer in the open space -before St. Peter’s Church, for the sake of terrifying the people. The -young Spaniard who relates these facts, and who was at this time on a -visit to Louvain, went to the spot at five o’clock in the morning. Many -workmen were already very busily engaged in enclosing a part of the -space, that no one might pass the barrier. They next set up in the -middle two crosses about the height of a man, and piled round them ‘a -great quantity of faggots and other wood.’ Afterwards, the -attorney-general and his attendants entered a house opposite to the -church, the windows of which looked out on the two crosses. All the town -companies had been ordered up ‘for daybreak,’ that the people might not -rescue the prisoners. The militiamen, who had escorted the magistrates, -encompassed the place, and showed by the expression of their faces that -they were there ‘by compulsion and with great reluctance.’ The two -prisoners at length appeared. There was first Jan Schats, now about -forty-three years old, whose principal crime was having had in his house -a German Bible, and read it, as well as the _Life of our Lord_, _the -Sinner’s Consolation_, the _Little Garden of the Soul_, _Emmaus_, and -other works bound together ‘in a leather cover.’ In addition to this, he -was accused of having visited those of his own creed who fell sick and -of having assisted them with his alms. By the side of Schats was Jan -Vicart, haberdasher, who was charged with the like offences.[868] These -two men, coming from rigorous confinement, and having suffered cruel -torture, were weak and almost half dead. Nevertheless, the bystanders -heard them lamenting their sins before God, and asserting that they -welcomed death, having confidence in the divine mercy.[869] - -[Sidenote: Martyrdom.] - -When their prayer was finished, the deathsman bound them to the two -stakes, placed a rope with a slip-knot round their necks, and then piled -faggots round them with straw and powder. At a signal from the -attorney-general, he tightened the rope to strangle them. The magistrate -then ‘displaying as much light-heartedness as if he had been named -emperor of the Romans,’ says an eye-witness, handed to the deathsman a -lighted torch, and in doing this he leaned forward so eagerly that he -narrowly missed falling from the window. The eyes of the multitude were -fastened on him, and they contemplated with astonishment, says the -chronicler, ‘his hideous face afire with rage, his fierce eyes, his -mouth which breathed out flames more terrible than those of the torch in -his hand. Many there were who uttered horrible imprecations against this -sanguinary monster.’[870] ‘Ere long the fire was so large that one might -have said the flames touched the clouds and would set them on fire. Some -jets of flame rose to such a height and made so much noise that it might -have been imagined loud voices were crying from heaven for vengeance.’ - -The next day it was the turn of the women. Two of them, both quite -elderly, who above all had steadfastly maintained the truth of the -Gospel, were condemned to the most cruel punishment, namely, to be -buried alive.[871] - -One of these women was Antoinette van Roesmals, the friend of John -Alasco, of Hardenberg, and of Don Francisco de Enzinas, whose ancestors -had governed the state. She was now about sixty years of age, and was -full of faith and of good works. It was said in the town that her -kinsfolk, her friends, and even the bailiff, had offered a large sum of -money that she might be set at liberty, but in vain. She drew near to -the spot where she was to be laid alive in the ground. Gudule, her -beautiful daughter, in the flower of her age, who cherished the deepest -affection for her mother, would not be separated from her. ‘I will,’ she -said, ‘be a spectator of the sacrifice of my mother.’[872] It was -however agreed that she should not stand by the brink of the grave in -which she who had brought her into the world was to be buried alive, and -she consented to remain at a distance, if only she could see her mother. -Thus concealed in a place apart,[873] she saw the pious Antoinette led -to execution; she saw the grave prepared, and that her mother still -remained calm. Gudule was overwhelmed, silent and motionless. She shed -no tears; her whole life was in her gaze.[874] With fixed eye she -watched the progress of the dismal execution. But when she saw her -mother going down alive to the place of the dead, when the servants of -the executioners threw upon her some shovelfuls of earth and she began -to be covered with it, Gudule uttered a cry. From this moment she could -not refrain; her outcries were terrible. ‘O God!’ says an eye-witness, -‘with what lamentations, with what wailings she filled the air!‘[875] -Her tongue was at length loosed, she was no longer motionless. Reduced -to despair, she began to run about the streets of the town as if she had -lost her reason. Tears ran down from her eyes as from a fountain. She -plucked out her hair, she tore her face.[876] ‘The poor girl is still -living,’ says the witness who has left us the narrative of these events, -‘and I have good hope that she will never be forsaken of the everlasting -God, the Father of our deliverer, Jesus Christ, who is also the Father -of the orphan.’ - -We have been speaking of some humble Christians of Louvain; we must now -turn to their brethren at Brussels. - -[Sidenote: Giles Tielmans.] - -There had been signs of an awakening in this capital; and there were to -be found in it men who were truly imitators of Jesus Christ, a class -unhappily too small. One of the citizens, Giles Tielmans, a native of -Brussels, was not ‘of a rich family nor of great renown,’ but he had -acquired by his virtues a higher esteem, even on the part of the enemies -of pure doctrine. Giles had never wronged a single creature, and he had -always made it his aim to give pleasure to every body. He was now -thirty-three years of age, and no one had ever had a complaint against -him. If he encountered opposition he would give way. He would rather -relinquish his rights than quarrel about them, in order that he might in -this life maintain peace and charity.[877] This Christian man fulfilled, -both in the letter and in the spirit, the commandment of his master—‘If -any man will take thy coat, let him have thy cloak also.’ He had been -endowed by God with a good disposition, but ‘having begun to taste in -his youth the heavenly wisdom drawn from the sacred writings, this -natural goodness had improved to an incredible degree.’ His look was -sweet and modest, his deportment amiable, and every thing about him -revealed a soul holy and born for heaven, dwelling in a pure and chaste -tabernacle. He spent the greater part of his time in visiting the sick, -in relieving the poor, and in making peace between any of his neighbors -who might be at variance with each other. Tielmans used to say that it -was a disgraceful thing to pass one’s life in idleness. In order to -avoid this, to earn his living by his own labor, and to have something -to give to the poor, he had followed the trade of a cutler. He lived in -a very humble way, spending hardly any thing on himself, but -distributing among the needy the fruits of his toil, which God greatly -blessed. ‘He had thus won the love of the people.’ ‘All good men were -fond of talking with him; all listened to him, and all gave up their -property at his bidding.’[878] But if any one made him a present, ‘he -accepted it only for the purpose of relieving some poor person known to -him.’ He had at Brussels his baker, his shoemaker, his tailor, and his -apothecary. Of the first he took bread for the hungry; of the second -shoes for the barefooted; of the third garments to cover the naked in -winter; and of the fourth medicines to cure the sick. The physician he -paid out of his own purse. - -His principal aim was to become well acquainted with the doctrines of -the Gospel. He therefore read the Scriptures diligently, and meditated -on them deeply. With so much fervor did he put forth all the energies of -his soul in prayer, that ‘oftentimes his friends found him on his knees, -praying and in a kind of rapture.’ He was a hard worker. He read all the -best books which were written on the doctrine of salvation, but -especially the Holy Scriptures; and when he explained the Christian -faith, it was with so much eloquence that people exclaimed—‘O pearl of -great price! why art thou still buried in darkness, whilst thou oughtest -to be kept in the sight and knowledge of all the world, esteemed and -prized by every one!‘[879] - -[Sidenote: His Evangelical Zeal.] - -In 1541, the epidemic raged again. Famine accompanied it. ‘The republic -was in great distress, and many poor people were in very great trouble.’ -Tielmans sold his goods by auction, and they fetched a large sum. From -this time not a day passed but he went into the public institutions in -which the plague-stricken were treated. He gave them what they were in -want of; and served them with his own hands. He went to the inns where -strangers were entertained, and he removed the sick into his own house, -nursed and fed them. When they had recovered their health, he gave them -the means of pursuing their journey. One day he visited a poor woman who -was near her confinement. She had already five children who slept with -her every night. He immediately returned to his house, sent her his own -bed, the only one which remained in his possession, and slept himself on -straw.[880] - -He was physician not only to the bodies of men, but also to their souls. -He came to the bedside of sick persons and taught them to know the -Saviour. With great power he said to them—‘Trust not in your own works. -The mercy of God alone can save you, and this is to be laid hold of by -faith in Christ.[881] So vast was the extent of sin that divine justice -could be appeased only by the sacrifice of the Son of God. At the same -time, the love of God towards man was so unspeakable that He sent his -Son into the world, from the hidden place of his abode,[882] to cleanse -men from sin by his own blood and to make us inheritors of his heavenly -kingdom.’ So energetic were the words of Tielmans that many of those -‘who lay upon their death beds attacked by the pestilence, in distress -and consternation and a prey to all the horrors which follow in its -train, seemed to recover life; and, casting away all pharisaical -opinions and all trust in their own deservings, embraced the doctrine of -the Saviour, and passed joyfully to their heavenly home.’ Those who -escaped the contagion, having been brought by the Word to the knowledge -of the truth, were scattered about in the neighboring towns, and sowed -there what they had learnt of it; go that by these means ‘religion had -been restored in its purity in the whole of Brabant.’ Such was the life -of Giles Tielmans. In him faith and works were admirably united. This -case is one of the fruits of the Reformation which it is worth while to -know. - -Persecution had not been slow in causing agitation and terror among the -faithful of Louvain. Unfortunately, not all of those who ‘said that they -had tasted of the Gospel and had laid hold of the true religion’ were -able to persevere. There were several such at Louvain, and especially -among those who belonged to the higher classes, who no longer showed any -sign of true Christianity, and who, though they did not believe in -Romish doctrines, yet gave out that they did, and became thorough -hypocrites. They broke off intercourse with those who in their opinion -might compromise them. If they had in their households any pious men, -they expelled them, bidding them provide for themselves elsewhere. ‘Ah!’ -said one of those who were thus turned into the street, ‘I marvel at the -thoughtlessness of men. Is there any greater virtue, any ornament of -life more excellent than to maintain true religion, with high courage -and unconquerable spirit, even to one’s last breath? It gives me great -pain to see people, who were not among the worst, lose heart at the -first breathing of the storm, and like cowards put off the profession of -piety.’ - -The same blow fell upon Brussels. The parish of La Chapelle had for its -parson a fanatical priest named William Guéné, ‘a wicked rake,’ says the -chronicler. The incumbent of this benefice was William de Hoowere, -bishop _in partibus_ of Phœnicia, suffragan vicar of the bishop of -Tournay. But as other offices prevented his giving his personal services -in the parish, he had entrusted the administration to Guéné, with the -title of vice-pastor. This Guéné, ‘who ought rather to be called a wolf, -considering his wicked tricks and his abominable actions,’ was -continually making outcries in public, and particularly against the -pious Giles Tielmans, a man so rich in good works. He put questions to -him in his sermons, ‘swore and called upon heaven and earth to witness -that, if this man were not taken out of the way and put to death, the -whole country would in a little while be of his opinion.’ Guéné did not -confine himself to saying these things in his church; but went to the -attorney-general and formally accused ‘this innocent and excellent man.’ -Peter du Fief did not wait to be told a second time. He seized Tielmans -and put him in prison. Matters did not stop here.[883] More than three -hundred suspected persons, inhabitants of the towns of Brabant and -Flanders, had been pointed out. Their names had been enrolled and their -persons were to be seized. Many of them resided at Brussels. There were -Henry van Hasselt, Jacob Vrilleman, Jan Droeshout, Gabriel the sculptor, -Christian Broyaerts and his wife, a niece of Antoinette van Roesmals, -and others, besides ‘a great number of the most respectable people of -the city.’ But the tragical scene at Louvain had raised the alarm. Many -took flight and remained in concealment in secret places. Some were, -however, arrested. - -[Sidenote: Justus Van Ousberghen.] - -There was one man more of note, and this was Justus van Ousberghen, next -to Tielmans the most devoted evangelist. No one had more zeal, no one -more courage, as a preacher of the Gospel. There was, however, one thing -of which he was afraid, and this was the stake. Heretics were condemned -to the flames; and the thought of being burnt, perhaps burnt over a slow -fire, caused him unheard of uneasiness and pain. And assuredly, many -might be uneasy at less. Nevertheless, he lost no opportunity of -proclaiming the Gospel. He was not at Louvain at the time of the -persecutions of March; but was then in an abbey about two leagues from -the town, where he was at work. The poor man had sore trials to bear. -His wife was a scold. Some time before the scenes of March 1543, Justus -had been absent from Louvain three or four months, no doubt for the -purpose of making known the Gospel at the same time that he was working -for his livelihood. - -When he returned home, his wife, ‘instead of bidding him welcome, -received him in a shameful manner.’ ‘People have been to arrest you,’ -she said to him; and she refused to admit him into their dwelling. -Justus, notwithstanding his zeal, was a man of feeble character, and his -wife ruled over him. He did not enter his house. Turned into the street, -and exhausted with fatigue, he questioned with himself whither he should -go. The heavens were black and the rain was falling in torrents. He -betook himself to the bachelor of arts, Gosseau, and requested him to -give him a bed for a single night. ‘I promise you I will go away -to-morrow morning,’ he said. The Gosseaus with pleasure complied with -his request. ‘You are quite chilly from the rain,’ they said; ‘first -warm yourself by the fire.’ The poor man dried himself, and then took a -little food. ‘God be praised,’ said he, ‘for all my miseries, and for -giving me strength to rise above them!’ - -Shortly after the terrible night of March, Justus, as we have mentioned, -was at an abbey two leagues from Louvain, where he was employed ‘in -trimming with fur the frocks of the monks,’ for he was a furrier by -trade. He had established himself at the entrance to the monastery, and -was doing his work without a thought of impending danger. Suddenly the -_drossard_ of Brabant made his appearance, with a great number of -archers. The _drossard_ was an officer of justice whose business was to -punish the excesses committed by vagrants. As the pious Van Ousberghen -used to travel from place to place to get work, the magistrate had -affected to consider him not as a heretic—this would have been honoring -him too much—but as a vagrant. ‘At once, all the archers,’ he related, -‘fell upon me as a troop of ravenous wolves fall upon a sheep; and they -instantly seized my skins and trade implements.’ The wolves, however, -did not content themselves with the skins, they seized the man and -carefully searched him. Ousberghen made no resistance. They found on him -a New Testament and some sermons of Luther ‘which he always carried in -his bosom.’ The archers were delighted with these discoveries. ‘Here,’ -they said, pointing to the books, ‘here is enough to convict him.’ They -hastily bound him and took him to Brussels; and there he was confined in -the house of the _drossard_. The monks who had assembled were amazed at -the scene of violence which was presented at their own gates. They had -had no suspicion that a man who decorated their garments kept such -heretical books in his pocket.[884] - -[Sidenote: His Trial.] - -The next day two councillors of the chancery of Brabant appeared to -conduct his examination. ‘We shall have you put to the torture,’ they -said, ‘if you do not speak the truth.’ ‘I will speak it till death,’ he -answered, ‘and I shall need no torture to compel me.’ They asked him -what he thought of the pope, of purgatory, of the mass, of indulgences. -‘I believe,’ said he, ‘that salvation is given of God of his perfectly -free goodness;’ and he confirmed his faith by the words of Holy -Scripture. ‘Why,’ resumed the commissioners, ‘have you these books about -you, since it is not your calling to read?’ ‘It is my calling to read -what is necessary for my salvation,’ he replied. ‘The redemption -announced in the New Testament belongs to me no less than to the great -doctors or even the great princes of the world.’ ‘But these books are -heretical.’ ‘I hold them to be Christian and salutary.’ The Reformation -was and always will be the most powerful means of diffusing instruction. -Rome said to the people—‘It is not your business to read.’ And the -people, instructed by the Reformation, answered, ‘It is our business to -read that which saves us.’ - -The examination continued: ‘Discover to us your accomplices, heretical -like yourself,’ said the councillors. ‘I know no other heretics,’ -replied Justus, ‘but the persecutors of the heavenly doctrine.’ This -word ‘persecutors’ suddenly enraged the commissioners. ‘You blaspheme,’ -they exclaimed. ‘If you do not acknowledge that you lie, we will make -you undergo such torments as man has never yet suffered; we will tear -you limb from limb with a hot iron.’[885] ‘The _drossard_ saw with his -own eyes the monks of the convent where I was seized and which I -attended,’replied he; ‘if you wish to have them taken, do so at your own -good pleasure.’ - -[Sidenote: His Fears.] - -Thereupon Justus was conducted to the prison of la Vrunte, into a lofty -chamber, railed in and barred, in which he was left for nine weeks -without seeing any one. Terrible were the assaults which he suffered in -his own soul. Left without any human support, and no longer feeling in -himself the same energy, the snares of the enemy, the remembrance of his -sins, the image of a cruel death by burning, astounded and made him -tremble. ‘Pray with me,’ he said to another prisoner; ‘entreat that the -mercy of God may keep me in the article of death, and that I may happily -reach the end of this Christian warfare.’ New strength was indeed given -him. - -On the day of the departure of Charles the Fifth, who had stayed some -time at Brussels, Justus was brought before the court (January 3, 1544). -The commissioners read to him the confession made before them. ‘Do you -acknowledge it?’ they said. He answered that he did. ‘But,’ he added, -‘you have suppressed the testimonies of the Holy Scriptures by which I -confirmed it.’ ‘Since you acknowledge this confession,’ said the -councillors, ‘we summon you to retract it; otherwise you will be -tormented with unheard of pains, and burnt alive.’ ‘You may make use of -force,’ he answered, ‘but you can not compel me to this iniquity.’ ‘We -give you till to-morrow to consider it.’ As he was re-entering his -prison, tied and bound, Giles Tielmans approached him and said -affectionately, ‘What is the matter?’ ‘The Lord calls me,’ he answered. -Giles was going to speak further with him, but the archers roughly -thrust him back, saying—‘Off with thee; thou hast deserved to die as -much as he! Thy turn will come.’ ‘Think also of your own,’ said Giles. - -On the following day, Justus was again brought before the judges. ‘Hast -thou changed thy opinion?’ they said to him. ‘If thou dost not retract -every thing thou wilt perish.’ ‘Never will I deny, on earth and before -men, the eternal truth of God, because I desire that it should bear -witness for me before the Father in heaven.’ Thereupon they condemned -him to be burnt alive. ‘Thy body shall be consumed,’ they said, ‘and -entirely reduced to ashes.’ This was enough to strike terror into the -heart of the poor man who had such a dread of fire; but falling upon his -knees he thanked God, and then his judges, for putting an end to the -miseries of his life. Terrified, however, at the thought of the flames, -he turned to his judges and said—‘Give permission for me to be -beheaded.’ ‘The sentence is passed,’ they said, ‘and can be revoked only -by the queen.’[886] - -Giles Tielmans did not leave Ousberghen; consolations flowed from his -lips in accents so divine, with such energy, sweetness, and piety, that -every word went to the heart of the sufferer, and drew tears from his -eyes.’ Unfortunately, a great number of monks and priests kept coming, -and continually interrupted these delightful conversations. ‘Do not -trouble yourselves so much,’ said Justus to the monks; ‘but if you have -power to do any thing for me, only entreat of the judges that I may be -beheaded.’ His horror of burning did not abate. ‘We will see,’ they said -craftily, ‘whether it can be done.’ They then urged him to receive at -their hands the sacrament of the body and blood of the Saviour. ‘I long -ago received it for the first time spiritually,’ he said; ‘it is -engraved in living letters on the tables of my heart. Nevertheless, I do -not despise the symbols, and if you are willing to give me them under -the two kinds of bread and wine, according to the institution of the -Saviour, I will receive them.’ The monks consented. It was a large -concession on their part. The relator, however, who was in the prison, -is unable to assert that the Supper was thus given to him.[887] - -On the eve of the execution, almost all the household went up to him. He -was very feeble, and suffered much from thirst. He turned, however, to -his friends and said—‘My death is at hand; and since all our sins were -nailed to the cross of our Saviour, I am ready to seal with my blood his -heavenly doctrine.’ They all wept, and falling on their knees, by the -mouth of Giles they commended Justus to the Lord. When the prayer was -finished, Ousberghen rose and said—‘I perceive within me a great light, -which makes me rejoice with joy unspeakable. I have now no other desire -than to die and be with Christ.’ - -[Sidenote: Martyrdom Of Tielmans.] - -Two of the councillors had gone to the governess of the Netherlands, and -had requested her to substitute beheading for the stake. Queen Mary -instantly replied—‘I will do so; it is a very small favor where death is -not remitted.’ Was there any connection between this favor and the -consent of Justus to receive the Supper, at the hands of the priests, -provided it were administered under both kinds? We sometimes see even -strong minds shaken by some innate aversion, such as that which Justus -experienced at the thought of fire. - -On January 7, early in the morning, the archers arrived. Justus van -Ousberghen was conducted from the prison to the market-place, and there -forthwith his head was cut off. While this was going on the whole prison -was in tears.[888] - -The death of Justus was not enough. The priest of La Chapelle, William -Guéné and his band, were determined to have also that of Giles. - -On January 22, the sergeants, who were to take him into a prison where -torture was applied, came for him. It was before daylight, at five -o’clock in the morning, because they feared the people. When Giles heard -that they were asking for him, he came; and seeing them all shivering -(it was very cold weather), he made them go into the kitchen and lighted -a fire for them. While they were warming themselves, he ran to his -friend, the Spaniard, who was in bed. ‘The sergeants are come,’ he said -‘to take me away to death or to some crueller fate.’ - -Tielmans was put to the torture; and on January 25th he was condemned to -be burnt. On the 27th, six hundred men were put under arms and escorted -him to the place. A vast pile was erected there. ‘There is no need of so -much wood,’ said he, ‘for burning this poor body. You would have done -better to show pity for the poor people who are dying of cold in this -town, and to distribute to them what there is to spare.’ They intended -to strangle him first, to mitigate the punishment. ‘No,’ said he, to -those who wished to grant him this kindness, ‘do not take the trouble. I -am not afraid of the fire, I will willingly endure it for the glory of -the Lord.’ He was prepared to face the sufferings which Justus had so -much dreaded. He prayed, and entered a little hut of wood and straw -constructed on the pile. Then, taking off his shoes, he said—‘There is -no need for these to be burnt; give them to some poor man.’ He knelt -down, and, the executioners having set fire to the pile, the -kind-hearted man was consumed and his ashes were flung into the river. - -The people openly murmured against the monks, and from this time began -to hate them. When they came to the houses of the townsmen to ask alms, -the people used to answer—‘Giles was burnt for having distributed all -his property among the poor; as for us, we will give you nothing, for -fear of being likewise put to death.’[889] - -END OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME. - -Footnote 836: - - ‘Sibi pretio oblato ea explicari curarint quæ dicta erant.’—Gerdesius, - _Ann._ iii. p. 126. Schoock, _De Canon. Ultraj._ p. 461. - -Footnote 837: - - ‘Frequenter noctis aliquam partem huic curæ decidens.’—Erasmus, - _Epist._ lib. xxviii. 23. - -Footnote 838: - - Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 123. - -Footnote 839: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 10. The Latin text of the memoirs of this - Spanish Christian, and the French translation of the 16th century, - were published by M. Campan, of the Belgian Historical Society, at - Brussels in 1862. ‘Pietatis ardore flagrabat ... quæ virtutis ac - pietatis velut exemplar semper fuisset habita.’—_Ibid._ i. pp. 104, - 106. - -Footnote 840: - - ‘Antonia de præcipua pene familia urbis, cujus hospitio aliquando usus - est D. Johannes a Lasco.’—_Ibid._ p. 102. - -Footnote 841: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, translation of 1558, p. 105. - -Footnote 842: - - ‘Filiam perelegantem, forma liberali atque ætate integra.’—_Ibid._ p. - 112. - -Footnote 843: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, translation of 1558, p. 611. - -Footnote 844: - - _Ibid._ p. 463. - -Footnote 845: - - This passage and others are taken from the _pièces justificatives_ of - the trial of the townsmen of Louvain. See _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. pp. - 466, 467, &c. - -Footnote 846: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, p. 466. - -Footnote 847: - - Campan. _Ibid._ p. 469. - -Footnote 848: - - _Ibid._ pp. 539, 541. - -Footnote 849: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, pp. 37, 619. - -Footnote 850: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, pièces justificatives, i. pp. 324, 325, 331, - 409, 419, &c. - -Footnote 851: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, pièces justificatives, i. p. 361. - -Footnote 852: - - _Ibid._ pp. 379, 381. - -Footnote 853: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 487. - -Footnote 854: - - _Ibid._ ii. p. 249. - -Footnote 855: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. pp. 319, 323, 391. - -Footnote 856: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 14. The author of these _Memoirs_ arrived - at Louvain the day after this occurrence. - -Footnote 857: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, iii. p. 125. _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. - 15. - -Footnote 858: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, iii. pp. 17, 18, 26. A general inquiry into the - administration of Peter du Fief was afterwards instituted, and in the - year following the inquiry he was no longer in office. - -Footnote 859: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 125. Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. - p. 144. _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. pp. 23-33. - -Footnote 860: - - ‘Eorum fraudes et scelerata consilia præ ceteris propalare - poterat.’—_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 38. - -Footnote 861: - - ‘Tanquam insatiabiles Harpyiæ.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 862: - - ‘Homo perpusillus, barba prominenti, exsanguis, macilentus, dolore - atque inedia pæne consumptus.’—_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 40. - -Footnote 863: - - ‘Riderent ac tantum non exsibilarent.’—_Ibid._ i. p. 46. - -Footnote 864: - - ‘Lupos occidere ac trucidare debemus.’—_Ibid._ i. p. 58. - -Footnote 865: - - ‘Vidi et audivi multos in eo loco. . . qui deposuissent.’—_Memoirs of - Enzinas_, i. p. 68. - -Footnote 866: - - ‘Clamores tristissimi eorum qui in carcere cruciabantur, universam - urbem personabant, ut nemo quantumvis barbarum aut efferatum natura - finxisset, sine ingenti animi dolore, miserandos illos gemitus et - clamores audire potuisset.’—_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 74. - -Footnote 867: - - ‘Et si vos dimitterem, non essem amicus Cæsaris.’—_Ibid._ i. p. 82. - -Footnote 868: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, pièces justificatives. Interrogatoires, i. pp. - 337-383. - -Footnote 869: - - _Ibid._ i. p. 93. - -Footnote 870: - - ‘Plures fuerant qui horrendis imprecationibus sanguinariam belluam - diabolis devoverunt.’—_Ibid._ p. 94. - -Footnote 871: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 126. - -Footnote 872: - - ‘Spectatrix materni sacrificii.’—_Ibid._ p. 112. - -Footnote 873: - - The old French translation is not accurate in the whole of this - passage. The Latin _Memoirs_ say, ‘In aliquo fortassis angulo, aut - certe in domo proxima.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 874: - - ‘Ita maternam fortunam in anima filiæ fixam insedisse.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 875: - - ‘Deum immortalem! quibus lamentationibus, quibus ejulatibus aera - complebat.’—_Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 126. - -Footnote 876: - - ‘Ferebatur velut insana per urbem; magna vis lacrymarum ex oculis - tanquam ex fonte promanabat; capillos ac faciem dilaniabat.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 877: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 23. - -Footnote 878: - - ‘Suarum facultatum Ægidium dominum faciebant.’—_Memoirs of Enzinas_, - ii. p. 26. - -Footnote 879: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 31. - -Footnote 880: - - ‘Unum lectum quem sibi tantum domi reliquum fecerat, ad fœminam - parturientem misit, et ipse deinceps in stramine jacuit.’—_Memoirs of - Enzinas_, ii p. 32. - -Footnote 881: - - ‘Una misericordia Dei (quæ fide in Christum apprehenditur) servari nos - oportere.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 882: - - ‘Ex arcana sua sede.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 883: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 35, 37. - -Footnote 884: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 252-255. - -Footnote 885: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 256, 264. - -Footnote 886: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, p. 121. _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. - 261, 273. - -Footnote 887: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 280, 281, 285. - -Footnote 888: - - ‘Nec in tota domo quisquam fuit qui a lacrimis potuerit - temperare.’—_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 296. - -Footnote 889: - - _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 330-353. _Ibid._ pièces justificatives. - Letter to Queen Mary, p. 517. - - - - - 530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, November, 1875. - -ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS’ - -NEW BOOKS. - -Forty Years in the Turkish Empire. - - Memoirs of Rev. 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