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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of the
+city and adjoining historical sites, by Alexander Van Millingen
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
+other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
+the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
+to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
+
+Title: Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of the city and adjoining historical sites
+
+Author: Alexander Van Millingen
+
+Release Date: February 21, 2020 [EBook #61475]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This
+book was produced from images made available by the
+HathiTrust Digital Library.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                        BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+[Illustration: Map of Constantinople in 1422.]
+
+
+
+
+                        BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+          THE WALLS OF THE CITY AND ADJOINING HISTORICAL SITES
+
+                                   BY
+
+                     ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN, M.A.
+          PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, ROBERT COLLEGE, CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+
+                  WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+                                 LONDON
+                     JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
+                                  1899
+
+                         _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+
+    Ἐγὼ δὲ ὧς μητέρα φιλῶ καὶ γὰρ ἐγενόμην πὰρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ ἐτράφην ἐκεῖσε,
+    καὶ οὐ δύναμαι περὶ αὐτὴν ἀγνωμονῆσαι.
+
+    EMPEROR JULIAN, _Epistle 58_.
+
+
+
+
+                                PREFACE.
+
+
+In the following pages I venture to take part in the task of identifying
+the historical sites of Byzantine or Roman Constantinople, with the view
+of making the events of which that city was the theatre more
+intelligible and vivid. The new interest now taken in all related to the
+Byzantine world demands a work of this character.
+
+The attention I have devoted, for many years, to the subject has been
+sustained by the conviction that the Empire of which New Rome was the
+capital defended the higher life of mankind against the attacks of
+formidable antagonists, and rendered eminent service to the cause of
+human welfare. This is what gives to the archæological study of the city
+its dignity and importance.
+
+Only a portion of my subject is dealt with in the present volume—the
+walls of the city, which were the bulwarks of civilization for more than
+a thousand years, and the adjoining sites and monuments memorable in
+history.
+
+While availing myself, as the reader will find, of the results obtained
+by my predecessors in this field of research, I have endeavoured to make
+my work a fresh and independent investigation of the subject, by
+constant appeals to the original authorities, and by direct examination
+of the localities concerned. The difficult questions which must be
+decided, in order that our knowledge of the old city may be more
+satisfactory, have been made prominent. Some of them, however, cannot be
+answered once for all, until excavations are permitted.
+
+By the frequent quotations and references which occur in the course of
+the following discussions, the student will find himself placed in a
+position to verify the statements and to weigh the arguments submitted
+to his consideration. All difference of opinion leading nearer to the
+truth in the case will be welcomed.
+
+My best thanks are due to the friends and the photographers who have
+enabled me to provide the book with illustrations, maps, and plans, thus
+making the study of the subject clearer and more interesting. The plan
+of the so-called Prisons of Anemas by Hanford W. Edson, Esq., the
+sketches by Mrs. Walker, the photographs taken by Professor Ormiston,
+and the maps and plans drawn by Arthur E. Henderson, Esq., are
+particularly valuable. I wish to express my gratitude also to the many
+friends who accompanied me on my explorations of the city, thereby
+facilitating the accomplishment of my work, and associating it with
+delightful memories.
+
+ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN.
+
+Robert College,
+Constantinople,
+_September, 1899_.
+
+
+
+
+                                CONTENTS
+
+
+I. THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM 1
+
+II. THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR
+ARRANGEMENT 15
+
+III. THE THEODOSIAN WALLS 40
+
+IV. THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—THE GOLDEN GATE 59
+
+V. THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—_continued_ 74
+
+VI. REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS 95
+
+VII. THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (TEKFOUR SERAI) 109
+
+VIII. THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE
+THE SEVENTH CENTURY 115
+
+IX. THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 122
+
+X. THE TOWER OF ANEMAS: THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS 131
+
+XI. INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS 154
+
+XII. THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE
+ARMENIAN 164
+
+XIII. THE SEAWARD WALLS 178
+
+XIV. THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN 194
+
+XV. THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—_continued_ 212
+
+XVI. THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA 248
+
+XVII. THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA 268
+
+XVIII. THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—_continued_ 288
+
+XIX. THE HEBDOMON 316
+
+XX. THE ANASTASIAN WALL 342
+
+TABLE OF EMPERORS 344
+
+INDEX 349
+
+                         LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
+
+
+MAP OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN 1422. (_By Bondelmontius_) _Frontispiece_
+
+BUST OVER THE GATE OF GYROLIMNÈ xi
+
+INSCRIPTION FROM THE STADIUM OF BYZANTIUM _To face_ 14
+
+MAP OF BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE “ 19
+
+MAP OF THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE “ 41
+
+PORTION OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (BETWEEN THE GATE OF THE DEUTERON AND
+YEDI KOULÈ KAPOUSSI) _To face_ 46
+
+PORTION OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (FROM WITHIN THE CITY) “ 52
+
+AQUEDUCT ACROSS THE MOAT OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS “ 56
+
+COIN OF THE EMPEROR THEODOSIUS II. “ 56
+
+PLAN OF THE GOLDEN GATE “ 60
+
+THE GOLDEN GATE (INNER) “ 64
+
+THE GOLDEN GATE (OUTER) “ 68
+
+YEDI KOULÈ KAPOUSSI “ 72
+
+THE GATE OF THE PEGÈ “ 76
+
+THE GATE OF RHEGIUM “ 78
+
+THE GATE OF ST. ROMANUS 80
+
+THE GATE OF CHARISIUS 80
+
+VIEW ACROSS THE VALLEY OF THE LYCUS (LOOKING NORTH) 86
+
+THE (SO-CALLED) KERKO PORTA 93
+
+INSCRIPTIONS ON THE GATE OF RHEGIUM _To face_ 96
+
+TOWER OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (WITH INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE
+EMPERORS LEO III. AND CONSTANTINE V.) _To face_ 98
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPERORS LEO III. AND CONSTANTINE V. 99
+
+MONOGRAMS ON NINTH TOWER, NORTH OF THE GATE OF PEGÈ 100
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPERORS BASIL II. AND CONSTANTINE IX. 101
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE IX. 102
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ROMANUS 102
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INTERIOR OF A TOWER IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS _To
+face_ 102
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR JOHN VII. PALÆOLOGUS 105
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING APPROXIMATE SECTION AND RESTORATION OF THE THEODOSIAN
+WALLS _Facing_ 106
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING APPROXIMATE ELEVATION AND RESTORATION OF THE THEODOSIAN
+WALLS _Facing_ 107
+
+SKETCH-PLAN OF THE BLACHERNÆ QUARTER _To face_ 115
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (SOUTHERN FAÇADE) _To face_ 110 THE
+PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (NORTHERN FAÇADE) _To face_ 111
+
+MONOGRAM OF THE PALÆOLOGI 112
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (VIEW OF INTERIOR) _To face_ 112
+
+MONOGRAM FOUND IN THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS 113
+
+PLAN OF THE PALACE OF PORPHYROGENITUS, AND ADJOINING WALLS _To face_ 115
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (FROM THE WEST) 118
+
+BALCONY IN THE SOUTHERN FAÇADE OF THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS _To
+face_ 118
+
+TOWER OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 122
+
+THE PALÆOLOGIAN WALL, NORTH OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS
+_To face_ 126
+
+THE GATE OF GYROLIMNÈ 126
+
+GENERAL VIEW OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 128
+
+PLAN OF THE SO-CALLED PRISON OF ANEMAS 131
+
+THE L-SHAPED CHAMBER IN UPPER STORY OF “THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” 137
+
+“THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” AND “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” (FROM THE
+SOUTH-WEST) _To face_ 138
+
+“THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” AND “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” (FROM THE
+NORTH-WEST) _To face_ 144
+
+VIEW OF THE INTERIOR OF “THE PRISON OF ANEMAS” (BEING THE SUB-STRUCTURES
+WHICH SUPPORTED THE PALACE OF BLACHERNÆ) _To face_ 150
+
+CHAMBER IN “THE PRISON OF ANEMAS” 156
+
+ENTRANCE OF PASSAGE FROM THE STAIRWAY IN “THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” TO
+CHAMBER D IN “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” _To face_ 162
+
+CORRIDOR IN THE ORIGINAL WESTERN TERRACE WALL OF THE PALACE OF BLACHERNÆ
+(LOOKING SOUTH-WEST) _To face_ 162
+
+GENERAL VIEW OF THE WALLS OF THE CITY FROM THE HILL ON WHICH THE
+CRUSADERS ENCAMPED IN 1203 _To face_ 166
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ROMANUS 169
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR MICHAEL III. _To face_ 184
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 187
+
+COAT-OF-ARMS OF ANDRONICUS II. PALÆOLOGUS 189
+
+BAS-RELIEF, ON THE TOWER EAST OF DJUBALI KAPOUSSI, REPRESENTING THE
+THREE HEBREW YOUTHS CAST INTO THE FIERY FURNACE OF BABYLON, AS DESCRIBED
+IN THE BOOK OF DANIEL 191
+
+NIKÈ (FORMERLY NEAR BALAT KAPOUSSI) _To face_ 198
+
+PORTION OF THE CHAIN STRETCHED ACROSS THE ENTRANCE OF THE GOLDEN HORN IN
+1453 _To face_ 228
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THEODOSIUS II. AND THE PREFECT CONSTANTINE;_TO
+FACE_ 248 INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR THEOPHILUS; _TO FACE_ 248
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ISAAC ANGELUS _To face_ 248
+
+PORTION OF WALLS BESIDE THE SEA OF MARMORA 262
+
+CHATEAU AND MARBLE TOWER NEAR THE WESTERN EXTREMITY OF THE WALLS BESIDE
+THE SEA OF MARMORA _To face_ 266
+
+MAP OF THE SHORE OF CONSTANTINOPLE BETWEEN THE SERAGLIO LIGHT-HOUSE AND
+DAOUD PASHA KAPOUSSI _To face_ 269
+
+MARBLE FIGURES OF LIONS ATTACHED TO THE BALCONY IN THE PALACE OF THE
+BUCOLEON _To face_ 272
+
+RUINS OF THE PALACE OF THE BUCOLEON 274
+
+PORTION OF THE PALACE OF HORMISDAS 277
+
+RUINS OF THE PALACE OF HORMISDAS _To face_ 282
+
+TOWER GUARDING THE HARBOUR OF ELEUTHERIUS AND THEODOSIUS 297
+
+PORTION OF THE WALL AROUND THE HARBOUR OF ELEUTHERIUS AND THEODOSIUS 299
+
+MAP OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE HEBDOMON AND THE CITY WALLS _To face_
+316
+
+TRIUMPHUS THEODOSII 330
+
+TRIUMPHUS HERACLII 334
+
+[Illustration: Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.]
+
+
+
+
+                       BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE.
+                               CHAPTER I.
+          THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM.
+
+
+Without attempting any elaborate description of the site occupied by
+Constantinople, such as we have in Gyllius’ valuable work on the
+topography of the city,[1] it is necessary to indicate to the reader,
+now invited to wander among the ruins of New Rome, the most salient
+features of the territory he is to explore.
+
+The city is situated at the south-western end of the Bosporus, upon a
+promontory that shoots out from the European shore of the straits, with
+its apex up stream, as though to stem the waters that rush from the
+Black Sea into the Sea of Marmora. To the north, the narrow bay of the
+Golden Horn runs inland, between steep banks, for some six or seven
+miles, and forms one of the finest harbours in the world. The Sea of
+Marmora spreads southwards like a lake, its Asiatic coast bounded by
+hills and mountains, and fringed with islands. Upon the shore of Asia,
+facing the eastern side of the promontory, stand the historic towns of
+Chrysopolis (Scutari) and Chalcedon (Kadikeui). The mainland to the west
+is an undulating plain that soon meets the horizon. It offers little to
+attract the eye in the way of natural beauty, but in the palmy days of
+the city it, doubtless, presented a pleasing landscape of villas and
+gardens.
+
+The promontory, though strictly speaking a trapezium, is commonly
+described as a triangle, on account of the comparative shortness of its
+eastern side. It is about four miles long, and from one to four miles
+wide, with a surface broken up into hills and plains. The higher ground,
+which reaches an elevation of some 250 feet, is massed in two
+divisions—a large isolated hill at the south-western corner of the
+promontory, and a long ridge, divided, more or less completely, by five
+cross valleys into six distinct eminences, overhanging the Golden Horn.
+Thus, New Rome boasted of being enthroned upon as many hills beside the
+Bosporus, as her elder sister beside the Tiber.
+
+The two masses of elevated land just described are separated by a broad
+meadow, through which the stream of the Lycus flows athwart the
+promontory into the Sea of Marmora; and there is, moreover, a
+considerable extent of level land along the shores of the promontory,
+and in the valleys between the northern hills.
+
+Few of the hills of Constantinople were known by special names, and
+accordingly, as a convenient mode of reference, they are usually
+distinguished by numerals.
+
+The First Hill is the one nearest the promontory’s apex, having upon it
+the Seraglio, St. Irene, St. Sophia, and the Hippodrome. The Second
+Hill, divided from the First by the valley descending from St. Sophia to
+the Golden Horn, bears upon its summit the porphyry Column of
+Constantine the Great, popularly known as the Burnt Column and
+Tchemberli Tash. The Third Hill is separated from the preceding by the
+valley of the Grand Bazaar, and is marked by the War Office and adjacent
+Fire-Signal Tower, the Mosque of Sultan Bajazet, and the Mosque of
+Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The Fourth Hill stands farther back
+from the water than the five other hills beside the Golden Horn, and is
+parted from the Third Hill by the valley which descends from the
+aqueduct of Valens to the harbour. It is surmounted by the Mosque of
+Sultan Mehemet the Conqueror. The Fifth Hill is really a long
+precipitous spur of the Fourth Hill, protruding almost to the shore of
+the Golden Horn in the quarter of the Phanar. Its summit is crowned by
+the Mosque of Sultan Selim. Between it and the Third Hill spreads a
+broad plain, bounded by the Fourth Hill on the south, and the Golden
+Horn on the north. The Sixth Hill is divided from the Fifth by the
+valley which ascends southwards from the Golden Horn at Balat Kapoussi
+to the large Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the ridge that
+runs from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Gate of Adrianople. It is
+distinguished by the ruins of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Tekfour
+Serai) and the quarter of Egri Kapou. Nicetas Choniates styles it the
+Hill of Blachernae (βουνὸς τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),[2] and upon it stood the
+famous Imperial residence of that name. The Seventh Hill, occupying the
+south-western angle of the city, was known, on account of its arid soil,
+as the Xerolophos—the Dry Hill.[3] Upon it are found Avret Bazaar, the
+pedestal of the Column of Arcadius, and the quarters of Alti Mermer and
+Psamathia.
+
+Here, then, was a situation where men could build a noble city in the
+midst of some of the fairest scenery on earth.
+
+But the history of Constantinople cannot be understood unless the
+extraordinary character of the geographical position of the place is
+present to the mind. No city owes so much to its site. The vitality and
+power of Constantinople are rooted in a unique location. Nowhere is the
+influence of geography upon history more strikingly marked. Here, to a
+degree that is marvellous, the possibilities of the freest and widest
+intercourse blend with the possibilities of complete isolation. No city
+can be more in the world and out of the world. It is the meeting-point
+of some of the most important highways on the globe, whether by sea or
+land; the centre around which diverse, vast, and wealthy countries lie
+within easy reach, inviting intimate commercial relations, and
+permitting extended political control. Here the peninsula of Asia Minor,
+stretching like a bridge across the seas that sunder Asia and Europe,
+narrows the waters between the two great continents to a stream only
+half a mile across. Hither the Mediterranean ascends, through the
+avenues of the Ægean and the Marmora, from the regions of the south;
+while the Euxine and the Azoff spread a pathway to the regions of the
+north. Here is a harbour within which the largest and richest fleets can
+find a perfect shelter.
+
+But no less remarkable is the facility with which the great world, so
+near at hand, can be excluded. Access to this point by sea is possible
+only through the straits of the Hellespont on the one side, and through
+the straits of the Bosporus on the other—defiles which, when properly
+guarded, no hostile navy could penetrate. These channels, with the Sea
+of Marmora between them, formed, moreover, a natural moat which
+prevented an Asiatic foe from coming within striking distance of the
+city; while the narrow breadth of the promontory on which the city
+stands allowed the erection of fortifications, along the west, which
+could be held against immense armies by a comparatively small force.
+
+As Dean Stanley, alluding to the selection of this site for the new
+capital of the Empire, has observed: “Of all the events of Constantine’s
+life, this choice is the most convincing and enduring proof of his real
+genius.”
+
+Although it does not fall within the scope of this work to discuss the
+topography of Byzantium before the time of Constantine, it will not be
+inappropriate to glance at the circuits of the fortifications which
+successively brought more and more of this historic promontory within
+their widening compass, until the stronghold of a small band of
+colonists from Megara became the most splendid city and the mightiest
+bulwark of the Roman world.
+
+Four such circuits demand notice.
+
+First came the fortifications which constituted the Acropolis of
+Byzantium.[4] They are represented by the walls, partly Byzantine and
+partly Turkish, which cling to the steep sides of the Seraglio plateau
+at the eastern extremity of the First Hill, and support the Imperial
+Museum, the Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, and the Imperial Kitchens.
+
+That the Acropolis occupied this point may be inferred from the natural
+fitness of the rocky eminence at the head of the promontory to form the
+kind of stronghold around which ancient cities gathered as their
+nucleus. And this inference is confirmed by the allusions to the
+Acropolis in Xenophon’s graphic account of the visit of the Ten Thousand
+to Byzantium, on their return from Persia. According to the historian,
+when those troops, after their expulsion from the city, forced their way
+back through the western gates, Anaxibius, the Spartan commander of the
+place, found himself obliged to seek refuge in the Acropolis from the
+fury of the intruders. The soldiers of Xenophon had, however, cut off
+all access to the fortress from within the city, so that Anaxibius was
+compelled to reach it by taking a fishing-boat in the harbour, and
+rowing round the head of the promontory to the side of the city opposite
+Chalcedon. From that point also he sent to Chalcedon for
+reinforcements.[5] These movements imply that the Acropolis was near the
+eastern end of the promontory.
+
+In further support of this conclusion, it may be added that during the
+excavations made in 1871 for the construction of the Roumelian railroad,
+an ancient wall was unearthed at a short distance south of Seraglio
+Point. It ran from east to west, and was built of blocks measuring, in
+some cases, 7 feet in length, 3 feet 9 inches in width, and over 2 feet
+in thickness.[6] Judging from its position and character, the wall
+formed part of the fortifications around the Acropolis.
+
+The second circuit of walls around Byzantium is that described by the
+Anonymus of the eleventh century and his follower Codinus.[7] Starting
+from the Tower of the Acropolis at the apex of the promontory, the wall
+proceeded along the Golden Horn as far west as the Tower of Eugenius,
+which must have stood beside the gate of that name—the modern Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi.[8] There the wall left the shore and made for the Strategion
+and the Thermæ of Achilles. The former was a level tract of ground
+devoted to military exercises—the _Champ de Mars_ of Byzantium—and
+occupied a portion of the plain at the foot of the Second Hill, between
+Yali Kiosk Kapoussi and Sirkedji Iskelessi.[9] The Thermæ of Achilles
+stood near the Strategion; and there also was a gate of the city, known
+in later days as the Arch of Urbicius. The wall then ascended the slope
+of the hill to the Chalcoprateia, or Brass Market, which extended from
+the neighbourhood of the site now occupied by the Sublime Porte to the
+vicinity of Yeri Batan Serai, the ancient Cisterna Basilica.[10]
+
+The ridge of the promontory was reached at the Milion, the milestone
+from which distances from Constantinople were measured. It stood to the
+south-west of St. Sophia, and marked the site of one of the gates of
+Byzantium. Thence the line of the fortifications proceeded to the
+twisted columns of the Tzycalarii, which, judging from the subsequent
+course of the wall, were on the plateau beside St. Irene. Then, the wall
+descended to the Sea of Marmora at Topi,[11] somewhere near the present
+Seraglio Lighthouse, and, turning northwards, ran along the shore to the
+apex of the promontory, past the sites occupied, subsequently, by the
+Thermae of Arcadius and the Mangana.
+
+If we are to believe the Anonymus and Codinus, this was the circuit of
+Byzantium from the foundation of the city by Byzas to the time of
+Constantine the Great. On the latter point, however, these writers were
+certainly mistaken; for the circuit of Byzantium was much larger than
+the one just indicated, not only in the reign of that emperor, but as
+far back as the year 196 of our era, and even before that date.[12] The
+statements of the Anonymus and Codinus can therefore be correct only if
+they refer to the size of the city at a very early period.
+
+One is, indeed, strongly tempted to reject the whole account of this
+wall as legendary, or as a conjecture based upon the idea that the Arch
+of Urbicius and the Arch of the Milion represented gates in an old line
+of bulwarks. But, on the other hand, it is more than probable that
+Byzantium was not as large, originally, as it became during its most
+flourishing days, and accordingly the two arches above mentioned may
+have marked the course of the first walls built beyond the bounds of the
+Acropolis.
+
+We pass next to the third line of walls which guarded the city, the
+walls which made Byzantium one of the great fortresses of the ancient
+world. These fortifications described a circuit of thirty-five
+stadia,[13] which would bring within the compass of the city most of the
+territory occupied by the first two hills of the promontory. Along the
+Golden Horn, the line of the walls extended from the head of the
+promontory to the western side of the bay that fronts the valley between
+the Second and Third Hills, the valley of the Grand Bazaar. Three ports,
+more or less artificial,[14] were found in that bay for the
+accommodation of the shipping that frequented the busy mart of commerce,
+one of them being, unquestionably, at the Neorion.[15]
+
+These bulwarks, renowned in antiquity for their strength, were faced
+with squared blocks of hard stone, bound together with metal clamps, and
+so closely fitted as to seem a wall of solid rock around the city. One
+tower was named the Tower of Hercules, on account of its superior size
+and strength, and seven towers were credited with the ability to echo
+the slightest sound made by the movements of an enemy, and thus secure
+the garrison against surprise. From the style of their construction, one
+would infer that these fortifications were built soon after Pausanias
+followed up his victory on the field of Platæa by the expulsion of the
+Persians from Byzantium.
+
+These splendid ramparts were torn down in 196 by Septimius Severus to
+punish the city for its loyalty to the cause of his rival, Pescennius
+Niger. In their ruin they presented a scene that made Herodianus[16]
+hesitate whether to wonder more at the skill of their constructors, or
+the strength of their destroyers. But the blunder of leaving unguarded
+the water-way, along which barbarous tribes could descend from the
+shores of the Euxine to ravage some of the fairest provinces of the
+Empire, was too glaring not to be speedily recognized and repaired. Even
+the ruthless destroyer of the city perceived his mistake, and ere long,
+at the solicitation of his son Caracalla, ordered the reconstruction of
+the strategic stronghold.
+
+It is with Byzantium as restored by Severus that we are specially
+concerned, for in that form the city was the immediate predecessor of
+Constantinople, and affected the character of the new capital to a
+considerable extent. According to Zosimus, the principal gate in the new
+walls of Severus stood at the extremity of a line of porticoes erected
+by that emperor for the embellishment of the city.[17] There Constantine
+subsequently placed the Forum known by his name, so that from the Forum
+one entered the porticoes in question, and passed beyond the limits of
+Byzantium.[18] Now, the site of the Forum of Constantine is one of the
+points in the topography of the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire
+concerning which there can be no difference of opinion. The porphyry
+column (Burnt Column) which surmounts the Second Hill was the principal
+ornament of that public place. Therefore the gate of Byzantium must have
+stood at a short distance from that column. According to the clearest
+statements on the subject, the gate was to the east of the column, the
+Forum standing immediately beyond the boundary of the old city.[19]
+
+The language of Zosimus, taken alone, suggests, indeed, the idea that
+the gate of Byzantium had occupied a site to the west of the Forum; in
+other words, that the Forum was constructed to the east of the gate,
+within the line of the wall of Severus. For, according to the historian,
+one entered the porticoes of Severus and left the old town, after
+passing through the arches (δι᾽ ὧν) which stood, respectively, at the
+eastern and western extremities of the Forum of Constantine. This was
+possible, however, only if these various structures, in proceeding from
+east to west, came in the following order: Forum of Constantine;
+porticoes of Severus; gate of Byzantium. On this view, the statement
+that the Forum was “at the place where the gate had stood” would be held
+to imply that the porticoes between the Forum and the gate were too
+short to be taken into account in a general indication of the Forum’s
+position. But to interpret Zosimus thus puts him in contradiction,
+first, with Theophanes, as cited above; secondly, with Hesychius
+Milesius,[20] who says that the wall of Byzantium did not go beyond the
+Forum of Constantine (οὐκ ἔξω τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἀγορᾶς τοῦ βασιλέως);
+thirdly, though that is of less moment, with the Anonymus[21] and
+Codinus,[22] who explain the circular shape of the Forum as derived from
+the shape of Constantine’s tent when he besieged the city.
+
+Lethaby and Swainson[23] place the Forum between the porticoes of
+Severus on the east and the gate of Byzantium on the west, putting the
+western arch of the Forum on the site of the latter. They understand the
+statement of Zosimus to mean that a person in the Forum could either
+enter the porticoes _or_ leave the old town according as he proceeded
+eastwards or westwards.
+
+From that gate the wall descended the northern slope of the hill to the
+Neorion, and thence went eastwards to the head of the promontory.[24] In
+descending to the Golden Horn the wall kept, probably, to the eastern
+bank of the valley of the Grand Bazaar, to secure a natural escarpment
+which would render assault more difficult.
+
+Upon the side towards the Sea of Marmora the wall proceeded from the
+main gate of the city to the point occupied by the temple of Aphrodite,
+and to the shore facing Chrysopolis.[25] The temple of the Goddess of
+Beauty was one of the oldest sanctuaries in Byzantium,[26] and did not
+entirely disappear until the reign of Theodosius the Great, by whom it
+was converted into a carriage-house for the Prætorian Prefect.[27] It
+was, consequently, a landmark that would long be remembered. Malalas[28]
+places it within the ancient Acropolis of the city. Other authorities
+likewise put it there, adding that it stood higher up the hill of the
+Acropolis than the neighbouring temple of Poseidon,[29] where it
+overlooked one of the theatres built against the Marmora side of the
+citadel,[30] and faced Chrysopolis.[31] From these indications it is
+clear that the temple lay to the north-east of the site of St. Sophia,
+and therefore not far from the site of St. Irene on the Seraglio
+plateau.
+
+Accordingly, the wall of Severus, upon leaving the western gate of the
+city, did not descend to the shore of the Sea of Marmora, but after
+proceeding in that direction for some distance turned south-eastwards,
+keeping well up the south-western slopes of the First Hill, until the
+Seraglio plateau was reached.[32] As these slopes were for the most part
+very steep, the city, when viewed from the Sea of Marmora, presented the
+appearance of a great Acropolis upon a hill.
+
+Where precisely the wall reached the Sea of Marmora opposite Chrysopolis
+is not stated, but it could not have been far from the point now
+occupied by the Seraglio Lighthouse, for the break in the steep
+declivity of the First Hill above that point offered the easiest line of
+descent from the temple of Aphrodite to the shore. Thus it appears that
+the circuit of the walls erected by Severus followed, substantially, the
+course of the fortifications which he had overthrown. It is a
+corroboration of this conclusion to find that the ground outside the
+wall constructed by Severus—the valley of the Grand Bazaar—answers to
+the description of the ground outside the wall which he destroyed; a
+smooth tract, sloping gently to the water: “Primus post mœnia campus
+erat peninsulæ cervicis sensim descendentis ad litus, et ne urbs esset
+insula prohibentis.”[33]
+
+To this account of the successive circuits of Byzantium until the time
+of Constantine, may be added a rapid survey of the internal arrangements
+and public buildings of the city after its restoration by Severus.[34]
+
+A large portion of the Hippodrome, so famous in the history of
+Constantinople, was erected by Severus, who left the edifice unfinished
+owing to his departure for the West. Between the northern end of the
+Hippodrome and the subsequent site of St. Sophia was the Tetrastoon, a
+public square surrounded by porticoes, having the Thermæ of Zeuxippus
+upon its southern side.
+
+In the Acropolis were placed, as usual, the principal sanctuaries of the
+city; the Temples of Artemis, Aphrodite, Apollo, Zeus, Poseidon, and
+Demeter. Against the steep eastern side of the citadel, Severus
+constructed a theatre and a Kynegion for the exhibition of wild animals,
+as the Theatre of Dionysius and the Odeon were built against the
+Acropolis of Athens.
+
+At a short distance from the apex of the promontory rose the column,
+still found there, bearing the inscription _Fortunæ Reduci ob devictos
+Gothos_, in honour of Claudius Gothicus for his victories over the
+Goths. To the north of the Acropolis was the Stadium;[35] then came the
+ports of the Prosphorion and the Neorion, and in their vicinity the
+Strategion, the public prison,[36] and the shrine of Achilles and
+Ajax.[37] The aqueduct which the Emperor Hadrian erected for Byzantium
+continued to supply the city of Severus.[38]
+
+Nor was the territory without the walls entirely unoccupied. From
+statements found in Dionysius Byzantius, and from allusions which later
+writers make to ruined temples in different quarters of Constantinople,
+it is evident that many hamlets and public edifices existed along the
+shore of the Golden Horn, and in the valleys and on the hills beyond the
+city limits. Blachernæ was already established beside the Sixth Hill;
+Sycæ, famous for its figs, occupied the site of Galata; and the
+Xerolophos was a sacred hill, crowned with a temple of Zeus.[39]
+
+Footnote 1:
+
+  Petrus Gyllius, _De Topographia Constantinopoleos et De illius
+  Antiquitatibus_, liber i. c. 4-18.
+
+Footnote 2:
+
+  Page 722. All references in this work to the Byzantine Authors, unless
+  otherwise stated, are to the Bonn Edition of the _Corpus Scriptorum
+  Historiæ Byzantinæ_.
+
+Footnote 3:
+
+  Anonymus, lib. i. p. 20, in Banduri’s _Imperium Orientale_;
+  Constantine Porphyrogenitus, _De Cerimoniis Aulæ Byzantinæ_, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 4:
+
+  Xenophon, _Anabasis_, vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 5:
+
+  _Anabasis_, vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 6:
+
+  Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, p. 103. Mordtmann, _Esquisse
+  Topographique de Constantinople_, p. 5. All references to these
+  writers, unless otherwise stated, are to the works here mentioned.
+
+Footnote 7:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 2; Codinus, pp. 24, 25. Ἤρχετο δὲ τὸ τεῖχος, καθὰ καὶ νῶν,
+  ἐπὶ τοῦ Βύζαντος ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου τῆς Ἀκροπόλεως, καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τὸν
+  τοῦ Εὐγενίου πύργον, καὶ ἀνέβαινε μέχρι τοῦ Στρατηγίου, καὶ ἤρχετο εἰς
+  τὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως λουτρόν. Ἡ δὲ ἐκεῖσε ἁψὶς, ἡ λεγομένη τοῦ Οὐρβικίου,
+  πόρτα ἦν χερσαία τῶν Βυζαντίων: καὶ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὰ Χαλκοπρατεῖα τὸ
+  τεῖχος ἕως τοῦ λεγομένου Μιλίου· ἦν δὲ κἀκεῖσε πόρτα τῶν Βυζαντίων
+  χερσαία: καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τοὺς πλεκτοὺς κίονας τῶν Τζυκαλαρίων, καὶ
+  κατέβαινεν εἰς Τόπους, καὶ ἀπέκαμπτε πάλιν διὰ τῶν Μαγγάνων καὶ
+  Ἀρκαδιανῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀκρόπολιν.
+
+Footnote 8:
+
+  See below, p. 227.
+
+Footnote 9:
+
+  The site of the Strategion may be determined thus: It was in the Fifth
+  Region of the city (_Notitia, ad Reg. V._); therefore, either on the
+  northern slope or at the foot of the Second Hill. Its character as the
+  ground for military exercises required it to be on the plain at the
+  foot of the hill. In the Strategion were found the granaries beside
+  the harbour of the Prosphorion (Constant. Porphyr., _De Cerim_, p.
+  699), near Sirkidji Iskelessi. At the same time, these granaries were
+  near the Neorion (_Bagtchè Kapoussi_), for they were destroyed by a
+  fire which started in the Neorion (_Paschal Chron._, p. 582).
+
+Footnote 10:
+
+  The Chalcoprateia was near the Basilica, or Great Law Courts, the site
+  of which is marked by the Cistern of Yeri Batan Serai (Cedrenus, vol.
+  i. p. 616; cf. Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, lib. ii. c. 20, 21). Zonaras,
+  xiv. p. 1212 (Migne Edition), ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ βασιλικῇ ἔγγιστα τῶν
+  Χαλκοπρατείων.
+
+Footnote 11:
+
+  See below, p. 256.
+
+Footnote 12:
+
+  See below, the size of city as given by Dionysius Byzantius.
+
+Footnote 13:
+
+  _Anaplus_ of Dionysius Byzantius. Edition of C. Wescher, Paris, 1874.
+
+Footnote 14:
+
+  Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 14; Herodianus, iii. 6.
+
+Footnote 15:
+
+  Beside Bagtchè Kapoussi. See below, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 16:
+
+  I. 1.
+
+Footnote 17:
+
+  Page 96: Καὶ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν εἶχε τὴν πύλην ἐν τῇ συμπληρώσει τῶν στοῶν
+  ἅς Σεβῆρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο.
+
+Footnote 18:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96: Ἀγορὰν δὲ ἐν τῶ τόπῳ καθ᾽ ὅν ἡ πύλη τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἦν
+  οἰκοδομήσας, ... ἁψίδας δύο μαρμάρου προικοννησίου μεγίστας ἀλλήλων
+  ἀντίας ἀπέτυπωσε, δι᾽ ὧν ἔνεστιν εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰς Σεβῆρου στοὰς, καὶ
+  τῆς πάλαι πόλεως ἐξιέναι.
+
+Footnote 19:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 42, speaking of the column, says it was set up ἀπὸ τοῦ
+  τόπου οὗ ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος τῆς ἐπὶ
+  Ῥώμην ἐξιούσης πύλης.
+
+Footnote 20:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 49.
+
+Footnote 21:
+
+  I. p. 14.
+
+Footnote 22:
+
+  Page 41.
+
+Footnote 23:
+
+  _The Church of Sancta Sophia_, pp. 5, 9.
+
+Footnote 24:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96, Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ βορείου λόφου κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον, κατιὸν
+  ἄχρι τοῦ λιμένος ὅ καλοῦσι νεώριον, καὶ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι θαλάσσης ἥ
+  κατευθὺ κεῖται τοῦ στόματος δι᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἀνάγονται Πόντον.
+
+Footnote 25:
+
+  _Ibid._, Τὸ δὲ τεῖχος διὰ τοῦ λόφου καθιέμενον ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ δυτικοῦ
+  μέρους ἄχρι τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ναοῦ, καὶ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντικρὺ
+  Χρυσόπολεως.
+
+Footnote 26:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 495.
+
+Footnote 27:
+
+  Malalas, p. 345.
+
+Footnote 28:
+
+  Page 292.
+
+Footnote 29:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 149; Codinus, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 30:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. II._; _Paschal Chron._, p. 495.
+
+Footnote 31:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 32:
+
+  As the Sphendonè of the Hippodrome was a construction of Constantine
+  the Great, the wall of Severus may, near that point, have stood higher
+  up the hill than is indicated on the Map of Byzantine Constantinople,
+  facing page 19.
+
+Footnote 33:
+
+  Dionysius Byzantius. See Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2; cf.
+  _ibid._, _De Top. CP._, i. c. 10.
+
+Footnote 34:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 494, 495; cf. Malalas, p. 345; _Notitia, ad Reg.
+  II._
+
+Footnote 35:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Regiones, IV., V., VI._ In the first tower south of Saouk
+  Tchesmè Kapoussi, in the land wall of the Seraglio, is built a stone,
+  inscribed with archaic Greek letters, which probably came from the
+  Stadium. See _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of
+  Constantinople_, vol. xvi., 1885, _Archæological Supplement_, p. 3.
+  Ἀπομά(χων) αἰχματ(ᾶν), σταδιοδ(ρόμων), ὁ τόπος ἄ(ρχεται).
+
+Footnote 36:
+
+  Codinus, p. 76.
+
+Footnote 37:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 38:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 619.
+
+Footnote 39:
+
+  For buildings, etc., outside the limits of Byzantium, see _Anaplus_ of
+  Dionysius Byzantius; Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2, c. 5;
+  Codinus, p. 30; Anonymus, iii. p 51.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium. (From _Broken
+Bits of Byzantium_, by kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.
+
+
+In the year 328 of our era, Constantine commenced the transformation of
+Byzantium into New Rome by widening the boundaries of the ancient town
+and erecting new fortifications.
+
+On foot, spear in hand, the emperor traced the limits of the future
+capital in person, and when his courtiers, surprised at the compass of
+the circuit he set himself to describe, inquired how far he would
+proceed, he replied, “Until He stops Who goes before me.”[40] The story
+expresses a sense of the profound import of the work begun on that
+memorable day. It was the inauguration of an epoch.
+
+We shall endeavour to determine the limits assigned to the city of
+Constantine. The data at our command for that purpose are, it is true,
+not everything that can be desired; they are often vague; at other times
+they refer to landmarks which have disappeared, and the sites of which
+it is impossible now to identify; nevertheless, a careful study of these
+indications yields more satisfactory results than might have been
+anticipated under the circumstances.
+
+The new land wall, we shall find, crossed the promontory[41] along a
+line a short distance to the east of the Cistern of Mokius on the
+Seventh Hill, (the Tchoukour Bostan, west of Avret Bazaar), and of the
+Cistern of Aspar at the head of the valley between the Fourth and Sixth
+Hills, (the Tchoukour Bostan on the right of the street leading from the
+Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Adrianople Gate). The southern end of
+the line reached the Sea of Marmora somewhere between the gates known
+respectively, at present, as Daoud Pasha Kapoussi and Psamathia
+Kapoussi, while its northern extremity abutted on the Golden Horn, in
+the neighbourhood of the Stamboul head of the inner bridge. At the same
+time the seaward walls of Byzantium were repaired, and prolonged to meet
+the extremities of the new land wall.
+
+That this outline of the city of Constantine is, substantially, correct,
+will appear from the information which ancient writers have given on the
+subject.
+
+(_a_) According to Zosimus,[42] the land wall of the new capital was
+carried fifteen stadia west of the corresponding wall of Byzantium. The
+position of the latter, we have already seen, is marked, with sufficient
+accuracy for our present purpose by the porphyry Column of Constantine
+which stood close to the main gate of the old Greek town.[43] Proceeding
+from that column fifteen stadia westwards, we come to a line within a
+short distance of the reservoirs above mentioned.
+
+(_b_) In the oldest description of Constantinople—that contained in the
+_Notitia_[44]—the length of the city is put down as 14,075 Roman feet;
+the breadth as 6150 Roman feet. The _Notitia_ belongs to the age of
+Theodosius II., and might therefore be supposed to give the dimensions
+of the city after its enlargement by that emperor. This, however, is not
+the case. The size of Constantinople under Theodosius II. is well known,
+seeing the ancient walls which still surround Stamboul mark, with slight
+modifications, the wider limits of the city in the fifth century. But
+the figures of the _Notitia_ do not correspond to the well-ascertained
+dimensions of the Theodosian city; they fall far short of those
+dimensions, and therefore can refer only to the length and breadth of
+the original city of Constantine. To adhere thus to the original size of
+the capital after it had been outgrown is certainly strange, but may be
+explained as due to the force of habit. When the _Notitia_ was written,
+the enlargement of the city by Theodosius was too recent an event to
+alter old associations of thought and introduce new points of view. “The
+City,” proper, was still what Constantine had made it.
+
+The length of the original city was measured from the Porta Aurea on the
+west to the sea on the east. Unfortunately, a serious difference of
+opinion exists regarding the particular gate intended by the Porta
+Aurea. There can be no doubt, however, that the sea at the eastern end
+of the line of measurement was the sea at the head of the promontory;
+for only by coming to that point could the full length of the city be
+obtained. Consequently, if we take the head of the promontory for our
+starting-point of measurement, and proceed westwards to a distance of
+14,075 feet, we shall discover the extent of the city of Constantine in
+that direction. This course brings us to the same result as the figures
+of Zosimus—to the neighbourhood of the Cisterns of Mokius and Aspar.
+
+Turning next to the breadth of the city, we find that the only portion
+of the promontory across which a line of 6150 feet will stretch from sea
+to sea lies between the district about the gate Daoud Pasha Kapoussi,
+beside the Sea of Marmora on the south, and the district about the
+Stamboul head of the inner bridge on the north; elsewhere the promontory
+is either narrower or broader. Hence the southern and northern
+extremities of the land wall of Constantine terminated respectively, as
+stated above, in these districts.
+
+From these figures we pass to the localities and structures by which
+Byzantine writers have indicated the course of Constantine’s wall.
+
+On the side of the Sea of Marmora the wall extended as far west as the
+Gate of St. Æmilianus (πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ), and the adjoining
+church of St. Mary Rhabdou (τῆς ἁγίας θεοτόκου τῆς Ῥάβδου).[45] That
+gate is represented by Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, which stands immediately to
+the west of Vlanga Bostan.[46]
+
+In crossing from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn, over the
+Seventh, Fourth, and Fifth Hills, the line of the fortifications was
+marked by the Exokionion; the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner; the
+Monastery of St. Dius; the Convent of Icasia; the Cistern of Bonus; the
+Church of SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael; the Church, and the Zeugma, or
+Ferry, of St. Antony in the district of Harmatius, where the
+fortifications reached the harbour.[47] To this list may be added the
+Trojan Porticoes and the Cistern of Aspar.
+
+[Illustration: Map of Byzantine Constantinople.]
+
+(_a_) The Exokionion (τὸ ἐξωκιόνιον)[48] was a district immediately
+outside the Constantinian Wall, and obtained its name from a column in
+the district, bearing the statue of the founder of the city. Owing to a
+corruption of the name, the quarter was commonly known as the
+Hexakionion (τὸ ἑξακιόνιον).[49] It is celebrated in ecclesiastical
+history as the extra-mural suburb in which the Arians were allowed to
+hold their religious services, when Theodosius the Great, the champion
+of orthodoxy, prohibited heretical worship within the city.[50] Hence
+the terms Arians and Exokionitai became synonymous.[51] In later times
+the quarter was one of the fashionable parts of the city, containing
+many fine churches and handsome residences.[52]
+
+Gyllius was disposed to place the Exokionion on the Fifth Hill,[53]
+basing his opinion on the fact that he found, when he first visited the
+city, a noble column standing on that hill, about half a mile to the
+north-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.[54]
+
+Dr. Mordtmann, on the other hand, maintains that the designation was
+applied to the extra-mural territory along the whole line of the
+Constantinian land fortifications.[55]
+
+But the evidence on the subject requires us to place the Exokionion on
+the Seventh Hill, and to restrict the name to that locality.
+
+For in the account of the triumphal entry of Basil I. through the Golden
+Gate of the Theodosian Walls, the Exokionion is placed between the Sigma
+and the Xerolophos.[56] The Sigma appears in the history of the sedition
+which overthrew Michael V., (1042), and is described as situated above
+the Monastery of St. Mary Peribleptos.[57] Now, regarding the position
+of that monastery there is no doubt. The establishment, founded by
+Romanus Argyrus, was one of the most important monastic houses in
+Constantinople. Its church survived the Turkish Conquest, and remained
+in the hands of the Greeks until 1643, when Sultan Ibrahim granted it to
+the Armenian community.[58] Since that time the sacred edifice has twice
+been destroyed by fire, and is now rebuilt under the title of St.
+George. It is popularly known as Soulou Monastir (the Water Monastery),
+after its adjoining ancient cistern, and stands in the quarter of
+Psamathia, low down the southern slope of the Seventh Hill.
+
+The Xerolophos was the name of the Seventh Hill in general,[59] but was
+sometimes applied, as in the case before us, to the Forum of Arcadius
+(Avret Bazaar) upon the hill’s summit.[60]
+
+This being so, the Exokionion, which was situated between the Sigma and
+the Forum of Arcadius, must have occupied the upper western slope of the
+Seventh Hill.
+
+In corroboration of this conclusion two additional facts may be cited.
+First, the Church of St. Mokius, the sanctuary accorded to the Arians
+for their extra-mural services in the Exokionion, stood on the Seventh
+Hill,[61] for it was on the road from the Sigma to the Forum of
+Arcadius,[62] and gave name to the large ancient cistern, the Tchoukour
+Bostan, to the north-west of the Forum.[63]
+
+In the next place, the district on the Seventh Hill to the west of Avret
+Bazaar (Forum of Arcadius) and beside the cistern of Mokius, still
+retains the name Exokionion under a Turkish form, its actual name, Alti
+Mermer, the district of “the Six Columns,” being, evidently, the Turkish
+rendering of Hexakionion, the popular Byzantine alias of Exokionion.[64]
+The Exokionion, therefore, was on the Seventh Hill. Accordingly, the
+Wall of Constantine crossed that hill along a line to the east of the
+quarter of Alti Mermer.
+
+(_b_) The next landmark, the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner (Παλαιὰ
+Πόρτα τοῦ Προδρόμου), elsewhere styled simply the Ancient Gate (Παλαιὰ
+Πόρτα),[65] furnishes the most precise indication we have of the
+position of Constantine’s wall. It was a gate which survived the
+original fortifications of the city, as Temple Bar outlived the wall of
+London, and became known in later days as the Ancient Gate, on account
+of its great antiquity. Its fuller designation, the Ancient Gate of the
+Forerunner,[66] is explained by the fact that a church dedicated to the
+Baptist was built against the adjoining wall. Conversely, the church was
+distinguished as the Church of the Forerunner at the Ancient Gate (τὴν
+Παλαιὰν).[67] Manuel Chrysolaras places the entrance to the west of the
+Forum of Arcadius, and describes it as one of the finest monuments in
+the city.[68] It was so wide and lofty that a tower or a full-rigged
+ship might pass through its portals. Upon the summit was a marble
+portico of dazzling whiteness, and before the entrance rose a column,
+once surmounted by a statue. When Bondelmontius visited the city, in
+1422, the gate was still erect, and is marked on his map of
+Constantinople as Antiquissima Pulchra Porta.[69] It survived the
+Turkish Conquest, when it obtained the name of Isa Kapoussi (the Gate of
+Jesus), and held its place as late as 1508. In that year it was
+overthrown by a great earthquake. “Isa Kapoussi,” says the Turkish
+historian Solak Zadè, who records the occurrence, “near Avret Bazaar,
+which had been in existence for 1900 years (_sic_), fell and was
+levelled to the ground.”[70] But the shadow of the name still lingers
+about the site. A small mosque to the west of Avret Bazaar bears the
+name Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi,[71] while the adjoining street is called Isa
+Kapoussi Sokaki. The mosque is an ancient Christian church, and probably
+bore in its earlier character a name which accounts for its Turkish
+appellation.
+
+From these facts it is clear that the Wall of Constantine, in crossing
+the Seventh Hill, passed very near Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi, a conclusion
+in accordance with the position already assigned to the Exokionion. The
+column outside the Ancient Gate was probably that which gave name to the
+district. Nowhere could a column bearing the statue of the city’s
+founder stand more appropriately than before this splendid entrance.
+
+(_c_) Another landmark of the course of the Constantinian ramparts in
+this part of the city were the Trojan Porticoes (τρῳαδήσιοι
+ἔμβολοι),[72] which stood so near the wall that it was sometimes named
+after them, the Trojan wall (τῶν τειχῶν τῶν Τρῳαδησίων).[73]
+
+From their situation in the Twelfth Region,[74] it is probable that they
+lined the street leading from the Porta Aurea into the city. They were
+evidently of some architectural importance, and are mentioned on more
+than one occasion as having been damaged by fire or earthquake.[75] The
+reason for their name is a matter of conjecture, and no trace of them
+remains.
+
+(_d_) Nothing definite regarding the course of the Constantinian Wall
+can be inferred from the statement that it ran beside the Monastery of
+St. Dius and the Convent of Icasia, seeing the situation of these
+establishments cannot be determined more exactly than that they were
+found near each other, somewhere on the Seventh Hill.
+
+The former, ascribed to the time of Theodosius I., is mentioned by
+Antony of Novgorod in close connection with the Church of St. Mokius and
+the Church of St. Luke.[76] The Convent of Icasia was founded by the
+beautiful and accomplished lady of that name,[77] whom the Emperor
+Theophilus declined to choose for his bride because she disputed the
+correctness of his ungracious remark that women were the source of evil.
+
+(_e_) The Cistern of Aspar, which, according to the _Paschal
+Chronicle_,[78] was situated near the ancient city wall, is the old
+Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the right of the street
+conducting from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Gate of Adrianople
+in the Theodosian walls. This is clear from the following evidence. The
+cistern in question was a very large one, and stood near the Monastery
+of Manuel,[79] which was founded by the distinguished general of that
+name in the reign of Theophilus. The church of the monastery is now the
+Mosque Kefelè Mesdjidi in the quarter of Salmak Tombruk, and a little to
+the east of it stands the Tchoukour Bostan mentioned above,[80] the only
+large Byzantine reservoir in the neighbourhood.
+
+This conclusion is again in harmony with the figures of Zosimus and the
+_Notitia_, which, it will be remembered, brought the line of the
+Constantinian Wall close to this point.
+
+(_f_) The Cistern of Bonus, the next landmark to be considered, was
+built by the Patrician Bonus, celebrated in Byzantine history for his
+brave defence of the capital in 627 against the Avars and the Persians,
+while the Emperor Heraclius was in Persia carrying war into the enemy’s
+country.[81]
+
+Where this cistern was situated is a matter of dispute which cannot be
+definitely settled in our present state of knowledge. Gyllius identified
+it with a large cistern, three hundred paces in length, which he found
+robbed of its roof and columns, and turned into a vegetable garden, near
+the ruins of the Church of St. John in Petra, on the Sixth Hill.[82] The
+cistern has disappeared since that traveller’s day, but as the Wall of
+Constantine never extended so far west, the identification cannot be
+correct.
+
+In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion, the Cistern of Bonus was the large open
+reservoir to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan Selim, on the Fifth
+Hill,[83] and there is much to be said in favour of this view.
+
+The Cistern of Bonus was, in the first place, situated in one of the
+coolest quarters of the city, and beside it, on that account, the
+Emperor Romanus I. erected a palace,[84] styled the New Palace of
+Bonus,[85] as a residence during the hot season. Nowhere in
+Constantinople could a cooler spot be found in summer than the terrace
+upon which the Mosque of Sultan Selim stands, not to speak of the
+attractions offered by the superb view of the Golden Horn from that
+point. Furthermore, the Cistern of Bonus was within a short distance
+from the Church of the Holy Apostles, seeing that on the eve of the
+annual service celebrated in that church in commemoration of Constantine
+the Great, the Imperial Court usually repaired to the Palace of Bonus,
+in order to be within easy riding distance of the sanctuary on the
+morning of the festival.[86] A palace near the reservoir beside the
+Mosque of Sultan Selim would be conveniently near the Church of the Holy
+Apostles, to suit the emperor on such an occasion. To these
+considerations can be added, first, the fact that on the way from the
+Palace of Bonus to the Church of the Apostles there was an old cistern
+converted into market gardens,[87] which may have been the reservoir
+near the Mosque of Sultan Selim; and, secondly, the fact that the Wall
+of Constantine, on its way from the Cistern of Aspar to the Golden Horn
+passed near the site now occupied by the Mosque of Sultan Selim, and,
+consequently, close to the old cistern adjoining that mosque. But to
+this identification there is a fatal objection: the Cistern of Bonus was
+roofed in,[88] whereas the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim
+appears to have always been open.
+
+Dr. Strzygowski has suggested that the Cistern of Bonus stood near Eski
+Ali Pasha Djamissi,[89] on the northern bank of the valley of the Lycus,
+and to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.[90] No traces of
+a cistern have been found in that locality, but the conjecture satisfies
+the requirements of the case so far as the proximity of that site to the
+line of Constantine’s wall and to the Church of the Holy Apostles is
+concerned. Why that position should have been selected for a summer
+palace is, however, not apparent.
+
+We have said that the Constantinian Wall, upon leaving the Cistern of
+Aspar, turned sharply to the north-east, and made for the shore of the
+Golden Horn by running obliquely across the ridge of the Fifth Hill.
+
+This view of the case is required, first, in order to keep the breadth
+of the city within the limits assigned by the _Notitia_; and, secondly,
+by the statement of the same authority that the Eleventh Region—the
+Region at the north-western angle of the Constantinian city—did not
+extend to the shore of the Golden Horn: “Nulla parte mari sociata
+est.”[91] For this statement implies that the fortifications along the
+northern front of that Region stood at some distance from the water. But
+the northern slope of the Fifth Hill is so precipitous, and approaches
+so close to the Golden Horn that the only available ground for the
+fortifications on that side of the city would be the plateau of the
+Fifth Hill, where the large cistern beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim is
+found.
+
+(_g_) The church dedicated to the three martyr brothers, SS. Manual,
+Sabel, and Ishmael, must likewise have been on the Fifth Hill; for it
+stood where the wall began its descent (κατήρχετο)[92] towards the
+Golden Horn. This agrees with the statement of the _Synaxaria_ that the
+church was situated beside the land wall of Constantine, upon
+precipitous ground, and near the Church of St. Elias at the Petrion.[93]
+
+(_h_) As to the district of Harmatius, named after Harmatius, a
+prominent personage in the reign of Zeno,[94] it must be sought in the
+plain bounded by the Fifth, Fourth, and Third Hills, and the Golden
+Horn, the plain known in later days as the Plateia, (Πλατεῖα). To that
+plain the fortifications of Constantine would necessarily descend from
+the Fifth Hill, in proceeding on their north-eastern course to the
+Golden Horn; and there also the figures of the _Notitia_ require the
+northern end of the walls to terminate. Doubtless in the time of
+Constantine the bay at this point encroached upon the plain more than at
+present.
+
+A church dedicated to St. Antony was found in this part of the city by
+the Archbishop of Novgorod, when he visited Constantinople at the close
+of the eleventh century. He reached it after paying his devotions in the
+Church of St. Theodosia, the Church of St. Isaiah, and the Church of St.
+Laurentius,[95] sanctuaries situated in the plain before us; the first
+being now the Mosque Gul Djami, near Aya Kapou,[96] while the two last
+are represented, it is supposed, respectively, by the Mosque of Sheik
+Mourad and the Mosque of Pour Kouyou, further to the south.[97] The
+Archbishop places the Church of St. Antony on higher ground than the
+Church of St. Laurentius, apparently a short distance up the slope of
+the Fourth Hill, a position which St. Antony of Harmatius may well have
+occupied.
+
+(_i_) The locality known as the Zeugma, or Ferry of St. Antony, stood,
+naturally, beside the shore. If it cannot be identified with Oun-Kapan
+Kapoussi, where one of the principal ferries across the Golden Horn has
+always stood, it must, at all events, have been in that neighbourhood.
+
+(_j_) With the result thus obtained regarding the course of the
+Constantinian Wall, may now be compared the statement of the _Paschal
+Chronicle_ upon the subject. According to that authority the old land
+wall of the city crossed the promontory from the Gate of St. Æmilianus,
+upon the Sea of Marmora, to the district of the Petrion, upon the Golden
+Horn.[98] This statement is of great importance, because made while the
+wall was still standing; and it would on that account have been
+considered sooner, but for certain questions which it raises, and which
+can be answered more readily now than at a previous stage of our
+inquiries. The Chronicler makes the strange mistake of supposing that
+the wall which he saw stretching from sea to sea was the wall built
+originally for the defence of Byzantium by Phedalia, the wife of Byzas.
+Unfortunately, Byzantine archæologists were not always versed in
+history.
+
+Setting aside, therefore, the Chronicler’s historical opinions, and
+attending to the facts under his personal observation, we find him
+entirely agreed with the Anonymus as regards the point at which the
+southern extremity of the Wall of Constantine terminated.
+
+For the Gate of St. Æmilianus, by which the former authority marks that
+extremity, stood close to the Church of St. Mary Rabdou, the indication
+given by the latter.[99]
+
+The case seems otherwise as regards the northern end of the line, for
+the Petrion, mentioned in the _Paschal Chronicle_, was, strictly
+speaking, the district in which the Greek Patriarchate is now situated,
+the name of the district being still retained by the gate (Petri
+Kapoussi) at the eastern end of the enclosure around the Patriarchal
+Church and residence. But this would bring the northern end of the land
+wall considerably more to the west than the point where we have reason
+to believe the Church of St. Antony was found. It would also make the
+city broader than the _Notitia_ allows. The discrepancy can, however, be
+easily removed. For, while the Petrion was pre-eminently the district
+above indicated, the designation was applied also to territory much
+further to the east. The Church of St. Laurentius, for example, near
+which St. Antony’s stood, is at one time described as standing in the
+Plateia,[100] the plain to the east of Petri Kapoussi, while at another
+time it is spoken of as in the Petrion.[101] Hence the statement of the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ does not conflict with what other authorities affirm
+respecting the point at which the Constantinian land fortifications
+reached the Golden Horn.
+
+(_k_) Finally, from the Church of St. Antony the wall proceeded along
+the shore of the Golden Horn to the head of the promontory, thus
+completing the circuit of the fortifications.
+
+It should, however, be noted that this work of surrounding the city with
+bulwarks was not executed entirely in the reign of Constantine. A
+portion of the undertaking—probably the walls defending the shores of
+the city—was left for his son and successor Constantius to
+complete.[102]
+
+The following gates, mentioned in Byzantine history, were found, there
+is reason to believe, in the Constantinian circuit:—
+
+Porta Polyandriou (Πόρτα Πολυανδρίου,[103] the Gate of the Cemetery)
+stood in the portion of the wall near the Church of the Holy Apostles.
+It is true that this was one of the names of the Gate of Adrianople in
+the later Theodosian Walls, but if the name was derived from the
+Imperial Cemetery beside the Church of the Holy Apostles, there is much
+probability in Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion that the designation belonged
+originally to the corresponding gate in the Constantinian
+fortifications, which stood closer to the cemetery.[104]
+
+Another gate was the Porta Atalou (Πόρτα Ἀτάλου).[105] It was adorned
+with the statue of Constantine the Great and the statue of Atalus, after
+whom the gate was named. Both monuments fell in the earthquake of 740.
+The presence of the statue of the founder of the city upon the gate, the
+fact that the damage which the gate sustained in 740 is mentioned in
+close connection with the injuries done at the same time to the Column
+of Arcadius on the Xeropholos,[106] and the lack of any proof that the
+gate stood in the Theodosian Walls, are circumstances which favour the
+view that it was an entrance in the Wall of Constantine. From its
+association with the Xerolophos one would infer that the Gate of Atalus
+was situated on the Seventh Hill, in a position corresponding to one of
+the later Theodosian gates on that eminence.
+
+That the Palaia Porta—Isa Kapoussi, beside the Mosque Isa Kapou
+Mesdjidi—was a Constantinian gate is beyond dispute.[107] But a
+difficult, and at the same time important, question occurs in connection
+with it. Was it the Porta Aurea mentioned in the _Notitia_ as the gate
+from which the length of the city was measured? What renders this a
+difficult question is the fact that the Porta Aurea of the Theodosian
+Walls—the celebrated Golden Gate which appears so frequently in the
+history of the city, and which is now incorporated in the Turkish
+fortress of the Seven Towers (Yedi Koulè), under the name Yedi Koulè
+Kapoussi—was already in existence when the _Notitia_ was written.[108]
+That being the case, the presumption is in favour of the opinion that
+the Golden Gate at Yedi Koulè is the Porta Aurea to which the _Notitia_
+refers; and this opinion has upon its side the great authority of Dr.
+Strzygowski.[109] On the other hand, the distance from the Porta Aurea
+to the sea, as given by the _Notitia_, does not correspond to the
+distance between Yedi Koulè and the head of the promontory, the latter
+distance being much greater. To suppose that this discrepancy is due to
+a mistake which has crept into the figures of the _Notitia_ is possible;
+but the supposition is open to more than one objection. In the first
+place, such a view obliges us to assume a similar mistake in the figures
+which that authority gives for the breadth of the city, seeing they do
+not accord with the breadth of the city along the line of the Theodosian
+Walls. But even if this objection is waived, and the possibility of a
+double error admitted in the abstract, the hypothesis of a mistake in
+the figures before us is attended by another difficulty, which cannot be
+dismissed so easily. How comes it that figures condemned as inaccurate
+because they do not accord with the size of Constantinople under
+Theodosius II., prove perfectly correct when applied to the dimensions
+of the city under its founder? How come these figures to agree
+completely with what we learn regarding the length and breadth of the
+city of Constantine from other data on that subject? This cannot be an
+accident; the only satisfactory explanation is that the figures in
+question belonged to the primitive text of the document in which they
+are found, and never referred to anything else than the original size of
+the city. Hence we are compelled to adopt the view that when the
+_Notitia_ was written, two gates bearing the epithet “Golden” existed in
+Constantinople, one of them in the older circuit of the city, the other
+in the later fortifications of Theodosius, and that the author of the
+_Notitia_ refers to the earlier entrance. There is nothing strange in
+the existence of a Triumphal Gate in the Wall of Constantine, while the
+duplication of such an entrance for a later line of bulwarks was
+perfectly natural.
+
+Why the _Notitia_ overlooks the second Porta Aurea is explained by the
+point of view from which that work was written. Its author was concerned
+with the original city. A gate in the Wall of Theodosius was only the
+vestibule of the corresponding Constantinian entrance.
+
+The existence of a Porta Aurea in the Wall of Constantine being thus
+established, the identification of that gate with the Palaia Porta
+offers little difficulty. The Constantinian Porta Aurea, like the
+Ancient Gate, stood on the Seventh Hill, since the portion of the Via
+Triumphalis leading from the Exokionion to the Forum of Arcadius was on
+that eminence.[110] Like the Ancient Gate, the Porta Aurea was,
+moreover, distinguished by fine architectural features, as its very
+epithet implies, and, as the _Notitia_ declares, when it states that the
+city wall bounding the Twelfth Region, on the Seventh Hill, was
+remarkable for its monumental character—“Quam (regionem) mœnium
+sublimior decorat ornatus.”[111] Gates so similar in their position and
+appearance can scarcely have been different entrances.
+
+Of the Constantinian gates along the seaboard of the city, the only one
+about which anything positive can be affirmed is the Gate of St.
+Æmilianus, near the Church of St. Mary Rabdou, on the Sea of Marmora. It
+is now represented by Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.[112]
+
+Dr. Mordtmann[113] suggests the existence of a gate known as the
+Basilikè Porta beside the Golden Horn, where Ayasma Kapoussi stands; but
+this conjecture is exceedingly doubtful.
+
+The Wall of Constantine formed the boundary and bulwark of the city for
+some eighty years, its great service being the protection of the new
+capital against the Visigoths, who asserted their power in the Balkan
+Peninsula during the latter part of the fourth century and the earlier
+portion of the fifth. After the terrible defeat of the Roman arms at
+Adrianople in 378, the Goths marched upon Constantinople, but soon
+retired, in view of the hopelessness of an attack upon the
+fortifications. The bold Alaric never dared to assail these walls; while
+Gainas, finding he could not carry them by surprise, broke up his camp
+at the Hebdomon, and withdrew to the interior of Thrace.
+
+It is a mistake, however, to suppose that the original bulwarks of the
+capital were demolished as soon as the Theodosian Walls were built.[114]
+On the contrary, the old works continued for a considerable period to
+form an inner line of defence. We hear of them in the reign of Justinian
+the Great, when, together with the Wall of Theodosius, they were injured
+by a violent earthquake.[115] They were in their place also when the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ was written.[116] What their condition precisely was
+in 740, when the Gate of Atalus was overthrown,[117] cannot be
+determined, but evidently they had not completely disappeared.
+Thereafter nothing more is heard of them, and the probability is that
+they were left to waste away gradually. Remains of ancient walls
+survived in the neighbourhood of Isa Kapoussi as late as the early part
+of this century.[118]
+
+
+           Interior Arrangements of the City of Constantine.
+
+
+The work of altering Byzantium to become the seat of government was
+commenced in 328, and occupied some two years, materials and labourers
+for the purpose being gathered from all parts of the Empire. Workmen
+skilled in cutting columns and marble came even from the neighbourhood
+of Naples,[119] and the forty thousand Gothic troops, known as the
+Fœderati, lent their strength to push the work forward.[120]
+
+At length, on the 11th of May, A.D. 330,[121] the city of Constantine,
+destined to rank among the great capitals of the world, and to exert a
+vast influence over the course of human affairs, was dedicated with
+public rejoicings which lasted forty days.[122]
+
+The internal arrangements of the city were determined mainly by the
+configuration of its site, the position of the buildings taken over from
+Byzantium, and the desire to reproduce some of the features of Rome.
+
+The principal new works gathered about two nuclei—the chief Gate of
+Byzantium and the Square of the Tetrastoon.
+
+Immediately without the gate was placed the Forum, named after
+Constantine.[123] It was elliptical in shape, paved with large stones,
+and surrounded by a double tier of porticoes; a lofty marble archway at
+each extremity of its longer axis led into this area, and in the centre
+rose a porphyry column, bearing a statue of Apollo crowned with seven
+rays. The figure represented the founder of the city “shining like the
+sun” upon the scene of his creation. On the northern side of the Forum a
+Senate House was erected.[124]
+
+The Tetrastoon was enlarged and embellished, receiving in its new
+character the name “Augustaion,” in honour of Constantine’s mother
+Helena, who bore the title Augusta, and whose statue, set upon a
+porphyry column, adorned the square.[125]
+
+The Hippodrome was now completed,[126] to become “the axis of the
+Byzantine world,” and there, in addition to other monuments, the Serpent
+Column from Delphi was placed. The adjoining Thermæ of Zeuxippus were
+improved.[127] An Imperial Palace,[128] with its main entrance on the
+southern side of the Augustaion, was built to the east of the
+Hippodrome, where it stood related to the race-course very much as the
+Palace of the Cæsars on the Palatine was related to the Circus Maximus.
+There, at the same time, it commanded the beautiful view presented by
+the Sea of Marmora, the Prince’s Islands, the hilly Asiatic coast, and
+the snow-capped Bythinian Olympus. Eusebius, who saw the palace in its
+glory, describes it as “most magnificent;”[129] while Zosimus speaks of
+it as scarcely inferior to the Imperial Residence in Rome.[130]
+
+On the eastern side of the Augustaion rose the Basilica,[131] where the
+Senate held its principal meetings. It was entered through a porch
+supported by six splendid columns of marble, and the building itself was
+decorated with every possible variety of the same material. There also
+statues of rare workmanship were placed, such as the Group of the Muses
+from Helicon, the statue of Zeus from Dodona, and that of Pallas from
+Lindus.[132]
+
+According to Eusebius, Constantine adorned the city and its suburbs with
+many churches,[133] the most prominent of them being the Church of
+Irene[134] and the Church of the Apostles.[135] The former was situated
+a short distance to the north of the Augustaion, and there, as restored
+first by Justinian the Great, and later by Leo III., it still stands
+within the Seraglio enclosure, now an arsenal of Turkish arms.
+
+The Church of the Apostles, with its roof covered with tiles of gilded
+bronze, crowned the summit of the Fourth Hill, where it has been
+replaced by the Mosque of the Turkish Conqueror of the city.
+
+There, also, Constantine erected for himself a mausoleum, surrounded by
+twelve pillars after the number of the Apostles;[136] and in the
+porticoes and chapels beside the church most of Constantine’s successors
+and their empresses, as well as the patriarchs of the city, found their
+last resting-place in sarcophagi of porphyry or marble. Whether
+Constantine had any part in the erection of St. Sophia is extremely
+uncertain. Eusebius is silent regarding that church; Socrates ascribes
+it to Constantius. Possibly Constantine laid the foundations of the
+famous sanctuary.
+
+Among other churches ascribed to the founder of the city are those
+dedicated, respectively, to St. Mokius, St. Acacius, St. Agathonicus,
+and to Michael the Archangel at Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), on the
+Bosporus.[137] There is no doubt that in the foundation of New Rome,
+Constantine emphasized the alliance of the Empire with the Christian
+Church. “Over the entrance of his palace,” says Eusebius, “he caused a
+rich cross to be erected of gold and precious stones, as a protection
+and a divine charm against the machinations and evil purposes of his
+enemies.”[138]
+
+Three streets running the length of the city formed the great arteries
+of communication.[139]
+
+One started from the south-western end of the palace enclosure, and
+proceeded along the Sea of Marmora to the Church of St. Æmilianus, at
+the southern extremity of the land wall. At that point was the Harbour
+of Eleutherius,[140] on the site of Vlanga Bostan, providing the city
+with what Nature had failed to supply—a harbour of refuge on the
+southern coast of the promontory.
+
+Another street commenced at the south-eastern end of the palace grounds
+(Tzycanisterion), and ran first to the point of the Acropolis along the
+eastern shore of the city, passing on the way the theatre and
+amphitheatre of Byzantium. Near the latter Constantine built the
+Mangana, or Military Arsenal.[141] The street then proceeded westwards
+along the Golden Horn, past the Temples of Zeus and Poseidon, the
+Stadium, the Strategion, and the principal harbours of the city, to the
+Church of St. Antony in the quarter of Harmatius. In the Strategion an
+equestrian statue of Constantine was placed, and a pillar bearing the
+edict which bestowed upon the city the name of New Rome, as well as the
+rights and privileges of the elder capital.[142]
+
+The third street started from the main gate of the palace, and
+proceeded, first, from the Augustaion to the Forum of Constantine. On
+reaching the Third Hill it divided into two branches, one leading to the
+Porta Aurea and the Exokionion, the other to the Church of the Holy
+Apostles and the Gate of the Polyandrion. This was the main artery of
+the city, and was named the Mesè (Μεσὴ) on account of its central
+position. Porticoes built by Eubulus, one of the senators who
+accompanied Constantine from Rome, lined both sides of the Mesè, and one
+side of the two other streets, adding at once to the convenience and
+beauty of the thoroughfares. The porticoes extending from the Augustaion
+to the Forum of Constantine were particularly handsome.[143] Upon the
+summit of all the porticoes walks or terraces were laid out, adorned
+with countless statues, and commanding views of the city and of the
+surrounding hills and waters. Thus, the street scenery of Constantinople
+combined the attractions of Art and Nature.
+
+The water-supply of the new capital was one of the most important
+undertakings of the day.[144] While the water-works of Byzantium, as
+improved by Hadrian, continued to be used, they were extended, to render
+the supply of water more abundant. What exactly was done for that
+purpose is, however, a matter of conjecture.[145]
+
+To the construction of the aqueducts, porticoes, and fortifications of
+New Rome sixty centenaria of gold (£2,500,000) were devoted.[146]
+
+The health of the city was consulted by building sewers far underground,
+and carrying them to the sea.[147]
+
+With the view of drawing population to the new city, Constantine made
+the wheat hitherto sent from Egypt to Rome the appanage of
+Constantinople, and ordered the daily free distribution of eighty
+thousand loaves.[148] The citizens were, moreover, granted the Jus
+Italicus,[149] while, to attract families of distinction the emperor
+erected several mansions for presentation to Roman senators.[150]
+House-building was encouraged by granting estates in Pontus and Asia, on
+the tenure of maintaining a residence in the new capital.[151]
+
+Furthermore, in virtue of its new dignity, the city was relieved from
+its subordination to the town of Heraclea,[152] imposed since the time
+of Septimius Severus, and the members of the public council of New Rome
+were constituted into a Senate, with the right to bear the title of
+Clari.[153]
+
+For municipal purposes the city was divided, like Rome, into Fourteen
+Regions,[154] two of them being outside the circuit of the
+fortifications, viz. the Thirteenth, which comprised Sycæ (Galata), on
+the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the Fourteenth, constituting
+the suburb of Blachernæ, now the quarters of Egri Kapou and Aivan Serai.
+
+Footnote 40:
+
+  Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
+
+Footnote 41:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 42:
+
+  Pages 96, 97.
+
+Footnote 43:
+
+  See above, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 44:
+
+  _Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanæ et
+  Laterculi Provinciarum_, edidit Otto Seeck, p. 243.
+
+  The _Notitia_, so far as Constantinople is concerned, will be found in
+  Gyllius’ _De Topographia Constantinopoleos_.
+
+  “Habet sane longitudo urbis a porta aurea usque ad litus maris directa
+  linea pedum quattuordecim milia septuaginta quinque, latitudo autem
+  pedum sex milia centum quinquaginta.”
+
+Footnote 45:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; Anonymus, i. p. 2.
+
+Footnote 46:
+
+  See below, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 47:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 48:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 20.
+
+Footnote 49:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 50:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 561; Socrates, v. c. 7.
+
+Footnote 51:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 52:
+
+  Theophanes Continuatus, p. 196; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 173; Nicetas
+  Chon. p. 319.
+
+Footnote 53:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 54:
+
+  On the occasion of his second visit, Gyllius saw the column removed to
+  the Mosque of Sultan Suleiman.
+
+Footnote 55:
+
+  Pages 10, 72.
+
+Footnote 56:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 57:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540, Ἄνωθεν τῆς περιβλέπτου μονῆς, ἐν τῷ τοπω τῷ
+  καλουμένῳ Σίγματι.
+
+Footnote 58:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 59:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 579.
+
+Footnote 60:
+
+  Socrates, vii. c. 5; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 61:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, v. p. 81; _Synaxaria_, May 11.
+
+Footnote 62:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 55, 56.
+
+Footnote 63:
+
+  Codinus, p. 99; Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 8.
+
+Footnote 64:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, p. 362.
+
+Footnote 65:
+
+  Codinus, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 66:
+
+  Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 67:
+
+  Du Cange, iv. p. 102.
+
+Footnote 68:
+
+  _Patrologia Græca_, vol. clvi. p. 54, Migne.
+
+Footnote 69:
+
+  Another copy of the map of Bondelmontius than that forming the
+  Frontispiece of this work is found at the beginning of Du Cange’s
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_.
+
+Footnote 70:
+
+  For this information I am indebted to Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., of the
+  American Board of Missions.
+
+Footnote 71:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, pp. 361-363.
+
+Footnote 72:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 154.
+
+Footnote 73:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 74:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 75:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 76:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 103; _Traduits pour la Société de
+  l’Orient Latin_, par Madame B. de Khitrovo.
+
+Footnote 77:
+
+  Codinus, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 78:
+
+  Page 593.
+
+Footnote 79:
+
+  Theophanes Continuatus, p. 168.
+
+Footnote 80:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 304-306.
+
+Footnote 81:
+
+  Codinus, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 82:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 4.
+
+Footnote 83:
+
+  Pages 72, 73.
+
+Footnote 84:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+Footnote 85:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 532.
+
+Footnote 86:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra._
+
+Footnote 87:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., p. 532.
+
+Footnote 88:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 49, Ἐσκέπασεν αὐτὴν κυλινδρικῷ θόλῳ.
+
+Footnote 89:
+
+  The literary form of the word is Djami’i.
+
+Footnote 90:
+
+  _Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 91:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XI._
+
+Footnote 92:
+
+  Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 93:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, June 17, 20; Anonymus, ii. p. 35.
+
+Footnote 94:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 36.
+
+Footnote 95:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 104, 105.
+
+Footnote 96:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 320-322.
+
+Footnote 97:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 381-383.
+
+Footnote 98:
+
+  Page 494, Τὸ παλαιὸν τεῖχος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τουτέστιν ἀπὸ τοῦ
+  καλουμένου Πετρίου ἕως τῆς πόρτας τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, πλησίον τῆς
+  καλουμένης Ῥάβδου.
+
+Footnote 99:
+
+  See _Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 100:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. pp. 39, 40.
+
+Footnote 101:
+
+  _Bollandists_, May 30, p. 238, Ἐν μαρτυρείῳ τῆς ἁγίας Εὐφημίας τῷ ὄντι
+  πλησίον τοῦ ἁγίου Λαυρεντίου ἐν τῷ Πετρίῳ.
+
+  Under August 10, St. Laurentius is described as ἐν Πουλχεριαναῖς and
+  ἐν Πετρίῳ. See below, pp. 206, 207.
+
+Footnote 102:
+
+  Emperor Julian, _Oratio I._
+
+Footnote 103:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 719.
+
+Footnote 104:
+
+  Pages 10, 28. See below, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 105:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 106:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra._
+
+Footnote 107:
+
+  See above, pp. 21, 22.
+
+Footnote 108:
+
+  See below, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 109:
+
+  See below, p. 61, ref. 5.
+
+Footnote 110:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 111:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 112:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; see below, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 113:
+
+  Pages 7, 8. There is no proof for the existence of a Porta Saturnini
+  in the Constantinian Wall (_Esquisse Top. de CP._). The author of the
+  “Life of St. Isaacius,” in the _Bollandists_ (May 31, p. 256, n. 4, p.
+  259), says that a cell was built for that saint by Saturninus:
+  “Suburbanam, nec procul a civitatis muris (Constantinian) remotam
+  domum.” The house of Saturninus himself is described as “extra portam
+  Collarida” (Xerolophos). But nothing is said regarding a gate named
+  after him. Regarding this Basilikè Porta, see below, p. 213.
+
+Footnote 114:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistus, xiv. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 115:
+
+  Malalas, p. 488; Agathias, v. c. 5, 3-8.
+
+Footnote 116:
+
+  Page 494.
+
+Footnote 117:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 118:
+
+  Paspates, p. 363.
+
+Footnote 119:
+
+  Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 266.
+
+Footnote 120:
+
+  Jornandes, _De Rebus Get._, c. 21, “Nam et dum famosissimam et Romæ
+  æmulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio,
+  qui fœdere inito cum imperatore XL. suorum millia illi in solatio
+  contra gentes varias obtulere, quorum et numerus et millia usque, in
+  Rep. nominantur Fœderati.”
+
+  In one brief (_Cod. Theod._, lib. 13, tit. iv. 1) Constantine
+  complains of the dearth of architects; in another (_Cod. Theod._, lib.
+  13, tit. iv. 2) he offers to free from taxes thirty-five master
+  artificers if they would bring up their sons in the same professions.
+
+Footnote 121:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 529.
+
+Footnote 122:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, lib. v. p. 98.
+
+Footnote 123:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 528; Zosimus, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 124:
+
+  Hesychius, _Frag. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 154; Anonymus, i. p. 13.
+
+Footnote 125:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 529, Αὐγουσταῖον.
+
+Footnote 126:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 528.
+
+Footnote 127:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 529.
+
+Footnote 128:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 528.
+
+Footnote 129:
+
+  Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_, iv. 66.
+
+Footnote 130:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 131:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 528, 529.
+
+Footnote 132:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 280, 281.
+
+Footnote 133:
+
+  Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_, iii. 47.
+
+Footnote 134:
+
+  Socrates, i. c. 16.
+
+Footnote 135:
+
+  Eusebius, iv. c. 52-60.
+
+Footnote 136:
+
+  Eusebius, iv. 60.
+
+Footnote 137:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, p. 154; Theophanes, p. 34;
+  Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 138:
+
+  _Life of Constantine_, iii. c. 48.
+
+Footnote 139:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, pp. 22, 23.
+
+Footnote 140:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46. See below, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 141:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 26. See below, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 142:
+
+  Socrates, i. c. 16.
+
+Footnote 143:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 528; Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 266.
+
+Footnote 144:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 145:
+
+  Cf. Tchihatchef, _Le Bosphore et Constantinople_, chap. ii.;
+  Andreossy, _Constantinople et le Bosphore de Thrace_, Livre Troisième,
+  “Système des Eaux.”
+
+Footnote 146:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5.
+
+Footnote 147:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 148:
+
+  Socrates, ii. c. 13; Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
+
+Footnote 149:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, lib. xiv. 13; _Cod. Justin._, xi. 20.
+
+Footnote 150:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 154; Zosimus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 151:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, Novella 12.
+
+Footnote 152:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 530. Because of this subordination of Byzantium
+  to Heraclea, the bishop of the latter city has still the right to
+  preside at the consecration of the patriarch of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 153:
+
+  Valesian Anonymus, appended to the History of Ammianus Marcellinus.
+  The senators of Rome were styled “Clarissimi.”
+
+Footnote 154:
+
+  _Nolitia, ad Regiones._ On the delimitation of the Regions, see
+  Gyllius, _De Topographia Constantinopleos_, l. ii. c. 2, 10, 16; l.
+  iii. c. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9; l. iv. c. 1, 3, 7, 10, 11; and Mordtmann,
+  _Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople_, pp. 2-10. The point on
+  which these authorities differ most widely is regarding the situation
+  of the Seventh Region, Gyllius making it occupy the valley of the
+  Grand Bazaar, on the northern side of the city; while Mordtmann (pp.
+  6, 7) places it on the southern slope of the Second Hill, from the
+  Forum of Constantine to the Sea of Marmora. My view (at present) on
+  the subject is indicated in the Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+                         THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+The enduring character of the political reasons which had called the new
+capital into being, and the commercial advantages which its unique
+position commanded, favoured such an increase of population, that before
+eighty-five years had elapsed, the original limits of Constantinople
+proved too narrow for the crowds gathered within the walls.
+
+So numerous were the inhabitants already in 378, that the Goths, who
+then appeared before the city after the defeat of the Roman arms at
+Adrianople, abandoned all hope of capturing a stronghold which could
+draw upon such multitudes for its defence.[155]
+
+[Illustration: The Land Walls of Constantinople.]
+
+Three years later, Athanaric[156] marvelled at the variety of peoples
+which poured into the city, as they have ever since, like streams from
+different points into a common reservoir. Soon the corn fleets of
+Alexandria, Asia, Syria, and Phœnicia, were unable to provide the city
+with sufficient bread.[157] The houses were packed so closely that the
+citizens, whether at home or abroad, felt confined and oppressed, while
+to walk the streets was dangerous, on account of the number of the
+beasts of burden that crowded the thoroughfares. Building-ground was in
+such demand that portions of the sea along the shores of the city had to
+be filled in, and the erections on that artificial land alone formed a
+considerable town.[158] Sozomon goes so far as to affirm that
+Constantinople had grown more populous than Rome.[159]
+
+This increase of the population is explained, in part, by the
+attractions which a capital, and especially one founded recently,
+offered alike to rich and poor as a place of residence and occupation.
+The ecclesiastical dignity of the city, when elevated to the second rank
+in the hierarchy of the Church, made it, moreover, the religious centre
+of the East, and drew a large body of ecclesiastics and devout persons
+within its bounds. The presence and incursions of the Goths and the Huns
+south of the Danube drove many of the original inhabitants of the
+invaded districts for shelter behind the fortifications of the city, and
+led multitudes of barbarians thither in search of employment or the
+pleasures of civilized life.
+
+Then, it must be remembered that no capital is built in a day.
+
+To make the city worthy of its name involved great labour, and demanded
+an army of workmen of every description. There were many structures
+which Constantine had only commenced; the completion of the
+fortifications of the city had been left to Constantius; Julian found it
+necessary to construct a second harbour on the side of the Sea of
+Marmora; Valens was obliged to improve the water-works of the city by
+the erection of the fine aqueduct which spans the valley between the
+Fourth and Fifth Hills. And how large a number of hands such works
+required appears from the fact that when the aqueduct was repaired, in
+the ninth century, 6000 labourers were brought from the provinces to
+Constantinople for the purpose.[160]
+
+Under the rule of the Theodosian dynasty the improvement of the city
+went forward with leaps and bounds. Most of the public places and
+buildings enumerated by the _Notitia_, were constructed under the
+auspices of that House, and transformed the city. A vivid picture of the
+change is drawn by Themistius,[161] who knew all the phases through
+which Constantinople had passed, from the reign of Constantius to that
+of Theodosius the Great. “No longer,” exclaims the orator, as he viewed
+the altered appearance of things around him, “is the vacant ground in
+the city more extensive than that occupied by buildings; nor are we
+cultivating more territory within our walls than we inhabit; the beauty
+of the city is not, as heretofore, scattered over it in patches, but
+covers its whole area like a robe woven to the very fringe. The city
+gleams with gold and porphyry. It has a (new) Forum, named after the
+emperor; it owns Baths, Porticoes, Gymnasia; and its former extremity is
+now its centre. Were Constantine to see the capital he founded he would
+behold a glorious and splendid scene, not a bare and empty void; he
+would find it fair, not with apparent, but with real beauty.” The
+mansions of the rich, the orator continues, had become larger and more
+sumptuous; the suburbs had expanded; the place “was full of carpenters,
+builders, decorators, and artisans of every description, and might fitly
+be called a work-shop of magnificence.” “Should the zeal of the emperor
+to adorn the city continue,” adds Themistius, in prophetic strain, “a
+wider circuit will be demanded, and the question will arise whether the
+city added to Constantinople by Theodosius is not more splendid than the
+city which Constantine added to Byzantium.”
+
+The growth of the capital went on under Arcadius, with the result that
+early in the reign of his son, the younger Theodosius, the enlargement
+of the city limits, foreseen by Themistius, was carried into effect.
+
+But this extension of the boundaries was not made simply to suit the
+convenience of a large population. It was required also by the need of
+new bulwarks. Constantinople called for more security, as well as for
+more room. The barbarians were giving grave reasons for disquiet; Rome
+had been captured by the Goths; the Huns had crossed the Danube, and
+though repelled, still dreamed of carrying their conquests wherever the
+sun shone. It was, indeed, time for the Empire to gird on its whole
+armour.
+
+Fortunately for the eastern portion of the Roman world, Anthemius, the
+statesman at the head of the Government for six years during the
+minority of Theodosius II., was eminently qualified for his position by
+lofty character, distinguished ability, and long experience in the
+public service. When appointed Prætorian Prefect of the East, in 405, by
+the Emperor Arcadius, Chrysostom remarked that the appointment conferred
+more honour on the office than upon Anthemius himself; and the
+ecclesiastical historian Socrates extols the prefect as “one of the
+wisest men of the age.”[162] Proceeding, therefore, to do all in his
+power to promote the security of the State, Anthemius cleared the Balkan
+Peninsula of the hostile Huns under Uldin, driving them north of the
+Danube. Then, to prevent the return of the enemy, he placed a permanent
+flotilla of 250 vessels on that river, and strengthened the
+fortifications of the cities in Illyria; and to crown the system of
+defence, he made Constantinople a mighty citadel. The enlargement and
+refortification of the city was thus part of a comprehensive and
+far-seeing plan to equip the Roman State in the East for the impending
+desperate struggle with barbarism; and of all the services which
+Anthemius rendered, the most valuable and enduring was the addition he
+made to the military importance of the capital. The bounds he assigned
+to the city fixed, substantially, her permanent dimensions, and behind
+the bulwarks he raised—improved and often repaired, indeed, by his
+successors—Constantinople acted her great part in the history of the
+world.
+
+The erection and repair of the fortifications of a city was an
+undertaking which all citizens were required to assist, in one form or
+another. On that point the laws were very stringent, and no rank or
+privilege exempted any one from the obligation to promote the work.[163]
+One-third of the annual land-tax of the city could be drawn upon to
+defray the outlay, all expenses above that amount being met by
+requisitions laid upon the inhabitants. The work of construction was
+entrusted to the Factions, as several inscriptions on the walls testify.
+In 447, when the Theodosian fortifications were repaired and extended,
+the Blues and the Greens furnished, between them, sixteen thousand
+labourers for the undertaking.[164]
+
+The stone employed upon the fortifications is tertiary limestone,
+brought from the neighbourhood of Makrikeui, where the hollows and
+mounds formed in quarrying are still visible. The bricks used are from 1
+foot 1 inch to 1 foot 2 inches square, and 2 inches thick. They are
+sometimes stamped with the name of their manufacturer or donor, and
+occasionally bear the name of the contemporary emperor, and the
+indiction in which they were made. Mortar, mixed with powdered brick,
+was employed in large quantities, lest it should dry without taking
+hold,[165] and bound the masonry into a solid mass, hard as rock.
+
+The wall of Anthemius was erected in 413,[166] the fifth year of
+Theodosius II., then about twelve years of age, and is now represented
+by the inner wall in the fortifications that extend along the west of
+the city, from the Sea of Marmora to the ruins of the Byzantine Palace,
+known as Tekfour Serai. The new city limits were thus placed at a
+distance of one mile to one mile and a half west of the Wall of
+Constantine.
+
+This change in the position of the landward line of defence involved the
+extension likewise of the walls along the two shores of the city; but
+though that portion of the work must have been included in the plan of
+Anthemius, it was not executed till after his day. As we shall find, the
+new seaboard of the capital was fortified a quarter of a century later,
+in 439, under the direction of the Prefect Cyrus, while Theodosius II.
+was still upon the throne.
+
+The bulwarks of Anthemius saved the city from attack by Attila. They
+were too formidable for him to venture to assail them.
+
+But they suffered soon at the hands of the power which was to inflict
+more injury upon the fortifications of Constantinople than any other
+foe. In 447, only thirty-four years after their construction, the
+greater portion of the new walls, with fifty-seven towers, was
+overthrown by a series of violent earthquakes.[167] The disaster was
+particularly inopportune at the moment it occurred, for already in that
+year Attila had defeated the armies of Theodosius in three successive
+engagements, ravaged with fire and sword the provinces of Macedonia and
+Thrace, and come as near to Constantinople as Athyras (Buyuk
+Tchekmedjè). He had dictated an ignominious treaty of peace, exacting
+the cession of territory south of the Danube, the payment of an
+indemnity of 6000 pounds of gold, and the increase of the annual tribute
+paid to him by the Eastern Empire from 700 pounds of gold to 2100.
+
+The crisis was, however, met with splendid energy by Constantine, then
+Prætorian Prefect of the East, and under his direction, as Marcellinus
+Comes affirms, the walls were restored in less than three months after
+their overthrow.[168] But besides restoring the shattered bulwarks of
+his predecessor, Constantine seized the opportunity to render the city a
+much stronger fortress than even Anthemius had made it. Accordingly,
+another wall, with a broad and deep moat before it, was erected in front
+of the Wall of Anthemius, to place the city behind three lines of
+defence. The walls were flanked by 192 towers, while the ground between
+the two walls, and that between the Outer Wall and the Moat, provided
+room for the action of large bodies of troops. These five portions of
+the fortifications rose tier above tier, and combined to form a
+barricade 190-207 feet thick, and over 100 feet high.[169]
+
+As an inscription[170] upon the fortifications proclaimed, this was a
+wall indeed, τὸ καὶ τεῖχος ὄντως—a wall which, so long as ordinary
+courage survived and the modes of ancient warfare were not superseded,
+made Constantinople impregnable, and behind which civilization defied
+the assaults of barbarism for a thousand years.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the
+Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).]
+
+Three inscriptions commemorating the erection of these noble works of
+defence have been discovered. Two of them are still found on the Gate
+Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi (Porta Rhousiou), one being in Greek, the
+other in Latin, as both languages were then in official use. The former
+reads to the effect that “In sixty days, by the order of the
+sceptre-loving Emperor, Constantine the Eparch added wall to wall.”
+
+               † ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟΣΚΗΠΤΡΩ ΒΑΣΙΛΗΙ †
+               ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΔΕΙΜΑΤΟ ΤΕΙΧΕΙ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ †
+
+The Latin legend is more boastful: “By the commands of Theodosius, in
+less than two months, Constantine erected triumphantly these strong
+walls. Scarcely could Pallas have built so quickly so strong a citadel.”
+
+           THEODOSII JUSSIS GEMINO NEC MENSE PERACTO †
+           CONSTANTINUS OVANS HAEC MOENIA FIRMA LOCAVIT
+           TAM CITO TAM STABILEM PALLAS VIX CONDERET ARCEM †[171]
+
+The third inscription has disappeared from its place on the Porta
+Xylokerkou, but is preserved in the Greek Anthology.[172] It declared
+that, “The Emperor Theodosius and Constantine the Eparch of the East
+built this wall in sixty days.”
+
+                ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ
+                ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ
+
+The shortness of the time assigned to the execution of the work is
+certainly astonishing. Perhaps the statement of the inscriptions will
+appear more credible if understood to refer exclusively to the second
+wall, and if we realize the terror which the Huns then inspired. The
+dread of Attila, “the Scourge of God,” might well prove an incentive to
+extraordinary performance, and strain every muscle to the utmost
+tension.
+
+But the question of the time occupied in the reconstruction of the walls
+is not the only difficulty raised by these inscriptions. They present a
+question also as regards the official under whose direction that work
+was executed. For according to them, and Marcellinus Comes, the
+superintendent of the work was named Constantine.[173] Theophanes and
+subsequent historians, on the other hand, ascribe the undertaking to the
+Prefect Cyrus.[174] This is a serious discrepancy, and authorities are
+not agreed in their mode of dealing with it. Some have proposed to
+remove the difficulty by the simple expedient of identifying Constantine
+and Cyrus;[175] while others maintain a distinction of persons, and
+reconcile the conflicting statements by understanding them to refer,
+respectively, to different occasions on which the walls were
+repaired.[176]
+
+Cyrus was one of the most conspicuous figures in the history of the city
+during the reign of Theodosius II.[177] On account of his talents and
+integrity he held the office of Prætorian Prefect, and that of Prefect
+of the City, for four years, making himself immensely popular by the
+character of his administration. During his prefecture, in 439, the new
+walls along the shores of the city were constructed. The fires and
+earthquakes, moreover, which devastated Constantinople in the earlier
+half of the fifth century, afforded him ample opportunity for carrying
+out civic improvements, and he was to be seen constantly driving about
+the city in his chariot to inspect the public buildings in course of
+erection, and to push forward their completion. Among other works, he
+restored the great Bath of Achilles, which had been destroyed in the
+fire of 433.[178] To him also is ascribed the introduction of the
+practice of lighting the shops and streets of the capital at night.[179]
+He was, moreover, a man of literary tastes, and a poet, who counted the
+Empress Eudoxia, herself a poetess, one of his admirers.[180] In the
+competition between Greek and Latin for ascendency as the official
+language of the Government, he took the side of the former by issuing
+his decrees in Greek, a practice which made the conservative Lydus style
+him ironically, “Our Demosthenes.”[181]
+
+But in the midst of all his success, Cyrus remained self-possessed and
+sober-minded. “I do not like Fortune, when she smiles much,”[182] he was
+accustomed to say; and at length the tide of his prosperity turned.
+Taking his seat one day in the Hippodrome, he was greeted with a storm
+of applause. “Constantine,” the vast assembly shouted, “founded the
+city; Cyrus restored it.” For a subject to be so popular was a crime.
+Theodosius took umbrage at the ovation accorded to the renovator of the
+city, and Cyrus was dismissed from office, deprived of his property,
+forced to enter the Church, and sent to Smyrna to succeed four bishops
+who had perished at the hands of brigands. Upon his arrival in that city
+on Christmas Day he found his people ill-prepared to receive him, so
+indignant were they that a man still counted a heathen and a heretic
+should have been appointed the shepherd of their souls. But a short
+allocution, which Cyrus delivered in honour of the festival, disarmed
+the opposition to him, and he spent the last years of his life in the
+diocese, undisturbed by political turmoils and unmolested by robbers.
+
+Returning to the question of the identity of Cyrus with the Prefect
+Constantine above mentioned, the strongest argument in favour of that
+identity is the fact that, commencing with Theophanes, who flourished in
+the latter part of the eighth century, all historians who refer to the
+fortification of the city under Theodosius II. ascribe the work to
+Cyrus. That they should be mistaken on this point, it may be urged, is
+extremely improbable. On this view, the occurrence of the name
+Constantine instead of Cyrus in the inscriptions and in Marcellinus
+Comes, is explained by the supposition that the former name was the one
+which Cyrus assumed, as usual under such circumstances, after his
+conversion to the Christian faith.[183] But surely any name which Cyrus
+acquired after his dismissal from office could not be employed as his
+designation in documents anterior to his fall. Perhaps a better
+explanation is that Cyrus always had both names, one used habitually,
+the other rarely, and that the latter appears in the inscriptions
+because more suited than the former to the versification in which they
+are cast. This, however, does not explain why Marcellinus Comes prefers
+the name Constantine.
+
+On the other hand, the proposed identification of Cyrus and Constantine
+is open to serious objections. In the first place, not till the eighth
+century is the name of Cyrus associated with the land walls of
+Constantinople. Earlier historians,[184] when speaking of Cyrus and
+extolling his services, say nothing as to his having been concerned in
+the fortification of the city in 447.
+
+In the next place, the information of Theophanes and his followers does
+not seem based upon a thorough investigation of the subject. These
+writers ignore the fact that under Theodosius II. the land walls were
+built on two occasions; they ascribe to Cyrus everything done in the
+fifth century in the way of enlarging and fortifying the capital, and
+are silent as regards the connection of the great Anthemius with that
+work.
+
+The only Byzantine author later than the fifth century who recalls the
+services of Anthemius is Nicephorus Callistus,[185] and even he
+represents Cyrus as the associate of that illustrious prefect. If such
+inaccuracies do not render the testimony of Theophanes and subsequent
+historians worthless, they certainly make one ask whether these writers
+were not misled by the great fame of Cyrus on the ground of other
+achievements, and especially on account of his share in building the
+walls along the shores of the city in 439, to ascribe to him a work
+which was really performed by the more obscure Constantine.
+
+
+                            The Inner Wall.
+             Τὸ κάστρον τὸ μέγα:[186] Τὸ μέγα τεῖχος.[187]
+
+
+The Inner Wall was the main bulwark of the capital. It stood on a higher
+level than the Outer Wall, and was, at the same time, loftier, thicker,
+and flanked by stronger towers. In construction it was a mass of
+concrete faced on both sides with blocks of limestone, squared and
+carefully fitted; while six brick courses, each containing five layers
+of bricks, were laid at intervals through the thickness of the wall to
+bind the structure more firmly.
+
+The wall rises some 30-½ feet above the present exterior ground-level,
+and about 40 feet above the level within the city, with a thickness
+varying from 15-½ feet near the base to 13-½ feet at the summit. The
+summit had along its outer edge a battlement, 4 feet 8 inches high, and
+was reached by flights of steps, placed generally beside the gates, and
+set at right angles to the wall, upon ramps of masonry.
+
+The ninety-six towers, now battered and ruined by weather, war, and
+earthquakes, which once guarded this wall, stood from 175 to 181 feet
+apart, and were from 57 to 60 feet high, with a projection of 18 to 34
+feet. As many of them are reconstructions and belong to different
+periods, they exhibit various forms and different styles of workmanship.
+Most of them are square; others are hexagonal, or heptagonal, or
+octagonal.
+
+While their structure resembles that of the wall, they are nevertheless
+distinct buildings, in compliance with the rule laid down by military
+engineers, that a tower should not be bound in construction with the
+curtain of the wall behind it.[188] Thus two buildings differing in
+weight could settle at different rates without breaking apart along the
+line of junction. As an additional precaution a relieving arch was
+frequently inserted where the sides of the tower impinged on the
+wall.[189]
+
+A tower was usually divided by wooden or vaulted floors into two
+chambers. Towers with three chambers, like the Tower of Basil and
+Constantine at the southern extremity of the wall, and the Soulou Kaleh
+beside the Lycus, were rare. The lower chamber was entered from the city
+through a large archway. Occasionally, it communicated also with the
+terrace between the two walls by a postern, situated as a rule, for the
+sake of concealment or easier defence, at the angle formed by the tower
+and the curtain-wall. Upon these entrances the chamber depended for
+light and air, as its walls had few, if any, loopholes, lest the tower
+should be weakened where most exposed to missiles.
+
+Generally, the lower chamber had no means of communication with the
+story above it; at other times a circular aperture, about 7-½ feet in
+diameter, is found in the crown of the vaulted floor between the
+chambers.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).]
+
+The lower portion of a tower had evidently little to do directly with
+the defence of the city, but served mainly as a store-room or
+guard-house. There, soldiers returning home or leaving for the field
+were allowed to take up their temporary quarters.[190] The proprietors
+of the ground upon which the towers stood were also allowed to use
+them,[191] but this permission referred, doubtless, only to the lower
+chambers, and that in time of peace.
+
+The upper chamber was entered from the parapet-walk through an arched
+gateway, and was well lighted on its three other sides by comparatively
+large windows, commanding wide views, and permitting the occupants to
+fire freely upon an attacking force. Flights of steps, similar to the
+ramps that led to the summit of the wall, conducted to the battlemented
+roof of the towers. There, the engines that hurled stones and Greek fire
+upon the enemy were placed;[192] and there, sentinels watched the
+western horizon, day and night, keeping themselves awake at night by
+shouting to one another along the line.[193]
+
+
+                           The Inner Terrace.
+                           Ὁ Περίβολος.[194]
+
+
+The Inner Embankment, or Terrace, between the two walls was 50 to 64
+feet broad. It was named the Peribolos, and accommodated the troops
+which defended the Outer Wall.
+
+
+                            The Outer Wall.
+    Τὸ ἔξω τεῖχος:[195] τὸ ἔξω κάστρον:[196] τὸ μικρόν τεῖχος.[197]
+
+
+The Outer Wall is from 2 to 6-½ feet thick, rising some 10 feet above
+the present level of the peribolos,[198] and about 27-½ feet above the
+present level of the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. Its
+lower portion is a solid wall, which retains the embankment of the
+peribolos. The upper portion is built, for the most part, in arches,
+faced on the outer side with hewn blocks of stone, and is frequently
+supported by a series of arches in concrete, and sometimes, even, by two
+series of such arches, built against the rear. Besides strengthening the
+wall, these supporting arches permitted the construction of a battlement
+and parapet-walk on the summit, and, moreover, formed chambers, 8-½ feet
+deep, where troops could be quartered, or remain under cover, while
+engaging the enemy through the loophole in the western wall of each
+chamber.
+
+The towers which flanked this wall[199] were much smaller than those of
+the inner line. They are some 30 to 35 feet high, with a projection of
+about 16 feet beyond the curtain-wall. They alternate with the great
+towers to the rear, thus putting both walls more completely under cover.
+It would seem as if the towers of this line were intended to be
+alternately square and crescent in shape, so frequently do these forms
+succeed one another. That this arrangement was not always maintained is
+due, probably, to changes made in the course of repairs.
+
+Each tower had a chamber on the level of the peribolos, provided with
+small windows. The lower portion of most of the towers was generally a
+solid substructure; but in the case of square towers it was often a
+small chamber reached from the Outer Terrace through a small postern,
+and leading to a subterranean passage running towards the city. These
+passages may either have permitted secret communication with different
+parts of the fortifications, or formed channels in which water-pipes
+were laid.
+
+Notwithstanding the comparative inferiority of the Outer Wall, it was an
+important line of defence, for it sheltered the troops which engaged the
+enemy at close quarters. Both in the siege of 1422,[200] and in that of
+1453,[201] the most desperate fighting occurred here.
+
+
+                           The Outer Terrace.
+                        Τὸ ἔξω παρατείχιον.[202]
+
+
+The embankment or terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat is some 61
+feet broad. While affording room for the action of troops under cover of
+the battlement upon the scarp of the Moat,[203] its chief function was
+to widen the distance between the besiegers and the besieged.
+
+
+                               The Moat.
+                          Τάφρος: σοῦδα.[204]
+
+
+The Moat is over 61 feet wide. Its original depth, which doubtless
+varied with the character of the ground it traversed, cannot be
+determined until excavations are allowed, for the market-gardens and
+_débris_ which now occupy it have raised the level of the bed. In front
+of the Golden Gate, where it was probably always deepest, on account of
+the importance of that entrance, its depth is still 22 feet. The masonry
+of the scarp and counterscarp is 5 feet thick, and was supported by
+buttresses to withstand the pressure of the elevated ground on either
+side of the Moat. The battlement upon the scarp formed a breastwork
+about 6-½ feet high.
+
+At several points along its course the Moat is crossed by low walls,
+dividing it into so many sections or compartments. They are generally
+opposite a tower of the Outer or Inner Wall, and taper from the base to
+a sharp edge along the summit, to prevent their being used as bridges by
+an enemy. On their southern side, where the ground falls away, they are
+supported by buttresses.
+
+Dr. Paspates[205] was the first to call attention to these structures,
+and to him, also, belongs the credit of having thrown some light upon
+their use. They were, in his opinion, aqueducts, and dams or batardeaux,
+by means of which water was conveyed to the Moat, and kept in position
+there. But this service, Dr. Paspates believed, was performed by them
+only in case of a siege, when they were broken open, and allowed to run
+into the Moat. At other times, when no hostile attack was apprehended,
+they carried water across the Moat into the city, for the supply of the
+ordinary needs of the population.
+
+That many of these structures, if not all, were aqueducts admits of no
+doubt, for some have been found to contain earthenware water-pipes,
+while others of them still carry into the city water brought by
+underground conduits from the hills on the west of the fortifications;
+and that they were dams seems the only explanation of the buttresses
+built against their lower side, as though to resist the pressure of
+water descending from a higher level.
+
+[Illustration: Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.]
+
+[Illustration: Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II. (From Du Cange.)]
+
+Certainly Dr. Paspates’ view has very much in its favour. It is,
+however, not altogether free from difficulties. To begin with, the idea
+that the Moat was flooded only during a siege does not agree with the
+representations of Manuel Chrysolaras and Bondelmontius on that point.
+The former writer, in his famous description of Constantinople, speaks
+as if the Moat was always full of water. According to him, it contained
+so much water that the city seemed to stand upon the sea-shore, even
+when viewed from the side of the land.[206] The Italian traveller
+describes the Moat as a “vallum aquarum surgentium.”[207]
+
+Are these statements mere rhetorical flourishes? If not, then water must
+have been introduced into the Moat by some other means than by the
+aqueducts which traverse it, for these, as Dr. Paspates himself admits,
+ordinarily took water into the city. Unfortunately, it is impossible,
+under present circumstances, to examine the Moat thoroughly, or to
+explore the territory without the city to discover underground conduits,
+and thus settle the question at issue. One can only ask, as a matter for
+future investigation, whether, on the view that the Moat was always
+flooded, the water required for the purpose was not brought by
+underground conduits that emptied themselves a little above the bed of
+the Moat. The mouth of what appears to be such a conduit is seen in the
+counterscarp of the Moat immediately below the fifth aqueduct to the
+south of Top Kapoussi. If water was brought thus to the elevation of Top
+Kapoussi and Edirnè Kapoussi, sufficient pressure to flood the rest of
+the Moat would be obtained.
+
+But, in the next place, it must be added that objections can be urged
+against the opinion that the Moat was flooded even in time of war. The
+necessary quantity of water could ill be spared by a city which required
+all available water for the wants of its inhabitants, especially at the
+season of the year when sieges were conducted. Then, there is the fact
+that in the accounts we have of the sieges of the city, all contemporary
+historians are silent as to the presence of water in the Moat,
+notwithstanding frequent allusions to that part of the fortifications.
+
+Furthermore, there are statements which imply the absence of water in
+the Moat during a siege. Pusculus, for instance, giving a minute account
+of the measures adopted in 1453 to place the city in a state of defence,
+refers to the deepening of the Moat, but says nothing about water in it.
+“Fossaque cavant, atque aggere terræ educto, muros forti munimine
+cingunt.”[208] If water had been introduced into the Moat on this
+occasion, Pusculus could hardly have ignored the fact.
+
+Again, in the Slavic account of the last siege of the city we are
+informed that the Greeks opened mines through the counterscarp of the
+Moat, to blow up the Turks who approached the fortifications: “Les
+assiégés pendant le jour combattaient les Turcs, et pendant la nuit
+descendaient dans les fossés, perçaient les murailles du fossé du côté
+des champs, minaient la terre sous le mur à beaucoup d’endroits, et
+remplissaient les mines de poudre et de vases remplis de poudre.”[209]
+If such action was possible, there could be no water in the Moat.
+
+Footnote 155:
+
+  Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxii. 16.
+
+Footnote 156:
+
+  Jornandes, xxviii.
+
+Footnote 157:
+
+  Eunapius, quoted by Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. 5.
+
+Footnote 158:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 101.
+
+Footnote 159:
+
+  Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 160:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 680.
+
+Footnote 161:
+
+  _Oratio_, xviii. p. 222. Edition of Petavius.
+
+Footnote 162:
+
+  VII. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 163:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, lib. viii. tit. xxii.
+
+Footnote 164:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 22.
+
+Footnote 165:
+
+  See Choisy, _L’Art de Bâttir chez les Byzantins_, pp. 7-13.
+
+Footnote 166:
+
+  Socrates, vii. c. 1; _Cod. Theod._, “De Operibus Publicis,” lex. 51.
+  The law refers to the towers of the new wall, and is addressed to
+  Anthemius as Prætorian Prefect in 413: “Turres novi muri, qui ad
+  munitionem splendidissimæ urbis extructus est, completo opere,
+  præcipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum terram idem murus studio ac
+  provisione Tuæ Magnitudinis ex Nostræ Serenitatis arbitrio
+  celebratur.”
+
+Footnote 167:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, “Plurimi urbis Augustæ muri recenti adhuc
+  constructi, cum LVII. turribus, corruerunt.”
+
+Footnote 168:
+
+  “Intra tres menses, Constantino Præfecto Prætorio opere dante, (muri)
+  reædificati sunt.” Cf. Inscription on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh
+  Kapoussi, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 169:
+
+  Measuring from the bed of the Moat.
+
+Footnote 170:
+
+  It stood on the Outer Wall between the fourth and fifth towers south
+  of the Golden Gate (Paspates, p. 58).
+
+Footnote 171:
+
+  See illustrations facing pp. 78, 96, 248.
+
+Footnote 172:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, vii. n. 428.
+
+Footnote 173:
+
+  See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 174:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 148, 149; Leo Gram., pp. 108, 109.
+
+Footnote 175:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, Paspates, Mordtmann, Du Cange.
+
+Footnote 176:
+
+  Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, de 395 à 1057_, pp. 54, 55.
+
+Footnote 177:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 588, 589.
+
+Footnote 178:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 582, 583.
+
+Footnote 179:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 588.
+
+Footnote 180:
+
+  Suidas, _ad vocem_ Κύρος.
+
+Footnote 181:
+
+  Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 235.
+
+Footnote 182:
+
+  Malalas, p. 361, Οὐκ ἀρέσκει μοι τύχη πολλά γελῶσα.
+
+Footnote 183:
+
+  Paspates, p. 48, quoting Skarlatus Byzantius.
+
+Footnote 184:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, Malalas.
+
+Footnote 185:
+
+  Lib. vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 186:
+
+  Cananus, p. 476.
+
+Footnote 187:
+
+  Nicephorus Gregoras, xiv. p. 711.
+
+Footnote 188:
+
+  Philo of Byzantium. See _Veterum Mathemat. Opera_, s. ix. Edited and
+  Translated by MM. de Rochat et Graux, _Revue de Philologie_, 1879.
+
+Footnote 189:
+
+  Choisy, _L’Art de Bâtir chez les Byzantins_, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 190:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, “De Metatis,” lib. 13.
+
+Footnote 191:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, “De Operibus Publicis,” lib. 51.
+
+Footnote 192:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589; Phrantzes, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 193:
+
+  Nicephorus Gregoras, ix. p. 408.
+
+Footnote 194:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 195:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 504.
+
+Footnote 196:
+
+  Cananus, p. 476.
+
+Footnote 197:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 34.
+
+Footnote 198:
+
+  Or “Lists, the space between the Inner and the Outer Walls of enceinte
+  or enclosure” (_Violet-le-Duc on Mediæval Fortifications_; translated
+  by Macdermott).
+
+Footnote 199:
+
+  Only seventy out of the ninety-six towers in this wall can now be
+  identified.
+
+Footnote 200:
+
+  Cananus, p. 475.
+
+Footnote 201:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 266, 283, 286; Critobulus, i. c. 34; Leonard of Scio, p.
+  936, thinks this was poor strategy, rendered necessary by the bad
+  condition of the Inner Wall. “Operosa autem protegendi vallum et
+  antemurale nostris fuit; quod contra animum meum semper fuit, qui
+  suadebam in refugium muros altos non deserendos, qui si ob imbres
+  negligentiamque vel scissi, vel inermes propugnaculis essent, qui non
+  deserti, præsidium urbi salutis contulisset.”
+
+Footnote 202:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 203:
+
+  Ducas, p. 266, Ἐν τῇ τάφρῳ.
+
+Footnote 204:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
+
+Footnote 205:
+
+  Pages 7-13.
+
+Footnote 206:
+
+  Page 40, Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς (τάφροις) ὑδάτων, ὥστε ᾧ μέρει
+  μόνον ἐλείπετο, καὶ ταύτῃ δοκεῖν πελαγίαν τὴν πόλιν εἶναι διὰ τούτων.
+
+Footnote 207:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelagi_, p. 121. Leipsic, 1824.
+
+Footnote 208:
+
+  IV. 138, 139.
+
+Footnote 209:
+
+  Dethier, _Sièges de Constantinople_, ii. p. 1085; cf. Mijatovich,
+  _Constantine, Last Emperor of the Greeks_, pp. 185, 186. Some 24 of
+  these aqueducts or dams can still be identified: 2 between the Sea of
+  Marmora and the Golden Gate; 1 between that gate and the Gate of the
+  Deuteron; 6 or 7 between the Gate of the Deuteron and the Gate of
+  Selivria; 5 between the Gate of Selivria and the Gate Yeni Mevlevi
+  Haneh Kapoussi; 5 between Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi and Top
+  Kapoussi; 2 between Top Kapoussi and the Gate of the Pempton; 3
+  between the Gate of the Pempton and Edirnè Kapoussi; 2 between Edirnè
+  Kapoussi and the northern end of the Moat.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+                   THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+                            The Golden Gate.
+
+
+The Theodosian Walls were pierced by ten gates, and by several small
+posterns.
+
+Of the former, some led only to the different parts of the
+fortifications, serving exclusively the convenience of the garrison.
+These may be styled Military Gates. Others connected the capital,
+moreover, with the outside world by means of bridges thrown across the
+Moat,[210] and constituted the Public Gates of the city. The two series
+followed one another in alternate order, the military entrances being
+known by numbers, the public entrances by proper names. Both were double
+gateways, as they pierced the two walls. The inner gateway, being the
+principal one, was guarded by two large towers, which projected far
+beyond the curtain-wall to obtain a good flank fire, and to command at
+the same time the outer gateway. Thus also the passage from the area
+between the gateways to the peribolos, on either side, was rendered
+exceedingly narrow and capable of easy defence. In view of its great
+importance, the outer gateway of the Golden Gate also was defended by
+two towers, projecting from the rear of the wall towards the city.
+
+For the sake of security against surprise the posterns were few in
+number, and occurred chiefly in the great wall and its towers, leading
+to the peribolos. It is rare to find a postern in a tower of the Outer
+Wall opening on the parateichion.
+
+Proceeding northwards from the Sea of Marmora, there is a postern
+immediately to the north of the first tower of the Inner Wall. It is an
+arched entrance, with the laureated monogram “ΧΡ.” inscribed above it.
+
+The handsome gateway between the seventh and eighth towers north of the
+Sea of Marmora, Yedi Koulè Kapoussi, is the triumphal gate known, from
+the gilding upon it, as the Porta Aurea. Its identity cannot be
+questioned, for the site and aspect of the entrance correspond exactly
+to the description given of the Golden Gate by Byzantine historians and
+other authorities.
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the Golden Gate]
+
+It is, what the Porta Aurea was, the gateway nearest the Sea of
+Marmora,[211] and at the southern extremity of the Theodosian
+Walls,[212] constructed of marble, and flanked by two great marble
+towers.[213] Beside its outer portal, moreover, were found the
+bas-reliefs which adorned the Golden Gate, and upon it traces of an
+inscription which expressly named it the Porta Aurea are still visible.
+The inscription read as follows:
+
+              HAEC LOCA THEVDOSIVS DECORAT POST FATA TYRANNI.
+              AVREA SAECLA GERIT QVI PORTAM CONSTRVIT AVRO.
+
+The history of our knowledge of this inscription is curious. There is no
+mention made of the legend by any writer before 1453, unless Radulphus
+de Diceto alludes to it when he states that in 1189 an old resident of
+the city pointed a Templar to certain words upon the Golden Gate,
+foretelling the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders.[214] And of
+all the visitors to the city since the Turkish Conquest, Dallaway is the
+only one who speaks of having seen the inscription in its place.[215]
+
+The inscription is cited first by Sirmondi[216] and Du Cange,[217] the
+former of whom quotes it in his annotations upon Sidonius Apollonius, as
+furnishing a parallel to that poet’s mode of spelling the name
+Theodosius with a _v_ instead of an _o_ for the sake of the metre. How
+Sirmondi and Du Cange, neither of whom ever visited Constantinople,
+became acquainted with the inscription does not appear.
+
+Matters remained in this position until 1891, when the attention of
+Professor J. Strzygowski[218] was arrested by certain holes in the
+voussoirs of the central archway, both on its western and eastern faces.
+The holes are such as are found on stones to which metal letters are
+riveted with bolts.
+
+Here, then, was conclusive evidence that the Porta Aurea had once borne
+an inscription, and here, Professor Strzygowski divined, was also the
+means by which the genuineness of the legend given by Sirmondi and Du
+Cange could be verified. Accordingly, a comparison between the
+arrangement of the holes on the arch and the forms of the letters in the
+legend was instituted. As several of the original voussoirs of the arch
+had been removed and replaced by others without holes in them, the
+comparison could not be complete; but so far as it was possible to
+proceed the correspondence was all that could be desired. Where H, for
+example, occurred in the inscription, the holes on the archway are
+arranged thus, ::; where an A stood, the holes are placed thus, ∴; where
+V came, their position is ∵; and so on, to an extent which verifies the
+inscription beyond dispute. Thus, also, it has been ascertained that the
+letters were of metal, probably gilt bronze, and that the words “Haec
+loca Thevdosivs decorat post fata Tyranni” stood on the western face of
+the arch, while the words “Avrea saecla gerit qvi portam constrvit avro”
+were found on the opposite side.
+
+The preservation of the inscription is a matter of very great
+importance, for it furnishes valuable and interesting information as to
+the circumstances under which the Porta Aurea was erected. From the fact
+that the entrance is found in the Theodosian Walls it is natural to
+infer that the Porta Aurea was a contemporaneous building, and that the
+emperor extolled in the inscription is Theodosius II. But that inference
+is precluded by the statement that the arch was set up after the
+suppression of a usurper, _post fata tyranni_. For Theodosius II. was
+not called to suppress the usurpation of his imperial authority at any
+time during his reign, much less in 413, when the Wall of Anthemius, in
+which the Porta Aurea stands, was built. On the other hand, Theodosius
+the Great crushed two serious attempts to dispute his rule, first in
+388, when he defeated Maximus, and again in 395, when he put down the
+rebellion of Eugenius. Hence, as Du Cange first pointed out, the Porta
+Aurea is a monument erected in the reign of Theodosius the Great, in
+honour of his victory over one of the rebels above mentioned. It could
+not, however, have been designed to commemorate the defeat of Eugenius,
+seeing that Theodosius never returned to Constantinople after that
+event, and died four months later in the city of Milan. It must,
+therefore, have been reared in honour of the victory over Maximus, a
+success which the conqueror regarded with feelings of peculiar
+satisfaction and pride, celebrating it by one triumphal entry into Rome,
+in the spring of 389, and by another into Constantinople, when he
+returned to the eastern capital in 391.[219] Accordingly, the Porta
+Aurea was originally an Arch of Triumph, erected some time between 388
+and 391, to welcome Theodosius the Great upon his return from his
+successful expedition against the formidable rebellion of Maximus in the
+West. It united with the Column of Theodosius in the Forum of Taurus,
+and the Column of Arcadius in the Forum on the Xerolophus, and the
+Obelisk in the Hippodrome,[220] in perpetuating the memory of the great
+emperor’s warlike achievements.
+
+In corroboration of the date thus assigned to the monument, it may be
+added that the only Imperial statue placed over the Porta Aurea was that
+of Theodosius the Great, while the group of elephants which formed one
+of the ornaments of the gate was supposed to represent the elephants
+attached to the car of that emperor on the occasion of his triumphal
+entry into the city.[221]
+
+There is, however, an objection to this view concerning the age of the
+Porta Aurea, which, whatever its force, should not be overlooked in a
+full discussion of the subject. The inscription describes the monument
+as a gateway, “Qui portam construit auro.”[222] But such a designation
+does not seem consistent with the fact that we have here a building
+which belongs to the age of Theodosius the Great, when the city walls in
+which the arch stands did not exist, as they are the work of his
+grandson. How could an isolated arch be, then, styled a gateway? Can the
+difficulty be removed by any other instance of a similar use of the term
+“Porta”? Or is the employment of the term in the case before us
+explained by the supposition that in the reign of Theodosius the Great
+the city had spread beyond the Constantinian Wall, and reached the line
+marked by the Porta Aurea, so that an arch at that point was practically
+an entrance into the city? May not that suburban district have been
+protected by some slight fortified works? Or was the Porta Aurea so
+named in anticipation of the fulfilment of the prediction of Themistius,
+that the growth of the city under Theodosius the Great would ere long
+necessitate the erection of new walls?[223] Was it built in that
+emperor’s reign to indicate to a succeeding generation the line along
+which the new bulwarks of the capital should be built?
+
+The Porta Aurea was the State Entrance into the capital,[224] and was
+remarkable both for its architectural splendour and its military
+strength. It was built of large squared blocks of polished marble,
+fitted together without cement, and was flanked by two great towers
+constructed of the same material. Like the Triumphal Arch of Severus and
+that of Constantine at Rome, it had three archways, the central one
+being wider and loftier than those on either side.
+
+The gates glittered with gold,[225] and numerous statues and other
+sculptured ornaments were placed at suitable points.[226]
+
+[Illustration: The Golden Gate (Inner).]
+
+Of these embellishments the following are mentioned: a cross, which was
+blown down by a hurricane in the reign of Justinian;[227] a Victory,
+which fell in an earthquake in the reign of Michael III.;[228] a crowned
+female figure, representing the Fortune of the city;[229] a statue of
+Theodosius the Great, overthrown by the earthquake at the close of the
+reign of Leo the Isaurian;[230] a bronze group of four elephants;[231]
+the gates of Mompseuesta, gilded and placed here by Nicephorus Phocas,
+as a trophy of his campaign in Cilicia.[232] At the south-western angle
+of the northern tower the Roman eagle still spreads its wings; the
+laureated monogram “ΧΡ” appears above the central archway on the city
+side of the gateway; and several crosses are scattered over the
+building.
+
+In later days, when taste had altered, the scene of the Crucifixion was
+painted within one of the lateral archways, while the Scene of the Final
+Judgment was represented in the other.[233] Traces of frescoes are
+visible on the inner walls of the southern archway, and suggest the
+possibility of its having been used as a chapel.
+
+The whole aspect of the gateway must have been more imposing when the
+parapet on the towers and on the wall over the arches was intact, and
+gave the building its full elevation.
+
+Two columns crowned with graceful capitals adorned the outer gateway,
+while the wall north and south was decorated with twelve bas-reliefs,
+executed with considerable skill, and representing classical subjects.
+Remains of the marble cornices and of the pilasters which framed the
+bas-reliefs are still found in the wall, and from the descriptions of
+the slabs given by Manuel Chrysolaras, Gyllius, Sir Thomas Roe, and
+others, a fair idea of the nature of the subjects treated can be
+formed.[234] Six bas-reliefs were placed on either side of the entrance,
+grouped in triplets, one above another, each panel being supported by
+pilasters, round or rectangular.
+
+On the northern slabs the subjects pourtrayed were: Prometheus tortured;
+a youth pursuing a horse, and trying to pull off its rider; a satyr,
+between a woman with a vessel of water behind her, and a savage man, or
+Hercules, holding a whip; Labours of Hercules (on three slabs).
+
+The bas-reliefs to the south were of superior workmanship, and
+represented: Endymion asleep, a shepherd’s lute in his hand, with Selene
+and Cupid descending towards him; Hercules leading dogs; two peasants
+carrying grapes; Pegasus and three female figures, one of them
+attempting to hold him back; the fall of Phaëthon; Hercules and a
+stag.[235]
+
+As the Porta Triumphalis of Constantinople, the Golden Gate was the
+scene of many historical events and imposing ceremonies.
+
+So long as the inauguration of an emperor upon his accession to the
+throne was celebrated at the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), it was through the
+Golden Gate that a new sovereign entered his capital on the way to the
+Imperial Palace beside St. Sophia. Marcian (450),[236] Leo I.
+(457),[237] Basiliscus (476),[238] Phocas (602),[239] Leo the Armenian
+(813),[240] and Nicephorus Phocas (963),[241] were welcomed as emperors
+by the city authorities at this portal.
+
+Distinguished visitors to the Byzantine Court, also, were sometimes
+allowed to enter the city by this gate, as a mark of special honour. The
+Legates of Pope Hormisdas were met here upon their arrival on a mission
+to Justin I.:[242] here, in 708, Pope Constantine was received with
+great ceremony, when he came to confer with Justinian II.:[243] and
+here, in the reign of Basil II., the Legates of Pope Hadrian II. were
+admitted.[244] Under Romanus Lecapenus, the procession which bore
+through the city to St. Sophia the Icon of Christ, brought from Edessa,
+entered at the Porta Aurea.[245]
+
+It was, however, on the return of an emperor to the city after a
+victorious campaign that the Porta Aurea fulfilled its highest purpose,
+and presented a brilliant spectacle of life and splendour.
+
+Through this triumphal arch came Theodosius the Great, after his defeat
+of Maximus;[246] by it Heraclius entered the capital to celebrate the
+success of his Persian expeditions;[247] through it passed Constantine
+Copronymus, after the defeat of the Bulgarians;[248] Theophilus, on two
+occasions, after the repulse of the Saracens;[249] Basil I., after his
+successes at Tephrice and Germanicia;[250] Zimisces, after his victories
+over the Russians under Swiatoslaf;[251] Basil II., after the slaughter
+of the Bulgarians;[252] and, for the last time, Michael Palæologus, upon
+the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261.[253]
+
+It would seem that, in accordance with old Roman custom, victorious
+generals, below Imperial rank, were not allowed to enter the city in
+triumph through this gate. Belisarius,[254] Maurice,[255] Nicephorus
+Phocas, before he became emperor,[256] and Leo his brother,[257]
+celebrated their respective triumphs over the Vandals, Persians and
+Saracens, in the Hippodrome and the great street of the city.[258]
+
+[Illustration: The Golden Gate (Outer).]
+
+An Imperial triumphal procession[259] was marshalled on the plain in
+front of the Golden Gate,[260] and awaited there the arrival of the
+emperor, either from the Hebdomon or from the Palace of Blachernæ. The
+principal captives, divided into several companies, and guarded by bands
+of soldiers, led the march. Next followed the standards and weapons and
+other spoils of war. Then, seated on a magnificent white charger, came
+the emperor himself, arrayed in robes embroidered with gold and pearls,
+his crown on his head, his sceptre in his right hand, his victorious
+sword by his side. Close to him rode his son, or the Cæsar of the day,
+another resplendent figure of light, also on a white horse. Upon
+reaching the gate the victor might, like Theophilus, dismount for a few
+moments, and falling thrice upon his face, humbly acknowledge the Divine
+aid to which he owed the triumph of his arms. At length the Imperial
+_cortège_ passed through the great archway. The civic authorities came
+forward and did homage, offering the conqueror a crown of gold and a
+laurel wreath, and accepting from him a rich largess in return; the
+Factions rent the air with shouts—“Glory to God, who restores our
+sovereigns to us, crowned with victory! Glory to God, who has magnified
+you, Emperors of the Romans! Glory to Thee, All-Holy Trinity, for we
+behold our Emperors victorious! Welcome, Victors, most valiant
+sovereigns!”[261] And then the glittering procession wended its way to
+the Great Palace, through the dense crowds that packed the Mesè and the
+principal Fora of the city, all gay with banners, flowers, and
+evergreens.
+
+Sometimes the emperor, as in the case of Heraclius,[262] rode in a
+chariot instead of on horseback; or the occupant of the triumphal car
+might be, as on the occasion of the triumph of Zimisces, the Icon of the
+Virgin.[263] Michael Palæologus entered the city on foot, walking as far
+as the Church of St. John Studius before he mounted his horse.[264] On
+the occasion of the second triumph of Theophilus, the beautiful custom
+was introduced of making children take part in the ceremonial with
+wreaths of flowers.[265]
+
+But besides serving as a State entrance into the city, the Porta Aurea
+was one of the strongest positions in the fortifications.[266] The four
+towers at its gateways, the deep moat in front, and the transverse walls
+across the peribolos on either hand, guarding approach from that
+direction, constituted a veritable citadel. Cantacuzene repaired it, and
+speaks of it as an almost impregnable acropolis, capable of being
+provisioned for three years, and strong enough to defy the whole city in
+time of civil strife.[267] Hence the great difficulty he found in
+persuading the Latin garrison which held it on his behalf, in 1354, to
+surrender the place to his rival John VI. Palæologus.
+
+The Golden Gate, therefore, figures also in the military annals of
+Constantinople. In the reign of Anastasius I. it was the object of
+special attack by Vitalianus at the head of his Huns and
+Bulgarians.[268] Repeated attempts were made upon it by the Saracens in
+the siege of 673-675.[269] Crum stood before it in the reign of Leo the
+Armenian, and there he invoked the aid of his gods against the city, by
+offering human sacrifices and by the lustration of his army with
+sea-water in which he had bathed his feet.[270] His demand to plant his
+spear in the gate put an end to the negotiations for peace. In 913 the
+Bulgarians, under their king Simeon, were again arrayed before the
+entrance.[271] Here, also, in 1347, John Cantacuzene was admitted by his
+partisans.[272]
+
+John Palæologus, upon receiving the surrender of the gate foolishly
+dismantled the towers, lest they should be turned against him, in the
+fickle political fortunes of the day.[273] He did not, however, carry
+the work of destruction so far as to be unable to use the position as an
+“acropolis” when besieged, in 1376, by his rebellious son,
+Andronicus.[274] Later, when Sultan Bajazet threatened the city, an
+attempt was made to restore the towers, and even to increase the
+strength of this point in the fortifications.[275] With materials taken
+from the churches of All Saints, the Forty Martyrs, and St. Mokius, the
+towers were rebuilt, and a fortress extending to the sea was erected
+within the city walls, similar to the Castle of the Seven Towers
+constructed afterwards by Mehemet the Conqueror, in 1457. Upon hearing
+of this action, Bajazet sent peremptory orders to John Palæologus to
+pull down the new fortifications, and compelled obedience by threatening
+to put out the eyes of Manuel, the heir to the throne, at that time a
+hostage at Brousa. The humiliation affected the emperor, then seriously
+ill, so keenly as to hasten his death. Subsequently, however, probably
+after the defeat of Bajazet by Tamerlane at Angora, the defences at the
+Golden Gate were restored; for the Russian pilgrim who was in
+Constantinople between 1435 and 1453 speaks of visiting the Castle of
+the Emperor Kalo Jean.[276]
+
+In 1390, Manuel II., with a small body of troops, entered the city by
+this gate and drove away his nephew John, who had usurped the
+throne.[277] During the siege of 1453 the gate was defended by Manuel of
+Liguria with 200 men, and before it the Sultan planted a cannon and
+other engines of assault.[278]
+
+Between the second and third towers to the north of the Golden Gate is
+an entrance known at present, like the Porta Aurea, also by the name
+Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. Dr. Paspates thinks it is of Turkish origin.[279]
+It has certainly undergone repair in Turkish times, as an inscription
+upon it in honour of Sultan Achmet III. testifies; but traces of
+Byzantine workmanship about the gate prove that it belongs to the period
+of the Empire;[280] and this conclusion is supported by the
+consideration that, since the Porta Aurea was a State entrance, another
+gate was required in its immediate neighbourhood for the use of the
+public in this quarter of the capital. Hence the proximity of the two
+gateways.
+
+Regarding the name of the entrance opinions differ. Some authorities
+regard the gate as the Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου), the Gate of Rhegium,[281]
+mentioned in the Greek Anthology.[282] But this identification cannot be
+maintained, for the Porta Rhegiou was one of two entrances which bore an
+inscription in honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, and
+both those entrances, as will appear in the sequel, stood elsewhere in
+the line of the fortifications.[283]
+
+[Illustration: Yedi Koulè Kapoussi.]
+
+The gate went, probably, by the designation of the Golden Gate,[284]
+near which it stands, just as it now bears the name given to the latter
+entrance since the Turkish Conquest. A common name for gates so near
+each other was perfectly natural; and on this view certain incidents in
+the history of the Golden Gate become more intelligible. For instance:
+when Basil, the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, reached
+Constantinople in his early youth, a homeless adventurer in search of
+fortune, it is related that he entered the city about sunset through the
+Golden Gate, and laid himself down to sleep on the steps of the
+adjoining Monastery of St. Diomed.[285] If the only Golden Gate were the
+Porta Aurea strictly so called, it is difficult to understand how the
+poor wayfarer was admitted by an entrance reserved for the emperor’s
+use; whereas the matter becomes clear if that name designated also an
+adjoining public gate. Again, when the historian Nicetas Choniates,[286]
+accompanied by his family and some friends, left the city five days
+after its capture by the Crusaders in 1204, he made his way out,
+according to his own statement, by the Golden Gate. In this case also,
+it does not seem probable that the captors of the city would have
+allowed a gate of such military importance as the Porta Aurea to be
+freely used by a company of fugitives. The escape appears more feasible
+if the Golden Gate to which Nicetas refers was the humbler entrance in
+the neighbourhood of the Porta Aurea.
+
+Footnote 210:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 137, 138, “Pontes qui ad mœnia ducunt dirumpunt.”
+
+Footnote 211:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 151, “Aurea Porta datur ponto vicina sonanti.”
+
+Footnote 212:
+
+  Cananus, p. 460.
+
+Footnote 213:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 292, 293; Manuel Chrysolaras, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 214:
+
+  _Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores Antiqui_, p. 642. London, 1652.
+
+Footnote 215:
+
+  See French translation of his work, _Constantinople Ancienne et
+  Moderne_, 1798, vol. i. p. 28, where, quoting the legend, he says, “On
+  y lit encore ces vers.”
+
+Footnote 216:
+
+  _Opera Varia_, vol. i., Paris, 1696; Paneg. Maioriani, _Carmen V._,
+  354.
+
+Footnote 217:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, lib. i. p. 52.
+
+Footnote 218:
+
+  The brilliant monograph of Dr. Strzygowski on the Golden Gate is found
+  in the _Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts_,
+  Band viii., 1893, Erstes Heft.
+
+Footnote 219:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 220:
+
+  Cf. the inscription on the pedestal of the obelisk—
+
+                 “Difficilis quondam dominis parere serenis
+                 Jussus, et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis
+                 Omnia Theodosio cedunt,” etc.
+
+Footnote 221:
+
+  See below, pp. 64, 65.
+
+Footnote 222:
+
+  Malalas, p. 360, ascribes the decoration of the gate with gold to
+  Theodosius II.
+
+Footnote 223:
+
+  See above, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 224:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, p. 59; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._,
+  pp. 500, 506.
+
+Footnote 225:
+
+  Malalas, p. 360.
+
+Footnote 226:
+
+  Codinus, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 227:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 675.
+
+Footnote 228:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 173.
+
+Footnote 229:
+
+  Codinus, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 230:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 231:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 567.
+
+Footnote 232:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 363.
+
+Footnote 233:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 239.
+
+Footnote 234:
+
+  Manuel Chrys., p 48; Gyllius, _De Top CP._, iv. c. 9; Adolf Michaelis,
+  _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_, pp. 10-14, translated by C. A. M.
+  Fennell. See Wheler, Grelot, Gerlach, Bulliardus, Spon, and Monograph
+  of Dr. Strzygowski.
+
+Footnote 235:
+
+  The first two bas-reliefs to the north of the gate, and the first and
+  fourth to the south, as superior in workmanship, came very near being
+  removed to England, through the efforts of Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador
+  to the Porte from 1621 to 1628, and of a certain Mr. Petty, who was
+  sent to the East by the Earl of Arundel to procure works of Ancient
+  Art. The finds were to be divided between that nobleman and the Duke
+  of Buckingham. The correspondence on the subject will be found in _The
+  Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte_,
+  published in London, 1740 (see pp. 386, 387, 444, 445, 495, 512, 534,
+  535); in Michaelis’ _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_; and,
+  partially, in Dr. Strzygowski’s _Monograph on the Golden Gate_.
+
+  “Promise to obteyne them,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, in May, 1625, “I
+  cannot, because they stand upon the ancient gate, the most conspicuous
+  of the cytte, though now mured up, beeing the entrance by the castell
+  called the Seauen Towers, and neuer opened since the Greek emperors
+  lost yt: to offer to steale them, no man dares to deface the cheefe
+  seate of the grand signor: to procure them by fauour, is more
+  impossible, such enuy they bear vnto us. There is only then one way
+  left; by corruption of some churchman, to dislike them, as against
+  their law; and vnder that pretence to take them downe to be brought
+  into some priuat place; from whence, after the matter is cold and
+  unsuspected, they may be conveyed. I haue practised for the four, and
+  am offered to haue it done for 600 crownes.”
+
+  A year later he had to write, “Those on the Porta Aurea are like to
+  stand, till they fall by tyme: I haue vsed all meanes, and once bought
+  them, and deposed, 3 moneths, 500 dollers. Without authority, the
+  danger and impossibility were alike; therefore I dealt with the great
+  treasurer, who in these tymes is greedy of any mony, and hee had
+  consented to deliuer them into a boat without any hazard of my part.
+  The last weeke hee rode himself to see them, and carried the
+  surueigher of the citty walls with him; but the Castellano and the
+  people beganne to mutine, and fell vpon a strange conceit; insomuch
+  that hee was forced to retyre, and presently sent for my enterpreter,
+  demanding if I had any old booke of prophesy: inferring, that those
+  statues were enchanted, and that wee knew, when they should bee taken
+  downe, some great alteration should befall this cytty.... In
+  conclusion, hee sent to mee, to think, nor mention no more that place,
+  which might cost his life, and bring mee into trouble; so that I
+  despair to effect therein your graces seruice: and it is true, though
+  I could not gett the stones, yet I allmost raised an insurrection in
+  that part of the cytty.”
+
+Footnote 236:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 237:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 414.
+
+Footnote 238:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 239:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 693.
+
+Footnote 240:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 241:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 242:
+
+  Anastasius Bibliothecarius.
+
+Footnote 243:
+
+  _Ibid._
+
+Footnote 244:
+
+  Guillelmus Bibliothecarius, _in Hadriano II_.
+
+Footnote 245:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 432.
+
+Footnote 246:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 247:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 334.
+
+Footnote 248:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 668.
+
+Footnote 249:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 503, 504.
+
+Footnote 250:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 498.
+
+Footnote 251:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 252:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 475.
+
+Footnote 253:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
+
+Footnote 254:
+
+  Procopius, _De Bello Vand._, ii. c. 9; Theophanes, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 255:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 388.
+
+Footnote 256:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 257:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 258:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 259:
+
+  For the descriptions of the triumphs accorded to Basil I. and
+  Theophilus, see Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 498-508.
+
+Footnote 260:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 499, Ἐν δὼ τῷ λιβαδίῳ τῷ ἔξω τῆς
+  χρυσῆς πόρτας.
+
+Footnote 261:
+
+  On the pier to the left of the central archway are painted in red the
+  words, ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ; while on the pier to the right are
+  the words, Ο ΘΣ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΗΝΕΝΤΕΝ ΣΕ; lingering echoes of the shouts that
+  shook the gate on a day of triumph.
+
+Footnote 262:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 334.
+
+Footnote 263:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 264:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
+
+Footnote 265:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., p. 508.
+
+Footnote 266:
+
+  Τὸ κατὰ τὴν χρυσῆν καλουμένην φρούριον, Cantacuzene, iv. p. 292. It
+  was not, however, the fortress known as the Strongylon, Cyclobion,
+  Castrum Rotundum (Procopius, _De Aed._, iv. c. 8; Theophanes, p. 541;
+  Anastasius, _in Hormisda PP._; Guillelmus Biblioth. _in Hadriano
+  II._). That fortress stood outside the city, near the Hebdomon
+  (Makrikeui), three miles to the west of the Golden Gate (Theophanes,
+  pp. 541, 608). See below, p. 326.
+
+Footnote 267:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 293, 301, 302. The southern tower projects 55
+  feet 7 inches from the wall, and is 60 feet 5 inches broad; the
+  corresponding dimensions of the northern tower are 55-½ feet, and 60
+  feet 4 inches.
+
+Footnote 268:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 269:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 270:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 785.
+
+Footnote 271:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
+
+Footnote 272:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 606, 607.
+
+Footnote 273:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 304.
+
+Footnote 274:
+
+  Chalcocondylas, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 275:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 47, 48.
+
+Footnote 276:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 239, “Chateau de l’Empereur
+  Kalojean. Il a trois entrées.”
+
+Footnote 277:
+
+  See Muralt, ad annum, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii.
+
+Footnote 278:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253.
+
+Footnote 279:
+
+  Paspates, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 280:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 13. Above the gate, on the side facing the city, is a
+  slab with the figure of the Roman eagle.
+
+Footnote 281:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 282:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 283:
+
+  See below, pp. 78, 91.
+
+Footnote 284:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 285:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 286:
+
+  Page 779.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+             THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—_continued_.
+
+
+The entrance between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers to the north
+of the Golden Gate was the Second Military Gate, τοῦ Δευτέρου.[287] Its
+identity is established by its position in the order of the gates; for
+between it and the Fifth Military Gate, regarding the situation of which
+there can be no doubt,[288] two military gates intervene. It must
+therefore be itself the second of that series of entrances.
+
+Hence, it follows that the quarter of the city known as the Deuteron (τὸ
+Δεύτερον) was the district to the rear of this gate. This fact can be
+proved also independently by the following indications. The district in
+question was without the Walls of Constantine;[289] it lay to the west
+of the Exokionion, the Palaia Porta, and the Cistern of Mokius;[290] it
+was, on the one hand, near the last street of the city,[291] the street
+leading to the Golden Gate, and, on the other, contained the Gate
+Melantiados,[292] now Selivri Kapoussi.[293] Consequently, it was the
+district behind the portion of the walls in which the gate before us is
+situated. This in turn supports the identification of the gate as that
+of the Deuteron. It is the finest and largest of the military gates, and
+may sometimes have served as a public gate in the period of the Empire,
+as it has since.
+
+Of the churches in the Deuteron quarter, the most noted were the Church
+of the SS. Notarii, attributed to Chrysostom,[294] and the Church of St.
+Anna, a foundation of Justinian the Great.[295] Others of less
+importance were dedicated respectively to St. Timothy,[296] St.
+George,[297] St. Theodore,[298] and St. Paul the Patriarch.[299]
+
+The next public entrance (Selivri Kapoussi) is situated between the
+thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the Gate of the Deuteron. Its
+present name appears shortly before the Turkish Conquest (πύλη τῆς
+Σηλυβρίας),[300] and alludes to the fact that the entrance is at the
+head of the road to Selivria; but its earlier and more usual designation
+was the Gate of the Pegè, _i.e._ the Spring (Πύλη τῆς Πηγῆς),[301]
+because it led to the celebrated Holy Spring (now Baloukli), about half
+a mile to the west. This name for the entrance is found in the
+inscription placed on the back of the southern gateway tower, in
+commemoration of repairs made in the year 1433 or 1438.[302]
+
+The gate possessed considerable importance owing to its proximity to the
+Holy Spring,[303] which, with its healing waters and shrines, its
+cypress groves, meadows, and delightful air, formed one of the most
+popular resorts in the neighbourhood of the city.[304] There the
+emperors had a palace and hunting park, to which they often retired for
+recreation, especially in the spring of the year. On the Festival of the
+Ascension the emperor visited the “Life-giving Pegè” in state, sometimes
+riding thither through the city, at other times proceeding in his barge
+as far as the Marmora extremity of the walls, and then mounting horse
+for the rest of the way.[305] But in either case, the Imperial _cortége_
+came up to this gate, and was received there by the body of household
+troops called the Numeri. It was on returning from such a visit to the
+Pegè that the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas was mobbed and stoned, as he
+rode from the Forum of Constantine to the Great Palace beside the
+Hippodrome.[306]
+
+The gate is memorable in history as the entrance through which, in 1261,
+Alexius Strategopoulos, the general of Michael Palæologus, penetrated
+into the city,[307] and brought the ill-starred Latin Empire of
+Constantinople to an end. For greater security the Latins had built up
+the entrance; but a band of the assailants, aided by friends within the
+fortifications, climbed over the walls, killed the drowsy guards, broke
+down the barricade, and flung the gates open for the restoration of the
+Greek power. By this gate, in 1376, Andronicus entered, after besieging
+the city for thirty-two days, and usurped the throne of his father, John
+VI. Palæologus.[308] In the siege of 1422 Sultan Murad pitched his tent
+within the grounds of the Church of the Pegè;[309] while during the
+siege of 1453 a battery of three guns played against the walls in the
+vicinity of this entrance.[310]
+
+There is reason to think that the gate styled Porta Melantiados
+(Μελαντιάδος)[311] and Pylè Melandesia (Μελανδησία),[312] should be
+identified with the Gate of the Pegè. Hitherto, indeed, the Porta
+Melantiados has been identified with the next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi
+Haneh Kapoussi;[313] but that view runs counter to the fact that the
+Porta Melantiados stood in the Deuteron,[314] whereas the next public
+gate was, we shall find, in the quarter of the city called, after the
+Third Military Gate, the Triton (τὸ Τρίτον).[315] Unless, therefore, the
+Porta Melantiados is identified with the Gate of the Pegè, it cannot be
+identified with any other entrance in the Theodosian Walls.
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of the Pegè.]
+
+That the Gate of the Pegè had originally another name is certain, since
+the Holy Spring did not come into repute until the reign of Leo I.,[316]
+nearly half a century after the erection of the Wall of Anthemius. And
+no other name could have been so appropriate as the Porta Melantiados,
+for the road issuing from the gate led to Melantiada, a town near the
+Athyras[317] (Buyuk Tchekmedjè) on the road to Selivria. The town is
+mentioned in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus as Melantrada and
+Melanciada, at the distance of nineteen miles from Byzantium; and there
+on different occasions the Huns, the Goths,[318] and the Avars[319]
+halted on their march towards Constantinople.
+
+At the gate Porta Melantiados, Chrysaphius, the minister and evil genius
+of Theodosius II., was killed in 450 by the son of John the Vandal, in
+revenge for the execution of the latter.[320] It has been suggested that
+the Mosque of Khadin Ibrahim Pasha within the gate stands on the site of
+the Church of St. Anna in the Deuteron.[321] It may, however, mark the
+site of the Church of the SS. Notarii, which stood near the Porta
+Melantiados.
+
+The Third Military Gate is but a short distance from the Gate of the
+Pegè, being situated between the fourth and fifth towers to the north.
+To the rear of the entrance was the quarter called the Triton (τὸ
+Τρίτον),[322] and, more commonly, the Sigma (Σίγμα);[323] the latter
+designation being derived, probably, from the curve in the line of the
+walls immediately beyond the gate. What precisely was the object of the
+curve is not apparent. One authority explains it as intended for the
+accommodation of the courtiers and troops that assembled here on the
+occasion of an Imperial visit to the Pegè.[324] But the Theodosian Walls
+were built before the Pegè came into repute;[325] and the visits of the
+emperors to the Holy Spring were not so frequent or so important as to
+affect the construction of the walls in such a manner.
+
+In the quarter of the Sigma stood a column, bearing the statue of
+Theodosius II., erected by Chrysaphius.[326] And there, in the riot of
+1042, the Emperor Michael Calaphates and his uncle Constantine were
+blinded, having been dragged thither from the Monastery of Studius,
+where they had sought sanctuary.[327]
+
+The most noted churches in the quarter were dedicated respectively to
+the Theotokos,[328] St. Stephen, and St. Isaacius.[329] The site of the
+first is, in the opinion of Dr. Paspates, marked by the remains of an
+old Byzantine cistern off the street leading from the Guard-house of
+Alti Mermer to the Mosque of Yol Getchen.[330]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Rhegium.]
+
+The next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, situated between the
+tenth and eleventh towers north of the Third Military Gate, was known by
+two names, Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου),[331] the Gate of Rhegium, and Porta
+Rhousiou (τοῦ Ῥουσίου),[332] the Gate of the Red Faction. That it bore
+the former name is established by the fact that the inscription in
+honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, which was placed,
+according to the Anthology, on the Gate of Rhegium, is actually found on
+the lintel of this entrance.[333] The name alluded to Rhegium (Kutchuk
+Tchekmedjè), a town twelve miles distant, upon the Sea of Marmora,
+whither the road leading westward conducted.
+
+The title of the gate to the second name rests partly upon the
+consideration that the name cannot be claimed for any other entrance in
+the walls, and partly upon the fact that two circumstances connected
+with the gate can thus be satisfactorily explained. In the first place,
+the seven shafts employed to form the lintel, posts, and sill of the
+gateway are covered with red wash, as though to mark the entrance with
+the colour of the Red Faction. Secondly, on the northern face of the
+southern gateway-tower is an inscription, unfortunately mutilated, such
+as the Factions placed upon a structure in the erection of which they
+were concerned. The legend as preserved reads thus: “The Fortune of
+Constantine, our God-protected Emperor triumphs....”
+
+                           † ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ
+                           ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟ
+                           ΦΥΛΑΚΤΟΥ ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ
+                           †   †
+
+The missing words with which the inscription closed were at some date
+intentionally effaced, but analogy makes it exceedingly probable that
+they were ΚΑΙ ΡΟΥΣΙΩΝ, “and of the Reds.”[334]
+
+The number of inscriptions about this entrance is remarkable, five being
+on the gateway itself, and two on its southern tower. Of the former
+those commemorating the erection of the Theodosian fortifications in 447
+are of special importance and interest;[335] another records the repair
+of the Outer Wall under Justin II. and his Empress Sophia.[336]
+Indistinct traces of the fourth are visible on the southern side of the
+gateway; while the fifth, too fragmentary to yield a meaning, is on the
+tympanum, arranged on either side of a niche for Icons,[337] for the
+gates of the city were, as a rule, placed under the ward of some
+heavenly guardian. This gate was closed with a portcullis.
+
+The Fourth Military Gate stood between the ninth and tenth towers to the
+north of the Porta Rhousiou. The northern corbel of the outer gateway is
+an inscribed stone brought from some other building erected by a certain
+Georgius.[338]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of St. Romanus.]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Charisius.]
+
+Top Kapoussi, between the sixth and seventh towers north of the Fourth
+Military Gate, is the Gate of St. Romanus (πόρτα τοῦ Ἁγίου Ρωμάνου)[339]
+so named after an adjoining church of that dedication. Its identity may
+be established in the following manner: According to Cananus,[340] the
+Gate of St. Romanus and the Gate of Charisius stood on opposite sides of
+the Lycus. The Gate of St. Romanus, therefore, must have been either Top
+Kapoussi, on the southern side of that stream, or one of the two gates
+on the stream’s northern bank, viz. the walled-up entrance at the foot
+of that bank, or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was the gate
+on the southern side of the Lycus is clear, from the statements of
+Critobulus and Phrantzes,[341] that in the siege of 1453 the Turkish
+troops which invested the walls extending from the Gate of Charisius
+(Edirnè Kapoussi) to the Golden Horn were on the Sultan’s _left_, _i.e._
+to the north of the position he occupied. But the tent of the Sultan was
+opposite the Gate of St. Romanus.[342] Hence, the Gate of Charisius was
+one of the gates to the north of the Lycus, and, consequently, the Gate
+of St. Romanus stood at Top Kapoussi, to the south. In harmony with this
+conclusion is the order in which the two gates are mentioned by Pusculus
+and Dolfin when describing the positions occupied by the defenders of
+the walls from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn. Proceeding from
+south to north in their account of the defence, these writers place the
+Gate of St. Romanus before, _i.e._ to the south of, the Gate of
+Charisius.[343]
+
+The Church of St. Romanus must have been a very old foundation, for it
+is ascribed to the Empress Helena. It claimed to possess the relics of
+the prophet Daniel and of St. Nicetas.[344]
+
+The entrance between the second and third towers north of the Lycus, or
+between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the Gate of St.
+Romanus, is the Fifth Military Gate, the Gate of the Pempton (τοῦ
+Πέμπτου).[345] It is identified by the fact that it occupies the
+position which the _Paschal Chronicle_ assigns to the Gate of the
+Pempton; namely, between the Gate of St. Romanus and the Gate of the
+Polyandrion—one of the names, as we shall find,[346] of Edirnè Kapoussi.
+
+Some authorities[347] have maintained, indeed, that this entrance was
+the Gate of Charisius. But this opinion is refuted by the fact that the
+Gate of Charisius, as its whole history proves, was not a military gate,
+but one of the public gates of the city.[348] Furthermore, the author of
+the _Metrical Chronicle_ and Cananus expressly distinguish the Gate of
+Charisius from the gate situated beside the Lycus.[349]
+
+To the rear of the entrance was the district of the Pempton, containing
+the Church of St. Kyriakè and the meadow through which the Lycus flows
+to the Sea of Marmora. The meadow appears to have been a popular resort
+before the Theodosian Walls were built, if not also subsequently. Here,
+about the time of Easter, 404, the Emperor Arcadius came to take
+exercise on horseback, and here he found three thousand white-robed
+catechumens assembled. They proved to be persons who had recently been
+baptized by Chrysostom, in the Thermæ Constantianæ, near the Church of
+the Holy Apostles, notwithstanding his deposition on account of his
+quarrel with the Empress Eudoxia. Arcadius was extremely annoyed by the
+encounter, and ordered his guards to drive the crowd off the
+ground.[350]
+
+While riding down one of the slopes of the Lycus valley, in 450,
+Theodosius II. fell from his horse and sustained a spinal injury, which
+caused his death a few days later. The Gate of the Pempton was probably
+the entrance through which the dying emperor was carried on a litter
+from the scene of the accident into the city.[351]
+
+The next public gate, Edirnè Kapoussi, between the eighth and ninth
+towers to the north of the Fifth Military Gate, was named the Gate of
+Charisius (τοῦ Χαρισίου). The name, which appears in a great variety of
+forms, occurs first in Peter Magister,[352] a writer of Justinian’s
+reign, and was derived, according to the Anonymus, from Charisius, the
+head of the Blue Faction, when the Theodosian Walls were built.[353]
+While some authorities, as already intimated, have attached this name to
+the Gate of the Pempton, others have supposed that it belonged to the
+entrance now known as Egri Kapou.[354] This, as will be shown in the
+proper place, is likewise a mistake.[355]
+
+The grounds on which the Gate of Charisius must be identified with the
+Edirnè Kapoussi are these:[356] From the statements of Cananus and
+Critobulus, already considered in determining the position of the Gate
+of St. Romanus,[357] it is clear that the Gate of Charisius was one of
+the two gates on the northern bank of the Lycus; either the gate at the
+foot of that bank or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was not
+the former is clearly proved by the fact that Cananus and the _Metrical
+Chronicle_, as already cited, distinguished the Gate of Charisius from
+the entrance beside the Lycus. The Gate of Charisius was, therefore,
+Edirnè Kapoussi, the gate on the summit of the bank.
+
+Again, the Gate of Charisius was, like Edirnè Kapoussi, at the head of
+the street leading to the Church of the Holy Apostles. This is evident
+from the circumstance that when Justinian the Great, returning to the
+city from the West, visited on his way to the palace the tomb of the
+Empress Theodora at the Holy Apostles’, he entered the capital by the
+Gate of Charisius instead of by the Golden Gate,[358] because the former
+entrance led directly to the Imperial Cemetery near that church.
+
+To these arguments may be added the fact that near the Gate of Charisius
+was a Church of St. George,[359] the guardian of the entrance, and that
+a Byzantine church dedicated to that saint stood immediately to the
+south-east of Edirnè Kapoussi as late as the year 1556, when it was
+appropriated by Sultan Suleiman for the construction of the Mosque of
+Mihrimah. At the same time the Greek community received by way of
+compensation a site for another church to the north-west of the gate,
+and there the present Church of St. George was built to preserve the
+traditions of other days.[360] Lastly, like Edirnè Kapoussi, the Gate of
+Charisius stood at a point from which one could readily proceed to the
+Church of the Chora (Kahriyeh Djamissi), the Church of St. John in Petra
+(Bogdan Serai), and the Palace of Blachernæ.[361]
+
+Another name for the Gate of Charisius was the Gate of the Polyandrion,
+or the Myriandron (Πόρτα τοῦ Πολυανδρίου, τοῦ Μυριάνδρου), the Gate of
+the Cemetery. This follows from the fact that whereas the respective
+names of the three gates in the walls crossing the valley of the Lycus
+are usually given as the Gate of Charisius, Gate of the Pempton, the
+Gate of St. Romanus, we find the first name omitted in a passage of the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ referring to those entrances, and the Gate of the
+Polyandrion mentioned instead.[362] Evidently, the Gate of Charisius and
+the Gate of the Polyandrion were different names for the same gate.
+
+The latter designation was peculiarly appropriate to an entrance on the
+direct road to the Imperial Cemetery. Probably a public cemetery stood
+also outside the gate, where a large Turkish cemetery is now situated,
+and that may have been another reason for the name of the gate.[363]
+
+With the portion of the walls between the Gate of St. Romanus and the
+Gate of Charisius, memorable historical events are associated which
+cannot be passed over without some notice, however brief.
+
+On account of its central position in the line of the land
+fortifications, this part of the walls was named the Mesoteichion
+(Μεσοτείχιον).[364] It was also known as the Myriandrion,[365] on
+account of its proximity to the Gate of Polyandrion; the portion to the
+south of the Lycus being further distinguished as the Murus
+Bacchatareus,[366] after the Tower Baccaturea near the Gate of St.
+Romanus.[367]
+
+[Illustration: View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).]
+
+Owing to the configuration of the ground traversed by the Mesoteichion,
+it was at this point that a besieging army generally delivered the chief
+attack. Here stood the gates opening upon the streets which commanded
+the hills of the city; here was the weakest part of the fortifications,
+the channel of the Lycus rendering a deep moat impossible, while the dip
+in the line of walls, as they descended and ascended the slopes of the
+valley, put the defenders below the level occupied by the besiegers.
+Here, then, for Constantinople was the “Valley of Decision”—here, in the
+armour of the city, the “heel of Achilles.”
+
+In the siege of 626 by the Avars, the first siege which the Theodosian
+Walls sustained, the principal attack was made from twelve towers which
+the enemy built before the fortifications extending from the Gate of
+Charisius to the Gate of the Pempton, and thence to the Gate of St.
+Romanus.[368]
+
+Upon the Gate of Charisius attempts were made: by Justinian II. and his
+allies for the recovery of his throne in 705;[369] by Alexius Branas
+against Isaac Angelus in 1185;[370] by John Cantacuzene in 1345[371] and
+through it the Comneni entered in 1081, by bribing the German guards
+(Nemitzi) at the gate, and wrested the sceptre from the hand of
+Nicephorus Botoniates.[372]
+
+In 1206, during the struggle in which the Latins, soon after their
+capture of the city, involved themselves with Joannicus, King of
+Bulgaria, a raid was made upon the Gate of St. Romanus and the adjacent
+quarter by Bulgarian troops encamped near the capital.[373] In 1328 the
+gate was opened to admit Andronicus III. by two partisans, who stupefied
+the guards with drink, and then assisted a company of his soldiers to
+scale the walls with rope ladders.[374] In 1379 John VI. Palæologus and
+his son Manuel, after effecting their escape from the prison of Anemas,
+and making terms with Sultan Bajazet, entered the city by this gate, and
+obliged Andronicus IV. to retire from the throne he had usurped.[375]
+
+But it was in the sieges of the city by the Turks that this portion of
+the walls was attacked most fiercely, as well as defended with the
+greatest heroism. Here in 1422 Sultan Murad brought cannon to bear, for
+the first time, upon the fortifications of Constantinople. His fire was
+directed mainly at an old half-ruined tower beside the Lycus; but the
+new weapon of warfare was still too weak to break Byzantine masonry, and
+seventy balls struck the tower without producing the slightest
+effect.[376]
+
+In the siege of 1453 this portion of the walls was assailed by Sultan
+Mehemet himself with the bravest of his troops and his heaviest
+artillery, his tent being pitched, as already stated, about half a mile
+to the west of the Gate of St. Romanus.[377] At the Murus Bacchatareus
+fought the Emperor Constantine, with his 400 Genoese allies, under the
+command of the brave Guistiniani, who had come to perform prodigies of
+valour “per benefitio de la Christiantade et per honor del mundo.” The
+three brothers, Paul, Antony, and Troilus, defended the Myriandrion,
+“with the courage of Horatius Cocles.”
+
+As the struggle proceeded two towers of the Inner Wall and a large
+portion of the Outer Wall were battered to pieces by the Turkish cannon.
+The enemy also succeeded in filling the moat at this point with earth
+and stones, to secure an unobstructed roadway into the city whenever a
+breach was effected.
+
+On the other hand, Giustiniani repaired the breach in the Outer Wall by
+the erection of a palisade, covered in front with hides and strengthened
+on the rear by a rampart of stones, earth, branches, and herbage of
+every description, all welded together with mortar, and supported by an
+embankment of earth. Between this barricade and the Inner Wall he
+furthermore excavated a trench, to replace to some extent the moat which
+had been rendered useless; and to maintain his communications with the
+interior of the city he opened a postern in the great wall.
+
+Against these extemporized defences assault after assault dashed in all
+its strength and fury, only to be hurled back and broken. Meanwhile,
+more and more of the Inner and Outer Walls fell under the Turkish fire,
+and the Sultan decided to make a general attack at daybreak on the 29th
+of May. The onset upon the Mesoteichion, directed by the Sultan in
+person, was, however, repeatedly repelled, and the day threatened to go
+against the assailants, when a Turkish missile struck Giustiniani and
+forced him to leave the field. His soldiers refused to continue the
+struggle, abandoned their post, and disheartened their Greek comrades.
+The Sultan, perceiving the change in the situation, roused his
+janissaries to make a supreme effort. They swept forward, carried the
+barricade, filled the trench behind it with corpses of the defenders,
+and passing over, poured into the doomed city through every available
+opening. Some made their way through the breach in the great wall,
+others entered by the postern which Giustiniani had opened,[378] while
+others cut a path through the heap of dead bodies which blocked the Gate
+of Charisius. The heroic emperor refused to survive his empire, and
+found death near the Gate of St. Romanus.[379] And through that gate,
+about midday, the Sultan entered, the master of the city of Constantine.
+It was the close of an epoch.
+
+The next Theodosian gate stands between the last tower in the Outer Wall
+to the north of the Gate of Charisius and the old Byzantine Palace now
+called Tekfour Serai. In its present condition the entrance pierces only
+the Outer Wall; for the Inner Wall terminates abruptly a little to the
+south of the palace, having been broken away, probably when that edifice
+was erected. By way of compensation the Outer Wall was then raised
+higher and built thicker, and flanked by a large tower.
+
+According to its place in the order of the gates, this entrance should
+be the Sixth Military Gate; and the smallness of its dimensions is in
+keeping with this view. But as it led to a Circus built of timber beside
+the Church of St. Mamas without the walls, it was styled Porta
+Xylokerkou (Ξυλοκέρκου),[380] Gate of the Wooden Circus, or more
+briefly, Kerko Porta (Κερκόπορτα),[381] the Gate of the Circus.
+
+In support of this identification there is first the fact that the Gate
+of the Xylokerkus, like the gate before us, was an entrance in the Walls
+of Theodosius, for it bore an inscription, which has unfortunately
+disappeared, in honour of that emperor and the Prefect Constantine,
+similar to the legend on the Porta Rhegiou.[382] In the next place, the
+Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the entrance before us, was in the vicinity
+of the Gate of Charisius, and below a palace[383] (Tekfour Serai).
+
+[Illustration: The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.]
+
+The history of the gate has an interest of its own. When the Emperor
+Frederick Barbarossa was at Philippopolis, on his way to the Holy Land
+at the head of the Third Crusade, the prevalent suspicion that he had
+designs upon the Byzantine Empire found expression in the prophecy of a
+certain Dositheos, a monk of the Monastery of St. John Studius, that the
+German emperor would capture Constantinople, and penetrate into the city
+through this entrance. Thereupon, with the view of averting the calamity
+and preventing the fulfilment of the prophecy, Isaac Angelus ordered the
+gate to be securely built up.[384] In 1346 the partisans of John
+Cantacuzene proposed to admit him into the city by breaking the gate
+open, after its long close.[385]
+
+But what gives to the Kerko Porta its chief renown is the part which,
+according to Ducas, it played in the catastrophe of 1453, under the
+following circumstances. A large portion of the Outer Wall, at the
+Mesoteichion, having been overthrown by the Turkish cannon, the besieged
+were unable to issue from the city to the peribolos without being
+exposed to the enemy’s fire. In this extremity some old men, who knew
+the fortifications well, informed the emperor of a secret postern long
+closed up and buried underground, at the lower part of the palace, by
+which communication with the peribolos might be established.[386] This
+was done, to the great advantage of the Greeks. But on the last day of
+the siege, while the enemy was attempting to scale the walls with
+ladders at several points, a band of fifty Turkish nobles detected the
+newly opened entrance, rushed in, and mounting the walls from the
+interior of the city, killed or drove off the defenders on the summit.
+Thus a portion of the fortifications was secured against which
+scaling-ladders could be applied without any difficulty, and soon a
+considerable Turkish force stood on the Inner Wall, planted their
+standards on the towers, and opened a rear fire upon the Greeks, who
+were fighting in the peribolos to prevent the Turks from entering at the
+great breach. The cry rose that the city was taken, whereupon an
+indescribable panic seized the Greeks, already disheartened by the loss
+of Giustiniani, and, abandoning all further resistance, they fled into
+the city through the Gate of Charisius, many being trampled to death in
+the rout. The emperor fell at his post; and the Turks poured into the
+city without opposition.[387] The fate of Constantinople was thus scaled
+by the opening of the Kerko Porta.
+
+But here a difficulty occurs. In one very important particular the Kerko
+Porta, as described by Ducas, does not correspond to the character of
+the entrance with which it has been identified. The gate which the
+historian had in mind led to the peribolos, the terrace between the two
+Theodosian walls, whereas the gate below Tekfour Serai opens on the
+parateichion, the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. This
+discrepancy may, however, be removed to some extent by supposing that
+under the name of the Kerko Porta. Ducas referred to the postern which
+Dr. Paspates[388] found in the transverse wall built across the northern
+end of the peribolos, where the Inner Wall of Theodosius terminates
+abruptly a little to the south of Tekfour Serai. The postern was
+discovered in 1864, after some houses which concealed it from view had
+been destroyed by fire. It was 10-½ feet high by 6 feet wide, and
+although the old wall in which it stood has been, for the most part,
+pulled down and replaced by a new construction, the outline of the
+ancient postern can still be traced. Such an entrance might be buried
+out of sight, and be generally forgotten; and to open it, when recalled
+to mind in 1453, was to provide the defenders of the city with a secret
+passage, as they hoped, to the peribolos and the rear of the Outer Wall,
+where the contest was to be maintained to the bitter end.
+
+The suggestion of Dr. Paspates that this was the entrance at which the
+incidents recorded by Ducas occurred may, therefore, be accepted. But,
+from the nature of the case, an entrance in such a position could not
+have been, strictly speaking, the Gate of the Circus, and to call it the
+Kerko Porta was therefore not perfectly accurate. That was, properly,
+the name of the gate below Tekfour Serai. Still, the mistake was not
+very serious, and, under the circumstances, was not strange. Two
+entrances so near each other could easily be confounded in the report of
+the events in the neighbourhood, especially when the postern in the
+transverse wall had no special name of its own. Dr. Mordtmann[389]
+thinks that the postern near the Kerko Porta was the one which
+Giustiniani, according to Critobulus,[390] opened in the Inner Wall to
+facilitate communication with the peribolos. The latter postern,
+however, is represented as near the position occupied by Giustiniani and
+the emperor, while the former is described as far from that point.[391]
+
+Footnote 287:
+
+  Codinus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 288:
+
+  See below, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 289:
+
+  Sozomon, iv. c. 2.
+
+Footnote 290:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 291:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 292:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Octob. 25.
+
+Footnote 293:
+
+  See below, pp. 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 294:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25.
+
+Footnote 295:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 296:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, June 10.
+
+Footnote 297:
+
+  _Ibid._, April 23.
+
+Footnote 298:
+
+  _Ibid._, April 22.
+
+Footnote 299:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistas, xii. c. 14.
+
+Footnote 300:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253.
+
+Footnote 301:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 302:
+
+  See below, pp. 106, 107.
+
+Footnote 303:
+
+  It is still held in great repute, and on the Friday of Greek Easter
+  week is visited by immense crowds of devotees, as in the olden time.
+
+Footnote 304:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 305:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 306:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, iv. p. 64.
+
+Footnote 307:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 142; Niceph. Greg., iv. p. 85.
+
+Footnote 308:
+
+  See Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii.
+
+Footnote 309:
+
+  Ducas, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 310:
+
+  Nicolo Barbaro, p. 733.
+
+Footnote 311:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 312:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25.
+
+Footnote 313:
+
+  Paspates, p. 47; Mordtmann, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 314:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25. Ἐν τῇ Μελανδησία πόρτῃ, ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ
+  Κωνσταντινούπολει, τοποθεσίᾳ τοῦ Δευτέρου.
+
+Footnote 315:
+
+  See below, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 316:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistus, xv. c. 25, c. 28.
+
+Footnote 317:
+
+  Agathias, v. c. 14, c. 20.
+
+Footnote 318:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, _ad Zenonem_.
+
+Footnote 319:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 717.
+
+Footnote 320:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 321:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 322:
+
+  _Menæa_, May 30, as quoted by Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_,
+  ii. p. 178.
+
+Footnote 323:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
+
+Footnote 324:
+
+  Mordtmann, pp. 14, 15.
+
+Footnote 325:
+
+  See above, p. 77.
+
+Footnote 326:
+
+  Codinus, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 327:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
+
+Footnote 328:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 323.
+
+Footnote 329:
+
+  Codinus, p. 126.
+
+Footnote 330:
+
+  Pages 378-389.
+
+Footnote 331:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 332:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 355, 358.
+
+Footnote 333:
+
+  See above, pp. 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 334:
+
+  The inscription is found in the C. I. G., No. 8789. Dr. Paspates
+  compares it with No. 8788 in that collection. ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ
+  ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΒΕΝΕΤΩΝ (of the Blues)
+  ΕΥΝΩΟΥΝΤΩΝ. See below, p. 102.
+
+Footnote 335:
+
+  See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 336:
+
+  See below, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 337:
+
+  Choiseul-Gouffier, _Voyage pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc._,
+  vol. iv. p. 17, speaking of this gate, says, “Sur le cintre de cette
+  porte sont les représentations de quelques saints, donc les Turcs ont
+  effacé le visage.” Cf. Paspates, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 338:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 339:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 340:
+
+  _De Constantinopoli Expugnata_, p. 462.
+
+Footnote 341:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 23, c. 27 (_Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum_, vol.
+  v.); Phrantzes, p. 237.
+
+Footnote 342:
+
+  Critobulus; Phrantzes, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 343:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. Compare lines 165 and 169. Cf. Dolfin, s. 54.
+
+Footnote 344:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 55; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 103.
+
+Footnote 345:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 719.
+
+Footnote 346:
+
+  See below, p. 84.
+
+Footnote 347:
+
+  _E.g._ Dethier, _Le Bosphore et Consple._, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 348:
+
+  See below, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 349:
+
+  _Metrical Chronicle_, lines 371-429; cf. statement ἐγέρθη Γεωργίου
+  δόμος ... πρὸς πύλην τὴν Χαρσίαν with statement πύλην ἐάσας ἀνοικτὴν
+  τὴν ποταμοῦ πλησίον εἰς ἥν τῆς μάρτυρος ναὸς Κυριακῆς ὁρᾶται. See
+  _Byzantinshe Analecten_, von Hernn Joseph Müller, “Sitzungsberichte
+  der K. Akademie der Wissenshaften Philosoph. Hist.,” Classe B. 9,
+  1852. Cf. Cananus, p. 462, ἦν γὰρ ὁ τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πύργος πλησίον
+  Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν
+  πύλην, καὶ πλησιέστηρον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμόν τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον
+  Λύκον.
+
+Footnote 350:
+
+  Palladius, _Dialogus de Vita J. Chrysostomi_, Migne, xlvii. p. 34. In
+  front of St. Irene in the Seraglio grounds, is preserved the pedestal
+  on which stood the porphyry column bearing the silver statue of the
+  Empress Eudoxia, the occasion of Chrysostom’s banishment.
+
+Footnote 351:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 589, Εἰσῆλθεν λεκτικίῳ ἀπὸ Λευκοῦ ποταμοῦ.
+
+Footnote 352:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, 497.
+
+Footnote 353:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 354:
+
+  Paspates, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 355:
+
+  See below, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 356:
+
+  Dr. Mordtmann was the first to establish the fact. For a full
+  statement of his view, see _Esquisse Topographique de Consple._, pp.
+  16-29.
+
+Footnote 357:
+
+  See above, pp. 80, 81.
+
+Footnote 358:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 497. In 1299, Andronicus II. also
+  entered the city by this entrance in great state, after an absence of
+  two years (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 290).
+
+Footnote 359:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. pp. 124, 129; _Metrical Chronicle_, 371-429.
+
+Footnote 360:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 105.
+  The church possesses two ancient _Lectionaries_, one containing the
+  Epistles, the other the Gospels. The history of the latter is
+  interesting. The MS. was presented to the Church of St. Sophia, in
+  1438, by a monk named Arsenius, of Crete. It was taken, the same year,
+  by the Patriarch Joseph to Ferrara, when he proceeded to that city to
+  attend the council called to negotiate the union of the Western and
+  Eastern Churches. Upon his death in Florence the year following it was
+  returned to St. Sophia. Some time after the fall of Constantinople it
+  came into the hands of a certain Manuel, son of Constantine, by whom
+  it was given, in 1568, to the church in which it is now treasured.
+
+Footnote 361:
+
+  Ducas, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 362:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 719, 720; cf. Anonymus, i. p. 22, with iii. p.
+  50.
+
+Footnote 363:
+
+  In the foundations of one of the towers to the north of the Gate of
+  the Pempton, pulled down in 1868 for the sake of building material, a
+  large number of marble tombstones were found, some being plain slabs,
+  others bearing inscriptions. Among the latter, several were to the
+  memory of persons connected with the body of auxiliary troops, styled
+  the Fœderati. Such Gothic names as Walderic, Saphnas, Bertilas,
+  Epoktoric, occurred in the epitaphs, _e.g._—
+
+                   † ΕΝΘΔΕ ΚΤΑ ... Ι Ο
+                   ΤΗΣ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΕΦΝΑΣ
+                   ΔΕΣΠΟΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΦΟΙΔΕΡΑΤΟΣ ΕΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΣΕΝ
+                   ΔΕ ΜΗ ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩ ΚΔ ΗΜΕΡΑ Β
+                   ΙΝΔ Β.
+
+  See Paspates, pp. 33, 34; _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos
+  of Consple._, vol. xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, pp. 17-23.
+  Some of the stones are in the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 364:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 26, c. 31.
+
+Footnote 365:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253; Critobulus, i. c. 26; Leonard of Scio, “In loco
+  arduo Miliandri, quo urbs titubabat.”
+
+Footnote 366:
+
+  _Leonard of Scio_, Migne, vol. clix. pp. 929, 940.
+
+Footnote 367:
+
+  Dolfin, s. 31.
+
+Footnote 368:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 719, 720.
+
+Footnote 369:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 573.
+
+Footnote 370:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 493.
+
+Footnote 371:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 525.
+
+Footnote 372:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 124.
+
+Footnote 373:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 824.
+
+Footnote 374:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 419, 420.
+
+Footnote 375:
+
+  See Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii. See below,
+  pp. 162, 163.
+
+Footnote 376:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
+
+Footnote 377:
+
+  Compare the narratives of Phrantzes, pp. 246, 253; Critobulus, i. c.
+  23, 27, 31, 34, 60; Ducas, p. 275; Leonard of Scio (_Migne_, vol.
+  clix.).
+
+Footnote 378:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 60.
+
+Footnote 379:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 287.
+
+Footnote 380:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558; Theophanes, p. 667.
+
+Footnote 381:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282. The Circus was known as the Circus of St. Mamas,
+  because of its proximity to that church, and appears frequently in
+  Byzantine history.
+
+  The district associated with the Church of St. Mamas (Zonaras, xvi. c.
+  5, ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸ Στενὸν τοποθεσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος καλουμένῃ)
+  must have occupied the valley which extends from the Golden Horn
+  southwards to the village of Ortakdjilar, the territory between Eyoub
+  (Cosmidion) and Aivan Serai at the north-western angle of the city.
+  The church itself, with its monastery (Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 107, 259),
+  stood, probably, on the high ground near Ortakdjilar. Owing to its
+  charming situation, the suburb was a favourite resort, and boasted of
+  an Imperial palace, a hippodrome, a portico, a harbour, and, possibly,
+  the bridge across the Golden Horn. The indications for the
+  determination of the site of the suburb are: (1) it stood nearer the
+  Golden Horn than the Gate of Charisius did; for in the military
+  demonstration which Constantine Copronymus made before the land walls,
+  against the rebel Artavasdes, by marching up and down between the Gate
+  of Charisius and the Golden Gate, the emperor reached St. Mamas and
+  encamped there, after passing the former entrance on his march
+  northwards (Theophanes, pp. 645, 646). (2) The Hippodrome of St. Mamas
+  was in Blachernæ (Ἐν Βλαχέρναις ... ἐν τῷ ἱππικῷ τοῦ ἁγίου
+  Μάμαντος—Theophanes, p. 667), a term which could be used to designate
+  even the district of the Cosmidion (_Paschal Chron._, p. 725, τὴν
+  ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἁγίων Κοσμᾶ καὶ Δαμιανοῦ, ἐν Βλαχέρναις). (3) The suburb
+  stood near the Cosmidion; hence the facility with which the Bulgarians
+  under Crum were able to ravage St. Mamas from their camp near the
+  Church SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Theophanes Cont., pp. 613, 614). (4)
+  The suburb was near the water; for it had a harbour (Theophanes, p.
+  591). It is also described as situated on the Propontis (Genesius, p.
+  102), on the Euxine (Theophanes Cont., p. 197), on the Stenon, the
+  Bosporus (Zonaras, _ut supra_), these names being applied in a wide
+  sense. (5) At the same time the Church of St. Mamas stood near the
+  walls (Zonaras, xiv. p. 1272, πλησίον τοῦ τείχους), and near the gate
+  named Porta Xylokerkou (Cedrenus, i. p. 707). This does not
+  necessarily imply that the church was immediately outside the gate,
+  but it intimates that the church was at no very great distance from
+  the gate, and could be easily reached from it; as, for example, the
+  Church of the Pegè stands related to the Gate of Selivria (see above,
+  p. 73). Such language would be appropriate if a branch road leading to
+  St. Mamas and the Golden Horn left the great road, parallel to the
+  walls, at the point opposite the Porta Xylokerkou.
+
+  The suburb owed much to Leo the Great, who took up his residence there
+  for six months, after the terrible conflagration which devastated the
+  city in the twelfth year of his reign (_Paschal Chron._, p. 598). To
+  him are ascribed all the constructions for which the suburb was
+  celebrated; the harbour and portico (_Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_),
+  the church, the palace, and the hippodrome (Anonymus, iii. pp. 57, 58;
+  Codinus, p. 115). The Church of St. Mamas is, however, ascribed also
+  to an officer in the reign of Justinian the Great, and to the sister
+  of the Emperor Maurice (see Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_,
+  iv. p. 185). There Maurice and his family were buried, after their
+  execution by Phocas (Codinus, p. 121). The palace was frequented by
+  Michael III., and there he was murdered by Basil I. (Theophanes Cont.,
+  p. 210). To it the Empress Irene and her son Constantine VI. retired
+  from the city on the occasion of the severe earthquake of 790
+  (Theophanes, pp. 719, 720), and in it the marriage of Constantine VI.
+  with Theodota was celebrated (_Ibid._ p. 728). It was burnt down by
+  Crum of Bulgaria (_Ibid._ pp. 785, 786), but must have been rebuilt
+  soon, for Theophilus took up his quarters there on the eve of his
+  first triumphal entrance into the city (Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._,
+  p. 504). The hippodrome may have been, originally, the one which
+  Constantine the Great constructed of wood, outside the city, and in
+  which the adherents of Chrysostom assembled after the bishop’s
+  deposition (Sozomon, viii. c. 21, συνήθον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος εἰς τινα
+  χῶρον ὅν Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Βασιλεὺς, μήπω τὴν πόλιν συνοικήσας, εἰς
+  ἱπποδρόμου θέαν ἐκάθηρε, ξύλοις περιτειχίσας). There Michael III. took
+  part in chariot races (Theophanes Cont., p. 197; cf. Theophanes, p.
+  731). Crum carried away some of the works of Art which adorned it
+  (Theophanes, pp. 785, 786). The harbour of St. Mamas appears as the
+  station of a fleet in the struggle between Anastasius II. and
+  Theodosius III. (Theophanes, pp. 591, 592), and in the struggle
+  between Artavasdes and Constantine Copronymus (_Ibid._, pp. 645, 646).
+
+Footnote 382:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150, n. 428, ΘΕΥΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ
+  ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ. The
+  gate appears in the reign of Anastasius I. (491-518), when a nun
+  residing near it was mobbed and killed for sharing the emperor’s
+  heretical opinions (Zonaras, xiv. c. 3, p. 1220, Migne). This is
+  another evidence of its Theodosian origin. It must have stood in the
+  portion of the Theodosian Walls that still remain, for it is mentioned
+  in the reign of John Cantacuzene.
+
+Footnote 383:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 282-286. Cf. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 384:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 528, 529.
+
+Footnote 385:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558.
+
+Footnote 386:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282, Παραπόρτιον ἕν πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων ἀσφαλῶς πεφραγμένον,
+  ὑπόγαιον, πρὸς τὸ κάτωθεν μέρος τοῦ παλατίου.
+
+Footnote 387:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 282-286.
+
+Footnote 388:
+
+  Pages 63-67. Dr. Paspates regarded the Kerko Porta and the Porta
+  Xylokerkou as different gates. The latter, he held, has disappeared.
+
+Footnote 389:
+
+  Page 27.
+
+Footnote 390:
+
+  I. c. 60.
+
+Footnote 391:
+
+  Ducas, p. 286.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+                    REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+The maintenance of the bulwarks of the city in proper order was
+naturally a matter of supreme importance, and although the task was
+sometimes neglected when no enemy threatened, it was, on the whole,
+attended to with the promptitude and fidelity which so vital a concern
+demanded. There was little occasion for repairs, it is true, on account
+of injuries sustained in the shock of war, for until the invention of
+gunpowder the engines employed in battering the walls were either not
+powerful enough, or could not be planted sufficiently near the
+fortifications, to produce much effect. Most of the damage done to the
+walls was due to the action of the weather, and, above all, to the
+violent and frequent earthquakes which shook Constantinople in the
+course of the Middle Ages.
+
+The charge of keeping the fortifications in repair was given to special
+officers, known under the titles, Domestic of the Walls (ὁ Δομέστικος
+τῶν Τειχέων),[392] Governor of the Wall (Ἄρχων τοῦ Τείχους),[393] Count
+of the Walls (Κόμης τῶν Τειχέων).[394]
+
+(1) The earliest record of repairs is, probably, the Latin inscription
+on the lintel of the inner gateway of the Porta of the Pempton. It
+reads:
+
+                 PORTARUM VALID † DO FIRMAVIT LIMINE MUROS
+                        PUSAEUS MAGNO NON MINOR ANTHEMIO.
+
+The age of the inscription cannot be precisely determined, but the
+employment of Latin, the Gothic form of the D in the word _valido_, the
+allusion to Anthemius, and the situation of the legend upon the Inner
+Wall, taken together, point to an early date.
+
+[Illustration: Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.]
+
+From the statement of the inscription it would seem that soon after the
+erection of the wall by Anthemius, either this gate or all the gates in
+the line of the new fortifications had to be strengthened. The only
+Pusæus known in history who could have presumed to compare himself with
+Anthemius was consul in 467, in the reign of Leo I.[395] There may,
+however, have been an earlier personage of that name.
+
+(2) A considerable portion of the Inner Wall (τὰ ἔσω τείχη) was injured
+by an earthquake in 578, the fourth year of the reign of Zeno;[396] but
+no record of the repairs executed in consequence of the disaster has
+been preserved.
+
+(3) The frequent shocks of earthquake felt in Constantinople during the
+reign of Justinian the Great damaged the walls on, at least, three
+occasions; in 542 and 554, when the injury done was most serious in the
+neighbourhood of the Golden Gate;[397] and again in 558, when both the
+Constantinian and the Theodosian Walls were rudely shaken, the latter
+suffering chiefly in the portion between the Golden Gate and the Porta
+Rhousiou.[398] So great was the damage sustained by the city and
+vicinity on the last occasion that for thirty days the emperor refused
+to wear his crown.
+
+(4) An inscription on the Gate Rhousiou commemorates the restoration of
+the Outer Wall in the reign of Justin II. Whether the work was rendered
+necessary by some particular accident does not appear; but a wall so
+slight in its structure would naturally need extensive repair when a
+century old.
+
+With Justin the inscription associates the Empress Sophia, noted for her
+interest in the public works of the day, and also names Narses and
+Stephen, as the officials who had charge of the repairs. The latter
+officer is otherwise unknown. Narses, who held the offices of Spatharius
+and Sacellarius, superintended also the restoration of the Harbour of
+Julian in the same reign.[399] Subsequently he was sent, with large
+funds, on a mission to the Avars to persuade them to raise the siege of
+Sirmium. But the ship which carried the money was totally wrecked on the
+way, and Narses took the misfortune so much to heart that he fell ill
+and died.[400]
+
+The inscription in honour of Justin was to the following effect:[401]
+
+             † ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΤΕΙΧΙΟΜΑ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΑΚΟΥ
+             ΤΕΙΧΟΥΣ ΕΠΙ ΙΟΥΣΤΙΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ
+             ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΔΙΑ ΝΑΡΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ
+             ΕΝΔΟΞΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΣΠΑΘΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΑΚΕΛΛΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ
+             ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΚΟΝΤΟΣ ΕΙΣ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΙΑΝ ΔΟΥΛΟΣ
+             ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΑΣΤΑΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ †
+
+    “The Outwork of the Theodosian Wall was restored under Justin and
+    Sophia, our most pious Sovereigns, by Narses, the most glorious
+    Spatharius and Sacellarius, and Stephen, who belonged to the
+    service, a servant of the most pious Sovereigns.”
+
+(5) The next repairs on record were executed early in the eighth
+century, in view of the formidable preparations made by the Saracens for
+a second attack upon Constantinople. Anastasius II. then strengthened
+the land walls, as well as the other fortifications of the city;[402]
+and thus contributed to the signal repulse of the enemy in 718 by Leo
+the Isaurian, at that great crisis in the history of Christendom.
+
+(6) Repairs were again demanded in 740, in the reign of Leo the
+Isaurian, owing to the injuries caused by a long series of earthquakes
+during eleven months. So extensive was the work of restoration required,
+that to provide the necessary funds Leo was obliged to increase the
+taxes.[403]
+
+Several inscriptions commemorating the repairs executed by that emperor,
+in conjunction with his son and colleague Constantine Copronymus, have
+been found upon towers of the Inner Wall.
+
+(_a_) One stood on the seventh tower north of the Sea of Marmora:
+
+                  † ΛΕΩΝ ΣΥΝ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΩ ΣΚΗΠΤΟΥΧΟΙ ΤΟΝΔΕ
+                  ΗΓΕΙΡΑΝ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΣΥΜΠΤΩΘΕΝΤΑ †
+
+    “Leo with Constantine, wielders of the sceptre, erected from the
+    foundations this tower which had fallen.”
+
+(_b_) Another was placed on the ninth tower north of the Golden Gate, in
+letters formed of brick:
+
+                   ΙΣ | ΧΣ
+                   —--|-—-
+                   ΝΙ | ΚΑ
+
+                   ΛΕΩΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΗΝΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΝ
+                   ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ
+
+    “Many be the years of Leo and Constantine, Great Kings and
+    Emperors.”
+
+[Illustration: Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour
+of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).]
+
+(_c_) A similar inscription was found on the third tower north of the
+Second Military Gate:
+
+               † ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ †
+               ΜΕΓΑΛΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ
+
+(_d_) On the second tower north of the Gate of the Pegè was an
+inscription similar to that on the seventh tower north of the Sea of
+Marmora. The raised letters are beautifully cut on a band of marble:
+
+(_e_) The ninth tower north of the same gate bore two inscriptions. The
+higher was in honour, apparently, of an Emperor Constantine; the lower
+reads:
+
+              † ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΩΝ
+              ΘΕΩΦΥΛΑΚΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΗΡΙΝΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΗΣ
+              ΗΜΩΝ ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΗΣ
+
+    “The Fortune of Leo and Constantine, the God-protected Sovereigns,
+    and of Irene, our most pious Augusta, triumphs.”
+
+If this inscription belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian, the
+Empress Irene here mentioned must be Irene, the first wife of
+Constantine Copronymus. In that case Maria, the wife of Leo himself,
+must have been dead[404] when the repairs which the inscription
+commemorates were executed. Irene was married to Constantine in 732, and
+died in 749 or 750.
+
+It is possible, however, that the inscription should be assigned to the
+reign of Leo IV. and Constantine VI., so different is it from the
+inscriptions which belong undoubtedly to the time of Leo the Isaurian.
+If so, the empress named is the famous Irene who blinded her son,
+usurped his throne, restored the use of Icons, and gave occasion for the
+revival of the Roman Empire in the West by Charlemagne.
+
+Below the inscription several monograms are found.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+(_f_) There is an interesting inscription, in letters of brick,
+constituting a prayer for the safety of the city, on the fourth tower
+north of the Gate Rhousiou:
+
+                ΧΡΙΣΤΕ Ω ΘΕΟΣ ΑΤΑΡΑΧΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΟΛΕΜΟΝ ΦΥΛΑΤΤΕ
+                ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΙΝ ΣΟΥ ΝΙΚΑ ΤΟ ΜΕΝΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΙΩΝ
+
+    “O Christ, God, preserve Thy city undisturbed, and free from war.
+    Conquer the wrath of the enemies.”
+
+It is the utterance of the purpose embodied in the erection of the
+splendid bulwarks of the city, and might have been inscribed upon them
+at any period of their history. It has been assigned to Constantine IX.,
+when sole ruler after the death of Basil II. (1025-1028);[405] but the
+employment of brick in the construction of the letters favours the view
+that the legend belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian.
+
+(7) Fragments of inscriptions recording repairs by Michael II. and his
+son Theophilus have been found in the neighbourhood of the Gate of
+Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).[406] These emperors were specially
+distinguished for their attention to the state of the fortifications
+along the shores of the city, but it would have been strange if
+sovereigns so concerned for the security of the capital had entirely
+neglected the condition of the land walls.
+
+(8) The earthquake of 975, towards the close of the reign of
+Zimisces,[407] left its mark upon the walls of the city, and two
+inscriptions commemorate the repairs executed in consequence by his
+successors, Basil II. and Constantine IX.
+
+One of the inscriptions is on the huge, pentagonal, three-storied tower
+at the junction of the land walls with the defences along the Sea of
+Marmora. The legend reads:
+
+[Illustration.]
+
+    “Tower of Basil and Constantine, faithful Emperors in Christ, pious
+    Kings of the Romans.”
+
+The device
+
+                                   ΙΣ | ΧΡ
+                                  ————————
+                                   ΝΙ | ΚΑ
+
+is found over two windows in the northern side of the tower.
+
+The other inscription is on the northern gateway-tower of the Gate of
+the Pegè:
+
+                   † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΕΝ
+                   ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΩΝ †
+
+    “Tower of Basil and Constantine, Emperors in Christ.”
+
+Possibly the two following inscriptions on the northern side of the
+southern tower of the Gate Rhousiou refer to the same emperors:[408]
+
+[Illustration: “The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign,
+triumphs.”]
+
+The second inscription is mutilated, but manifestly refers to repairs in
+the reign of Basil:
+
+                           † ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΕΠΙ ΑΥ ...
+                           ΤΑΤΟΥ Λ ...
+                           ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕ
+                           ΕΝ ΙΝ ΙΑ †
+
+(9) An inscription on the fourth tower from the Sea of Marmora records
+repairs by the Emperor Romanus:
+
+[Illustration: “Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most
+Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”]
+
+As four emperors bore the name Romanus, it is not certain to which of
+them reference is here made. The fact that earthquakes occurred in the
+reign of Romanus III. Argyrus, first in 1032, and again in 1033,[409] is
+in favour of the view that the inscription was in his honour.
+
+[Illustration: Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian
+Walls.]
+
+(10) During the period of the Comneni, particular attention was given to
+the state of the fortifications by Manuel Comnenus,[410] and by
+Andronicus I. Comnenus.[411] As will appear in the sequel, the former
+was concerned mainly with the defences in the neighbourhood of the
+Palace of Blachernæ, beyond the Theodosian Walls. The interest of
+Andronicus in the matter was roused by fear lest the Normans, who had
+captured and sacked Thessalonica in 1185, would advance upon the
+capital. After making a minute inspection of the walls in person,
+Andronicus ordered the immediate repair of the portions fallen into
+decay, as well as the removal of all houses whose proximity to the
+fortifications might facilitate escalade.
+
+(11) Under the Palæologi, the Walls of Theodosius, after their long
+service of eight centuries, demanded frequent and extensive restoration,
+in view of the dangers which menaced them.
+
+Hence, on the recovery of Constantinople from the Latins in 1261,
+Michael Palæologus, fearing the Western Powers would attempt to regain
+the place, took measures to put the fortifications in a proper state of
+defence. His chief attention was devoted to the improvement of the
+bulwarks guarding the shores of the city, as those most exposed to
+attack by the maritime states of Europe, but he did not overlook the
+land walls.[412]
+
+(12) In 1317, general repairs were again undertaken by Andronicus II.
+Palæologus, with money bequeathed by his wife, the Empress Irene, who
+died in that year.[413] The only indication, however, of the fact is now
+found beyond the Theodosian lines.[414]
+
+(13) The Theodosian Walls were injured once more by the great earthquake
+of October, 1344, during the minority of John VI. Palæologus.[415] The
+disaster occurred when the struggle between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene
+for the control of affairs was at its height, and the ruin of the
+fortifications made the position of the former, who then held the city,
+extremely critical, seeing his rival was preparing to besiege him.
+Apocaucus proceeded, therefore, to reconstruct the fallen bulwarks with
+the utmost despatch and thoroughness. The Inner Wall and the Outer Wall
+were repaired from one end of the line to the other, and the parapet
+along the Moat was raised to the height of a man;[416] proceedings which
+made this the most extensive restoration of the Theodosian Walls since
+447. It was completed in January 1345, before Cantacuzene appeared to
+attack the capital.
+
+(14) Mention has already been made of the repair of the Golden Gate by
+Cantacuzene, and the erection of a fortress behind that entrance by John
+VI. Palæologus, the prototype of the Turkish Castle of the Seven
+Towers.[417]
+
+(15) The last restoration of the Theodosian bulwarks, on an extensive
+scale, was undertaken by John VII. Palæologus, (1425-1448), the Outer
+Wall being the portion principally concerned in the matter.
+
+Evidently the task proved difficult, for the numerous inscriptions which
+celebrate the achievement bear dates extending from 1433-1444, and show
+that the work proceeded slowly, and with frequent interruptions, due,
+doubtless, to the low state of the Imperial exchequer. The letters of
+the legends are incised on small marble slabs, and are filled with lead,
+exhibiting poor workmanship both in form and arrangement.
+
+One of the inscriptions was placed on the outer tower nearest the Sea of
+Marmora:[418]
+
+                                ΙΩΑΝ
+                                ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ
+                                ΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ
+                                ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ.
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ.”
+
+A similar inscription is on the second outer tower north of the Golden
+Gate:
+
+[Illustration: “(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the
+year 1444.”]
+
+Another is on the fifth outer tower north of the Second Military Gate:
+
+                            ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ
+                            ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟ
+                            ΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ
+                            ΚΑΤΑ ΜÉΝΑ
+                            ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ
+                            ΜΗ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6948).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of June
+    of the year 1440.”
+
+On the twelfth tower north of the same gate is a fractured slab which
+bore the legend:
+
+                  † ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ
+                  ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΒ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6942).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    April of the year 1434.”
+
+Traces of similar inscriptions appear on the first and second towers
+north of the Gate of the Pegè; while on the third tower in that
+direction are the words:
+
+                  ΙΩΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ
+                  ΚΡΟΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΙΑΝΟΥ
+                  ΑΡΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ
+                  ΜΖ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6947).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    January of the year 1839.”
+
+An inscription to the same effect stood on the first and the second
+towers north of the Third Military Gate. On the third tower beyond the
+entrance was the legend:
+
+                           ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ
+                           ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑ
+                           ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙ
+                           ΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΟΚΤΟΒ
+                           ΤΟΥ Μ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6946).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    October of the year 1438.”
+
+On the outer tower, now demolished, opposite the Porta of the Pempton,
+was an inscription from which we learn the great extent of the repairs
+undertaken in this reign.[419] That work comprised the whole of the
+Outer Wall:
+
+                   † ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΕ ΤΟ ΚΑΣΤΡΟΝ ΟΛΟΝ ΙΩ ΧΩ ΑΥ
+                   ΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΤΕΙ ΜΑ (6941).
+
+    “John Palæolous, Emperor in Christ, restored the whole
+    fortification; in the year 1433.”
+
+[Illustration: Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of
+THEODOSIVS the Second.]
+
+In the course of the repairs made at this time, the Gate of the Pegè was
+restored at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, as an inscription
+high up on the back of the southern tower of the gate proclaims:[420]
+
+                   † ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΘΗ Η
+                   ΘΕΟΣΟΣΤΟΣ ΠΥΛΗ ΑΥΤΗ
+                   ΤΗΣ ΖΩΟΔΟΧΟΥ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΔΙΑ
+                   ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ ΜΑ
+                   ΝΟΥΗΛ ΒΡΥΕΝΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΛΕ
+                   ΟΝΤΑΡΙ ΕΠΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ
+                   ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ (or ΕΥΣΕΒΩΝ) ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ
+                   ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΙΑΣ
+                   ΤΩΝ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΩΝ
+                   ΕΝ ΜΗΝΙ ΜΑΙ
+                   ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ Μ (or Α) (6946 or 6941).
+
+    “This God-protected gate of the Life-giving Spring was restored with
+    the co-operation and at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, in
+    the reign of the most pious sovereigns John and Maria Palæologi; in
+    the month of May, in the year 1438 (or 1433).”
+
+[Illustration: Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of
+THEODOSIVS the Second.]
+
+The Empress Maria who is mentioned in the inscription was the daughter
+of Alexius, Emperor of Trebizond, and the third wife of John VII.
+Palæologus, from 1427-1440.[421] Manuel Bryennius Leontari was probably
+the Bryennius Leontari who defended the Gate of Charisius in the siege
+of 1453.[422]
+
+To the same reign, probably, belonged the work recorded on a tower
+between the Gate of Charisius and Tekfour Serai. The inscription was
+fragmentary, consisting of the letters ΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η ΚΟ, evidently ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣΘΗ
+Η ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ[423] (“The curtain-wall was restored”). The lettering and the
+form of expression resembled the style of an unmutilated inscription on
+the walls near the Sea of Marmora, commemorating repairs on that side of
+the city, in 1448, by George, Despot of Servia;[424] and in view of this
+resemblance, it is safe to conclude that a part of the money sent by the
+Servian king to fortify Constantinople against the common enemy was
+spent upon the land wall.
+
+To the period of John VII. Palæologus, probably, must be assigned the
+inscription which stands on the fifth tower north of the Gate of
+Charisius:[425]
+
+                                ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ
+                                ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙΟΥ
+                                ΤΟΥ ΑΓΑΛΟΝΟΣ
+
+    “(Tower) of Nicholas Agalon, Cabalarius.”
+
+(16) On the first outer tower north of the Golden Gate, and on the outer
+tower opposite the Gate of the Pempton, the name Manuel Igari was found,
+placed a little below the inscriptions on those towers in honour of John
+VII. Palæologus.[426]
+
+At first it might be supposed that we have here the name of the officer
+who superintended the repair of the fortifications in the reign of that
+emperor. But, according to Leonard of Scio,[427] Manuel Iagari, along
+with a certain monk, Neophytus of Rhodes, had charge of such work
+immediately before the final siege, while Constantine Dragoses, the last
+of the Byzantine emperors, was making pathetic efforts to avert
+inevitable doom. Leonard accuses Manuel and Neophytus of having, even at
+that crisis, when the fate of the city hung in the balance, embezzled a
+large part of the funds devoted to the restoration of the walls, thereby
+leaving the fortifications in a state which made a successful defence
+impossible: “Idcirco urbs prædonum incuria, in tanta tempesta periit.”
+It is said that after the capture of the city the Turks discovered a
+considerable portion of the stolen money concealed in a jar.
+
+Footnote 392:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis_, p. 41; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 393:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 616.
+
+Footnote 394:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 6. _Ibid._, p. 295, speaks of the
+  τοῦ τειχεώτου.
+
+Footnote 395:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 595.
+
+Footnote 396:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 397:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 345, 355.
+
+Footnote 398:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 357, 358.
+
+Footnote 399:
+
+  Codinus, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 400:
+
+  _John of Ephesus_: translation by R. Payne Smith.
+
+Footnote 401:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 96, for copy of the inscription with its
+  errors in orthography.
+
+Footnote 402:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 403:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 634, 635. The tax was called “dikeraton,” because it was
+  equal to two keratia (1_s._ ½_d._), or one-twelfth of a nomisma
+  (12_s._ 6_d._). Cf. Finlay, _History of the Byzantine Empire_, i. pp.
+  37, 38.
+
+Footnote 404:
+
+  The date of her death is not known. Muralt is mistaken in saying that
+  she died in 750. The Maria who died in that year was the second wife
+  of Constantine Copronymus; not the widow, as Muralt has it, of Leo
+  III. Cf. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Consple., p. 73.
+
+Footnote 405:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, pp. 34, 35.
+
+Footnote 406:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 407:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, pp. 175, 176.
+
+Footnote 408:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 409:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 500, 503, 504.
+
+Footnote 410:
+
+  Cinnamus, p. 274.
+
+Footnote 411:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 414, 415.
+
+Footnote 412:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
+
+Footnote 413:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
+
+Footnote 414:
+
+  See below, p. 126.
+
+Footnote 415:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xiv. pp. 694-696.
+
+Footnote 416:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xiv. p. 711.
+
+Footnote 417:
+
+  See above, pp. 70, 71.
+
+Footnote 418:
+
+  Paspates, p. 59.
+
+Footnote 419:
+
+  Paspates, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 420:
+
+  Compare Paspates, pp. 54, 55, with Mordtmann, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 421:
+
+  Du Cange, _Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ_, p. 246.
+
+Footnote 422:
+
+  Zorzo Dolfin, s. 54.
+
+Footnote 423:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 424:
+
+  Du Cange, _Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ; Familiæ Sclavonicæ_, ix. p. 336.
+
+Footnote 425:
+
+  Paspates, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 426:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 427:
+
+  _Historia Cpolitanæ Urbis a Mahumete II. Captæ, per modum Epistolæ,
+  die Augusti, anno 1453, ad Nicolaum V. Rom. Pont._, Migne, vol. clix.
+  p. 936.
+
+[Illustration: Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+                   THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS.
+
+
+The ruined Byzantine palace, commonly styled Tekfour Serai, beside the
+Porta Xylokerkou was the Imperial residence, known as the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus (τὰ βασίλεια τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου: οἱ τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου
+οἶκοι),[428] and formed an annex to the great Palace of Blachernæ, which
+stood lower down the hill.
+
+It is true, Gyllius supposed it to be the Palace of the Hebdomon, and
+his opinion, though contrary to all the evidence on the subject, has
+been generally accepted as correct. But the proof that the suburb of the
+Hebdomon was situated at Makrikeui, upon the Sea of Marmora, is
+overwhelming, and consequently the Palace of the Hebdomon must be sought
+in that neighbourhood.[429]
+
+The evidence for the proper Byzantine name of Tekfour Serai[430] occurs
+in the passage in which Critobolus describes the positions occupied by
+the various divisions of the Turkish army, during the siege of 1453.
+According to that authority, the Turkish left wing extended from the
+Xylo Porta (beside the Golden Horn)[431] to the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus, which was situated upon a slope, and thence to the Gate
+of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).[432] The site thus assigned to the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus corresponds exactly to that of Tekfour
+Serai, which stands on the steep ascent leading from Egri Kapou to the
+Gate of Adrianople.
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).]
+
+All other references to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus are in accord
+with this conclusion, so far, at least, as they imply the proximity of
+that residence to the Palace of Blachernæ. When, for instance,
+Andronicus III., in 1328, entered Constantinople by the Gate of St.
+Romanus to wrest the government from the feeble hands of his grandfather
+Andronicus II., he took up his quarters, we are told, in the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus, to be near the palace occupied by the elder
+sovereign.[433] That Andronicus II. was at the Palace of Blachernæ is
+manifest from the fact that the peasants who witnessed the entrance of
+the rebel grandson into the city ran and reported the event to the
+guards stationed at the Gate Gyrolimnè,[434] a gate leading directly to
+the Palace of Blachernæ.[435]
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).]
+
+Again, the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was occupied by John
+Cantacuzene, in 1347, while negotiating with the Dowager-Empress Anna of
+Savoy to be acknowledged the colleague of her son, John Palæologus.[436]
+Upon taking possession of that residence he issued strict injunctions
+that no attack should be made upon the palace in which the empress and
+her son were then living. But the followers of Cantacuzene, hearing that
+Anna hesitated to come to terms, disobeyed his orders and seized the
+fort at Blachernæ, named the Castelion, which guarded that palace.[437]
+Evidently the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+stood near each other. Seven years later, John Palæologus himself, upon
+his capture of the city, made the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus his
+headquarters while arranging for the abdication of Cantacuzene.[438] And
+from the narrative of the events on that occasion it is, again, manifest
+that the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was in the neighbourhood of the
+Castelion and the Palace of Blachernæ.
+
+By this identification, a flood of light is shed upon the incidents of
+Byzantine history to which allusion has just been made.
+
+The palace, an oblong building in three stories, stands between the two
+parallel walls which descend from the Porta Xylokerkou for a short
+distance, towards the Golden Horn. Its long sides, facing respectively
+north and south, are transverse to the walls, while its short western
+and eastern sides rest, at the level of the second story, upon the
+summit of the walls.
+
+Its roof and two upper floors have disappeared, and nothing remains but
+an empty shell. The northern façade was supported by pillars and piers,
+and its whole surface was decorated with beautiful and varied patterns
+in mosaic, formed of small pieces of brick and stone. The numerous
+windows of the building were framed in marble, and, with the graceful
+balconies on the east and south, looked out upon the superb views which
+the lofty position of the palace commanded. The western façade, being
+the most exposed to hostile missiles, was screened by a large tower
+built on the west side of the Porta Xylokerkou, to the injury, however,
+of the gate, which was thus partially blocked up.
+
+A transverse wall erected at some distance to the north made the area
+between the two walls, upon which the palace rests, a spacious court,
+communicating by a gate at its north-eastern corner with the city, while
+a gate in the western wall led to the parateichion.[439] The latter
+entrance is, probably, the one known as the Postern of the
+Porphyrogenitus, by which forty-two partisans of John Cantacuzene made
+good their escape from the city in 1341.[440]
+
+[Illustration: Monogram Of The Palæologi.]
+
+According to Salzenberg, the palace belongs to the earlier half of the
+ninth century, and was the work of the Emperor Theophilus.[441] But the
+name of the building is in favour of the view that we have here an
+erection of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and consequently a
+monument of the Art of the tenth century. Constantine Porphyrogenitus
+was noted for the number of palaces he erected.[442]
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).]
+
+At the north-western end of the court stood another residence, the
+western façade of which, pierced by spacious windows, still surmounts
+the outer wall of the court. Over the second window (from the south) was
+inscribed the monogram of the legend on the arms of the Palæologi;[443]
+Βασιλεὺς Βασιλέων Βασιλεύων Βασιλεύουσι.
+
+Dr. Paspates[444] regarded this building as the Monastery of the Seven
+Orders of the Angels, mentioned by Cantacuzene;[445] but that monastery,
+and the gate named after it, were at Thessalonica, and not at
+Constantinople. The building formed part of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus.
+
+Bullialdus, the annotator of Ducas,[446] speaking of the palace, says
+that the double-headed eagle of the Palæologi was to be seen on the
+lintel of one of the doors; that the capitals of the pillars in the
+building bore the lilies of France; and that several armorial shields
+were found there with the monogram—
+
+[Illustration: Monogram.]
+
+These ornaments may be indications of repairs made by different
+occupants of the palace.[447]
+
+Footnote 428:
+
+  Critobolus, i. c. 27; Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
+
+Footnote 429:
+
+  See below, Chap. XIX.
+
+Footnote 430:
+
+  Tekfour Serai means Palace of the Sovereign, from a Persian word
+  signifying Wearer of the Crown, Crowned Head. Leunclavius (_Pandectes
+  Historiæ Turcicæ_, s. 56, Migne, vol. clix.) says that the Turks, in
+  his day, styled the emperor, Tegguires. The derivation of Tekfour from
+  the Greek τοῦ κυρίου is untenable.
+
+Footnote 431:
+
+  See below, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 432:
+
+  I. c. 27. Ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλίνης πύλης ἀνιόντι μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων τοῦ
+  Πορφυρογεννήτου, καὶ φθάνοντι μέχρι τῆς λεγομένης πύλης τοῦ Χαρισοῦ.
+
+Footnote 433:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
+
+Footnote 434:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.
+
+Footnote 435:
+
+  See below, p. 127.
+
+Footnote 436:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.
+
+Footnote 437:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
+
+Footnote 438:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.
+
+Footnote 439:
+
+  Tafferner (see below, p. 113, reference 5) speaks of a propylæum
+  supported by ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the
+  palace from the city.
+
+Footnote 440:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, Τὴν τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου προσαγορευομένην
+  πυλίδα.
+
+Footnote 441:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 442:
+
+  Salzenberg, _Altchristliche Bandenkmäler von Constantinopel_, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 443:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means
+  settled. Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of
+  Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann (p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that
+  emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to determine.
+
+Footnote 444:
+
+  Paspates, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 445:
+
+  Pages 62, 63.
+
+Footnote 446:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 268.
+
+Footnote 447:
+
+  Page 612.
+
+Footnote 448:
+
+  Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to
+  the Ottoman Court (_Cæsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom.
+  Imperatore Leopoldi I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque
+  Excellentissimus Dominus Walterus Comes de Leslie_, 1688), gives in
+  his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the following description of
+  the palace in his day:—“Præteriri non potuit quin inviseretur aula
+  magni Constantini: Regia hæc ad Occidentem mœnibus adhæret; nobilia
+  sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus
+  substructionibus moles assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe
+  domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore inciso elaborata tectum
+  fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. Vastæ et eminentes præter sacræ
+  antiquitatis ædilitatem è pario lapide fenestræ liquidò demonstrant,
+  cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulæ etiamnum ruinæ sint.
+  Propylæum decem columnæ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuæ
+  sustinent: ejus in angulo desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus
+  mœret. Pergula è centro prominens universæ urbis conspectum explicat.
+  Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color viridis
+  extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricæ
+  ornamentis, ac fulcris cæteris in Moschèas translata sunt: sola tantæ
+  molis vestigia, atque ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo
+  meridiem versùs insertum parieti visitur Oratoriolum hominibus
+  recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatæ illud
+  pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hæc Imperatorij
+  operis majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive cœli
+  injurias, sive immanitatem barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam
+  accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus cæteris, utcunque floreant,
+  internecionem minatur.”
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining
+walls.]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER VIII.
+  THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE THE
+                            SEVENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+At the Gate of the Xylokerkus, or the Kerko Porta, the Theodosian Walls
+come to an abrupt termination, and the line of defence from that point
+to the Golden Horn is continued by fortifications which, for the most
+part, did not exist before the seventh century. Along the greater
+portion of their course these bulwarks consisted of a single wall,
+without a moat; but at a short distance from the water, where they stand
+on level ground, they formed a double wall, which was at one time
+protected by a moat and constituted a citadel at the north-western angle
+of the city.
+
+With the exception of that citadel’s outer wall, erected by Leo the
+Armenian, the defences from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn have
+usually been ascribed to the Emperor Heraclius.[448] But this opinion is
+at variance both with history, and with the striking diversity in
+construction exhibited by the various portions of the works. As a matter
+of fact, the fortifications extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden
+Horn comprise walls that belong to, at least, three periods: the Wall of
+Heraclius, the Wall of Leo, and the Wall of Manuel Comnenus.[449]
+Curiously enough, the Wall of Manuel Comnenus, though latest in time,
+stands first in order of position, for it intervenes between the
+Theodosian Walls, on the one hand, and the Heraclian and Leonine Walls,
+on the other.
+
+Here, therefore, a question presents itself which must be answered
+before proceeding to the study of the walls just mentioned. If the
+various portions of the fortifications between the Kerko Porta and the
+Golden Horn did not come, respectively, into existence until the
+seventh, ninth, and eleventh centuries, how was the north-western side
+of the city defended previous to the erection of those walls?
+
+Two answers have been given to this important and very difficult
+question. Both agree in maintaining that the city was defended on the
+north-west by the prolongation of the Theodosian Walls; but they differ
+as regards the precise direction in which the walls were carried down to
+the Golden Horn.
+
+One view is that the Theodosian Walls upon leaving the Kerko Porta
+turned north-eastwards, to follow the _eastern_ spur of the Sixth
+Hill,[450] along a line terminating somewhere in the vicinity of Balat
+Kapoussi.[451] According to this view, the quarter of Blachernæ, which
+until 627 lay outside the city limits,[452] was the territory situated
+between the spur just mentioned and the line occupied eventually by the
+Walls of Comnenus and Heraclius.
+
+The second view on the subject is that the two Theodosian Walls were
+carried northwards along the _western_ spur of the Sixth Hill, and
+enclosed it on every side. On this supposition, the suburb of Blachernæ,
+with its celebrated Church of the Theotokos, without the fortifications,
+was the plain extending from the foot of the western spur of the Sixth
+Hill to the Golden Horn, the plain occupied now by the quarter of Aivan
+Serai.[453]
+
+In support of the first opinion, there is the undoubted fact that the
+Theodosian Walls, as they approach the Kerko Porta, bend
+north-eastwards, so that if continued in that direction they would reach
+the Golden Horn near the Greek Church of St. Demetrius, to the west of
+Balat Kapoussi.
+
+The opinion that the Theodosian Walls were carried to the foot of the
+western spur of the Sixth Hill rests upon the fact that traces of old
+fortifications enclosing that spur are still distinctly visible; while
+the Theodosian Moat is, moreover, continued towards Aivan Serai, until
+it is stopped by the Wall of Manuel, which runs transversely to it.[454]
+
+The fortifications referred to are found mostly to the rear of the
+Comnenian Wall, but portions of them are seen also to the north of it.
+
+One line of the fortifications proceeded from the Kerko Porta along the
+western flank of the spur, and joined the city walls a little to the
+south of the “Tower of Isaac Angelus;” another line ran from that gate
+along the eastern side of the spur to the fountain Tsinar Tchesmè in the
+quarter of Londja, a short distance to the south-east of the Holy Well
+which marks the site of the Church of Blachernæ; while a third wall,
+facing the Golden Horn, defended the northern side of the spur, and
+abutted against the city walls, very near the southern end of the Wall
+of Heraclius.[455] Within the acropolis formed by these works of
+defence, the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+were in due time erected.
+
+Both answers to the question before us have much in their favour, and
+possibly the truth on the subject is to be found in their combination.
+Their respective values as rival theories will, perhaps, be more easily
+estimated, if we begin with the consideration of the second answer.
+
+[Illustration: Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus.]
+
+That the western spur of the Sixth Hill was a fortified position early
+in the history of the city can scarcely be disputed. It must have been
+so, to commence at the lowest date, before the erection of the Wall of
+the Emperor Manuel in the twelfth century; for it was to get clear of
+the fortifications on that spur that the Comnenian Wall describes the
+remarkable detour it makes in proceeding from the court of the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus towards the Golden Horn, running out westwards for a
+considerable distance before taking a northerly course in the direction
+of the harbour. Then, there is reason to believe that the spur was
+fortified as early as the seventh century. This is implied in the
+accounts we have of the siege of Constantinople by the Avars in 627,
+when we hear of fortifications, named the Wall of Blachernæ,[456] the
+Pteron[457] or Proteichisma,[458] outside of which stood the Church of
+Blachernæ and the Church of St. Nicholas.[459]
+
+[Illustration: Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen
+Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).]
+
+For these sanctuaries were situated precisely at the foot of the western
+spur of the Sixth Hill, the site of the former being marked by the Holy
+Well of Blachernæ at Aivan Serai, that of the latter by the Holy Well in
+the ground between the Wall of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo.
+
+It is also in favour of the presence of fortifications on the spur in
+the seventh century to find that the historians of the Avar siege are
+silent as to any danger incurred by the Palace of Blachernæ, which stood
+on the spur, when the Church of St. Nicholas was burnt down, and when
+the Church of Blachernæ narrowly escaped the same fate. A similar
+silence is observed as to any advantage derived by the palace from the
+erection of the Wall of Heraclius, at the close of the war.
+
+But the age of these fortifications may be carried back to a still
+earlier date than the seventh century; for, according to the _Notitia_,
+the Fourteenth Region of the city, which stood on the Sixth Hill, was
+defended by a wall of its own, _proprio muro vallata_, so as to appear a
+distinct town.[460] The fortifications on the Sixth Hill may therefore
+claim to have originally constituted the defences of that Region, and
+therefore to be as old, at least, as the reign of Theodosius II.
+
+But although the origin of the fortifications around the western spur of
+the Sixth Hill may thus be carried so far back, it is a mistake to
+regard them as a structural prolongation of the Theodosian Walls. On the
+contrary, they are distinct and independent constructions. They proceed
+northwards, while the latter make for the north-east; so that the Wall
+of Anthemius, if produced, would stand to the east of the former, while
+the Wall of the Prefect Constantine under similar circumstances would
+cut them transversely. Furthermore, the outer wall, north of the Kerko
+Porta, is built almost at right angles against the wall of the Prefect
+Constantine, with a distinct line of junction, and stands so close to
+the Kerko Porta that the gate, what with the wall on one side and the
+tower screening the western façade of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus[461]
+upon the other, is almost crushed between them. Such a situation could
+never have been assigned to the gate, if the walls on either hand
+belonged to the same construction. It should also be added that the
+masonry of the walls around the spur is different from that in the Walls
+of Theodosius.
+
+How the non-Theodosian character of the walls to the north of the Kerko
+Porta is to be accounted for admits of more than one explanation. It may
+be due to changes in works of Theodosian origin, or to the fact that
+they are works of an earlier period,[462] or to the fact that they are
+works of a later age. On the supposition that these fortifications
+defended originally the Fourteenth Region, the second explanation is the
+most probable, for the division of the city into Regions was anterior to
+Theodosius II., and there is every reason to believe that the isolated
+Fourteenth Region was a fortified suburb from the earliest period of its
+history.[463]
+
+Accordingly, the second answer to the question how the north-western
+side of the city was defended before the erection of the Walls of
+Heraclius, Leo, and Manuel Comnenus, would have more in its favour if it
+maintained that the defence was effected by the junction of the
+Theodosian Walls with pre-existing fortifications around the western
+spur of the Sixth Hill.[464]
+
+The chief difficulty attending this view is that the _Notitia_ speaks of
+the Fourteenth Region as still an isolated suburb in the reign of
+Theodosius II.[465]
+
+As regards the opinion that the Theodosian Walls proceeded from the
+Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn in a north-eastern course and reached the
+water between the Church of St. Demetrius and Balat Kapoussi, it has
+upon its side the patent fact that those walls, if produced according to
+their trend at the Kerko Porta, would certainly follow the line
+indicated. On this view, the walls around the western spur of the Sixth
+Hill were either the fortifications of the Fourteenth Region (modified),
+or walls built expressly to defend the Palace of Blachernæ, after the
+fifth century.
+
+The trend of the walls at the Kerko Porta affords, unquestionably, a
+very strong argument for this view of the case. But the view is open to
+objections. The absence of all traces of the walls along the line
+indicated should, perhaps, not be pressed, as such works are apt to
+disappear when superseded. A more serious objection is that the
+Theodosian Moat does not follow the north-eastern course of the walls,
+but proceeds northwards, for a short distance, in the direction of Aivan
+Serai.
+
+Furthermore, if the western spur of the Sixth Hill was already fortified
+when the Theodosian Walls were built, it is reasonable to suppose that
+the land defences of the city were completed by the simple expedient of
+uniting the new works with the old. Any other proceeding appears
+cumbrous and superfluous.
+
+Still, after all is said, the information we have is so meagre, the
+changes made in the walls beside the Kerko Porta have manifestly been so
+numerous, that a decided judgment upon the point at issue does not seem
+warranted by the evidence at our command.
+
+Footnote 449:
+
+  Paspates, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 450:
+
+  Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 451:
+
+  The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be
+  distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.
+
+Footnote 452:
+
+  This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.
+
+Footnote 453:
+
+  Procopius (_De Æd._, i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of Blachernæ,
+  describes it as situated πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, ἐν χώρῳ καλουμένῳ
+  Βλαχέρναις. Cf. _Paschal Chron._, p. 726.
+
+Footnote 454:
+
+  This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.
+
+Footnote 455:
+
+  Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued
+  further north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.
+
+Footnote 456:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the
+  spur, the area they enclose, and their character. According to him,
+  the wall on the eastern side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length,
+  and is in some parts m. 13-14 high; the wall along the northern side
+  of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high; the wall on the
+  western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining
+  walls of the city.
+
+Footnote 457:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 724, τὸ τεῖχος Βλαχερνῶν. This was before the
+  erection of the Wall of Heraclius.
+
+Footnote 458:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 726, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
+
+Footnote 459:
+
+  Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, τὸ Βλαχερνῶν προτείχισμα τὸ
+  καλούμενον Πτερόν.
+
+Footnote 460:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_; cf. Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3, c. 6.
+
+Footnote 461:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg._ XIV.
+
+Footnote 462:
+
+  See above, p. 111. See also illustration facing p. 118.
+
+Footnote 463:
+
+  With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.
+
+Footnote 464:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XIV._ “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima
+  numeretur, tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio
+  vallata alterius quomodo speciem civitatis ostendit.”
+
+  Dionysius Byzantius derives the name Blachernæ from a barbarian
+  chieftain who was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that
+  the Sixth Hill was fortified, to some extent, even before the
+  foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, _De Top. C.P._, iv. c. 5.
+
+Footnote 465:
+
+  On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from
+  Londja to the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the
+  fortifications around the city.
+
+Footnote 466:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XIV._
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IX.
+                THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS.
+
+
+According to Nicetas Choniates,[466] a portion of the city
+fortifications was erected by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.
+
+[Illustration: Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+The historian alludes to that work when describing the site upon which
+the Crusaders established their camp in 1203, and from his account of
+the matter there can be no doubt regarding the portion intended. The
+Latin camp, says Nicetas,[467] was pitched on the hill which faced the
+western front of the Palace of Blachernæ, and which was separated from
+the city walls by a strip of level ground, extending from the Golden
+Horn, on the north, to the wall built by the Emperor Manuel, on the
+south. This is an unmistakable description of the hill which stands to
+the west of the fortifications between the Golden Horn and Egri Kapou,
+and which is separated from those fortifications by a narrow plain, as
+by a trench or gorge. Consequently, the wall erected by the Emperor
+Manuel must be sought at the plain’s southern extremity; and there,
+precisely, commences a line of wall which displays, as far as the
+north-western corner of the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,
+a style of workmanship perfectly distinct from any found elsewhere in
+the bulwarks of the city.
+
+The object of building this wall was to add to the security of the
+Palace of Blachernæ, which became the favourite residence of the
+Imperial Court in the reign of Alexius Comnenus,[468] and which Manuel
+himself enlarged and beautified.[469] The new wall was not only stronger
+than the earlier defences of the palace, but had also the advantage of
+removing the point of attack against this part of the city to a greater
+distance from the Imperial residence. At the same time, the older
+fortifications were allowed to remain as a second line of defence.
+
+In construction the wall is a series of lofty arches closed on the outer
+face, and built of larger blocks of stone[470] than those generally
+employed in the Walls of Theodosius. On account of the steepness of the
+slope on which it, for the most part, stands, it was unprotected by a
+moat, but to compensate for this lack the wall was more massive, and
+flanked by stronger towers than other portions of the fortifications. At
+the summit the wall measured fifteen feet in thickness. Of its nine
+towers, the first six, commencing from the court of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus, are alternately round and octagonal; the seventh and
+eighth are octagonal; the last is square.
+
+The wall was provided with a public gate and, apparently, two posterns.
+
+One postern, opening on the Theodosian parateicheion, was in the
+curtain[471] extending from the outer wall of the court of the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus to the first tower of Manuel’s Wall. The other
+postern stood between the second and third towers, and is remarkable for
+being the only entrance in the city walls furnished with a drip-stone.
+Dr. Paspates[472] identified it with the Paraportion of St. Kallinikus;
+but the postern of that name is mentioned in history before the erection
+of Manuel’s Wall.
+
+Between the sixth and seventh towers was the Public Gate, now styled
+Egri Kapou. By some authorities, as already stated,[473] it has been
+identified with the Porta Charisiou, but it is, beyond question, the
+Porta Kaligaria, so conspicuous in the last siege of the city.[474] This
+is clear from the following circumstances: The Porta Kaligaria pierced
+the wall which protected the quarter known, owing to the manufacture of
+military shoes (caliga) there, as the Kaligaria (ἐν τοῖς Καλιγαρίοις).
+That wall stood near the palace of the emperor; it was a single line of
+fortifications, distinguished for its strength, but without a moat.[475]
+It occupied, moreover, such a position that from one of its towers the
+Emperor Constantine Dragoses and his friend the historian Phrantzes were
+able to reconnoitre, early in the morning of the fatal 29th of May, the
+operations of the Turkish army before the Theodosian Walls, and hear the
+ominous sounds of the preparations for the last assault.[476] All these
+particulars hold true only of the wall in which Egri Kapou is situated;
+and hence that gate must be the Porta Kaligaria.
+
+The only inscription found on the Wall of Manuel consists of the two
+words, ΥΠΕΡ ΕΥΧΗΣ, on a stone built into the left side of the entrance
+which leads from within the city into the square tower above mentioned.
+
+In the siege of 1453, this wall, on account of its proximity to the
+Palace of Blachernæ, was the object of special attack; but all the
+attempts of the Turkish gunners and miners failed to open a breach in
+it.[477] A battery of three cannon, one of them the huge piece cast by
+Orban, played against these bulwarks with such little effect that the
+Sultan ordered the guns to be transferred to the battery before the Gate
+of St. Romanus.[478] The skilled miners who were brought from the
+district around Novobrodo, in Servia, to undermine the wall succeeded in
+shaking down only part of an old tower, and all the mines they opened
+were countermined by John Grant, a German engineer in the service of the
+Greeks.[479]
+
+The tower from which the emperor and Phrantzes reconnoitred the Turkish
+movements was, Dr. Paspates thinks, the noble tower which stands at the
+point where the wall bends to descend the slope towards the Golden
+Horn.[480]
+
+The portion of the fortifications, some 453 feet in length, extending
+from the square tower in the wall just described to the fourth tower to
+the north (the tower bearing an inscription in honour of Isaac
+Angelus),[481] is considered by one authority to be also a part of the
+Wall of Manuel Comnenus.[482] If so, it must have undergone great
+alterations since that emperor’s time, for in its construction and
+general appearance it is very different from the Comnenian ramparts. It
+is built of smaller blocks of stone; its bricks are much slighter in
+make; its arches less filled with masonry; its four towers are all
+square, and glaringly inferior to the splendid towers in Manuel’s
+undoubted work; while, immediately to the south of the square tower
+above mentioned one can see, from within the city, a line of junction
+between the wall to the south and the wall to the north of that tower,
+indicating in the plainest possible manner the juxtaposition of two
+perfectly distinct structures. And in point of fact, three inscriptions
+recording repairs are found on the latter wall. One inscription, on the
+fourth tower, belongs to the reign of Isaac Angelus[483] and bears the
+date 1188. Another is seen among the Turkish repairs executed on the
+city side of the second tower of the wall, and records the date, “In the
+year 6824 (1317), November 4;” the year, as we have seen, in which
+Irene, the empress of Andronicus II., died, leaving large sums of money,
+which that emperor devoted, mainly, to the restoration of the bulwarks
+of the capital.[484] The third inscription stands on the curtain between
+the third and fourth towers of the wall, immediately below the parapet,
+and commemorates repairs executed in 1441 by John VII. Palæologus, who
+was concerned in the reconstruction of the Outer Theodosian Wall. It
+reads:
+
+                          ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΤΩ
+                          ΘΩ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ
+                          ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ
+                          Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ
+                          ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ΤΗ Δ
+                          ΤΟΥ ϚϠΜΘ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6949).
+
+    “John Palæologus, faithful King and Emperor of the Romans, in
+    Christ, God; on the second of the month of August of the year 1441.”
+
+[Illustration: The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor
+Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+To the north of the second tower in the wall before us is a gateway
+which answers to the description of the Gate of Gyrolimnè (πύλη τῆς
+Γυρολίμνης); for the Gate of Gyrolimnè, like this entrance, stood in the
+immediate vicinity of the Palace of Blachernæ, and was so near the hill
+on which the Crusaders encamped in 1203 that the Greeks stationed at the
+gate and the enemy on the hill were almost within speaking
+distance.[485]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Gyrolimnè.]
+
+The gate derived its name from a sheet of water called the Silver Lake
+(Ἀργυρὰ Λίμνη), at the head of the Golden Horn, and beside which was an
+Imperial palace.[486] The gate was at the service of the Palace of
+Blachernæ, a fact which, doubtless, explains the decoration of the arch
+of the entrance with three Imperial busts.[487]
+
+Several historical reminiscences are attached to the gate. Through it,
+probably, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade went to and fro in carrying
+on their negotiations with Isaac Angelus.[488] By it Andronicus the
+Younger went forth in hunter’s garb, with his dogs and falcons, as if to
+follow the chase, but in reality to join his adherents and raise the
+standard of revolt against his grandfather.[489] Hither that prince came
+thrice in the course of his rebellion, and held parley with the
+officials of the palace, as they stood upon the walls, regarding terms
+of peace;[490] and here the intelligence that he had entered the city
+was brought by the peasants who had seen him admitted early in the
+morning through the Gate of St. Romanus.[491]
+
+To this gate Cantacuzene also came at the head of his troops in 1343, to
+sound the disposition of the capital during his contest with Apocaucus
+and the Empress Anna.[492]
+
+
+                        The Palace of Blachernæ.
+                 Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις Βασίλειον, Παλάτιον.
+
+
+Until the site of the Palace of Blachernæ is excavated, little can be
+added to the information which Du Cange[493] and Paspates[494] have
+collected respecting that Imperial residence, from the statements made
+on the subject by writers during the Byzantine period. If the quarter of
+Egri Kapou, on the western spur of the Sixth Hill, was included in the
+Fourteenth Region of the city, the Palace of Blachernæ appears first as
+the palace which, according to the _Notitia_, adorned that Region.[495]
+In the reign of Anastasius I. the residence was enlarged by the addition
+of the Triclinus Anastasiacus (Τρίκλινος Ἀναστασιακὸς),[496] and in the
+tenth century[497] it boasted, moreover, of the Triclinus of the Holy
+Shrine (Τρίκλινος τῆς ἁγίας σοροῦ), named so in honour of the shrine in
+which the robe and mantle of the Theotokos were kept in the Church of
+Blachernæ; the Triclinus Danubius (Τρίκλινος Δανουβιὸς); and the Portico
+Josephiacus (τὸν Πόρτικα Ἰωσηφιακὸν). Under Alexius I. Comnenus it was
+frequently occupied by the Court, and there the emperor received the
+leaders of the First Crusade, Peter the Hermit, Godfrey of Bouillon,
+Bohemond, and others.[498] By Manuel Comnenus it was repaired and
+embellished[499] to an extent which obtained for it the name of the New
+Palace,[500] and it was one of the sights of the capital with which he
+entertained Amaury, King of Jerusalem.[501] The lofty building named
+after the Empress Irene,[502] and, probably, the Domus Polytimos,[503]
+were the work of Manuel Comnenus. He also increased, as we have seen,
+the security of the palace by the erection of new bulwarks; to which
+Isaac Angelus added a tower.[504] In 1203 the palace was the scene of
+the negotiations between the latter emperor and the envoys of Baldwin of
+Flanders and Henrico Dandolo, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade.[505] In
+1204, upon the capture of the city by the Crusaders, it surrendered to
+Henry, the brother of Baldwin,[506] but the Latin emperors seem to have
+preferred the Palace of the Bucoleon for their residence.
+
+[Illustration: General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+Baldwin II., however, resided in the Palace of Blachernæ, and left it in
+such a filthy condition that when taken possession of by the Greeks in
+1261, Michael Palæologus could not occupy it until it had been
+thoroughly cleaned and renovated.[507] It was the usual residence of the
+Byzantine Court during the period of the Palæologi,[508] and from this
+palace the last emperor who sat upon the throne of Constantinople went
+forth to die “in the winding-sheet of his empire.”[509] All descriptions
+of the palace agree in representing it as of extraordinary
+splendour.[510] Foreign visitors could not find words in which to give
+an idea of its magnificence and wealth. According to them, its exterior
+appearance was incomparable in beauty, while within it was decorated
+with gold, and mosaics, and colours, and marbles, and columns, and
+jewels, at a cost hard to estimate, and with a skill that could be found
+nowhere else in the world.[511]
+
+The hill on which the palace stood was partly artificial, to furnish a
+suitable platform or terrace for the group of buildings which composed
+the residence, and to afford wide views over the harbour, the city, and
+the country beyond the walls—“triplicem habitantibus jucunditatem
+offerens,” as Odo de Dogilo aptly remarks, “mare, campus, urbemque,
+alterius despicit.” The palace derived much of its importance from its
+proximity to the venerated shrine of the Theotokos of Blachernæ. And the
+ease with which the country could be reached from it, to enjoy the
+pleasures of the chase, must not be overlooked in explaining the favour
+with which the palace was regarded.[512] It should be added that the
+palace stood within the fortified enclosure[513] around the western spur
+of the Sixth Hill, the Castelion of Blachernæ (Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις
+φρούριον, μέρος καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦ περὶ τὰ βασίλεια φρουρίου ὂν Καστέλιον
+προσαγορευόμενον).[514]
+
+Footnote 467:
+
+  Page 719; cf. _Ibid._, p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.
+
+Footnote 468:
+
+  _Ut supra_, Περὶ τὸ γεώλοφον ἄφ᾽ οὗπερ ὁρατὰ μὲν τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις
+  ἀνάκτορα, ὁπόσα νένευκε πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Περὶ δὲ γε τὴν τούτου ὑπόβασιν
+  ὑπτιάζει τις αὔλειος, πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος λήγουσα ὅπερ
+  ἔρυμα τῶν ἀρχείων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνήγειρε Μανουὴλ, κατὰ δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον
+  τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐγγίζουσα.
+
+Footnote 469:
+
+  Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, _et passim_.
+
+Footnote 470:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 471:
+
+  As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine
+  courses of brick.
+
+Footnote 472:
+
+  This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is
+  found.
+
+Footnote 473:
+
+  Page 62.
+
+Footnote 474:
+
+  See above, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 475:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 177.
+
+Footnote 476:
+
+  Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo
+  de, l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio,
+  “Ad partem illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali
+  tutebatur, Calegariam dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam
+  erat perlatus, fortisque.”
+
+Footnote 477:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 478:
+
+  Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai
+  quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ...
+  lapide qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum
+  conterebant.”
+
+Footnote 479:
+
+  _Ibid._
+
+Footnote 480:
+
+  _Ibid._; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 481:
+
+  Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 482:
+
+  See below, p. 132. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 483:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 484:
+
+  See below, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 485:
+
+  See above, p. 103. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a
+  little above the base of the tower.
+
+Footnote 486:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.
+
+Footnote 487:
+
+  Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of
+  certain gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et
+  Continuatus (_Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades_, vol. iii. p.
+  178) states that Bohemond, who, according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61)
+  and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and
+  Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned quarters—extra
+  civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these writers
+  was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who
+  were styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the
+  epithet of the saints were probably connected.
+
+Footnote 488:
+
+  See foot of List of Illustrations.
+
+Footnote 489:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 490:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
+
+Footnote 491:
+
+  _Ibid._, i. pp. 255, 289, 290.
+
+Footnote 492:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.
+
+Footnote 493:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.
+
+Footnote 494:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. pp. 130-132.
+
+Footnote 495:
+
+  Chap. iv.
+
+Footnote 496:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg._ XIV.
+
+Footnote 497:
+
+  Suidas, _Ad vocem_, _Anastasius_.
+
+Footnote 498:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 542, 543.
+
+Footnote 499:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.
+
+Footnote 500:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
+
+Footnote 501:
+
+  William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.
+
+Footnote 502:
+
+  William of Tyre, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 503:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 720.
+
+Footnote 504:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 351.
+
+Footnote 505:
+
+  See below, p. 143.
+
+Footnote 506:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.
+
+Footnote 507:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. 55.
+
+Footnote 508:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.
+
+Footnote 509:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p.
+  420, etc.
+
+Footnote 510:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 511:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
+
+Footnote 512:
+
+  See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom
+  visited the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.
+
+Footnote 513:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
+
+Footnote 514:
+
+  See Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 515:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.]
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER X.
+            THE TOWER OF ANEMAS—THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS.
+
+
+The next portion of the walls to be considered, beginning at the tower
+marked with an inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus,[515] and
+terminating at the junction of the Wall of Heraclius with the Wall of
+Leo, has undergone many changes in the course of its history, and,
+consequently, presents problems which cannot be solved in the actual
+state of our knowledge. After all is said on the subject, there will be
+room for wide difference of opinion.
+
+Originally, it would seem, this portion of the walls formed part of the
+defences around the outlying Fourteenth Region of the city; later, it
+constituted the north-western front of the enclosure around the Palace
+of Blachernæ.
+
+It is remarkable for its dimensions, rising in some places 68 feet above
+the exterior ground-level, with a thickness varying from 33-¼ to 61-½
+feet. Inside the city the ground reaches the level of the parapet-walk.
+The wall is flanked by three towers, the second and third being built
+side by side, with one of their walls in common. In the body of the wall
+behind the twin towers, and for some distance to the north of them, were
+three stories of twelve chambers, presenting in their ruin the most
+impressive spectacle to be found in the circuit of the fortifications.
+
+The first[516] of the three towers stands at the south-western angle of
+the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ, where the fortifications
+around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, to the rear of the Wall of
+Manuel, join the wall now under consideration; the tower’s upper chamber
+being on the level of the palace area. Upon the tower is the following
+inscription, in honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus:
+
+                 ΠΡΟΣΤΑΞΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΝΓΕΛΟΥ ΙΑΣΑΑΚΙΟΥ
+                 ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΚ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΕΩΣ ΔΙΜΕΗΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΕΤ
+                     ϚϠΧΙ (6696).[517]
+
+    “Tower, by command of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, under the
+    superintendence of Basil ... (?) in the year 1188.”
+
+The twin towers rise to a great height, and are supported along their
+base by a massive buttress or counter-fort, 1 G1 G2 G3 G4, that stands
+23 feet above the present ground-level, and projects from 19-½ to 26
+feet beyond the towers.
+
+The tower N, an irregular quadrilateral building in two stories,
+measures 48 feet by 43 feet; the tower S, also quadrilateral, is 36 feet
+by 47 feet. But although closely associated, the two buildings differ
+greatly in style of construction. The masonry of N is irregular, having
+a large number of pillars inserted into it; often partially, so that
+many of them project like mock artillery. On the other hand, the tower S
+is carefully put together with the usual alternate courses of stone and
+brickwork, and is, moreover, ornamented with a string-course. A similar
+diversity of style is observable in the counter-fort. The portion about
+the tower N is built of small stones roughly joined, whereas the portion
+about the tower S consists of splendid large blocks, regularly hewn, and
+carefully fitted. Manifestly the towers are not the work of the same
+period.
+
+The tower N is commonly regarded as the tower of Isaac Angelus; while
+the tower S has been considered, since Dr. Paspates propounded the
+opinion, to be the Tower of Anemas,[518] which stood in the vicinity of
+the Palace of Blachernæ, and is famous in the annals of Constantinople
+as a prison for political offenders of high rank. The chambers in the
+body of the wall, behind and to the north of the towers, Dr. Paspates
+thinks, were the cells of that celebrated prison.
+
+How far these views are correct can be determined only after the towers
+and the chambers in the adjoining wall have been carefully surveyed. The
+plan attached to this chapter will render the survey easier and
+clearer.[519]
+
+At _x_ was a small arched postern, by which one entered the vaulted
+tunnel Z, that led through the counter-fort G´ to the gateway _l_ in the
+north-eastern side of the tower S. The sill of the postern _x_ is now
+nearly 10 feet above the exterior ground-level, but originally it was
+higher, so that persons could pass in and out only by means of a ladder
+that could be withdrawn at pleasure. The postern _x_, the tunnel Z, and
+the gateway _l_ are now built up with solid masonry to the spring of the
+vault, obliging the explorer to make his way on his hands and knees in a
+most uncomfortable manner.[520] Judging from the carefulness of the
+work, the passage was blocked before the Turkish Conquest.
+
+By the gateway _l_ one enters the lofty vestibule _b_, now in total
+darkness, so that all further exploration requires the aid of artificial
+light. The original floor of the vestibule is buried below a mass of
+earth which stands at the present level of Z and _l_.
+
+In the wall to the right is a low arched niche, _i_; in the wall _g_,
+directly in front of the explorer, a wide breach opens into E; while in
+the wall to the left is a loophole O, now on the level of the present
+floor of _b_.
+
+Crawling first through O, one finds one’s self in a spacious vaulted
+hall, some 200 feet long, and from 29 to 40 feet wide. The lower portion
+of the hall is filled with _débris_ and earth, piled unevenly upon the
+floor, in great mounds and deep hollows, which add indeed to the
+weirdness of the scene, but, unfortunately, render a complete
+exploration of the interior impossible.
+
+Thirteen buttress-walls, pierced by three arches superposed, run
+transversely across the hall, from the wall AA to the wall BB, and
+divide the interior into fourteen compartments, which average nearly 10
+feet in breadth, and vary in length from about 27 to 40 feet; the walls
+AA and BB standing further apart, as they proceed from south-west to
+north-east.
+
+These compartments, excepting the first and last, were divided, as the
+cavities for fixing joists in the buttresses prove, into three stories
+of twelve chambers, the superposed arches affording continuous
+communication between the chambers on the different floors. The chambers
+on the ground floor, so far as appears, were totally dark, but those on
+the two upper stories received light and air through the large loophole
+in the wall BB, with which each of them was provided. The compartment C´
+led to the chamber in the second story of the tower N, and at the same
+time communicated at v with the terrace on which the Palace of Blachernæ
+stood, and where the Mosque of Aivas Effendi is now erected.
+
+The face of the wall AA is pierced by two tiers of loopholes, which are
+openings in two superposed corridors or galleries constructed in the
+body of the wall AA. These loopholes occur at irregular distances from
+the buttress-walls, and some of them are partially closed by the latter,
+while others are completely so.
+
+As the galleries in AA are blocked with earth at various points, they
+cannot be explored thoroughly. At the north-eastern end, the upper
+gallery opens on the garden of a Turkish house near the Heraclian Wall.
+Whether the south-western end communicated with the court of the Palace
+of Blachernæ cannot be determined.
+
+Returning to the vestibule _b_, and crawling next through the opening at
+_i_, the explorer finds himself in F, a vaulted chamber over 29 feet
+long, and about 17 feet wide. What the original height of the apartment
+was cannot be ascertained, the floor being covered with a deep bed of
+fine dark loam, but the ceiling is still some 23 feet high. Below a line
+nearly 14 feet from the ceiling, as a sloping ledge at that elevation
+makes evident, the north-eastern and north-western walls of the
+apartment are much thicker than above that point. Over the ledge in the
+north-eastern wall is a loophole.
+
+The south-eastern wall is strengthened with two arches; while the
+ceiling is pierced by a circular hole, which communicates with the room
+on the higher story of the tower. When first explored by Dr. Paspates, a
+well nearly 18 feet deep was found sunk in the floor.[521]
+
+Before leaving the chamber the explorer should notice the shaft of a
+pillar which protrudes from the south-western wall, like the shafts of
+the pillars built into the open sides of the tower N.
+
+Returning once more to the vestibule _b_, we proceed to the breach in
+the wall _g_, and enter E. That the breach was made on a systematic plan
+is clear from the half-arch _f_, which was constructed to support the
+building after the wall _g_ had been weakened by the opening made in it.
+
+E was a stairway-turret, in which an inclined plane, without steps,
+winded about the newel, _e_, upwards and downwards. The turret is filled
+with earth to the present level of the vestibule _b_, so that one cannot
+descend the stairway below that point; but there can be no doubt
+whatever that the stairway conducted to the original floor of the
+vestibule _b_, and to the gateway _l_, and thence to the tunnel and
+postern in the counter-fort. Whether it led also to an entrance to the
+chambers C C C cannot be discovered under existing circumstances. The
+object of the breach in _g_ was to establish communication between the
+stairway, the vestibule _b_, and the tunnel Z, after the original means
+of communication between them had been blocked by raising the floors of
+the tunnel and the vestibule to their present level, in the manner
+already described.
+
+The stairway winds thirteen times about its newel, and ascends to within
+a short distance of the summit of the turret. The summit was open, and
+stood on the level of the court of the Palace of Blachernæ; but the
+opening could be reached from the stairway only by means of a ladder
+removable at the pleasure of the guardians of the palace, and was,
+doubtless, closed with an iron door for the sake of greater security.
+
+The walls of the turret were pierced by four loop-holes; two, placed one
+above the other, looking towards the north-west, and two, similarly
+arranged, facing the north-east. Those on the lower level are closed,
+but the two higher ones have been enlarged, and admit to the fine
+=L=-shaped chamber in the upper story of the tower, the chamber above F
+and the vestibule _b_.
+
+[Illustration: The =L=-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower =S=.]
+
+The chamber measures some 39 feet by 33 feet, and was lighted by a large
+square window in the north-western wall. A circular aperture in the
+floor communicated with F; and a corresponding aperture in the vaulted
+ceiling opened on the roof of the tower. The walls are furnished with
+numerous air-passages, to prevent dampness, and are covered with a thin
+coating of plaster. The vault of the ceiling, if we may judge from the
+small cavities for joists below the spring of the arch, was concealed by
+woodwork. Indeed, a portion of one of the cross-beams is still in its
+place.
+
+The stairway communicated, moreover, with the tower N, through narrow
+vaulted passages that pierce the north-eastern wall of the tower at
+three points; first, at the original level of the vestibule _b_, and
+then at the level of the two tiers of loopholes. These passages are
+choked with earth, but by the partial excavation of the lowest one of
+them access was obtained to the small chamber D. It had no windows, but
+a round aperture in the ceiling connected it with some unexplored part
+of the tower.
+
+From this survey of the buildings before us some satisfactory inferences
+may certainly be drawn regarding their history and character; although
+several points must remain obscure until the removal of the earth
+accumulated within the ruins renders a complete exploration possible.
+
+In the first place, the character of these walls and towers can be
+understood only in the light of the fact that whatever other function
+belonged to them, they were intended to support the terraced hill on
+which the Palace of Blachernæ, to their rear, was constructed. The
+unusual height and thickness of the walls, the extent to which
+buttresses are here employed, were not demanded by purely military
+considerations. Such features are explicable only upon the view that the
+fortifications of the city at this point served also as a retaining
+wall, whereby the Imperial residence could be built upon an elevation
+beyond the reach of escalade, and where it would command a wide prospect
+of the city and surrounding country. In fact, the buildings before us
+resemble the immense substructures raised on the Palatine hill by
+Septimius Severus and Caracalla to support the platform on which the
+Ædes Severianæ were erected.[522]
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”
+(From The South-West).]
+
+In the next place, there are at several points in these buildings so
+many alterations; there is so much undoing of work done, either
+rendering it useless or diverting it from its original purpose, that
+these various constructions cannot be treated as parts of an edifice
+built on a single systematic plan, but as an agglomeration of different
+erections, put up at various periods to serve new requirements arising
+from time to time. For instance, the loopholes in the wall AA have no
+symmetrical relation to the buttress-walls that divide the compartments
+C; some of them, as already stated, are partially closed by the
+buttresses; others are entirely so, their existence being discoverable
+only from the interior of the galleries in the body of that wall. It is
+hard to believe that such inconsistent arrangements can be the work of
+one mind and hand.
+
+Again: the tower S and the tower N block the windows in four of the
+compartments C. Surely the same builder would not thus go back upon his
+work. Once more; the loopholes in the stairway-turret afford no light in
+their present position, the lower pair being closed, the upper pair
+forming entrances to the =L=-shaped chamber. This is not an original
+arrangement.
+
+In view of such peculiarities, the following conclusions regarding these
+buildings seem the most reasonable, in the present state of our
+knowledge:
+
+(1) The wall AA was at one time the only erection here; and the two
+galleries, constructed in the thickness of the wall formed with their
+loopholes two tiers of batteries, so to speak, for the discharge of
+missiles upon an enemy attacking this quarter of the city. A similar
+system of defence was employed for the protection of the smaller
+residence forming part of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,[523] and
+for the protection of the Palace of the Bucoleon, situated on the city
+walls near Tchatlady Kapou.[524]
+
+When precisely the wall AA was erected cannot be determined; but,
+judging from its height, and the manner in which it was equipped for
+defence, the probable opinion is that this was done after the Palace of
+Blachernæ had assumed considerable importance. Possibly, the work
+belongs to the reign of Anastasius I.[525]
+
+(2) At some later period the wall BB, equipped with buttresses within
+and without, was erected to support the wall AA. The demand for such
+support was doubtless occasioned by additions to the Palace of
+Blachernæ, which already in the tenth century comprised several edifices
+on the hill behind the wall AA.[526]
+
+As BB superseded the original function of the galleries in AA, it was a
+matter of little moment how many of the loopholes in the latter were
+more or less masked by the buttresses built transversely between the two
+walls. It would be enough to retain a few loopholes to light the
+galleries. At the same time, advantage was taken of the buttresses to
+construct, in the space between AA and BB, three stories of chambers,
+for such purpose as the authorities of the palace might decide.
+
+(3) The manner in which the towers S and N block the windows in four of
+the compartments C is evidence that these towers were additions made
+later than the age of BB. This view is corroborated by the marked
+difference between the masonry of the towers and the masonry of the wall
+BB, against which they are built.
+
+(4) The towers S and N are so different in their respective styles of
+construction that they cannot be contemporaneous buildings.
+
+(5) The tower S is later than the tower N, for their common wall, H, is
+strictly the north-eastern side of the tower N, as the similarity of the
+masonry of H to that of the other sides of N makes perfectly plain. This
+similarity is manifest not only in the general features of the work, but
+also in the insertion of marble shafts into the wall H; in one instance
+partially, after the odd fashion adopted so extensively in the open
+sides of the tower N. Furthermore, the manner in which the walls of the
+chamber F and the L-shaped chamber in the tower S impinge upon the wall
+H shows that the former were built against the latter, and that they are
+posterior in age.
+
+(6) The stairway-turret E, as the loopholes in its sides prove, stood,
+at one time, in the open light and air. If so, it must be older than the
+apartments _b_, F, L, in the tower S, which enclose it.
+
+(7) The passages communicating between the stairway and the chambers in
+the tower N render it almost certain that the stairway-turret was
+constructed at the same time as that tower. Thus, also, a short and
+private way from the Palace of Blachernæ to the country beyond the city
+bounds was provided; for it may be confidently assumed that at the foot
+of the stairway there was a small gate, corresponding to the gate _l_,
+and the postern _x_ at the mouth of the tunnel Z.
+
+(8) When the stairway-turret was enclosed by the vestibule _b_, the
+chamber F, and the =L=-shaped chamber, the lower loopholes of the turret
+were built up as superfluous, while the upper ones were widened to form
+entrances to the L-shaped chamber. Accordingly, the tower S is an old
+stairway-turret enclosed within later constructions.
+
+(9) In view of some great danger, access to the tower S from without the
+city was blocked by building up the postern _x_, the tunnel Z, the gate
+_l_, and the vestibule _b_, to their actual level. The portion of the
+passage still left open was too narrow to be forced by an enemy, and yet
+was convenient to be retained for the sake of ventilation, or as a way
+in and out in some emergency. At the same time, a breach was made in the
+wall _g_ to place the elevated floor of the vestibule into communication
+with the stairway-turret E.
+
+(10) What precise object the chambers C in the body of the city wall
+were intended to serve is open to discussion. In the opinion of Dr.
+Paspates, who was the first to explore them, they were prison-cells.
+Possibly the lowest series of these chambers may have been employed for
+that purpose; but, taken as a whole, the suite of apartments between AA
+and BB do not convey the impression of being places of confinement.
+Their spaciousness, their number, the free communication between them,
+the size of the windows in the two upper stories, the proximity of the
+windows to the floor, are not the characteristics of dungeons.
+
+It is not impossible that these chambers were store-rooms or
+barracks,[527] and that through the loopholes in the wall BB the palace
+was defended as, previously, through the openings in AA.
+
+Communication between the three stories must have been maintained by
+means of wooden stairs or ladders. In the north-eastern wall of C’—the
+chamber which gave access from the court of the Palace of Blachernæ at
+_v_ to the second story of the tower N—there was an archway, now filled
+up, opening upon the level of the highest series of chambers C. When the
+archway was closed, communication was held through a breach at _h_.
+Possibly the same series of chambers was entered from the north-eastern
+end of the upper gallery in AA. Contrary to what might be supposed,
+there was no access to the two upper series of chambers from the
+stairway-turret. Whether the lowest series could be reached by a door at
+the foot of the stairway cannot be ascertained, on account of the earth
+in which the lower portion of the stairway lies buried. But it is
+extremely improbable that such was the case, for the stairway-turret
+belongs, we have seen, to a later age than the chambers in the body of
+the adjoining wall.
+
+With these points made clear, we are in a position to consider how far
+the identification of the towers N and S, respectively, with the
+historical towers of Isaac Angelus and Anemas can be established.
+
+According to Nicetas Choniates, the Tower of Isaac Angelus stood at the
+Palace of Blachernæ, and was built by that emperor to buttress and to
+defend the palace, and to form, at the same time, a residence for his
+personal use.[528] It was constructed with materials taken from ruined
+churches on the neighbouring seashore, and from various public buildings
+in the city, ruthlessly torn down for the purpose.[529]
+
+This account makes it certain, in the first place, that the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus was one of the three towers which flank the portion of the
+city walls now under consideration, the portion which forms the
+north-western side of the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ; for
+these towers, and they only, at once defended and supported the terrace
+upon which that palace stood.
+
+This being the case, it is natural to suppose that the Tower of Isaac
+Angelus is the tower which bears the inscription in his honour.[530] But
+this opinion is attended with difficulties. For the tower in question
+does not differ in any marked manner from an ordinary tower in the
+fortifications of the city. It is not specially fitted for a residence,
+nor does it possess features which render it worthy to have a place in
+history among the notable buildings erected by a sovereign. Furthermore,
+it is not constructed, to any striking degree, with materials drawn from
+other edifices.
+
+To all this it is possible to reply that we do not see the tower in its
+original condition; that its upper story, which stood on the level of
+the palace area to the rear, is gone; that the tower, as it stands,
+consists largely of Turkish repairs; that the extent to which, in its
+original state, it resembled, or failed to resemble, the description of
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus as given by Nicetas, cannot be accurately
+known, and that, consequently, the question regarding the identity of
+the tower must be decided by the inscription found upon the building.
+There is force in this rejoinder; and it is the conclusion we must
+adopt, if there are not stronger reasons for identifying the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus with one or other of the two adjoining towers, N and S.
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”
+(From the North-West).]
+
+The claims of the tower N to be the Tower of Isaac Angelus rest upon its
+strong resemblance to the description which Nicetas has given of the
+latter building. His description seems a photograph of that tower. Like
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus, the tower N, besides defending and
+supporting the Palace of Blachernæ, was pre-eminently a residential
+tower; and the numerous pillars employed in its construction betray
+clearly the fact that it was built with materials taken from other
+edifices, some of which may well have been churches. The upper story,
+which was reached from the court of the palace behind it, formed a
+spacious apartment 22-¼ by 27-½ feet, and about 18 feet high. Its
+north-western wall was pierced by three large round-headed windows,
+opening, as pillars placed below them for supports indicate, upon a
+balcony which commanded a beautiful view of the country about the head
+of the Golden Horn. Another window led to a small balcony on the
+south-western side of the tower, while a fifth looked towards the Golden
+Horn and the hills beyond. The apartment might well be styled the
+Belvedere of the Palace of Blachernæ. The lower story of the tower,
+which was reached by a short flight of steps descending from the palace
+court to the vestibule C1, cannot be explored, being filled with earth;
+but, judging from its arched entrance and the large square window in the
+north-western wall, it was a commodious room, with the advantage of
+affording more privacy than the apartment above it. What was the object
+of the dark rooms situated below these two stories, at different levels
+of the tower, and reached from the stairway-turret outside it, is open
+to discussion. The stairway, as already intimated, led also to the
+surrounding country. Taking all these features of the tower N into
+consideration, a very strong case can be made in favour of the opinion
+that it is the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+
+How this conclusion should affect our views regarding the inscription in
+honour of that emperor found on the tower L is a point about which minds
+may differ. The inscription may be in its proper place, and thereby
+prove that the tower it marks was also an erection of Isaac Angelus,
+although not the one to which Nicetas refers. And some countenance is
+lent to this view by a certain similarity in the Byzantine masonry of
+the towers L and N. But, on the hypothesis that L and N were both
+erected by Isaac Angelus, it is extremely strange that the inscription
+in his honour should have been placed upon the inferior tower, and not
+upon the one which formed his residence and had some architectural
+pretensions.
+
+This objection can be met, indeed, either by assuming that another
+inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus stood on the tower N, but has
+disappeared; or, with Dr. Paspates,[531] it may be maintained that the
+inscription is not in its proper place, but belonged originally to the
+counter-fort supporting the tower N, and was transferred thence to the
+tower L when the latter was repaired.
+
+In favour of this alternative it may be urged that the tower L has,
+manifestly, undergone repair; that some of the materials used for that
+purpose may have been taken from the counter-fort G4, which has been to
+a great extent stripped of its facing; and that the inscription on the
+tower L is not in a symmetrical position, being too much to the left,
+and somewhat too high for the size of its lettering. But to all this
+there is the serious objection that the inscribed slab is found in the
+Byzantine portion of the tower; while the idea that the counter-fort G4
+was defaced in Byzantine days for the sake of repairing the tower L is
+against all probability.
+
+We pass next to the identification of the Tower of Anemas with the tower
+S. The Tower of Anemas is first mentioned by Anna Comnena in the twelfth
+century, as the prison in which a certain Anemas was confined for having
+taken a leading part in a conspiracy to assassinate her father, the
+Emperor Alexius Comnenus. According to the Imperial authoress, it was a
+tower in the city walls in the neighbourhood of the Palace of Blachernæ,
+and owed its name to the circumstance that Anemas was the first prisoner
+who occupied it.[532]
+
+Another indication of the situation of the tower is given by Leonard of
+Scio,[533] when he states that the towers “Avenides” stood near the Xylo
+Porta, the gate at the extremity of the land-walls beside the Golden
+Horn. To this should be added the indication that the tower was one of a
+group, for Phrantzes[534] and Leonard of Scio employ the plural form,
+“the Anemas Towers.”
+
+Whether the tower was an erection of Alexius Comnenus or an earlier
+building is not recorded; but in either case it was in existence in the
+reign of that emperor, and, consequently, was older than any work
+belonging to the time of Isaac Angelus.
+
+With these indications as the basis for a decision, can the claim that
+the tower S is the Tower of Anemas be maintained? The tower answers to
+the description of Anna Comnena in being a tower in the city walls close
+to the Palace of Blachernæ. Nor is its situation at variance with the
+statement of Leonard of Scio that it stood in the neighbourhood of the
+Xylo Porta, although there are three towers between it and that gate.
+Furthermore, it is one of a pair of towers that might be designated the
+Towers of Anemas.
+
+The main reason, however, which induced Dr. Paspates to identify the
+tower S with the prison of Anemas was the proximity of the tower to the
+chambers C in the adjoining wall, which he regarded as prison-cells.
+This view of the character of those chambers is, for reasons already
+intimated, extremely doubtful. But even if prison-cells, that fact alone
+would not be conclusive proof that they were the prison of Anemas. For
+the prison of Anemas is always described as a tower; and by no stretch
+of language can that designation be applied to the chambers in the body
+of the wall.[535]
+
+The force of this objection would, indeed, be met if proof were
+forthcoming that the tower S gave access to the chambers C, and formed
+an integral part of a common system. But the evidence is all on the
+other side. From the manner in which the tower S blocks the windows of
+some of the chambers, it is clear, as already observed, that the tower S
+and the adjoining chambers belong to different periods, and were built
+without regard to each other. There is no trace of any means of
+communication between the tower and the two upper series of chambers,
+and we have no reason to think, but the reverse, that the lowest series
+of chambers could be reached from it. So far as the chambers are
+concerned, the tower S is an independent building, upon whose identity
+they throw no light. Whether it was the prison of Anemas must be
+determined by its own character. Was it suitable for a prison? Above
+all, is its age compatible with the view that it was the prison of
+Anemas?
+
+In answer to the former question, it cannot be denied that the tower S
+could be used as a place of confinement. The chamber F, which is
+supposed to have been a cistern, may have been a dungeon. The =L=-shaped
+chamber in the second story may have served for the detention of great
+personages placed under arrest. Still, on the whole, the tower S seems
+rather an extension of the residential tower N than a dungeon.
+
+But the point of most importance in the whole discussion is the
+comparative ages of the towers N and S. As a building in existence when
+Alexius Comnenus occupied the throne of Constantinople, the Tower of
+Anemas was, at least, seventy years older than the Tower of Isaac
+Angelus. Hence, if the tower S is the former, it must be older than the
+tower N, which Dr. Paspates identifies with the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+But the evidence which has been submitted goes to prove that the tower S
+is more recent than the tower N. These towers, therefore, cannot be,
+respectively, the Tower of Anemas and the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+Nothing can prove that the tower S is the Tower of Anemas, until S is
+shown to be earlier than N, or the identification of the tower N with
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus is abandoned as erroneous.
+
+Dr. Paspates,[536] indeed, assigned the tower S to the reign of
+Theophilus in the ninth century, on the ground that a block of stone
+upon which some letters of that emperor’s name are inscribed is built
+into the tower’s north-western face. But a little attention to the way
+in which that stone is fitted into the masonry will make it perfectly
+evident that the stone has not been placed there to bear part of an
+inscription, but as ordinary material of construction, obtained from
+some other edifice. Consequently, it throws no light upon the age of the
+tower.
+
+Where, then, was the Tower of Anemas? Perhaps, in our present state of
+knowledge, no answer which will commend itself as perfectly satisfactory
+can be given to the question.
+
+The simplest solution of the difficult problem is that the tower L,
+which bears the inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus, is, after all,
+the tower erected by that emperor, though greatly altered by injuries
+and repairs; and that the towers N and S together constituted the
+prison-tower of Anemas, S being a later addition.
+
+Others may prefer to hold the view that the tower N is the Tower of
+Anemas, and the tower S that of Isaac Angelus, pointing in support of
+this opinion to the cells in the tower N, reached from the stairway by
+narrow vaulted passages. This would mean, practically, that the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus was the Tower of Anemas renovated and enlarged.
+
+Possibly, others may be disposed, notwithstanding the inscription of
+Isaac Angelus upon it, to regard the tower L as the Tower of Anemas, and
+the tower N, with the later addition of S, as that of Isaac Angelus.
+
+If none of these views is acceptable, we must fall back upon the opinion
+which prevailed before Dr. Paspates discovered the chambers adjoining
+the tower N and S, viz. that the towers N and S together formed the
+Tower of Isaac Angelus, and that the Tower of Anemas was one of the
+three towers in the Heraclian Wall.
+
+This was the view of the Patriarch Constantius,[537] who writes: “The
+Tower of Anemas still exists. On its side facing the Holy Well of
+Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one above.”
+
+This opinion prevailed in Constantinople also in the sixteenth century,
+for Leunclavius was informed by Zygomales that the Towers of Anemas were
+the Towers of the Pentapyrgion,[538] the name given to the citadel
+formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo.
+
+    NOTE.—For the illustrations facing respectively pp. 150, 156, and
+    for the lower illustration facing p. 162, I am indebted to the
+    kindness of my colleague, Professor W. Ormiston. The photographs
+    were taken on the 10th of July, 1894, shortly before the occurrence
+    of the severe earthquake which has made that day memorable in
+    Constantinople. Our situation in the chambers at such a time was not
+    enviable. But we learned that day what an earthquake meant in the
+    old history of the walls of the city.
+
+[Illustration: View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking
+North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of
+Blachernæ).]
+
+There is nothing in this view opposed to the fact that the Tower of
+Anemas stood in the city walls near the Palace of Blachernæ; and a
+strong argument in its favour may be based upon the association of the
+tower with the Xylo Porta by Leonard of Scio, when he relates to Pope
+Nicholas how Jerome from Italy, and Leonardo de Langasco from Genoa, at
+the head of their companions-in-arms, guarded the Xylo Porta and the
+towers named Avenides (clearly Anemades): “Hieronymus Italianus,
+Leonardus de Langasco, Genovensis, cum multis sociis, Xylo Portam et
+turres quos Avenides vocant, impensis cardinalis reparatas,
+spectabant.”[539] This statement is repeated by Zorzo Dolfin.[540]
+
+The Xylo Porta, without question, was at Aivan Serai Kapoussi, to the
+north of the Wall of Heraclius, and immediately beside the Golden
+Horn;[541] and the towers which would most appropriately be entrusted to
+soldiers defending that entrance are the towers nearest to it, _viz._
+the three towers of the Heraclian Wall. At all events, the designation,
+“turres Avenides,” as used by Leonard of Scio, must include them, even
+if it comprised others also.
+
+One thing is certain; the commonly accepted view that the towers N and S
+represent, respectively, the historical Towers of Isaac Angelus and of
+Anemas must, in one way or another, be corrected.
+
+
+                                 NOTE.
+
+
+    Two or three additional passages which bear upon the question under
+    discussion may be noticed, notwithstanding their vagueness.
+
+    The statement of Phrantzes (p. 252), among others, that in the siege
+    of 1453 the charge of the palace and all about it was entrusted to
+    Minotto, the Baillus of the Venetian colony, might be employed in
+    favour of the view that the “turres Avenides” which Leonard of Scio
+    associates with the Xylo Porta, and assigns to Jerome and Leonardus
+    de Langasco, could not be the towers S and N, but the towers of the
+    Heraclian Wall. For the towers S and N, being attached to the Palace
+    of Blachernæ, would fall under the care of Minotto. There is force
+    in the argument. But it is weakened by statements of Pusculus (iv.
+    173) and Zorzo Dolfin (s. 55), which imply that the palace defended
+    by Minotto was the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus. For both of these
+    writers place the Gate of the Palace (see above, p. 47) between the
+    Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) and the Gate of the Kaligaria
+    (Egri Kapou), and Pusculus describes the palace concerned as “Regia
+    celsa,” an apt description of a building seated, like Tekfour Serai,
+    upon the walls.
+
+    The references made to the Tower of Anemas, though not under its
+    name, by the Spanish ambassador Clavijo, who visited the Byzantine
+    Court in 1403, should not be overlooked (see _Constantinople, ses
+    Sanctuaires et ses Reliques_, translated into French by Ph. Bruun,
+    Odessa). Speaking of the Church of Blachernæ (p. 15), he describes
+    it as “située dans la ville près d’un châteaufort, servant de
+    demeure aux empereurs; ce fort a été démoli par un empereur, parce
+    qu’il y avait été enfermé par son fils.” The fact that Clavijo
+    identifies the Church of Blachernæ by its vicinity to the Tower of
+    Anemas may be pressed into the service of the opinion that the tower
+    in question stood in the Wall of Heraclius. For there is no more
+    appropriate way of indicating the situation of that church than by
+    saying that it stands a little to the rear of the Heraclian Wall. So
+    appropriate is that mode of identification, that the Patriarch
+    Constantius has recourse to it when, conversely, he indicates the
+    situation of the Tower of Anemas (which he considered to be the
+    southernmost Heraclian tower): “The Tower of Anemas still exists,”
+    he says. “On its side facing the Holy Well of Blachernæ it has a
+    large window, with a smaller one above” (see above, p. 150). But,
+    unfortunately, to describe one building as “near” another is often
+    the most tantalizing aid to its discovery that can be offered. The
+    towers S and N cannot be said to be far from the Church of
+    Blachernæ. Perhaps some injury to one of the Heraclian towers might
+    explain the statement of Clavijo, that the Tower of Anemas had been
+    destroyed; but could he have mistaken the citadel formed by the
+    Walls of Heraclius and Leo for an Imperial residence? Such language
+    suggests rather the towers S and N.
+
+    Again, the declaration of the Spanish envoy that the tower (“une
+    prison très profonde et obscure”) had been demolished by the Emperor
+    John VI. Palæologus (“_L’empereur s’empressa de démolir la tour où
+    il avait été enferme_,” pp. 19, 20) might seem to imply that the
+    tower has disappeared, and thus to relieve us from all the labour
+    involved in the effort to identify it. But the statement of Leonard
+    of Scio that the “turres Avenides” were repaired by Cardinal Isidore
+    (“impensis cardinalis reparatas”), while it confirms the declaration
+    of Clavijo to some extent, is opposed to the idea of the total
+    destruction and disappearance of the famous prison-tower.
+
+    Or, the statement that the Tower of Anemas was demolished, when
+    combined with the statement that it was repaired, might seem to open
+    a way out of the difficulties involved in regarding the tower S as
+    the Tower of Anemas, although more recent than the tower N. May not
+    the tower S be, in its present form, a reconstruction, after the
+    reign of Isaac Angelus, of a tower originally older than that
+    emperor’s day, and be thus at once more ancient and more modern than
+    the tower N? But this solution of the puzzle cannot be allowed;
+    there is the fatal objection that the common wall II belonged first
+    to the tower N.
+
+    Finally, in the Venetian account of the attempt made by Carlo Zen to
+    liberate John VI. Palæologus from the Tower of Anemas, Zen is
+    represented as reaching the foot of the tower in a boat, and
+    clambering up to the window of the prison by means of a rope. This
+    would exclude the claim of a Heraclian tower to be the Tower of
+    Anemas, for that wall could not be reached by boat. One might
+    approach the towers S and N in that way, if the moat before Leo’s
+    Wall extended from the Golden Horn to the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,
+    and was full of water. But this is an extremely improbable
+    supposition, when we hear nothing of the sort in the history of the
+    attack upon this side of the city by the Crusaders in 1203,
+    notwithstanding the minute description of the territory from the pen
+    of Nicetas Choniates and other historians of that time. Nor is such
+    a thing mentioned in the history of the last siege, when the moat
+    before the Wall of Leo was reconstructed. The whole story of Carlo
+    Zen’s efforts to deliver John Palæologus savours too much of romance
+    to have any topographical value. The story may be read in Le Beau’s
+    _Histoire du Bas-Empire_, vol. xii. pp. 174-179.
+
+Footnote 516:
+
+  See below, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 517:
+
+  See tower L, in Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 518:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 248.
+
+Footnote 519:
+
+  Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his
+  discovery and exploration of the chambers.
+
+Footnote 520:
+
+  The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in
+  Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred
+  Hamlin, of Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson,
+  Architect.
+
+Footnote 521:
+
+  Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and
+  chambers has been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening V,
+  from the courtyard of the Mosque of Aivas Effendi.
+
+Footnote 522:
+
+  In the opinion of some authorities, _e.g._ Professor Strzygowski, this
+  apartment was a cistern.
+
+Footnote 523:
+
+  Cf. Lanciani, _The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, pp. 178,
+  179, 182.
+
+Footnote 524:
+
+  See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. 109.
+
+Footnote 525:
+
+  See below, p. 273.
+
+Footnote 526:
+
+  See above, p. 128.
+
+Footnote 527:
+
+  _Ut supra._
+
+Footnote 528:
+
+  Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace
+  of the Cæsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true
+  idea of the human fourmillière of slaves, servants, freed men, and
+  guards, which lived and moved and worked in the substrata of the
+  Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in darkness” (_The
+  Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, p. 150).
+
+Footnote 529:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, Προθέμενος δὲ καὶ πύργον τεκτήνασθαι κατὰ
+  τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις παλάτιον, ἅμα μὲν εἰς ἔρυμα τῶν ἀνακτόρων, ὡς ἔφασκε,
+  καὶ ὑπέρεισμα, ἅμα δὲ καὶ εἰς ἐνοίκησιν ἐαυτῷ.
+
+Footnote 530:
+
+  _Ibid. ut supra._
+
+Footnote 531:
+
+  See above, p. 132. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p.
+  115.
+
+Footnote 532:
+
+  Page 39.
+
+Footnote 533:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ
+  εἱρκτή, is described as πύργος δ᾽ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐν
+  Βλαχέρναις ἀνακτόρων διακειμένων τειχῶν τῆς πόλεως: also p. 161, τὸν
+  ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ᾠκοδομημένον πύργον.
+
+Footnote 534:
+
+  See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
+
+Footnote 535:
+
+  Page 51, Ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀδεμανίδες πλησίον Βλαχέρνων.
+  The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of
+  a certain Bardanius, τὸ ἐπίκλην Ἀνεμᾶν, in the reign of Nicephorus I.,
+  802-811.
+
+Footnote 536:
+
+  The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express
+  terms are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455
+  (ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ φρουρὰ); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib.
+  ii. p. 329; Phrantzes, p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii.
+  p. 409) speaks of ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταῖς, in which the
+  Despot Michael and his family were confined.
+
+Footnote 537:
+
+  Page 31.
+
+Footnote 538:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that
+  the Palace of Blachernæ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall
+  of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo. _Ibid._, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 539:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 206.
+
+Footnote 540:
+
+  See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
+
+Footnote 541:
+
+  Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum
+  molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el
+  cardinal a sue spese hauea reparato, diffensaua.”
+
+Footnote 542:
+
+  See below, p. 173.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XI.
+                    INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS.
+
+
+Michael Anemas, the first to occupy the prison, and from whom it
+obtained its name,[542] was a descendant of Emir Abd-el-Aziz ben Omar
+ben Choaib, known in Byzantine history as Courapas, and famous as the
+defender of Crete, when Nicephoras Phocas wrested that island from the
+Saracens, in the reign of Romanus II.[543]
+
+Upon the return of the victorious troops to the capital, the Emir and
+his family were carried to Constantinople to grace the triumph with
+which the success of Nicephorus was celebrated. And as the vanquished
+chief, his wives, his eldest son Anemas, and other members of his
+family, all clothed in long white robes, passed along the triumphal way
+in chains, the dignity of their demeanour attracted universal attention,
+and produced a most favourable impression. To the credit of the
+conquerors, be it said, the Emir was, thereafter, treated with all due
+regard and generosity. He received a large estate in the neighbourhood
+of the capital, and was allowed to end his days in peace, surrounded by
+his friends, and unmolested on account of his faith. Had he seen his way
+to renounce the creed of his fathers he would have been created a
+senator.
+
+His son Anemas embraced Christianity, entered the army of the Empire,
+and took part in the war against the Russians during the reign of
+Zimisces, when he distinguished himself by his bravery, and fell in
+battle in personal encounter with Swiatoslaf, the Russian king.
+
+A martial spirit continued to characterize the family in subsequent
+generations, and was not least conspicuous in Michael Anemas and his
+three brothers, the representatives of the race under Alexius Comnenus.
+But they allowed themselves to become involved in a conspiracy against
+that emperor, and upon the discovery of the plot were condemned to
+imprisonment and the loss of their eyes.
+
+To accompany the infliction of punishment with every circumstance that
+could humiliate the criminal, and excite popular contempt and derision
+was after the heart of those times. Accordingly, Michael Anemas and his
+companions, attired in sacking, with their beards plucked out, their
+heads shorn and crowned with the horns and the intestines of oxen and
+sheep, were led forth, mounted sideways on oxen, and in this guise,
+conducted first around the court of the Great Palace, and then along the
+Mesè of the city, crowded with excited spectators. But the appearance of
+the guilty men excited commiseration rather than ridicule. The agony of
+Michael, as he implored to be put to death rather than to suffer
+blindness, touched all hearts. Even Anna Comnena, who witnessed the
+scene, and whose filial sentiments might have hardened her heart against
+the conspirators, was so deeply affected that she determined to do all
+in her power to save Michael from the cruel loss of his eyes. Finding
+her mother, Anna brought her to the harrowing spectacle, certain it
+would have the desired effect. The empress was overwhelmed to tears, and
+hastening back to the palace, prevailed upon Alexius to spare the
+prisoners’ sight. By this time the unhappy men were approaching the
+Amastrianon, a public place where stood an arch on which was a
+bas-relief representing two hands pierced by a spear. Once a criminal on
+his way to execution passed that point he was beyond the reach of the
+Imperial clemency. A few moments more, and the messenger of mercy sent
+by Alexius would have been too late. But just before the doomed men
+reached the fatal point, the order for the mitigation of their sentence
+was delivered, and Anemas was simply imprisoned in the tower which was
+to perpetuate his name. There he remained for a considerable period; but
+at length was pardoned and set free.[544]
+
+Before Anemas was released, another notable personage was committed to
+the tower, Georgius, Duke of Trebizond, who attempted, in 1107, to
+establish the independence of his province; as though to anticipate the
+creation of the Empire of Trebizond in the thirteenth century.
+
+He proved a refractory prisoner, venting his rage in unceasing
+imprecations upon the head of his Imperial master. With the hope of
+conciliating the rebel, he was repeatedly visited by his old friend, the
+Cæsar Nicephorus Bryennius, the husband of Anna Comnena. For a long
+time, however, all friendly overtures proved unavailing. But at last the
+tedium of protracted confinement broke the prisoner’s spirit, and
+induced him to submit; upon which he was liberated, and loaded with
+wealth and honours.[545]
+
+[Illustration: Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”]
+
+The next inmate of the tower was the Emperor Andronicus Comnenus, of
+infamous memory, upon his capture after his flight from the insurrection
+which his vices and tyranny had provoked in the capital, in 1185. To
+Andronicus imprisonment was no new experience, for already, during the
+reign of Manuel Comnenus, he had been imprisoned twice elsewhere. On
+both these occasions, however, he had succeeded in effecting his escape.
+But the prison of Anemas was to prove his last, and he quitted it, only
+to die at the hands of his infuriated subjects. On the eve of his
+execution he was bound with chains about the neck and feet, like some
+wild animal, and dragged into the presence of his successor, Isaac
+Angelus, to be subjected to every indignity. He was reviled, beaten,
+struck on the mouth; he had his hair and beard plucked, his teeth
+knocked out, his right hand struck off with an axe, and then was sent
+back to his cell, and left there without food or water or attention of
+any kind for several days. When brought forth for execution, he was
+dressed like a slave, blinded of one eye, mounted upon a mangy camel,
+and led in mock triumph through the streets of the city to the
+Hippodrome, amidst a storm of hatred and insult, seldom, if ever,
+witnessed under similar circumstances in a civilized community. At the
+Hippodrome he was hung by the feet on the architrave of two short
+columns which stood beside the figures of a wolf and a hyena, his
+natural associates. But neither his pitiable condition, nor his quiet
+endurance of pain, nor his pathetic cry, “Kyrie Eleison, Why dost Thou
+break the bruised reed?” excited the slightest commiseration. Additional
+and indescribable insults were heaped upon the fallen tyrant, until his
+agony was brought to an end by three men who plunged their swords into
+his body, to exhibit their dexterity in the use of arms.[546]
+
+In the course of the following century a different personage figured in
+the history of the prison. This was Veccus, Chartophylax of St. Sophia
+at the time of his confinement, and subsequently Patriarch of
+Constantinople.[547] He incurred the displeasure of Michael Palæologus
+by opposing the union of the Eastern and Western Churches, through which
+the emperor hoped to secure the goodwill and assistance of the Pope in
+maintaining the newly recovered throne of Constantinople. Before an
+assembly convened to discuss the question in the presence of Michael,
+Veccus, who had been appointed the spokesman of the opponents of the
+Imperial policy on account of his abilities, denounced the Latins as
+heretics with whom ecclesiastical communion was simply impossible. The
+emperor resented the affront, but, unwilling to make it the official
+ground of proceedings against the popular champion of orthodoxy, sought
+other reasons for punishing him. Accordingly, he accused Veccus of
+having thwarted the marriage which had been arranged between the
+Princess Anna and the second son of the Kral of Servia; another of
+Michael’s measures to make his position secure.
+
+The charge had some foundation. For upon the completion of the
+negotiations for the marriage, the bride-elect had started for her
+destined home under the care of Veccus and of the Patriarch of
+Constantinople. But when the party reached Berœa, Veccus, acting on the
+private instructions of the empress, left Anna and the patriarch, and
+pushed forward to investigate the character and manners of the people
+among whom the princess was to cast her lot. The primitive and boorish
+ways of the Servian Court did not commend themselves to Veccus, as a
+suitable environment for a lady brought up in the palaces of
+Constantinople. The splendour of the tent which Veccus occupied was lost
+upon the Kral; while the eunuchs in the household of the Byzantine
+princess shocked the sovereign’s unsophisticated mind. Pointing to the
+wife of his elder son, simply attired, and busy spinning wool, the rough
+monarch exclaimed, “That is how we treat our brides!” Nor was Veccus
+more favourably impressed by other experiences. The embassy which the
+Kral sent to welcome the bride-elect was robbed on the journey by
+brigands; and the Byzantine envoys awoke one morning to find that all
+their fine horses had been stolen during the night. Under these
+circumstances, Veccus thought the wisest course was to conduct Anna back
+to Constantinople;[548] and for this action Michael now saw fit to
+prosecute him.
+
+But the court which was appointed to try Veccus declined to judge a
+priest in the service of the patriarch without that prelate’s orders;
+and as such orders were not forthcoming, the trial could not proceed. At
+this juncture, Veccus had an interview with the emperor and proposed,
+for the sake of peace, to resign office and emoluments, and to go into
+exile. Michael did not condescend a reply. Whereupon the Chartophylax,
+fearing the worst, sought asylum in the Church of St. Sophia, and there
+awaited the Imperial decision. He was soon summoned to appear again
+before the emperor, the order being written in vermilion ink, as a mark
+of esteem and a pledge of personal safety. But on the road to the palace
+he was treacherously arrested, and carried off to the prison of Anemas
+under charge of the Varangian guards.
+
+With Veccus out of the way, Michael pushed the matter of the union of
+the churches more hopefully, and in furtherance of the Imperial policy
+caused a list of passages favourable to the orthodox character of the
+Latin Church to be compiled from the writings of theologians of repute,
+and submitted to the patriarch and his clergy for consideration. The
+patriarch replied by presenting a list of counter passages, and the
+situation remained what it had been before Veccus was imprisoned.
+Thereupon the suggestion was made that the first list should be
+forwarded to the cell of the Chartophylax. Such a man, it was urged,
+would never alter his views unless convinced by reason. The suggestion
+was adopted, and after reading the extracts, Veccus acknowledged that
+the argument for the union of the Churches was stronger than he had
+hitherto believed. His mind, however, he added, could not be satisfied
+on the point at issue by the perusal of isolated passages, torn from
+their connection, and he therefore begged permission to study the works
+from which the extracts submitted to him had been taken, pleading as an
+excuse that he was more versed in the writings of classic authors than
+in patristic learning. Upon this he was released, and provided with the
+books necessary for the full prosecution of his inquiries.
+
+The result was that, ere long, he found himself in agreement with the
+emperor, and the scheme for the union of the Churches was pursued with
+renewed ardour. Delegates proceeded from Constantinople to the Council
+assembled at Lyons, and there on June 29, 1274, the two great divisions
+of Christendom were formally united. On the second day of June in the
+following year Veccus was elevated to the patriarchal throne.[549]
+
+It is natural to suspect that the prison of Anemas had a share in the
+conversion of Veccus. But the historian Pachymeres ascribes the change
+to candour of judgment and sincere love of the truth. Certain it is that
+Veccus suffered for the views he adopted, and died twenty-five years
+later in the prison of the Castle of St. Gregorius, near Helenopolis
+(Yalova), a martyr to his convictions.[550]
+
+The Tower of Anemas was probably also the prison to which the Despot
+Michael was committed by Andronicus II. on the charge of treason. He had
+been created Despot by Michael Palæologus, and was married to the
+Princess Anna, above mentioned, after the failure of the Servian
+marriage to which reference has been made. Upon her death, he fell into
+disgrace at the Court for marrying a daughter of the Bulgarian king
+Terter, the repudiated wife of the King of Servia. To this he added
+treasonable offences, and was, therefore, confined with his wife and
+children in the prison attached to the Great Palace. On attempting to
+escape, he was removed to the prison at Blachernæ[551] for greater
+security.
+
+Another inmate of the prison of Anemas was Syrghiannes, a political
+adventurer conspicuous for his intrigues during the struggle between
+Andronicus II. and Andronicus III., taking sometimes the one side and
+sometimes the other.
+
+He had been immured elsewhere for five years on the charge of conspiracy
+to assassinate the elder emperor, but in 1322, at the instance of John
+Cantacuzene, then Grand Domestic, he was transferred to the Tower of
+Anemas as a more tolerable place of confinement, in the hope of
+conciliating him; and there he was permitted to receive visits from his
+mother, and even to have his wife and children with him.[552] Ultimately
+he was released, but the old spirit was too strong to be vanquished by
+suffering or by kindness. He returned to a life of intrigue and
+rebellion, and his career was closed by the hands of assassins.
+
+Later in the century, members of the Imperial family were once more
+imprisoned in the Tower of Anemas, under circumstances which afford a
+vivid picture of an empire weakened by domestic feuds, and distracted by
+the rival ambitions of foreign powers that were awaiting its
+dissolution, and ready to appropriate its territories.
+
+There John VI. Palæologus imprisoned his eldest son Andronicus, and
+there, upon the escape of the latter, he was himself imprisoned with his
+two younger sons, Manuel and Theodore.
+
+Andronicus had been excluded from the succession to the throne, on
+account, it is said, of his indifference to the financial straits of his
+father, when the latter was detained at Venice for inability to meet the
+demands of creditors. The disinherited prince, seeking an opportunity
+for revenge, found a kindred spirit in a son of Amurath I., Saoudji, who
+was jealous of his younger brother Bajazet, because he was the Sultan’s
+favourite child. The two princes, bound by a common grievance, joined
+forces to supplant their respective parents on the throne, and raised
+the standard of revolt. Amurath crushed the rebellion with remorseless
+severity, and after putting out the eyes of his own son, called upon the
+emperor to punish Andronicus in the same manner. Andronicus was
+consequently committed to the Tower of Anemas, along with his wife and
+his son John, a child only five years old, and there he and his little
+boy underwent the operation of being blinded. The cruel deed was,
+however, performed so imperfectly that Andronicus recovered the use of
+one eye, while his son suffered only from a squint. Two years were thus
+passed in the tower, after which the prisoners were released, either
+through the intervention of the Genoese, at the price of the concession
+to them of the island of Tenedos, or in compliance with the demand of
+Bajazet.
+
+[Illustration: Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of
+Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.” (For this view I
+am indebted to the late Dr. Ledyard.)]
+
+Free to act, Andronicus made terms both with the Sultan and the Genoese,
+and relying upon their favour, suddenly appeared before the capital. As
+the emperor and his son Manuel happened to be staying at the Palace of
+the Pegè, outside the walls, they were easily captured, and upon the
+surrender of the city they were, in their turn, sent, along with
+Theodore, to the Tower of Anemas, “as Zeus cast his father Chronos and
+his brothers Pluto and Poseidon into the nether world.”
+
+[Illustration: Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the
+Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West).]
+
+Bajazet advised Andronicus to establish his position by putting the
+prisoners to death, but to that depth of inhumanity the rebellious son
+would not descend. Matters remained in this condition for two years, and
+then the captives managed to escape. Precisely how they found their way
+out of the tower is a question upon which authorities differ. According
+to Phrantzes, it was by some deception practised on their Bulgarian
+guards. Ducas ascribes the escape to the skill of a certain Angelus,
+surnamed Diabolus, and known by the soubriquet of Diabol-angelus; but
+whether the deliverance was effected through the angelic power or the
+satanic cunning of the man, the historian is unable to decide.
+Chalcocondylas says that the Imperial captives broke through the walls
+of their dungeon with an iron tool, furnished by the servant who brought
+their food. According to Venetian authorities, two ineffectual attempts
+to save the emperor were made by Carlo Zen, on the condition that the
+island of Tenedos would be granted to the Republic of Venice, thus
+rescinding the concession of the island to the Genoese by Andronicus.
+The first attempt, it is said, failed because the emperor refused to
+escape without his sons; the second, owing to the detection of the plot
+to deliver him.[553] Once out of prison, John Palæologus and his son
+Manuel repaired to the Court of Bajazet, prevailed upon him to espouse
+their cause, and so compelled Andronicus to surrender the throne.[554]
+
+Thus the history of the Tower of Anemas reflects the civil broils, the
+tyranny, the ecclesiastical dissensions, the political feebleness, and
+the inability to withstand foreign aggression, which marked the decline
+and fall of the Byzantine Empire.
+
+Footnote 543:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.
+
+Footnote 544:
+
+  See Schlumberger, _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, chap. ii.,
+  for a brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas
+  in 962; cf. Leo Diaconus, _Historia_, lib. i. et ii.
+
+Footnote 545:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.
+
+Footnote 546:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 161-164.
+
+Footnote 547:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.
+
+Footnote 548:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
+
+Footnote 549:
+
+  For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp.
+  350-355.
+
+Footnote 550:
+
+  For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
+
+Footnote 551:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.
+
+Footnote 552:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is
+  styled ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταις.
+
+Footnote 553:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.
+
+Footnote 554:
+
+  Langier, _Histoire de la République de Venise_, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.
+
+Footnote 555:
+
+  The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found
+  in Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46,
+  51, 60-64.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XII.
+   THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE
+                               ARMENIAN.
+
+
+The fortifications extending from the north-western angle of the
+enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ to the Golden Horn consist of
+two parallel lines, connected by transverse walls, so as to form a
+citadel beside the Golden Horn. The inner wall belongs to the reign of
+Heraclius; the outer is an erection of Leo V., the Armenian.
+
+The Heraclian Wall was constructed in 627, under the following
+circumstances:—[555]
+
+Until that year the quarter of Blachernæ, at the foot of the Sixth Hill,
+was a suburb immediately outside the fortifications.[556] The fact that
+the suburb and its celebrated Church of the Theotokos, containing, it
+was believed, the girdle of the Blessed Virgin, were thus exposed to the
+attacks of an enemy did not occasion serious concern. In the opinion of
+the devout citizens of Constantinople, the shrine, so far from needing
+protection, formed one of the strongest bulwarks of the capital. At the
+worst, when danger threatened, the treasures of the sanctuary could be
+readily transported into the city, as was done in the reign of Justinian
+the Great.[557]
+
+But in 627, Constantinople learned what a siege really meant. Persia and
+the Empire were then at war with each other; and while Heraclius was
+carrying the campaign into the enemy’s country, a Persian army had
+encamped at Chalcedon for the purpose of joining the Avars in laying
+siege to the capital.[558]
+
+As the Byzantine fleet, however, commanded the Bosporus, the allies
+could not unite their forces, and the Avars were left to act alone. The
+undertaking proved too difficult for the barbarians, notwithstanding the
+vigour with which it was conducted, and the siege was raised. But before
+retiring, a troop of Avaric horse set itself to devastate the suburbs,
+and having fired the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, and the Church
+of St. Nicholas, dashed into the open ground beside the Church of
+Blachernæ, intent upon devoting also that sacred edifice to the flames.
+For some reason, that purpose was not carried into effect, and the
+church escaped all injury. This marvellous deliverance enhanced, indeed,
+the reputation of the Theotokos, but it likewise aroused a sense of the
+danger to which her shrine was liable, and so the Government of the day
+ordered the immediate erection of a wall along the western side of the
+Blachernæ quarter, to place the church beyond the reach of hostile
+attack in future. The wall was known, until the erection of the Wall of
+Leo, as the Single Wall of Blachernæ (Μονοτείχος Βλαχερνῶν:[559] τεῖχος
+τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).[560]
+
+The wall is flanked by three fine hexagonal towers, built towards their
+summit in brick, perhaps, as Dr. Paspates[561] suggests, in order to
+lighten the weight of constructions erected on marshy ground. They are
+among the finest towers in the circuit of the fortifications. The
+interior of the southernmost tower, the only one which can be safely
+examined, measures 32-½ by about 19 feet, and was in three stories. Upon
+the face of the tower is an inscription, in letters formed with pieces
+of marble, in honour of the Emperor Michael, probably Michael II.
+
+Between the first and second towers is a gate, named the Gate of
+Blachernæ (πόρτα τοῦ Μονοτείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),[562] after the quarter
+before which it stood.
+
+[Illustration: General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On
+Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.]
+
+It has been generally supposed that the Wall of Heraclius comprised not
+only the portion of the city walls just indicated, but the whole line of
+fortifications extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn.[563]
+The evidence on the subject is, however, in favour of the opinion that
+the Wall of Heraclius was only the portion of the fortifications before
+us. It is the extent implied in the description of the Heraclian Wall,
+as a wall erected to bring the Church of Blachernæ within the line of
+the city bulwarks.[564] That is an apt description of a wall extending
+from the foot of the Sixth Hill to the Golden Horn; it is a very
+inadequate description of a line of bulwarks from the Kerko Porta to the
+harbour. In the next place, more extensive fortifications were not
+required to protect the church, seeing it was well defended on the south
+by the acropolis on the western spur of the Sixth Hill. All that was
+necessary for the further security of the church was a wall on the west
+side of the plain on which it stood. Furthermore, the fortifications
+extending from the Kerko Porta to the foot of the Sixth Hill, commonly
+ascribed to Heraclius, have been proved to be the work of other hands,
+the greater part being the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,[565] while the
+remainder formed, originally, the defences of the Fourteenth Region.
+
+The Wall of Leo the Armenian was erected in 813 to strengthen the
+defence of this part of the capital, in view of the preparations which
+the Bulgarians under Crum were making for a second attack upon
+Constantinople.[566] Crum had retired from his first assault upon the
+city, resolved not only to retrieve the defeat he had sustained, but
+also to punish the treacherous attempt upon his life, when he was
+proceeding to negotiate terms of peace with the emperor.
+
+Arrangements had been made for holding a conference between the two
+sovereigns at a short distance to the west of the Heraclian Wall, on the
+explicit understanding that all persons present were to attend unarmed;
+so little confidence had the two parties in each other. But in flagrant
+breach of this agreement, Leo placed three bowmen in ambush near the
+place of meeting, with orders to shoot at the Bulgarian king, upon a
+preconcerted signal. In due time Crum arrived; but he had scarcely
+dismounted from his horse when his suspicions of a plot were aroused,
+and, springing into his saddle, he galloped back towards his camp. The
+arrows of the soldiers in ambush flew after him, wounding him although
+he escaped with his life.
+
+The Byzantine historian who records the incident explains the failure of
+the plot as a Divine punishment upon the sins of his countrymen.[567]
+Crum saw the dastardly act in a different light, and, vowing vengeance,
+withdrew to Bulgaria to prepare for another war. He died before he could
+carry out his intention, but meanwhile Leo had put himself in readiness
+for the expected attack by constructing a new wall and a broad moat in
+front of the Wall of Heraclius.
+
+The Wall of Leo stands 77 feet to the west of the Wall of Heraclius,
+running parallel to it for some 260 feet, after which it turns to join
+the walls along the Golden Horn. Its parapet-walk was supported upon
+arches, which served at the same time to buttress the wall itself, a
+comparatively slight structure about 8 feet thick. With the view of
+increasing the wall’s capacity for defence, it was flanked by four small
+towers, while its lower portion was pierced by numerous loopholes. Two
+of the towers were on the side facing the Golden Horn, and the other two
+guarded the extremities of the side looking towards the country on the
+west. The latter towers projected inwards from the rear of the wall, and
+between them was a gateway corresponding to the Heraclian Gate of
+Blachernæ.
+
+The citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo was designated the
+Brachionion of Blachernæ (τὸ Βραχιόνιον τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).[568] Subsequent
+to the Turkish Conquest it was named after the five more conspicuous
+towers which guarded the enclosure, the Pentapyrgion,[569] on the
+analogy of the Heptapyrgion, or Castle of Severn Towers (Yedi Koulè) at
+the southern end of the land walls.
+
+Near the southern end of the wall, where it has evidently undergone
+repair, two inscriptions are found. One is in honour of Michael II. and
+Theophilus, the great Emperors:
+
+    ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΜΕΤΑ ... Ν ΒΑΣΙ....
+
+The other gives the date †ϚΤΛ† (822), which belonged to the sole reign
+of the former emperor. These repairs were probably made when Thomas, the
+rival of Michael for the throne, attacked the fortifications in this
+quarter. It was precisely in the year 822 that the rebel general
+encamped beside the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus (above Eyoub),
+and then, armed with battering-rams and scaling-ladders, advanced to the
+assault of the towers of Blachernæ, behind which the standard of Michael
+floated over the Church of the Theotokos.[570]
+
+The tower at the north-western corner of the enclosure was reconstructed
+by the Emperor Romanus, as an inscription upon it proclaims:
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the
+foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”]
+
+To which of the four emperors named Romanus the work should be assigned
+is not easy to decide. The tower must have derived its name from the
+Church of S. Nicholas in this vicinity, for the site of that church is
+marked by the Holy Well which still flows amid the graves and trees of
+the Turkish cemetery within the Brachionion of Blachernæ, an object of
+veneration alike to Moslems and orthodox Greeks. The grounds on which
+the opinion rests are that, previous to the erection of the Heraclian
+Wall, the church is described as without the city bounds, in the
+district of Blachernæ;[571] while after the erection of Leo’s Wall it is
+spoken of as within the city limits, and close to the gate by which
+persons proceeded from the Blachernæ quarter to the Cosmidion.[572] This
+is exactly how a building beside the Holy Well between the two walls,
+and near the Gate of Blachernæ which pierces them, would be described
+under such circumstances.
+
+The proximity of these walls to the Palace of Blachernæ, as well as
+their comparative weakness, combined to make them the scene of many
+historical events.
+
+While the Wall of Heraclius stood alone, it was through the Gate of
+Blachernæ that Apsimarus was admitted by his adherents, in 698, to
+supplant Leontius;[573] by the same entrance Justinian II., in 705,
+attempted to force his way into the city to dethrone Apsimarus;[574] and
+through it, again, Theodosius III., in 716, entered and deposed
+Anastasius II.[575] It was before the Heraclian Wall that Crum and Leo
+the Armenian met to confer, under the circumstances already narrated.
+
+This portion of the fortifications continued to be a favourite point of
+attack also after the erection of Leo’s Wall. Here, as above stated, the
+rebel Thomas sought to break into the city in 822;[576] here, in 924,
+Simeon of Bulgaria and Romanus Lecapenus met to conclude peace,[577]
+taking the greatest precautions against the repetition of the treachery
+which disgraced the former meeting of a Bulgarian king with a Byzantine
+emperor. In 1047, in the reign of Constantine Monomachus, the rebel
+general Tornikius took up his position before these walls, and having
+routed a company of raw recruits who had sallied forth against him by
+the Gate of Blachernæ, would have rushed into the city with the
+fugitives, had not the difficulty of crossing the moat given the
+defenders of the walls time to close the entrance.[578]
+
+Through the Gate of Blachernæ the friends of Alexius Comnenus sallied
+from the city, in 1081, to join the standard of revolt against
+Nicephorus Botoniates; and it was at the Imperial stables outside the
+gate that they obtained horses to reach as fast as possible the
+Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, baffling pursuit by having taken
+the precaution to ham-string the animals they did not require.[579] In
+1097, Godfrey de Bouillon encamped on the hills and plains without these
+walls. While the negotiations with the crafty Alexius Comnenus were
+proceeding, the envoys of the Crusaders were on one occasion detained so
+long by the emperor as to arouse suspicions of treachery on his part;
+whereupon a band of Crusaders rushed from the camp at the Cosmidion, and
+in their attempt to enter the city and rescue their comrades set fire to
+the Gate of Blachernæ.[580]
+
+In 1203 these fortifications were attacked by the land forces of the
+Fourth Crusade.[581] The Venetian fleet, bearing the banner of St. Mark,
+occupied the Golden Horn, under the command of Dandolo; the army of the
+expedition under Baldwin held the hill immediately to the west of the
+Palace of Blachernæ. Upon the walls and towers of the citadel stood the
+Varangian guards, composed mainly of Englishmen and Danes, loyal to
+their trust, and the peers of the invaders in courage and strength.
+Alexius III. and his courtiers watched the scene from the palace
+windows. At length, on the 17th of July, the Crusaders delivered a grand
+assault by sea and land; the army attacking the fortress formed by the
+Walls of Heraclius and Leo; the fleet attempting the adjoining
+fortifications along the harbour. With the help of ladders, fifteen
+knights and sergeants scaled the outer Wall, and engaged the defenders
+on the summit in a desperate struggle. It was a bold attempt, but the
+odds were too great, and the assailants, leaving two of their number
+prisoners, were driven off by the swords and battle-axes of the
+Varangians. Many other Crusaders, also, who had advanced to support the
+attack, were wounded, and the day went so hard against the Latins at
+this point that Dandolo, who had captured twenty-five towers of the
+harbour fortifications, was obliged to abandon the advantage he had
+gained, and hastened with his ships to protect his worsted allies.
+
+Finally, in 1453, the moat before these walls, which had been filled
+with earth in the course of time, was excavated by the crews of the
+Venetian galleys present at the siege under the command of Aluxio Diedo.
+It was made 200 paces long and 8 feet wide, the emperor and his
+courtiers being present at the work, while two sentries, stationed on
+the neighbouring hill, watched the Turkish outposts.[582]
+
+From the northern extremity of the Heraclian Wall, a short wall was
+carried to the water’s edge, across the western end of the street that
+runs along the shore of the Golden Horn, outside the Harbour Walls; thus
+protecting the latter line of fortifications from attack by the land
+forces of an enemy.
+
+At the same time, for the convenience of traffic, the wall was pierced
+by a gate, named, from its material, the Xylo Porta (Ξυλόπορτα, Ξυλίνη),
+the Wooden Gate.[583] It was in its place as late as 1868, and bore an
+inscription in honour of Theophilus.[584] Very probably, the wall was
+erected by that emperor when he reconstructed the defences along the
+harbour. In accordance with its situation, the Xylo Porta is described
+sometimes as the gate at the northern extremity of the land
+fortifications;[585] and sometimes as the gate at the western end of the
+walls along the Golden Horn.[586]
+
+Du Cange[587] identified the Porta Xylo Kerkou with this gate. But the
+former was an entrance in the Theodosian lines;[588] it led directly
+into the city, and was built up in the reign of Isaac Angelus[589]—facts
+which did not hold true of the Xylo Porta. Furthermore, Ducas expressly
+distinguishes the two entrances.[590] Or the facts in the case may be
+stated thus: The Gate of the Xylokerkus was in existence before the
+erection of the wall in which the Xylo Porta stood; the former entrance
+being not later than the reign of Anastasius I., in the fifth century,
+the latter not earlier than the reign of Heraclius, in the seventh
+century, when the wall on the west of Blachernæ was erected. Therefore
+the two entrances cannot be the same gate under different names.
+
+In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion,[591] the Postern of Kallinicus (τὸ τῆς
+Καλλινίκου παραπόρτιον), mentioned by Byzantine writers,[592] was the
+Xylo Porta under an earlier name. And what is known regarding that
+postern lends support to this view. Like the Xylo Porta, the Postern of
+Kallinicus stood near the Church of Blachernæ,[593] and led to the
+Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the Cosmidion,[594] as well as to
+the bridge across the head of the Golden Horn.[595] The identity is
+confirmed by the fact that the bridge to which the road issuing from the
+Xylo Porta conducted was sometimes called the Bridge of St. Kallinicus,
+after a church of that dedication in its neighbourhood.[596]
+
+
+                   The Bridge across the Golden Horn.
+
+
+The earliest mention of a bridge across the Golden Horn is found in the
+_Notitia_.[597] It was situated in the Fourteenth Region, and, like the
+bridge across the Tiber, was a wooden structure, “pontem sublicium.”
+This was superseded by a bridge of stone,[598] which Justinian the Great
+constructed in 528, “so that one might pass,” as the _Paschal
+Chronicle_[599] expresses it, “from the opposite side (ἀπὸ τῆς ἀντι
+πέραν) to the all-happy city.” The new building went by various names in
+the course of its long history. It was known as the Bridge of Justinian
+(ἡ Ἰουστινιανοῦ γέφυρα),[600] in honour of its constructor; as the
+Bridge of St. Kallinicus (ἡ γέφυρα τοῦ ἁγίου Καλλινίκου),[601] after a
+church dedicated to that saint near its southern end; as the Bridge of
+St. Panteleemon (ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος γέφυρα),[602] after a church
+of that name at its northern end; as the Bridge of Camels (ἡ τῆς Καμήλου
+γέφυρα),[603] on account, probably, of its frequent use by caravans of
+camels, bringing charcoal to the city; as the Bridge of Blachernæ,[604]
+from the district in which it stood. Whether it was the bridge of twelve
+arches near St. Mamas mentioned by the Anonymus and Codinus[605] is
+uncertain, for we cannot be sure that all references to the Church of
+St. Mamas allude to the church of that dedication which stood outside
+the walls of the city, and overlooked the head of the Golden Horn.
+
+The bridge crossed the Barbyses[606] (Kiat-haneh Sou, one of the streams
+commonly styled “The Sweet Waters of Europe”), where that stream enters
+the Golden Horn,[607] in the district of the Cosmidion[608] (Eyoub).
+When Gyllius visited the city the stone piers of an ancient bridge could
+be seen, in summer, when the water was low, standing opposite a point
+between the northern extremity of the land walls and Aivan Serai:
+“Liquet pontem illum fuisse ubi pilæ cernuntur lapideæ antiqui pontis,
+sed non extra aquam eminentes nisi aliquando æstate, sitæe inter angulum
+urbis Blacherneum et suburbium, quod Turci appellant Aibasarium.”[609]
+
+In the siege of 627 the flotilla of log-boats, which the Slavonian
+allies of the Avars brought to take part in the operations, was moored
+behind this bridge, watching for an opportunity to descend into the
+Golden Horn, and harass the northern side of the city.[610] Over it
+Heraclius came to make his triumphal entrance into the city, after his
+return from the Persian War. It was a circuitous road for him to take
+from the Palace of the Hiereia (Fener Bagtchèssi, on the Bay of Moda,
+near Kadikeui), which he occupied upon his arrival within sight of the
+capital. His most direct course was to proceed from that palace to the
+Golden Gate by boat across the Sea of Marmora. But the hero of seven
+glorious campaigns was possessed by such an insuperable dread of the
+water that, for a long time, nothing, not even a conspiracy against his
+throne, could induce him to overcome his fear and cross to the city. At
+length the difficulty was met in the following manner. A bridge of boats
+was placed across the Bosporus, from the bay of Phedalia (Balta
+Liman)[611] to the opposite Asiatic shore, the parapets of the bridge
+being constructed of great branches and dense foliage, so as to hide
+from view the water on either hand; and over this roadway the emperor
+was persuaded to pass on horseback, as through a thicket on _terra
+firma_. Once on the European side of the straits, it would have been
+natural for him to take the road leading towards the city along the
+shore. But rather than keep near the water, Heraclius struck inland, for
+the valley at the head of the Golden Horn, to reach the side of the
+harbour on which the city stood, by the bridge over the narrow stream of
+the Barbyses.[612]
+
+Near the bridge the Crusaders, under Godfrey de Bouillon, encamped in
+1096.[613] Over it the Crusaders, under the Emperor Conrad, passed in
+1147, to ravage the suburbs on the northern side of the harbour.[614] To
+it, in 1203, the army of the Fourth Crusade marched, from Galata, in
+battle array, and, finding it had been cut down by the Greeks, repaired
+it, and crossed to encamp on the hill fronting the Palace of Blachernæ.
+“Et là (_i.e._ au bout du port),” to quote the picturesque language of
+Ville-Hardouin,[615] “il y a un fleuve qui se jette dans la mer, qu’on
+ne peut pas passer sinon par un pont de pierre. Les Grecs avaient coupé
+le pont; et les barons firent travailler l’armée tout le jour et toute
+la nuit pour arranger le pont. Le pont fut ainsi arrangé, et les corps
+de bataille armés au matin; et ils chevauchèrent l’un après l’autre,
+ainsi qu’ils avaient été ordonnés. Et ils vout devant la ville.” Twice
+in 1328, and once in 1345, Cantacuzene[616] encamped his troops on the
+meadows beside the bridge, while he endeavoured to gain the city by
+parleying with its defenders at the Gate of Gyrolimnè.
+
+Footnote 556:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 726, Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος πέριξ τοῦ
+  οἴκον τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν τῆς θεοτόκου, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
+
+Footnote 557:
+
+  _Ibid._, Procopius, _De Æd._, lib. i. c. 3; _Paschal Chron._, p. 702.
+
+Footnote 558:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 559:
+
+  For account of the siege, see _Paschal Chronicle_, pp. 715-726;
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.
+
+Footnote 560:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.
+
+Footnote 561:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 618.
+
+Footnote 562:
+
+  Pages 37, 38.
+
+Footnote 563:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.
+
+Footnote 564:
+
+  Paspates, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 565:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 726; Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 566:
+
+  See above, Chapter IX.
+
+Footnote 567:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; Συναθροίσας λαὸν πολὺν καὶ τεχνίτας
+  ἤρξατο κτίζειν ἕτερον τεῖχος ἔξωθεν τοῦ τείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν, κόψας
+  καὶ τὴν σούδαν πλατεῖαν.
+
+Footnote 568:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.
+
+Footnote 569:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
+
+Footnote 570:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand Hist. Turc._, s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by
+  Constantine Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a
+  castle with five towers, kept in the Great Palace.
+
+Footnote 571:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
+
+Footnote 572:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 6; _Paschal Chron._, pp. 724, 725.
+
+Footnote 573:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 48; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient._, p. 124. The
+  church was dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicholas (Procopius, _ut
+  supra_). The Holy Well is now regarded as that of St. Basil (Patriarch
+  Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 44). Whether the church
+  should be identified with the Church of St. Nicholas, τὰ Βασιλίδου
+  (Codinus, p. 125, Paspates, p. 34), is doubtful.
+
+  The Cosmidion, now Eyoub, obtained its name from the celebrated Church
+  and Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the district. The church
+  was founded by Paulinus, the friend of Theodosius II., and the victim
+  of his jealousy, and is therefore sometimes described as ἐν τοῖς
+  Παυλίνου. It stood on the hill at the head of the Golden Horn,
+  commanding the most beautiful view of the harbour, and constituted,
+  with the walls around it, an acropolis (Procopius, _De Æd._ i. c. 6).
+  It was restored by Justinian the Great, and was famed for miraculous
+  cures. The two saints had been what would now be termed “medical
+  missionaries,” and exercised their art gratuitously; hence, their
+  epithet Ἀνάργυροι (without money). Owing to the strategical position
+  of the monastery, it was frequently seized by assailants of the city,
+  as, for example, by the Avars (_Paschal Chron._, p. 725), and by the
+  rebel Thomas (Theophanes Cont., p. 59). It was granted to Bohemond by
+  Alexius Comnenus, and was consequently known as the Castle of Bohemond
+  (William of Tyre, ii. pp. 84, 85). Andronicus II. Palæologus
+  dismantled the fortress, lest it should be used by the Catalans
+  (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 592).
+
+Footnote 574:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 568.
+
+Footnote 575:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 573.
+
+Footnote 576:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 592.
+
+Footnote 577:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
+
+Footnote 578:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.
+
+Footnote 579:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.
+
+Footnote 580:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
+
+Footnote 581:
+
+  _Ibid._, x. p. 48.
+
+Footnote 582:
+
+  For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, _Conquête de
+  Consple._, c. 35; Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in _Tafel et
+  Thomas_, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 583:
+
+  Barbaro, pp. 719-722.
+
+Footnote 584:
+
+  Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 585:
+
+  Paspates, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 586:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.
+
+Footnote 587:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.
+
+Footnote 588:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 589:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, lib. vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 590:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 529.
+
+Footnote 591:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 592:
+
+  Page 37.
+
+Footnote 593:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.
+
+Footnote 594:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.
+
+Footnote 595:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 596:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 597:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 598:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XIV._
+
+Footnote 599:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.
+
+Footnote 600:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 618.
+
+Footnote 601:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.
+
+Footnote 602:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 603:
+
+  Attaliotes, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 604:
+
+  Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
+
+Footnote 605:
+
+  John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, _ut infra_.
+
+Footnote 606:
+
+  III. p. 58. Page 30.
+
+Footnote 607:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον:
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.
+
+Footnote 608:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 609:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the
+  bridge stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.
+
+Footnote 610:
+
+  De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange,
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 179.
+
+Footnote 611:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 612:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 13.
+
+Footnote 613:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.
+
+Footnote 614:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 47.
+
+Footnote 615:
+
+  Cinnamus, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 616:
+
+  Chap. 33.
+
+Footnote 617:
+
+  Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XIII.
+                           THE SEAWARD WALLS.
+
+
+Owing to the unique maritime position occupied by Constantinople, the
+defence of the shores of the capital was a matter of secondary
+importance. So long as the Empire retained the command of the sea, a
+city accessible by water only through the narrow defiles of the
+Hellespont and the Bosporus had little reason to apprehend a naval
+attack.
+
+This immunity was, it is true, seriously affected when the Saracens and
+the Republics of Italy became great sea-powers. Still, even then, the
+situation of the city rendered an assault with ships an extremely
+difficult operation. The northern shore of the city could be put beyond
+the reach of the enemy by a chain extended across the narrow entrance of
+the Golden Horn; while the currents that swept the Marmora shore were
+ready to carry a fleet out to sea, or to hurl it against the rocks.
+According to Ville-Hardouin,[617] it was the dread of those currents
+that, in 1204, deterred the Venetian fleet, under Dandolo, from
+attacking the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, after the failure of the
+attempt upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn.
+
+Other natural allies to withstand a naval attack were, moreover, found
+in the violent storms to which the waters around the city are liable.
+Such a storm discomfited the great Saracen fleet in the siege of
+718.[618] In 825, a tempest compelled Thomas, the rival of Michael II.,
+to withdraw his ships from action;[619] while in 865 a storm destroyed
+the first Russian flotilla that entered the Bosporus.[620] In the long
+history of the Byzantine Empire there is only one instance of a
+successful naval assault upon Constantinople, the gallant capture of the
+city in 1204 by the Venetians. That victory, however, was due as much to
+the feeble spirit exhibited by the defenders, notwithstanding the
+advantages of their position, as to the bravery and skill of the
+assailants.
+
+But though the seaward walls did not possess the military consequence of
+the land walls, they are interesting on account of their connection with
+important political events, and, above all, for their intimate
+association with the commercial activity of the greatest emporium of
+trade during the Middle Ages.
+
+The history of the construction of these walls has already been noticed
+incidentally, when tracing the gradual expansion of the city.[621] In
+the days of Byzantium they proceeded, we have seen, from the Acropolis
+(Seraglio Point) to the Neorium, on the Golden Horn; and to the point
+subsequently called Topi, on the Sea of Marmora. Under Constantine the
+Great they were carried to the Church of St. Antony Harmatius, on the
+northern side of the city; and to the Church of St. Æmilianus, on the
+southern. In 439, Theodosius II. prolonged the lines to meet the
+extremities of the land wall at Blachernæ, on the one hand, and the
+Golden Gate, on the other.
+
+The history of the repair of these walls from time to time is a long
+one. For while comparatively secure from injury by the accidents of war,
+they were liable to be rudely shaken by earthquakes, like other public
+buildings of the city, while their proximity to the sea exposed them in
+a special manner to damage by damp and storm.
+
+During the earlier days of the Empire, indeed, when the Imperial navy
+ruled the sea, and no hostile fleet dared approach the city, the
+condition of these fortifications was often neglected; but as the
+sea-power of the Empire decayed, and that of other nations grew
+stronger, the defences along the shores of the city assumed greater
+interest, and their maintenance in proper order became one of the
+principal cares of the State.
+
+The earthquake of 447, so ruinous to the new land wall of Anthemius,
+injured also the seaward walls, especially the portion beside the Sea of
+Marmora. As an inscription over Yeni Kapou[622]—the gate at the eastern
+end of Vlanga Bostan—proclaimed, the damage was repaired by the Prefect
+Constantine when he restored the other fortifications of the city which
+had suffered from that terrible earthquake.[623]
+
+There is no record of repairs for the next two hundred and fifty years.
+But the state of these walls could not have been altogether
+unsatisfactory during that period, for they were prepared to withstand
+two fleets which threatened the southern side of the city in the seventh
+century: first, when the ships of Heraclius came, in 610, to overthrow
+the tyranny of the infamous Phocas; and again, when the Saracens
+besieged Constantinople from 673-678.
+
+With the accession of Tiberius Apsimarus the shore defences entered upon
+a new era of their history. Admiral of the Imperial fleet in the Ægean
+when the Saracens marched victoriously from the banks of the Nile to the
+Atlantic, and alive to the power of the enemy upon the sea, as well as
+upon land, he was in a position to appreciate the necessity of being
+ready to repel attack at every point. Hence, upon his return to
+Constantinople, he ordered the walls of the capital, which had for some
+time been grossly neglected, to be put into a state of defence.[624]
+Some eight years later, however, Anastasius II. found it expedient to
+attend to the seaward walls again,[625] in view of the formidable
+preparations made by the Saracens for their second attack upon the
+capital of Eastern Christendom; and so effective was the work done,
+that, in the great crisis of 718, the city defied a fleet of 1200
+vessels.
+
+In the spring of 764 an unusual occurrence shook the walls about the
+point of the Acropolis. The preceding winter had been one of Arctic
+severity. If the figures of Theophanes may be trusted, the sea along the
+northern and western shores of the Euxine was frozen to a distance of
+one hundred miles from land, and to a depth of sixty feet; and upon this
+foundation of solid ice a mass of snow forty-five feet high accumulated.
+As soon as the breath of spring liberated the frost-bound waters, a long
+procession of ice-floes came filing down the Bosporus, on their way to
+the southern seas. They came in such numbers that they packed in the
+narrow channel, and formed an ice-pile at the opening into the Sea of
+Marmora, extending from the Palace of Hiereia (Fener Bagtchessi) to the
+city, and from Chrysopolis to Galata, and as far as Mamas at the head of
+the Golden Horn.[626]
+
+At length the ice divided again, and as its several parts swayed in the
+swollen currents, one huge iceberg came dashing against the pier at the
+point of the Acropolis. Another, larger, followed, and hurled itself
+against the adjacent wall with a violence which shook the whole
+neighbourhood. The monstrous mass was broken by the concussion in three
+fragments, still so large that they overtopped the city bulwarks and
+invested the apex of the promontory from the Mangana to the Port
+Bosporus, overawing the city, and crushing, it would appear, the
+fortifications.
+
+Extensive repairs of these walls were commenced in the reign of Michael
+II., and completed by his son Theophilus on a scale which amounted to a
+work of reconstruction.[627] Under the former emperor the rebel Thomas
+had besieged the city and forced the chain across the entrance of the
+Golden Horn, proving, for the first time, that even the fortifications
+in that quarter might be attacked by a bold enemy. The Saracens,
+moreover, displaying new vigour, had taken Sicily and Crete, and in 829
+defeated the Imperial fleet in the Ægean. Accordingly, it is not strange
+that Theophilus ordered the old ramparts along the shores of the city to
+be replaced by loftier and stronger fortifications, and that in the
+execution of the undertaking he spared no labour or expense. “The gold
+coins of the realm,” says the chronicler, “were spent as freely as if
+worthless pebbles.”[628]
+
+The satisfaction of Theophilus with the result was displayed in the
+extraordinary number of the inscriptions which he placed upon the new
+walls and towers, to commemorate his work. No other emperor has
+inscribed his name upon the walls so frequently. And the fortifications
+he erected endured, with but little change, to the last days of the
+Empire, and bear his stamp even in their ruin.
+
+Of the inscriptions referred to, the following are found on the walls
+along the Sea of Marmora:
+
+On the curtain-wall immediately to the north of Deïrmen Kapoussi, in one
+long line of sixty feet, is the legend:
+
+    ΣΕ ΧΡΙΣΤΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣΑΡΡ; ΑΓΕ ΣΚΕΚΤΗΜΙΕΝΟΣ ΑΝΑΖ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟ ΣΕΥΣΕΒΗ ΣΑΥΤΟ
+    ΚΡΑΤΩΡΗΓΕΙΡΕ ΤΟΥΤΟΤΕΙ ΧΟΣΕΚΙΒΑΘΡΩΝΝΕΩΝ· ΟΠΕΡ ΦΥΛΑΤ ΤΕΤΩΚΡ ΑΤΕΙΣΟΥΠΑΝ
+    ΤΑΝΑΞΚΔΕΙΞΟ ΝΑΥΤΟΜΕ ΧΡΙΣΑΙΩΝΩΝΤΕΛΗΟΣΑΣ ΕΙΣΤΟ ΝΑΚΛΟΝΗΤΟΝΕΣ Τ
+
+    “Possessing Thee, O Christ, a Wall that cannot be broken,
+    Theophilus, King and pious Emperor, erected this wall upon new
+    foundations: which (wall), Lord of All, guard with Thy might, and
+    display to the end of time standing unshaken and unmoved.”
+
+These words read like a dedication prayer for the preservation of the
+whole line of the fortifications erected by Theophilus.
+
+On the first tower to the south of Deïrmen Kapoussi are the words:
+
+              † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΠΙΣΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
+              ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ †
+
+    “Tower of Theophilus, faithful and great King and Emperor in
+    Christ.”
+
+Above the legend is a slab, with the Cross and the battle-cry of the
+Empire, “Jesus Christ conquers.”
+
+                                 ΙΣ |  ΧΡ
+                                 ———|—————
+                                 ΝΙ |  ΚΑ
+
+A similar inscription stands on the second tower south of the gate:
+
+    † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ †[629]
+
+    “Tower of Theophilus, Emperor in Christ.”
+
+Fragmentary inscriptions to the same effect are seen on the third,
+sixth, seventh, and ninth towers south of Deïrmen Kapoussi.
+
+In addition to these inscriptions, copies of others which have
+disappeared are preserved by Von Hammer, in the appendix to his work,
+_Constantinopolis und Bosporos_.[630]
+
+The Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) bore the inscription:
+
+    ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ ... ΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΑΣ ΠΟΛΙΝ.
+
+    “Theophilus ... having renovated the city.”
+
+This inscription was repeated on the wall adjoining the gate. And on the
+two towers which flanked the gate was the customary legend which marked
+the work of Theophilus:
+
+    ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ
+
+According to the same author,[631] a similar inscription was found in
+the vicinity of the Seven Towers, as well as an inscription in honour of
+Theophilus and his son, Michael III., who, though a mere child, had been
+appointed his Imperial colleague.
+
+According to Aristarki Bey and Canon Curtis,[632] two other inscriptions
+in honour of Theophilus and Michael occurred also on two towers in the
+immediate vicinity of Top Kapoussi. All these inscriptions indicate the
+great extent of the repairs executed by Theophilus; the last three give,
+moreover, the approximate date of one portion of the work, Michael III.
+being the associate of his father from 839-842.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.]
+
+Upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn some twenty inscriptions
+in honour of Theophilus have been noted, similar to those found on the
+fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, but they have for the most
+part disappeared in the destruction of the walls, from time to time, in
+carrying out city improvements. The most important to recall are the
+legends in which the name Michael was associated with that of
+Theophilus. In two instances the former name preceded the latter; while
+in five instances the latter name preceded the former. The only
+satisfactory explanation of this variation is that in the first case the
+Michael intended was Michael II., the father of Theophilus; and that in
+the second case the allusion was to Michael III., the son of Theophilus.
+Hence it appears that the restoration of the seaward walls was commenced
+in the reign of Michael II., soon after the appointment of Theophilus as
+his colleague, in 825.
+
+Immediately to the north of the ruins of Indjili Kiosk, beside the Sea
+of Marmora, three inscribed slabs were, until recently, found built into
+the city wall. As the legend was mutilated, its full meaning cannot be
+determined, but it seemed to commemorate the restoration of a portion of
+the wall by Michael III., under the superintendence of his maternal
+uncle, the famous Bardas, the commander of the body-guard known as the
+Scholai (αἱ Σχολαί, οἱ Σχολάριοι).
+
+                       FIRST SLAB.
+
+                       ΩΝΚΡΑΤΑΙΩΣΔΕΣΠΟΣΑΝΤΩΝΤΟΥΣ
+                       ΠΤΩΣΜΙΧΑΗΛΟΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΣ ΔΙΑΒΑΡ
+
+                       SECOND SLAB.
+
+                       ΙΔΕΝΟΣΠΡΟΣΥΠΣΟΣΗΕΥΚΟΣΙΙΙΑΙΙΤΟ
+                       ΩΝΣΧΟ ΩΝΔΩΜΕΣΤΙΚΟΥΗ ΙΡΕΤΕΡ
+
+                       THIRD SLAB.
+
+                       ΗΘΕΝΕΙΣΓΗΝΤΕΙΧΟΣΕΞΕΓΕΡΚΟΤΟ
+                       ΝΟΝΩΡΑΕΙΣΜΑΤΗΠΟΛΕΙ ☩[633]
+
+An inscription on a tower at the eastern side of the entrance to the old
+harbour at Koum Kapoussi (Kontoscalion) commemorated repairs by Leo the
+Wise and his brother and colleague Alexander:
+
+                        † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ Κ ΑΛΕΞΑΝ †
+
+The first tower west of Ahour Kapoussi was rebuilt by Basil II. in 1024,
+after its overthrow by storms. It bears the inscription:
+
+                 ΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΘΑΛΛΑΣΣΗΣ ΘΡΑΥΣΜΟΣ ΕΝ ΜΑΚΡΩ ΧΡΟΝΩ
+                 ΚΛΥΔΩΝΙ ΠΟΛΛΩ ΚΑΙ ΣΦΟΔΡΩ ΡΗΓΝΥΜΕΝΗΣ ΠΕΣΕΙΝ
+                 ΚΑΤΑΝΑΝΚΑΣΕ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΕΚ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ
+                 ΗΓΕΙΡΕΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΕΤΟΥΣ ϚΘΛΒ
+
+    “In the year 1024, Basil, the pious Sovereign, erected from the
+    foundations, this tower, which the dashing of the sea, shattering it
+    for a long time with many and violent waves, compelled to fall.”
+
+One of the most interesting incidents of the siege of 1453, reflecting
+credit both upon the conqueror and the conquered, was associated with
+“the towers of Basil, Leo, and Alexius” (τῶν πύργων τῶν λεγομένων
+Βασιλείου, Λέοντος, καὶ Ἀλεξίου). Although the Turkish troops were in
+command of the city, the defenders of those towers—the crew of a ship
+from Crete—refused to surrender, preferring to perish rather than to be
+reduced to slavery. The stand they made was reported to the Sultan, and
+he was so impressed by the heroism of the men that he offered, if they
+would submit, to allow them to leave the city with all the honours of
+war. The generous terms were accepted, though with great reluctance, and
+the brave men returned home in their own vessel, and with all their
+possessions.[634] Dr. Paspates[635] suggests that the tower connected
+with this incident was the tower bearing the inscription in honour of
+Leo and Alexander.
+
+The tower at the foot of the landing below Narli Kapoussi was repaired,
+according to the inscription upon it, by Manuel Comnenus.
+
+[Illustration: “Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King,
+Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”]
+
+According to Cinnamus,[636] the Emperor Manuel Comnenus repaired the
+city walls, wherever necessary.[637]
+
+Upon the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261 the condition of the
+seaward walls became a matter of graver importance than it had been at
+any previous period in the history of the city. For, until the rise of
+the Ottoman power, the enemies whom Constantinople had then most reason
+to fear were the maritime States of Western Europe, with their
+formidable fleets.
+
+The loss of the city by the Latins put a new strain upon the relations
+between the East and the West. It provoked more intense political
+antagonism, keener commercial rivalries, and a fanatical religious
+hatred, which all the attempts to unite the Churches of divided
+Christendom only fanned into fiercer flames. Nor was the situation
+improved when Michael Palæologus established the Genoese at Galata. A
+hostile power was then planted at the very gates of the capital; a
+foreign fleet commanded the Golden Horn; occasions for misunderstandings
+were multiplied; and selfish intriguers were at hand to foment the
+domestic quarrels of the Empire, and involve it in disputes with the
+rivals of Genoa. “The Roman Empire,” as Gibbon observes, “might soon
+have sunk into a province of Genoa, if the Republic had not been checked
+by the ruin of her freedom and naval power.”
+
+The earliest concern of Michael Palæologus, therefore, after the
+recovery of the city, was to put the fortifications in a condition to
+repel the expected attempt of the Latins to regain the place.[638]
+Having no time to lose, and as lime and stone were difficult to procure,
+the emperor was satisfied, at first, with heightening the walls,
+especially those near the sea, by the erection upon the summit, of great
+wooden screens, covered with hide to render them fire-proof. In this way
+he raised the walls some seven feet.[639]
+
+But later in his reign he conceived the ambitious idea of making the
+walls along the shores of the city, like the land walls, a double line
+of bulwarks.[640] The new fortifications, however, cannot have been a
+piece of solid work, for no traces of them have survived.[641]
+
+[Illustration: Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.[642]]
+
+Repairs were again executed upon the seaward walls when Andronicus II.
+undertook the general restoration of the fortifications of the
+city.[643] Until recently a slab bearing the monogram and coat-of-arms
+of that emperor, a lion rampant, crowned and holding an upright sword,
+was to be seen on a tower of the wall surrounding the ancient harbour at
+Koum Kapoussi.
+
+So far, at least, as the wall beside the Sea of Marmora was concerned,
+the work of Andronicus II. was soon injured. For on the very eve of his
+death, on the 12th of February, 1332, a furious storm from the south
+burst upon the fortifications beside that sea. The waves leaped over the
+battlements, opened breaches in the wall, forced the gates, and rushed
+in like a hostile army to devastate every quarter they could
+overwhelm.[644]
+
+Although the fact is not recorded, the damage done on that occasion must
+have been repaired by Andronicus III.
+
+Occasion for attending to the state of the seaward fortifications,
+especially along the Golden Horn, was again given, in the course of the
+conflicts between Cantacuzene and the Genoese of Galata.
+
+In 1348 the latter made a violent assault upon the northern side of the
+city, and, although failing to carry the walls, did much harm to the
+shipping, timber-stores, and houses near the water.[645]
+
+Matters assumed a more serious aspect in 1351. A powerful fleet then
+sailed from Genoa, under the command of Doria, to attack Constantinople
+in support of certain claims put forth by the colony at Galata, and on
+its way up the Sea of Marmora, captured the fortified town of Heraclea.
+The event caused the greatest consternation in the capital, and, in view
+of the enemy’s approach, Cantacuzene promptly set the seaward walls in
+order, repairing them where ruined, raising their height, and ordering
+all houses before them to be removed.[646] He also carried the towers
+higher, by erecting, in the manner usual on such occasions,
+constructions of timber on their summits. And not satisfied with these
+precautions, he even excavated a deep moat in front of the Harbour
+Walls, all the way from the Gate Xylinè, at Aivan Serai, to the Gate of
+Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), near the Seraglio Point.
+
+[Illustration: Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi,
+Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of
+Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.[647]]
+
+A trace of these repairs is found in a slab on the tower immediately to
+the east of the gate Djubali Kapoussi,[648] bearing a lion rampant, and
+the name of Manuel Phakrasè Catacuzene (MANOΥΗA ΦAKRACΗ TOU
+KATAKOΥSΗNOΥ), who was Proto-strator under Cantacuzene, and
+distinguished himself by his conduct in the defence of Selivria, in
+1341, and in the siege of Galata, ten years later.[649]
+
+In 1434 the Harbour Walls called for some slight repair, in consequence
+of another Genoese attack upon them. An expedition which had been sent
+from Genoa to take the town of Kaffa, having failed in that object,
+returned to the Bosporus, and sought to compensate for defeat in the
+Crimea by nothing less than the capture of Constantinople itself. The
+bold attempt made with ships carrying 8000 troops, was repulsed, and the
+baffled fleet returned to Italy. But the Genoese of Galata determined to
+continue the struggle; and in the bombardment of the walls with cannon,
+destroyed several warehouses in the city, and a tower beside the Gate
+Basilikè. This attack, likewise, ended in failure, and the colony was
+compelled to pay an indemnity of a thousand pieces of gold, to make good
+the damage caused by the bombardment.[650]
+
+Two inscriptions, preserved by Dr. A. D. Mordtmann[651] in his work on
+the last siege of the city,[652] are noteworthy as records of repairs
+made on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, when
+Constantinople trembled before the Ottoman power. They are also
+interesting on account of the personages whom they commemorate as
+restorers of the walls.
+
+One stood, somewhere, on the wall between Ahour Kapoussi and Tchatlady
+Kapou, and read:
+
+                                ΛΟΥΚ
+                                ΝΟΤΑΡΑΣ
+                                ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΟΥ
+
+    “Of Luke Notaras, the Interpreter.”
+
+This was Lucas Notaras, who subsequently became Grand Duke, and was the
+most prominent citizen of Constantinople in the catastrophe of 1453.
+When he executed these repairs he held the office of interpreter, or
+dragoman, under the Emperor John VII. Palæologus, in carrying on
+negotiations with Sultan Murad.[653] The office had, naturally, come
+into existence owing to the frequent diplomatic intercourse between the
+Byzantine Government and foreigners, and was of great importance and
+distinction. In the reign of Manuel Palæeologus it had been held by
+Nicholas Notaras, the father of Lucas Notaras.[654]
+
+The second inscription stood on a tower between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni
+Kapou. It commemorated repairs executed in 1448 at the expense of the
+celebrated George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia.
+
+                               † ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣ
+                               ΘΗΝ ΟΥΤΟΣ
+                               Ο ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΚΑΙ
+                               ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ Υ
+                               ΠΟ ΓΕΩΡΓΙ
+                               ΟΥ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ
+                               ΣΕΡΒΙΑΣ ... +
+                               ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ ϚϠ ΥϚ
+
+    “This tower and curtain-wall were restored by George, Despot of
+    Servia; in the year 6956 (1448).”
+
+It will be remembered that some of the funds furnished by the Servian
+king were employed in repairs on the land walls.[655]
+
+Footnote 618:
+
+  _La Conquête de Constantinople_, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui
+  conseillièrent qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où
+  elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les Vénitiens, qui connaissaient
+  mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de l’eau les
+  emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs
+  vaisseaux.” Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 619:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.
+
+Footnote 620:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.
+
+Footnote 621:
+
+  Leo Gram., p. 241.
+
+Footnote 622:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 623:
+
+  See below, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 624:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 21. The
+  inscription was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on
+  the Porta Rhousiou. See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 625:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 626:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 627:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 628:
+
+  Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 629:
+
+  Manasses, 4824-4829.
+
+Footnote 630:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 248.
+
+Footnote 631:
+
+  Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.
+
+Footnote 632:
+
+  Von Hammer, _Constantinopolis und Bosporos_, vol. i. appendix, numbers
+  23, 24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, _Voyage du
+  Levant_, lettre xi. p. 180.
+
+Footnote 633:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885; _Archæological Supplement_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 634:
+
+  Cf. _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol.
+  xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, p. 32. The following reading
+  of the inscription has been suggested:
+
+                    Πολλῶν κραταιῶς δεσποσάντων τοῦ σάλου
+                    Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδενὸς πρὸς ὕψος [εἴκοσιν ποδῶν]
+                    Τὸ βληθὲν εἰς γῆν τεῖχος ἐξηγερκότος
+
+  For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann,
+  p. 53.
+
+Footnote 635:
+
+  Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.
+
+Footnote 636:
+
+  Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not
+  clear. Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting
+  of more than one tower (p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p.
+  288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the plural number to be understood literally
+  or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated by Phrantzes with Leo and
+  Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the historian
+  refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the
+  former alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the
+  matter, and the name of Basil I. must have dropped out of the
+  inscription of Leo and Alexander when the tower, as the reversed
+  position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and repaired.
+  If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of
+  Basil, had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower
+  was defended by the Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p.
+  254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan ship as defending the
+  fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see below,
+  pp. 221, 222), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or
+  towers he had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p.
+  238) from Crete were present at the siege, Cretans could be found
+  taking part in the defence at different points. The tower of Leo and
+  Alexander has disappeared.
+
+Footnote 637:
+
+  Page 274.
+
+Footnote 638:
+
+  Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside
+  the Sea of Marmora, may be cited here.
+
+  The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and
+  reads:
+
+                       ΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΦΗΛΩΧΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΝ
+                       ΕΤΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ ΤΕΣΣΑΡΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΥ
+
+  The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:
+
+                    ΜΒΑΙΩΝΝΘΟΜ ΤΕΙΧ ΗΝΕΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΦΥΛΑΤΕΙ
+
+Footnote 639:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
+
+Footnote 640:
+
+  Three pikes.
+
+Footnote 641:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; _Metrical
+  Chronicle_, pp. 657-661.
+
+Footnote 642:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio
+  enclosure to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the
+  opinion that the Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the
+  Turkish Conquest, and formed, after 1261, part of the domain attached
+  to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the statement of
+  Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood
+  within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates
+  identified with the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point;
+  hence his conclusion that the territory about that point was included
+  in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But Dr. Paspates must have
+  forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, which
+  formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point,
+  but near the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace,
+  buildings placed by Dr. Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short
+  distance to the east of the Hippodrome, and to the west of the
+  Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, Βυζαντινὰ
+  Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr.
+  Metcalfe.
+
+Footnote 643:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 644:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication
+  of his _History_ to Andronicus II.
+
+Footnote 645:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.
+
+Footnote 646:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.
+
+Footnote 647:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 648:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+  The bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 649:
+
+  See below, p. 209.
+
+Footnote 650:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See _Proceedings of Greek
+  Literary Syllogos of Consple._, 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, pp.
+  37, 38.
+
+Footnote 651:
+
+  Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.
+
+Footnote 652:
+
+  The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city
+  has been so often cited.
+
+Footnote 653:
+
+  _Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre_
+  1453, note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., _Cottascher Verlag_.
+
+Footnote 654:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 655:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième
+  Siècle_, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to
+  the Varangian Guard. Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who
+  assisted Isaac Angelus in the negotiations with the envoys of the
+  Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, et entra en une
+  chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier, et
+  son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).
+
+Footnote 656:
+
+  See above, p. 107.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIV.
+                    THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN.
+
+
+The Harbour Fortifications guarded the northern side of the city, from
+the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the terminus of the land walls at
+Blachernæ, and, excepting a small portion, consisted of a single wall,
+flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by a hundred and ten towers.[656]
+
+To accommodate the commerce and traffic of the city, the wall was built,
+for the most part, at a short distance from the water; but the strip of
+ground thus left without the fortifications was even narrower in ancient
+times than it is at present, much of the land outside the wall having
+been made by recent deposits of earth and rubbish. This explains how the
+Venetian fleet, in 1203 and 1204, was able to approach so near the
+ramparts that troops standing on the flying bridges attached to the
+ships’ yards came to close quarters with the defenders on the walls.
+Indeed, in one case, at least, such a bridge spanned the distance
+between ship and tower, and permitted the assailants to cross over and
+seize the latter.[657] At the actual distance, however, of the wall from
+the water, such a feat would be impossible, except in the vicinity of
+the Seraglio Point, which was not the quarter attacked by the Venetians.
+
+
+                                 Gates.
+
+
+At a short distance to the east of the Xylo Porta a breach in the wall
+marks the site of a gateway named by the Turks Kutchuk Aivan Serai
+Kapoussi—“the Small Gate of Aivan Serai.”[658] It stands at the head of
+a short street leading southwards to the site of the famous Church of
+the Theotokos of Blachernaæ, while to the north is the landing of Aivan
+Serai Iskelessi, which accommodates this quarter of the city. Here,
+probably, was the Porta Kiliomenè (Κοιλιωμένη Πόρτα),[659] at which the
+emperors—as late, at least, as the beginning of the thirteenth
+century—landed and were received by the Senate, when proceeding by water
+to visit the Church or the Palace of Blachernæ. Nowhere else could one
+disembark so near that sanctuary and that palace.
+
+The landing-stage before the gate must, therefore, have been the
+Imperial Pier (Ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως) mentioned by Nicetas Choniates.
+Some authorities, it is true, place that landing at Balat Kapoussi. But
+it could not have been there when Nicetas Choniates wrote; for that
+historian[660] refers to the Apobathra of the Emperor to indicate the
+position of the Wall of Leo, which was attacked by the Latins in 1203.
+Now, points which could thus serve to identify each other must have been
+in close proximity. But Balat Kapoussi and the Wall of Leo are too far
+apart for the former to indicate the site of the latter. On the other
+hand, the Wall of Leo and Aivan Serai Iskelessi are very near each
+other.
+
+Over the northern entrance to the lower chamber in the tower west of the
+gateway were found, until recently, two blocks of stone, upon which the
+name of St. Pantoleon was rudely carved between the figures of two
+peacocks, or phœnixes, symbols of the immortality that rose from the
+fires of martyrdom. Possibly, the chamber was a chapel in which persons
+entering or leaving the city could perform their devotions. According to
+Stephen of Novgorod, the relics of St. Pantoleon reposed in the
+adjoining Church of the Theotokos of Blachernæ.[661]
+
+In the street to the rear of the tower is the small Mosque Toklou Dedè
+Mesdjidi, formerly, it is supposed, the Church of St. Thekla,[662] in
+the quarter of Blachernæ.
+
+On the east side of the street leading from the Porta Kiliomenè to the
+Church of Blachernæ remains are found of a large two-storied Byzantine
+edifice, with three aisles. Its original destination cannot be
+determined with any degree of certainty. By some authorities[663] the
+building is supposed to have been the Porticus Cariana (Καριανὸν
+Ἔμβολον), which the Emperor Maurice erected, and upon the walls of which
+scenes in his life, from his childhood until his accession to the
+throne, were pourtrayed.[664]
+
+The Bay of Aivan Serai was called the Bay of Blachernæ (ὁ πρὸς Βλαχέρνας
+κόλπος), and had a dockyard known as the Neorion at Blachernæ (τὸ ἐν
+Βλαχέρναις νεώριον).[665]
+
+Proceeding eastwards, a few paces bring us to a breach in the wall
+leading to the Mosque Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, supposed to be the
+Byzantine Church of SS. Peter and Mark, which was erected in 458 by two
+patricians, Galbius and Candidus, upon the shore of the Golden Horn, in
+the quarter of Blachernæ. The sanctuary claimed the honour of having
+enshrined “the Girdle of the Blessed Virgin,” before that relic was
+placed in the church specially dedicated to the Theotokos in this part
+of the city.[666] In the street to the west of the mosque lies the
+marble baptismal font of the church, cruciform, and having three steps
+within it leading to the bottom.
+
+In a chrysoboullon of John Palæologus dated 1342, mention is made of the
+Gate of St. Anastasia (Πύλη τῆς ἁγίας Ἀναστασίας) in this part of the
+city.[667] The Russian pilgrim, who visited Constantinople in the
+fifteenth century (1424-1453), speaks of a chapel containing the relics
+of St. Anastasia near the Church of Blachernæ.[668]
+
+Considerable interest is attached to the Church of St. Demetrius,
+situated within the walls a few paces to the east of Atik Mustapha Pasha
+Djamissi; for although the present edifice dates only from the beginning
+of the eighteenth century, the original building was a Byzantine
+foundation, adorned with mosaics and surmounted by a dome. Its full
+style was the Church of St. Demetrius of Kanabus (τοῦ Καναβοῦ), and may,
+as the Patriarch Constantius suggests,[669] have been erected by a
+member of the family of the Nicholas Kanabus who became emperor for a
+few days, in the interval between the overthrow of the Angeli and the
+usurpation of Murtzuphlus, during the troublous times of the Fourth
+Crusade.[670] In 1334, the church was the property of George
+Pepagomenos, a relative of Andronicus III.[671] After the Turkish
+Conquest the church became, from 1597 to 1601, the cathedral of the
+Greek Patriarch, when he was deprived of the use of the Church of the
+Pammakaristos (Fethiyeh Djamissi).[672]
+
+Soon after leaving the Church of St. Demetrius, and before reaching the
+gate now styled Balat Kapoussi, the city wall was pierced by three large
+archways, 45 to 55 paces apart, and alternating with three towers. Balat
+Kapoussi being only 55 paces beyond the easternmost archway, here stood
+four entrances into the city, in most unusual proximity to one another.
+The first, or westernmost archway was, at one time, adorned with a
+bas-relief on either side. Tafferner, chaplain to Count Walter of
+Leslie, ambassador from the German Emperor Leopold I. to the Ottoman
+Court in the seventeenth century, describes the archway as follows: “In
+decensu clivi defluentis in Euxini brachium, porta perampla et obstructa
+muro conspicitur. Fama fert limitum hunc fuisse aulæ magni Constantini.
+Ad dextrum portæ latus adstat Angelus a candido et eleganti marmore
+effigiatus, statura celsior, ac virilem præ se ferens, et inserto muro.
+Ad lævam, Deipara visitur, proportione priore consimilis, atque ab
+Angelo consulatuta.”[673]
+
+[Illustration: Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).]
+
+Only the bas-relief which stood on the eastern side of the archway has
+survived to our time.[674] It represents a winged female figure, attired
+in a flowing robe, and holding in her left hand a palm leaf—beyond all
+controversy a Nikè, not, as Tafferner imagined, the Angel of the
+Annunciation, nor, as the Patriarch Constantius supposed, the Archangel
+Michael.[675]
+
+Regarding the precise object of these four entrances, and the names to
+be attached to them, a serious difference of opinion prevails. Most
+authorities maintain that the archway adorned with the bas-relief was
+the Gate of the Kynegos, of the Hunter (τοῦ Κυνηγοῦ, τῶν Κυνηγῶν), so
+frequently mentioned in the later days of the Empire; and that Balat
+Kapoussi was the Pylè Basilikè (Πύλη Βασιλικὴ) referred to by writers of
+the same period. On the other hand, Gyllius identified Balat Kapoussi
+with the Gate of the Kynegos, and regarded the three archways above
+mentioned as entrances to a small artificial port within the line of the
+fortifications. His reason for the latter opinion was the existence of a
+great depression in the ground to the rear of the archways, which was
+occupied, in his day, by market-gardens, but which seemed to him the
+basin of an old harbour: “Ultra Portam Palatinam”—to give his own
+words—“progressus circiter centum viginti passus, animadverti tres
+magnus arcus, astructos urbis muro, et substructos, per quos olim
+Imperatores subducebant triremes in portum opere factum, nunc exiccatus
+et conversus in hortos concavos, præ se gerentes speciem portus
+obruti.”[676]
+
+As appears from the passage just quoted, Gyllius styled Balat Kapoussi
+not only the Gate of the Hunter, but also the Porta Palatina. Whether in
+doing so he meant to identify the Gate of the Kynegos with the Basilikè
+Pylè, or simply gave the Latin rendering of the name by which Balat
+Kapoussi was popularly known when he visited the city, is not perfectly
+clear. The latter supposition is, however, more in harmony with that
+author’s usage in the case of other gates.
+
+Stephen Gerlach and Leunclavius agree with Gyllius in regarding Balat
+Kapoussi as the Gate of the Kynegos, but place the Basilikè Pylè near
+the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, Gerlach[677] identifying it
+with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, Leunclavius[678] with Bagtchè Kapoussi.
+Neither Gerlach nor Leunclavius refers to the three arches on the west
+of Balat Kapoussi. The latter, however, speaks of the hollow ground to
+their rear, describing it in the following terms: “Locus depressus et
+concavus, ubi Patriarchion erat meæ peregrinationis tempore,” and
+supposed it to have been the arena of a theatre for the exhibition of
+wild animals. From that theatre, he thought, the Gate of the Kynegos
+obtained its name.
+
+The question to which gates the names Gate of the Kynegos and Basilikè
+Pylè respectively belonged is the most difficult problem connected with
+the history of the harbour fortifications. To discuss it satisfactorily
+at this stage of our inquiries is, however, impossible; for the opinion
+that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat Kapoussi, but near the eastern
+extremity of the Harbour Walls, is a point which can be determined only
+after all the facts relative to the gates near that end of the
+fortifications are before us. The full discussion of the subject must
+therefore be deferred,[679] and, meantime, little more can be done than
+to state the conclusions which appear to have most evidence in their
+favour.
+
+There can be no doubt, in the first place, that the Gate of the Kynegos
+was in this vicinity, and was either Balat Kapoussi or the archway
+adorned with the bas-relief. This is established by all the indications
+in regard to the situation of the entrance. The Gate of the Kynegos
+stood, according to Phrantzes,[680] between the Xylo Porta and the
+Petrion; according to Pusculus,[681] between the Xylo Porta and the
+Porta Phani (Fener Kapoussi), and not far from the former. It was in the
+neighbourhood of the emperor’s palace,[682] and the point at which
+persons approaching that palace from the Golden Horn disembarked and
+took horses to reach the Imperial residence.[683] Both Balat Kapoussi
+and the adjoining archways answer to this description, and they are the
+only entrances which can pretend to be city gates in the portion of the
+walls between the Xylo Porta and the Gate of the Phanar. Therefore, one
+or other of them was the Gate of the Kynegos.
+
+It is a corroboration of this conclusion to find that the district named
+after the Gate of the Kynegos occupied the level tract beside the Golden
+Horn within and without the line of the walls in the vicinity of these
+entrances. The Church of St. Demetrius, for instance, which stood a
+short distance to the west of Balat Kapoussi and the adjoining archways,
+is described as near a gate in the quarter of the Kynegon.[684] The
+bridge which the Turks threw out into the harbour from Haskeui, to carry
+a battery with which to bombard this part of the fortifications, was in
+front of the Kynegon.[685] Nicholas Barbaro[686] applies the name even
+to the territory near the Xylo Porta; for, according to him, the land
+walls extended from the Golden Gate to the Kynegon: “Le mure de tera,
+che jera mia sie, che sun de la Cresca per fina al Chinigo.” With this
+agrees also the statement of the same author that the Kynegon was the
+point where Diedo and Gabriel of Treviso landed the crews of their
+galleys, to excavate the moat which the emperor asked to be constructed
+before the land walls protecting his palace.[687] The quarter of the
+Kynegon thus comprised the modern quarters of Balata and Aivan Serai.
+
+In the second place, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the archway with
+the Nikè, to which the name Gate of the Kynegos is commonly ascribed,
+was, after all, a city gate in the ordinary sense of the term. It does
+not stand alone, but is one of three archways which pierce,
+respectively, the curtain-walls between three towers. And these three
+openings were in close proximity to a gate (Balat Kapoussi), amply
+sufficient for the requirements of public traffic in this quarter of the
+capital. Such facts do not accord with the idea that any one of these
+archways was a gateway. Furthermore, when their real destination could
+be more accurately ascertained than at present, Gyllius found that they
+formed the entrances to an artificial harbour within the line of the
+fortifications. This explanation of their presence in the wall is
+perfectly satisfactory, and any other is superfluous. But if Balat
+Kapoussi was the only gate in this vicinity, it must have been the Gate
+of the Kynegos, which certainly stood in this part of the city.
+
+There is nothing strange in the existence of a harbour within the line
+of the fortifications in the quarter of the Kynegon. It is what might be
+expected when we remember how closely the quarter was connected with the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus and the Palace of Blachernæ, and how
+necessary such a harbour was for the accommodation and protection of the
+boats and galleys at the service of the Court. That the harbour behind
+the three archways near Balat Kapoussi was the Neorion of Blachernæ is
+unlikely; the most probable situation of that Neorion being at Aivan
+Serai Iskelessi. But it may very well have been the harbour on the shore
+of the Kynegon at which, during the period of the Palæologi, the emperor
+and visitors to the palaces in the vicinity embarked or disembarked in
+moving to and fro by water. The landing at which the Spanish ambassadors
+to the Byzantine Court were received is described as near the Gate of
+the Kynegos: “Près de la porte de Quinigo.”[688] The galleys sent by the
+Council of Basle to convey John VII. Palæologus to the West, and which
+reached Constantinople fifteen days after the arrival of four Papal
+galleys on a similar errand, were detained for one day at Psamathia,
+until the rival parties had been prevailed upon to keep the peace, and
+then came and moored at the Kynegon (εἰς τὸν Κυνηγὸν). There the emperor
+embarked for Italy, under the escort of the Papal galleys; there the
+galley having on board the patriarch, who was to accompany the emperor,
+joined the Imperial squadron; and there the emperor disembarked upon his
+return from the Councils of Ferrara and Florence.[689] During the siege
+of 1453 a fire-ship, with forty young men on board, proceeded from the
+Gate of the Kynegos to burn the Turkish vessels which had been conveyed
+over the hills into the Golden Horn.[690] All this implies the existence
+of a port somewhere on the shore of the quarter of the Kynegon.
+
+In the third place, all discussion in regard to the proper application
+of the names Basilikè Pylè, and Gate of the Kynegos must proceed upon
+the indisputable fact that the epithet “Imperial,” belonged to an
+entrance at the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls. In proof of
+this, it is enough to cite, meantime, the statement of Phrantzes[691]
+that Gabriel of Treviso was entrusted with the defence of a tower which
+guarded the entrance of the Golden Horn, and which stood opposite the
+Basilikè Pylè. Unless, therefore, it can be shown that there was more
+than one Basilikè Pylè in the fortifications beside the Golden Horn, the
+claim of Balat Kapoussi to the Imperial epithet falls to the ground. If
+the existence of two Imperial gates in the Harbour Walls can be
+established, then Balat Kapoussi has the best right to be regarded as
+the second entrance bearing that designation. In that case, however, the
+conclusion most in harmony with the facts involved in the matter is that
+the second Basilikè Pylè was only the Gate of the Kynegos under another
+name.[692]
+
+Why, precisely, the entrance was styled the Gate of the Hunter is a
+matter of conjecture. Some explain the name as derived from a Kynegion,
+or theatre for the exhibition of wild animals,[693] such as existed on
+the side of the city facing Scutari; and in favour of this opinion is
+the term “Kynegesion” (τοῦ Κυνηγεσίου), employed by Phrantzes[694] to
+designate the quarter adjoining the entrance. But the ordinary style of
+the name lends more countenance to the view that the gate was in some
+way connected with the huntsmen attached to the Byzantine Court, hunting
+being always a favourite pastime of the emperors of Constantinople.
+Their head huntsman (ὁ πρωτοκυνηγὸς) was an official of some importance.
+Besides directing his subordinates, it was his prerogative to hold the
+stirrup when the emperor mounted horse, and the Imperial hunting-suit
+was his perquisite, if stained with blood in the course of the
+chase.[695]
+
+A gate, known as the Gate of St. John the Forerunner and Baptist (Πόρτα
+τοῦ ἁγίου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ), was also situated in the quarter of
+the Kynegon, and near the Church of St. Demetrius.[696] That name might
+readily be given to a gate in this vicinity, either in honour of the
+great Church and Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Petra, on the
+heights above Balat Kapoussi, or in honour of the church of the same
+dedication, which, there is reason to think, stood on the site of the
+Church of St. John the Baptist, found, at present, on the shore to the
+north-east of that entrance. Whether the Gate of St. John has
+disappeared, or was the Gate of the Kynegos under another name, is a
+point upon which there may be a difference of opinion. Dr.
+Mordtmann[697] identifies it with the Gate of the Kynegos, which,
+according to him, was the archway adorned with the Nikè. It may be
+identified with the Gate of the Kynegos, even on the view that the
+latter was Balat Kapoussi. That a Church of St. John stood in the
+neighbourhood of the Gate of the Kynegos is also intimated by
+Pachymeres, who records a fire which, in 1308, burnt down the quarter
+extending from that gate to the Monastery of the Forerunner.[698]
+
+The gate next in order, as its Turkish name, Fener Kapoussi, proves, is
+the entrance which the foreign historians of the last siege style Porta
+Phani, Porta del Pharo.[699] This designation was, doubtless, the
+rendering of the Byzantine name of the gate, for the adjoining quarter,
+as appears first in a document dated 1351, went by its present name,
+Phanari (τοποθεσία τοῦ φανάρι),[700] also before the Turkish Conquest. A
+beacon light must have stood at this point of the harbour.
+
+From the Porta Phani eastwards to Petri Kapoussi, the next gate, the
+fortifications consisted of two lines of wall which enclosed a
+considerable territory, the inner wall describing a great curve on the
+steep northern front of the Fifth Hill. The enclosure was called the
+Castron of the Petrion[701] (τὸ κάστρον τῶν Πετρίων), after Petrus,
+Master of the Offices in the reign of Justinian the Great;[702] and the
+surrounding district was named the Petrion (Πετρίον, τὰ Πετρία,[703]
+“Regio Petri Patricii”).[704] It must be carefully distinguished from
+the district of Petra (Πέτρα), at Kesmè Kaya, above Balat Kapoussi.
+
+In the angle formed by the junction of the two walls, a little to the
+west of the Porta Phani, was a small gate, Diplophanarion,[705] which
+led from the Castron into the city.
+
+Petri Kapoussi, at the eastern extremity of the Castron, and in the
+outer wall, communicated with the street skirting the Golden Horn, and
+retains the ancient name of the district.[706] Dr. Mordtmann[707]
+identifies it with the Porta Sidhera (Σιδηρᾶ Πίλη), near the Convent of
+the Petrion.[708] That the Petrion was not confined to the Castron, but
+included territory on either side of the enclosure, is manifest from the
+fact that whereas the wall between the Porta Phani and the Porta Petri
+is without a single tower, mention is yet made of towers in the
+Petrion.[709]
+
+Of the churches in this quarter, St. Stephen of the Romans, St. Julianè,
+St. Elias, and St. Euphemia, the two last were the most important. The
+Church of St. Euphemia claimed to be an older foundation than
+Constantinople itself, being attributed to Castinus, Bishop of
+Byzantium, 230-237. It was restored by Basil I., and his daughters
+entered the convent attached to the church.[710] The Convent of Petrion,
+as it was called, must have been of considerable importance, for it was
+on several occasions selected as the place in which ladies of high rank,
+who had become politically inconvenient, were interned; as, for
+instance, Zoe, the dowager-empress of Leo the Wise, for conspiracy
+against Romanus Lecapenus;[711] Theodora, by her sister the Empress
+Zoe;[712] and Delassaina, the mother of the Comneni, with her daughters
+and daughters-in-law, by Nicephorus Botoniates.[713]
+
+In the assaults made by foreign fleets upon the Harbour Walls, the
+Petrion, or Phanar, occupied a conspicuous place.
+
+It was before the Petrion[714] that the Venetian galleys under Dandolo
+stood, July 17, 1203, and established the free end of their flying
+bridges upon the summit of the walls, whereby twenty-five towers were
+captured, and the city was recovered for Isaac Angelus. The Petrion was
+again prominent in the assault which the Crusaders delivered on April
+12, 1204, when Constantinople passed into their hands and became the
+seat of a Latin Empire. Here the flying bridge of the ship _Pelerine_
+lodged itself on a tower, and allowed a bold Venetian and a French
+knight, André d’Urboise, to rush across, seize the tower, and clear a
+way for their comrades to follow. Here ladders were then landed, the
+walls scaled, three gates forced, and the city thrown open to the whole
+host of the invaders.[715]
+
+In the siege of 1453, early on the morning of the 29th of May, the
+Phanar was fiercely attacked by the Turkish ships in the Golden
+Horn.[716] The attack was repulsed, and the Greeks remained masters of
+the situation, until the occupation of the city by the enemy’s land
+forces made further resistance impossible. The memory of the struggle is
+said to be preserved in the quarter by the name of the street Sandjakdar
+Youcousou (the Ascent of the Standard-bearer) and by the Turkish name
+for the Church of St. Mary Mougouliotissa, Kan Klissè (the Church of
+Blood).[717]
+
+The succeeding gate, Yeni Aya Kapou, was opened, it would seem, in
+Turkish times, being first mentioned by Evlia Tchelebi. There is,
+however, one circumstance in favour of regarding it as a small Byzantine
+entrance, enlarged after the Conquest. On the right of the gate, within
+the line of the walls, are the remains of a large Byzantine edifice,
+which could hardly have dispensed with a postern.
+
+Aya Kapou, the next entrance, as its Turkish name intimates, and the
+order of Pusculus requires, is the Porta Divæ Theodosiæ (Πύλη τῆς Ἁγίας
+Θεοδοσίας),[718] so named in honour of the adjoining Church of St.
+Theodosia (now Gul Djamissi), the first martyr in the cause of Icons,
+under Leo the Isaurian. The gate was also known by the name Porta
+Dexiocrates, after the district of Dexiocrates in which it stood.[719]
+This identification rests upon the fact that while Pachymeres[720]
+affirms that the body of St. Theodosia lay in the church dedicated to
+her memory, the _Synaxaristes_ declares that she was buried in the
+Monastery of Dexiocrates.[721] Only by the supposition that the Church
+of St. Theodosia stood in the district of Dexiocrates can these
+statements be reconciled. The church is first mentioned by Antony of
+Novgorod.[722] The festival of the saint, falling on May 29th, coincided
+with the day on which, in 1453. the city was captured by the Turks. As
+usual, a large crowd of worshippers, many of them ladies, filled the
+sacred edifice, little thinking of the tragedy which would interrupt
+their devotions, when suddenly Turkish troops burst into the church and
+carried the congregation off into slavery.[723]
+
+The next gate, Djubali Kapoussi, must be the entrance styled Porta Puteæ
+by Pusculus,[724] and Porta del Pozzo by Zorzo Dolfin;[725] for it is
+the only entrance between the Gate of St. Theodosia (Aya Kapou) and the
+Porta Platea (Oun Kapan Kapoussi), the gates between which the writers
+above mentioned place the Porta Puteæ. Although no Byzantine author has
+mentioned the Porta Puteæ by its Greek name, there can be no doubt that
+the name in vogue among foreigners was the translation, more or less
+exact, of the native style of the entrance, and that consequently the
+gate marks the point designated Ispigas (εἰς Πηγὰς) by the Chronista
+Novgorodensis, in his account of the operations of the Venetian fleet
+against the harbour fortifications on the 12th of April, 1204. The ships
+of the Crusaders, says that authority, were then drawn up before the
+walls, in a line extending from the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor
+and Ispigas, on the east, to Blachernæ, on the west: “Cum solis ortu
+steterunt, in conspectu ecclesiæ Sancti Redemptoris, quæ dicitur τοῦ
+Εὐεργέτου, et Ispigarum, Blachernis tenus.”[726]
+
+The name of the gate alluded to the suburb of Pegæ (Πηγαὶ), situated
+directly opposite, on the northern shore of the harbour, and noted for
+its numerous springs of water. Dionysius Byzantius, in his _Anaplus of
+the Golden Horn and the Bosporus_,[727] describes the locality at
+length, naming it Krenides (Κρηνίδες). on account of its flowing springs
+(πηγαίων), which gave the district the character of marshy ground. The
+suburb appears under the name Pegæ in the history of the siege of the
+city by the Avars, when the Imperial fleet formed a cordon across the
+harbour, from the Church of St. Nicholas at Blachernæ to the Church of
+St. Conon and the suburb of Pegæ, to prevent the enemy’s flotilla of
+boats in the streams at the head of the Golden Horn from descending into
+the harbour.[728]
+
+According to Antony of Novgorod, the suburb was situated to the west of
+St. Irene of Galata; it contained several churches, and was largely
+inhabited by Jews.[729] It appears again in the old Records of the
+Genoese colony of Galata in the fourteenth century, under the name
+Spiga, or De Spiga, to the west of that town.[730] Critobulus calls it
+the Cold Waters (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα), placing it on the bay into which Sultan
+Mehemet brought his ships over the hills from the Bosporus.[731]
+
+As appears from the passage of the Chronista Novgorodensis, cited above,
+near the Porta Puteæ stood the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor,
+interesting as a conspicuous landmark in the scenes associated with the
+Latin Conquest of the city.
+
+The fire which the Venetians set near the portion of the Harbour Walls
+captured in 1203, reduced to ashes the quarters extending from Blachernæ
+as far east as that monastery.[732] The monastery marked also the
+eastern extremity of the line of battle in which the ships of the
+Crusaders delivered the final attack upon the walls on April 12,
+1204;[733] while the fire which illuminated the victory of that day
+started in the neighbourhood of that religious house, and raged
+eastwards to the quarter of Drungarius.[734] During the Latin occupation
+the Venetians established a dockyard on the shore in the vicinity of the
+monastery;[735] the adjoining district, including the Church of
+Pantocrator[736] (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi) and the Church of
+Pantopoptes[737] (now Eski Imaret Mesdjidi), on the Fourth Hill, being
+their head-quarters.
+
+Footnote 657:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelagi._
+
+Footnote 658:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.
+
+Footnote 659:
+
+  Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or
+  Verandah. The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.
+
+Footnote 660:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition
+  the term is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”
+
+Footnote 661:
+
+  Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα
+  τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ...
+  près de la mer.”
+
+Footnote 662:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 663:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn.,
+  iii. p. 166.
+
+Footnote 664:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 665:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty
+  feet wide. The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles
+  fifteen feet. The dividing walls, pierced by seven arches, are five
+  feet thick.
+
+Footnote 666:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 667:
+
+  Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 116.
+
+Footnote 668:
+
+  Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.
+
+Footnote 669:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 670:
+
+  Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.
+
+Footnote 671:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.
+
+Footnote 672:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 568.
+
+Footnote 673:
+
+  Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.
+
+Footnote 674:
+
+  _Cæsarea Legatio_, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).
+
+Footnote 675:
+
+  It is now in the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 676:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 677:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 4; _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2. This
+  depression was visible as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus
+  Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known as a Tchoukour Bostan,
+  the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.
+
+Footnote 678:
+
+  _Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David
+  Ungnad_, p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this
+  Diary of his visit to Constantinople, 1573-1578.
+
+Footnote 679:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 680:
+
+  See below, pp. 230-240.
+
+Footnote 681:
+
+  Page 254.
+
+Footnote 682:
+
+  IV. p. 181.
+
+Footnote 683:
+
+  N. Barbaro, p. 789.
+
+Footnote 684:
+
+  Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient
+  (from Pera) à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’
+  où ils devaient trouver le sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de
+  monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la plus grande partie de la
+  ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople
+  et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la
+  cour, près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils
+  montèrent à cheval et partirent pour visiter une église nommée Sancta
+  Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of Blachernæ).”
+
+Footnote 685:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, i. p. 568, year 1334.
+
+Footnote 686:
+
+  Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.
+
+Footnote 687:
+
+  Page 728.
+
+Footnote 688:
+
+  Page 720.
+
+Footnote 689:
+
+  Clavijo, _Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques_, pp. 14,
+  15.
+
+Footnote 690:
+
+  See _History of the Council of Florence_, by Sgyropoulos, who attended
+  the Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a
+  Latin translation are found in _Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter
+  Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini_. The translation,
+  published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was dedicated to
+  Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that
+  work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p.
+  582.
+
+Footnote 691:
+
+  _Historia Politica_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 692:
+
+  Pages 254, 255.
+
+Footnote 693:
+
+  On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern
+  extremity of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the
+  Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of the Kynegos, for these names are
+  sometimes employed in a way which renders it perfectly evident that
+  they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, _ut supra_; Pusculus,
+  iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 694:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 695:
+
+  Page 254.
+
+Footnote 696:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis CP._, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 697:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν
+  οἰκημάτων αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου
+  καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν
+  μάρτυσι περιβοήτου, μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.
+
+  Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St.
+  John mentioned in the _Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus_, p. 203,
+  cited above on p. 197. The latter, also, was a gate near the water,
+  with a considerable territory outside the entrance, occupied by
+  numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία
+  Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is
+  confirmed by the reference in the _Chrysoboullon_ to Kanabus (τοῦ
+  Κανάβη), the eponym of the Church of St. Demetrius.
+
+Footnote 698:
+
+  Page 40.
+
+Footnote 699:
+
+  Vol. ii. p. 582.
+
+Footnote 700:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.
+
+Footnote 701:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 321.
+
+Footnote 702:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 721.
+
+Footnote 703:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.
+
+Footnote 704:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 753.
+
+Footnote 705:
+
+  Antony of Novgorod, in _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 706:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 707:
+
+  _Metrical Chronicle_, line 259.
+
+Footnote 708:
+
+  Page 41.
+
+Footnote 709:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.
+
+Footnote 710:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.
+
+Footnote 711:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 39.
+
+Footnote 712:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.
+
+Footnote 713:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 537.
+
+Footnote 714:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.
+
+Footnote 715:
+
+  Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 716:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.
+
+Footnote 717:
+
+  N. Barbaro, p. 818.
+
+Footnote 718:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, pp. 85, 86. The
+  church was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of
+  Michael Palæologus, upon her return to Constantinople, after the death
+  of her husband, the Khan of the Mongols. It has remained in the
+  possession of the Greek community, in virtue of a firman of Mehemet
+  the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, the
+  architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (_Acta
+  Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).
+
+Footnote 719:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.
+
+Footnote 720:
+
+  Codinus, _De S. Sophia_, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.
+
+Footnote 721:
+
+  Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.
+
+Footnote 722:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, May 29.
+
+Footnote 723:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 724:
+
+  Ducas, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 725:
+
+  IV. 191.
+
+Footnote 726:
+
+  S. 55.
+
+Footnote 727:
+
+  _Chroniques Græco-Romaines_, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that
+  this point is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael Palæologus
+  with the Venetians in 1265, when that emperor allowed the Venetians to
+  occupy any point from the old Arsenal to Pegæ (ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς
+  ἐξαρτύσις μέχρι καὶ τῶν Πηγῶν). The passage is ambiguous, for there
+  was an old arsenal and a suburb Pegæ on the northern side of the
+  Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.
+
+Footnote 728:
+
+  Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 729:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720, 721.
+
+Footnote 730:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches
+  was the Church of St. Conon (_Paschal Chron._, p. 721), memorable in
+  the Sedition of the Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two
+  of the seven rioters condemned to death from the hands of the clumsy
+  executioner, and carried them across the Golden Horn in a boat to the
+  Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas, p. 473).
+
+Footnote 731:
+
+  Desimoni, _Giornale Ligustico_, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.
+
+Footnote 732:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.
+
+Footnote 733:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.
+
+Footnote 734:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 754; _Chroniques Græco-Romaines_, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 735:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.
+
+Footnote 736:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. p. 284.
+
+Footnote 737:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 46, 348.
+
+Footnote 738:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery
+  of Christ the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as
+  Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi, to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates,
+  pp. 384, 385). But the prominence of the monastery suggests a position
+  nearer the shore. For incidents connected with it, see Pachymeres,
+  vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the monastery
+  (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern
+  limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the
+  Monastery of St. Giorgio Majore, at Venice (_Tafel und Thomas_, ii.
+  pp. 47-49).
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XV.
+              THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—_continued_.
+
+
+The next gate on the list of Pusculus and Dolfin is the Porta Platea, or
+Porta ala Piazza,[738] evidently the Porta of the Platea (Πόρτα τῆς
+Πλατέας) mentioned by Ducas.[739] The entrance, judging by its name, was
+situated beside a wide tract of level ground, and is, consequently,
+represented by Oun Kapan Kapoussi, which stands on the plain near the
+Inner Bridge, at the head of the important street running across the
+city from sea to sea, through the valley between the Fourth and Fifth
+Hills. The district beside the gate was known as the Plateia
+(Πλατεῖα),[740] and contained the churches dedicated respectively to St.
+Laurentius and the Prophet Isaiah.[741] The blockade of the Harbour
+Walls in 1453 by the Turkish ships in the Golden Horn extended from the
+Xylo Porta to the Gate of the Platea.[742] If the legend on
+Bondelmontius’ map may be trusted, this gate bore also the name Mesè,
+the Central Gate, a suitable designation for an entrance at the middle
+point in the line of the harbour fortifications.
+
+The succeeding gate, Ayasma Kapoussi, was opened, it would seem, after
+the Turkish Conquest. It is not mentioned by Gyllius, or Leunclavius, or
+Gerlach. The conjecture that it represents a gate in the Wall of
+Constantine, styled Porta Basilikè, situated near the Church of St.
+Acacius ad Caream (τὸν ἅγιον Ἀκάκιον, τὴν Καρυὰν, ἐν τῇ Βασιλικῇ
+Πόρτα)[743] does not appear very probable. The Church of St. Acacius,
+situated in the Tenth Region,[744] was the sanctuary to which
+Macedonius, the bishop of the city, removed the sarcophagus of
+Constantine the Great, from the Church of the Holy Apostles on the
+summit of the Fourth Hill, when the latter edifice threatened to fall
+and crush the Imperial tomb.[745] The bishop’s action encountered the
+violent opposition of a large class of the citizens, and led to a riot
+in which much blood was shed. Under these circumstances, it is difficult
+to believe that the sarcophagus of Constantine was transported from its
+original resting-place to a point so distant as the neighbourhood of
+Ayasma Kapoussi, especially when the removal was a temporary
+arrangement, made until the repairs on the Church of the Holy Apostles
+should be completed. It is more probable that St. Acacius was near the
+Church of the Holy Apostles. Furthermore, we cannot be sure that the
+Porta Basilikè was a gate in the Wall of Constantine. The Church of St.
+Acacius stood near a palace erected by that emperor (πλησίον τῶν
+οἰκημάτων τοῦ μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου):[746] or, as described elsewhere,
+was a small chapel (οἰκίσκον εὐκτήριον) near a palace named Karya,
+because close to a walnut-tree on which the saint was supposed to have
+suffered martyrdom by hanging.[747] The Porta Basilikè may have been a
+gate leading into the court of that palace.
+
+The three succeeding gates, Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, Zindan Kapoussi,
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, bore respectively the names Gate of the
+Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων); Gate of the Forerunner (Porta juxta parvum
+templum Precursoris, known also as St. Johannes de Cornibus); Gate of
+the Perama or Ferry (τοῦ Περάματος). They can be identified, perhaps,
+most readily and clearly by the following line of argument:—
+
+The three Byzantine gates just named were situated in the quarter
+assigned to the Venetians in Constantinople by successive Imperial
+grants from the time of Alexius Comnenus to the close of the Empire. The
+Gate of the Drungarii marked the western extremity of the quarter;[748]
+the Gate of the Perama, its eastern extremity;[749] while the gate
+beside the Church of the Forerunner was between the two points. Where
+the Gate of the Perama stood admits of no doubt. All students of the
+topography of the city are agreed in the opinion that the entrance so
+named was at Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi. Consequently, the two other gates
+in the Venetian quarter lay to the west of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, in
+the portion of the fortifications between that entrance and the Gate of
+the Platea, all gates further west being out of the question. But as the
+only two gates in that portion of the walls are Zindan Kapoussi and Oun
+Kapan Kapoussi, they must represent, respectively, the Gate of the
+Forerunner and the Gate of the Drungarii.
+
+The Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων) derived its name from the
+term “Drungarius,” a title given to various officials in the Byzantine
+service;[750] as, for example, to the admiral of the fleet (μέγας
+δρουγγάριος τοῦ θεοσώστου στόλου), and to the head of the city police,
+the Drungarius Vigiliæ. (ὁ τῆς Βίγλας δρουγγάριος). In this particular
+case the reference was to the latter officer, for in the neighbourhood
+of the gate stood an important Vigla, or police-station, which is
+sometimes mentioned instead of the Gate of the Drungarii, as the western
+limit of the Venetian quarter.[751]
+
+The street running eastwards, outside the city wall, was known as the
+Via Drungariou (De Longario),[752] and the pier in front of the next
+gate bore the name Scala de Drongario.[753]
+
+The practice of storing timber on the shore without the gate has come
+down from an early period in the history of the city. One of the
+questions put to Justinian the Great by the Greens, during the
+altercation between him and the Factions in the Hippodrome, on the eve
+of the Nika riot was, “Who murdered the timber-merchant at the
+Zeugma?”[754]—another name for this part of the shore. An inscription on
+the gate reminded the passing crowd that to remember death is profitable
+to life (Μνῆμη θανάτου χρησιμεύει τῷ βίῳ).[755]
+
+It is in favour of the identification of Zindan Kapoussi with the Gate
+near the Church of St. John (Porta juxta parvum templum Precursoris) to
+find only a few yards within the entrance a Holy Well, venerated alike
+by Christian and Moslem, beside which stood, until recently, the ruins
+of a Byzantine chapel answering to the small Church of the Forerunner
+mentioned in the Venetian charters.[756]
+
+Leunclavius found the gate called in his day Porta Caravion, because of
+the large number of ships which were moored in front of it.[757] The
+landing before the gate, the old Scala de Drongario, now Yemish
+Iskelessi, in front of the Dried Fruit-Market, is one of the most
+important piers on the Golden Horn.
+
+Dr. Paspates[758] and M. Heyd[759] identify this entrance with the Gate
+of the Drungarii. But this opinion is inconsistent with the fact that
+whereas the gate near St. John’s stood between the Gate of the Drungarii
+and the Gate of the Perama, no entrance which can be identified with the
+gate near St. John’s intervenes between Zindan Kapoussi and Balouk
+Bazaar Kapoussi (Gate of the Perama).
+
+M. Heyd, moreover, identifies Zindan Kapoussi with the Porta
+Hebraica,[760] mentioned in the charters granted to the Venetians in the
+thirteenth century. But, as will appear in the sequel, the Porta
+Hebraica of that period was either the Gate of the Perama itself, or an
+entrance a little to the east of it.
+
+The Gate of the Perama (τοῦ Περάματος), as its name implies, stood where
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi is found to-day, close to the principal ferry
+between the city and the suburb of Galata; communication between the
+opposite shores being maintained in ancient times by boats, for the only
+bridge across the harbour was that near the head of the Golden Horn. The
+Perama is first mentioned by Theophanes,[761] in recording the
+dedication of the Church of St. Irene at Sycæ (Galata), after the
+reconstruction of that sanctuary by Justinian the Great. Special
+importance attached to the event, as the emperor attributed his recovery
+from an attack of the terrible plague that raged in Constantinople, in
+542, to the touch of the relics of the Forty Martyrs which had been
+discovered in pulling down the old church, and which were to be
+enshrined in the new building. Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, and
+Apollinarius, Patriarch of Alexandria—who was then in the capital—were
+appointed to celebrate the service of the day; and the two prelates,
+seated in the Imperial chariot, and bearing upon their knees the sacred
+relics, drove through the city from St. Sophia to the Perama, to take
+boat for Sycæ, where Justinian awaited them. The ferry was also styled
+Trajectus Sycenus;[762] Transitus Sycarum, after the oldest name for
+Galata. It was, moreover, known as Transitus Justinianarum,[763] from
+the name Justinianopolis, given to the suburb in honour of Justinian,
+who rebuilt its walls and theatre, and conferred upon it the privileges
+of a city.[764] The pier at the city end of the ferry was known as the
+Scala Sycena.[765]
+
+It would seem that there was a spice-market[766] in the vicinity of the
+Gate of the Perama, like the one which exists to-day to the rear of
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, the latter being only the continuation of the
+former. According to Bondelmontius, the fish-market of Byzantine
+Constantinople was held before this gate, as the practice is at present;
+for upon his map he names the entrance Porta Piscaria. So fixed are the
+habits of a city.
+
+Besides bearing the name Gate of the Perama, the entrance was also
+styled the Porta Hebraica. This appears from the employment of the two
+names as equivalent terms in descriptions of the territory occupied by
+the Venetians in Constantinople. For example, according to Anna
+Comnena,[767] the quarter which her father, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus,
+conceded to the Venetians, extended from the old Hebrew pier to the
+Vigla. In the charter by which the Doge Faletri granted that district to
+the Church of San Georgio Majore of Venice, the quarter is described in
+one passage, as extending from the Vigla to the Porta Perame, as far as
+the Judeca (“ad Portam Perame, usque ad Judecam”);[768] and in a
+subsequent passage, as proceeding from the Vigla to the Judeca (“a
+comprehenso dicto sacro Viglæ usque ad Judecam”).[769] In the grants
+made to the Venetians after the Restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261,
+the extreme points of the Venetian quarter are named, respectively, the
+Gate of the Drungarii and the Gate of the Perama.[770]
+
+To this identification of the Porta Hebraica with the Gate of the Perama
+it may be objected that on the map of Bondelmontius these names are
+applied to different gates, and this, it may further be urged, accords
+with the fact that after the Turkish Conquest, also, a distinction was
+maintained between the Gate of the Perama and the gate styled Tchifout
+Kapoussi, the Hebrew Gate. But in reply to this objection it must be
+noted that the Tchifout Kapoussi of Turkish days was the gate now known
+as Bagtchè Kapoussi,[771] beside the Stamboul Custom House, while the
+“Porta Judece” on the map of Bondelmontius stands close to the Seraglio
+Point. Nothing, however, is more certain than that the Venetian
+quarter[772] did not extend so far east as Bagtchè Kapoussi, much less
+so far in that direction as the neighbourhood of the head of the
+promontory. Bagtchè Kapoussi corresponds to the Byzantine Porta Neoriou
+(the Gate of the Dockyard), which had no connection whatever with the
+quarter assigned to the Venetian merchants in the city, but was
+separated from that quarter, on the west, by the quarters which the
+traders from Amalfi and Pisa occupied, while to the east of the gate was
+the settlement of the Genoese. Consequently, the fact that in the age of
+Bondelmontius and after the Turkish Conquest the Porta Hebraica was a
+different entrance from the Gate of the Perama affords no ground for
+rejecting the evidence that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
+two names designated the same gate. It only proves that the epithet
+“Hebrew” had meantime been transferred from one gate to another.[773]
+
+At the distance of seventy-seven feet to the east of the Porta Hebraica,
+or Gate of the Perama, there stood, according to a Venetian document of
+1229, an entrance known as the Gate of St. Mark (Porta San Marci).[774]
+It probably obtained its name during the Latin occupation, after the
+patron saint of Venice, but whether it was a gate then opened for the
+first time, or an old gate under a new name, cannot be determined.
+
+Yet further east, at a point 115 pikes before reaching Bagtchè Kapoussi,
+stood an entrance styled the Gate of the Hicanatissa (Πόρτα τῆς
+Ἱκανατίσσης).[775] The adjoining quarter went by the same name, and
+there probably stood the “Residence of the Kanatissa” (τὸν οἶκον τῆς
+Κανατίσης) mentioned by Codinus.[776] The designation is best explained
+as derived from the body of palace troops known as the Hicanati.[777]
+
+Between the Gate of the Perama and that of the Hicanatissa was situated
+the quarter of the merchants from Amalfi; at the latter gate the quarter
+of the Pisans commenced.[778]
+
+The Gate of the Neorion (Πόρτα τοῦ Νεωρίου),[779] the Gate of the
+Dockyard, stood, as its name implies, beside the Dockyard on the shore
+of the bay at Bagtchè Kapoussi, close to the site now occupied by the
+Stamboul Custom House. It is first mentioned in a chrysoboullon of Isaac
+Angelus, confirming the right granted to the Pisan merchants by his
+predecessors, Alexius Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus, to reside in the
+neighbourhood of the gate.[780] While the western limit of the quarter
+thus conceded to Pisans was marked, as already intimated, by the Gate
+Hicanatissa,[781] the eastern limit of the settlement extended to a
+short distance beyond the Gate of the Neorion.
+
+The Neorion dated from the time of Byzantium, when it stood at the
+western extremity of the Harbour Walls of the city.[782] It was,
+therefore, distinguished from all other dockyards in Constantinople as
+the Ancient Neorion (τὸ Παλαιὸν Νεώριον), or the Ancient Exartesis
+(Ἐξάρτησις). Nicolo Barbaro calls it “l’arsenada de l’imperador.”
+
+Here the Imperial fleet assembled to refit or to guard the entrance of
+the harbour;[783] here, until the reign of Justin II., was the Marine
+Exchange;[784] and here was a factory of oars (coparia),[785] in
+addition to the one mentioned in the Justinian Code, which stood
+elsewhere. As might be expected, several destructive fires originated in
+the Neorion.[786]
+
+According to Gyllius,[787] Gerlach,[788] and Leunclavius,[789] this
+entrance was in their day named by the Turks, Tchifout Kapoussi, and was
+regarded by the Greeks as the Πύλη Ὡραία (the Beautiful Gate), mentioned
+by Phrantzes[790] and Ducas[791] in the history of the last siege. The
+epithet Horaia is supposed to be a corruption of the original name for
+the entrance (τοῦ Νεωρίου); the Turkish designation of the gate being
+explained by the fact that a Jewish community was settled in the
+neighbourhood of the gate.[792]
+
+As to the transformation of Neorion into Horaia, it seems somewhat
+far-fetched; still, Greeks think it conceivable.[793] If both names,
+indeed, belonged to the gate, a simpler and more probable explanation of
+the fact would be that the two names had no connection with each other,
+and that the epithet “Beautiful” was bestowed upon the entrance, towards
+the close of the Empire, in view of embellishments made in the course of
+repairs.
+
+The identification of the Gate of the Neorion with the Horaia Pylè
+involves, however, a difficulty. It makes Ducas contradict other
+historians, as regards the point to which the southern end of the chain
+across the Golden Horn was attached during the siege of 1453.
+
+According to Ducas,[794] that extremity of the chain was fastened to the
+Beautiful Gate. Critobulus,[795] on the other hand, affirms that it was
+attached to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), the gate nearest
+the head of the promontory, and his statement is supported by
+Phrantzes[796] and Chalcocondylas,[797] when they, respectively, say
+that the chain was at the harbour’s mouth, and fixed to the wall of the
+Acropolis. Now, the correctness of the position assigned to the chain by
+the three latter historians cannot be called in question. It was the
+position prescribed for the chain by all the rules of strategy. To have
+placed the chain at the Gate of the Neorion would have left a large
+portion of the northern side of the city exposed to the enemy, and
+permitted the Turkish fleet to command the Neorion and the ships
+stationed before it. Hence the accuracy of Ducas can be maintained only
+by the identification of the Beautiful Gate with the Gate of Eugenius
+instead of with the Gate of the Neorion.
+
+We are, therefore, confronted with the question whether the historian is
+mistaken as regards the gate to which the city end of the chain was
+attached, or whether the view prevalent in Constantinople in the
+sixteenth century respecting the position of the Horaia Pylè should be
+rejected as unfounded.
+
+In favour of the accuracy of Ducas, it must be admitted that his
+statements concerning the Horaia Pylè, in other passages of his work,
+convey the impression that under that name he refers to the entrance
+nearest the head of the promontory, the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi). Speaking of the arrangements made for the defence of the
+sea-board of the city, he describes them as extending, in the first
+place, from the Xylinè Porta, at the western extremity of the Harbour
+Walls, to the Horaia Pylè; and then from the Horaia Pylè to the Golden
+Gate, near the western extremity of the walls along the Sea of
+Marmora.[798] Again, when he describes the blockade of the shore of the
+city outside the chain by the Sultan’s fleet, he represents the blockade
+as commencing at the Horaia Pylè and proceeding thence past the point of
+the Acropolis, the Church of St. Demetrius, the Gate of the Hodegetria,
+the Great Palace, and the harbour (Kontoscalion), as far as Vlanga.[799]
+
+Now, the gate which would naturally form the pivot, so to speak, of
+these operations was the Gate of Eugenius. There the two shores of the
+city divide; and that was the farthest point to which the Turkish fleet
+outside the chain could advance into the Golden Horn. It would be
+strange if Ducas ascribed the strategical importance of the Gate of
+Eugenius to another gate. And yet, it must be also admitted that Ducas
+can be inaccurate. He is inaccurate, for example, in the matter of the
+gate before which the Sultan’s tent was pitched during the siege,[800]
+and at which the Emperor Constantine fell,[801] for he associates these
+incidents with the Gate of Charisius, instead of with the Gate of St.
+Romanus; he is inaccurate, as we have seen, in his account of the entry
+of the Turks through the Kerko Porta;[802] and he is inaccurate, again,
+in saying that the ships which the Sultan carried across the hills from
+the Bosporus to the Golden Horn were launched into the harbour at a
+point opposite the Cosmidion (Eyoub),[803] instead of at Cassim Pasha.
+Under these circumstances it is impossible to maintain his accuracy as
+to the connection of the chain with Horaia Pylè at all hazards, and in
+the face of all difficulties. His credit will depend upon the value
+attached to the evidence we have, that the Horaia Pylè was another name
+for the Gate of the Neorion during the last days of Byzantine
+Constantinople.
+
+The application of both names to the same gate rests upon the authority
+of tradition, upon the use and wont followed in the matter by the Greek
+population of the city in the sixteenth century. If this is really the
+case, no evidence can be more decisive on the question at issue. Use and
+wont in respect to the name of a conspicuous public gate, in a
+much-frequented part of the city, constitutes an irrefutable argument,
+provided that use and wont goes far enough back in the history of the
+entrance. In that case, Ducas would be convicted of having mistaken the
+gate to which the chain was attached, and all the importance which he
+ascribes to the Horaia Pylè, in his account of the actions of friends
+and foes along the shores of the city, is only the consistent following
+up of that error. For any gate to which the chain was supposed, however
+erroneously, to have been affixed would be represented in the narrative
+of subsequent events as the point about which the assault and the
+defence of the sea-board turned, although the gate was not situated
+where it could, naturally, have sustained that character.
+
+Now, according to Gyllius,[804] the gate anciently styled the Gate of
+the Neorion was called in his day Tchifout Kapoussi (“Hebrew Gate”) by
+the Turks, and Horaia Pylè by the Greeks, as a matter of common
+practice. The brief statement of Gerlach[805] that the second gate west
+of the Seraglio Point was named at once the Beautiful Gate and the
+Jewish Gate implies that these were the names of the gate in current
+use. Leunclavius[806] puts the facts in a somewhat different light.
+According to him, the common designation of the entrance was “Huræa”
+(_Ebraia_, “Hebrew Gate”), and it was only when the Greeks of the city
+wished to show themselves better acquainted with the truth on the
+subject that they claimed for the gate the epithet “Horaia.”
+
+This may, perhaps, excite the suspicion that the application of the
+epithet “Horaia” to the Gate of the Neorion, in the sixteenth century,
+was due to the fact that it was then known also as the Hebrew Gate
+(Ebraia). But, on the whole, the more probable view is that the epithet
+was correctly applied, and, consequently, that Ducas, who was not
+present at the siege, is mistaken in associating the chain with the
+Beautiful Gate.
+
+In the charters defining the privileges granted to the Genoese colony in
+Constantinople during the twelfth century, mention is made of a “Porta
+Bonu” and a “Porta Veteris Rectoris.”[807] As both were associated with
+the Scala, or Pier, at the service of that colony, they were doubtless
+the same gate under different names; the former appellation designating
+it by the proper name of the officer connected in some way with the
+entrance, the latter by his official title. Nothing is known concerning
+the Rector Bonus; the name and title are at once Byzantine and Italian.
+Now, the Genoese quarter in the twelfth century lay to the east of the
+Gate of the Neorion, and consequently the Porta Bonu, or Porta Veteris
+Rectoris, must be sought in that direction. It stood, probably, where
+Sirkedji Iskelessi is now situated.
+
+Near this gate must have been the Scala Chalcedonensis and the Portus
+Prosphorianus, which the _Notitia_ places in the Fifth Region.[808] The
+former, as its name implies, was the pier frequented by boats plying
+between the city and Chalcedon; it is mentioned twice, as the point at
+which relics were landed in solemn state to be carried thence to St.
+Sophia.[809]
+
+The Portus Prosphorianus[810] was in the bay which once indented the
+shore immediately to the east of the Gate of Bonus, where the line of
+the city walls described a deep curve. The name is probably derived from
+the word Πρόσφορον, and denoted that the harbour was the resort of the
+craft which brought products from the country to the markets of the
+city.[811] The harbour was also called the Phosphorion, as though
+associated with the sudden illumination of the heavens which saved the
+city from capture by Philip of Macedon. But its most common designation
+was τὸ Βοσπόριον, ὁ Βοόσπορος, ὁ Βόσπορος, probably because the point to
+which cattle were ferried across from Asia. The cattle-market was held
+here until the reign of Constantine Copronymus, who transferred it to
+the Forum of Taurus;[812] here also stood warehouses for the storage of
+oil, and granaries, such as the Horrea Olearia, Horrea Troadensia,
+Horrea Valentiaca and Horrea Constantiaca.[813] The granaries were
+inspected annually by the emperor.[814] According to Demosthenes, the
+three statues erected by Byzantium and Perinthus in honour of Athens for
+the aid rendered against Philip of Macedon were set up at the
+Bosporus.[815] But it is not certain whether the great orator used the
+name in a general sense, or with special reference to this port. The
+great fire in the fifth year of Leo I. started in the market near this
+harbour, through the carelessness of a woman who left a lighted candle
+on a stall at which she had bought some salt fish.[816]
+
+We reach, next, the last gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, the Gate
+of Eugenius (Πόρτα τοῦ Εὐγενίου), represented now by Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi. Its identity is established by the following indications. It
+marked the eastern extremity of the fortifications along the Golden
+Horn,[817] as the Xylo Porta marked their western terminus. Hence, the
+ditch constructed by Cantacuzene in front of those fortifications is
+described as extending from the Gate of Eugenius to the Gate
+Xylinè.[818] In the next place, the gate was close to the head of the
+promontory, or Acropolis, for ships outward bound rounded the promontory
+soon after passing the gate, while incoming ships passed the gate soon
+after rounding the promontory.[819] Again, the Church of St. Paul which
+stood near the gate is described, as situated in the quarter of the
+Acropolis, at the opening of the harbour.[820] This is consistent with
+the fact that the gate was at a point from which St. Sophia could be
+easily reached.[821]
+
+Eugenius, after whom the gate, the adjacent tower, and the neighbouring
+district were named,[822] was probably a distinguished proprietor in
+this part of the city. The gate bore an inscription commemorating
+repairs executed by a certain Julian;[823] possibly, Julian who was
+Prefect of the City in the reign of Zeno, when Constantinople was shaken
+by a severe earthquake.
+
+There is reason to believe that besides its ordinary designation this
+gate bore also, at one time, the name Marmora Porta; for certain
+ecclesiastical documents of the year 1399 and the year 1441 speak of an
+entrance in the quarter of Eugenius, under the name Marmora Porta,
+Μαρμαροπόρτα ἐν τῇ ἐνορίᾳ τοῦ Εὐγενίου.[824]
+
+The Scala Timasii, so named after Timasius, a celebrated general in the
+reign of Arcadius, was in the Fourth Region,[825] and must therefore
+have been a pier near the Gate of Eugenius.
+
+At this entrance it was customary for the bride-elect of an emperor to
+land, upon reaching the capital by sea; here she was received in state
+by her future consort, and having been invested with the Imperial
+buskins and other insignia of her rank, was conducted on horseback to
+the palace.[826] But what lends most interest to the gate is the fact
+that beside it rose the tower which held the southern end of the chain
+drawn across the harbour in time of war.[827] Originally, the building,
+styled Kentenarion (Κεντενάριον), was a stately structure, but after its
+overthrow by an earthquake, Theophilus restored it as an ordinary
+tower.[828] The chain was supported in the water by wooden floats,[829]
+and its northern end was made fast to a tower in the fortifications of
+Galata, known as the Tower of Galata, “Le Tour de Galatas.”[830]
+According to Gyllius, the gate near that tower was called Porta
+Catena,[831] but, unfortunately, he does not indicate its precise
+position. From the nature of the case, however, it must have been near
+Kiretch Kapoussi, directly opposite the Gate of Eugenius.[832]
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the
+Golden Horn in 1453.]
+
+The employment of a chain to bar the entrance of the Golden Horn is
+mentioned for the first time in the famous siege of the city by the
+Saracens in 717-718, when the Emperor Leo lowered the chain with the
+hope of tempting the enemy’s ships into the narrow waters of the
+harbour.[833] It appears next in the reign of Michael II., who thereby
+endeavoured, but in vain, to keep out the fleet with which his rival
+Thomas attacked the city.[834] It was again employed by Nicephorus
+Phocas, in expectation of a Russian descent into the Bosporus.[835] The
+Venetians found it obstructing their path when they stood before
+Constantinople in 1203, but removed it after capturing the Tower of
+Galata, to which it was secured.[836] Finally, in 1453, it proved too
+strong for Sultan Mehemet to force, and drove him to devise the
+expedient of carrying his ships into the Golden Horn across the hills to
+Cassim Pasha.[837] A portion of the chain used on the last occasion is
+preserved in the Church of St. Irene, within the Seraglio grounds.
+
+In the district of Eugenius were some of the most noted charitable
+institutions of the city, among which the great Orphanage[838] and the
+Hospitia,[839] built on the site of the old Stadium of Byzantium by
+Justinian the Great and Theodora, for the free accommodation of poor
+strangers, were conspicuous. There, also, stood the Church of St.
+Michael and the Church of St. Paul.[840]
+
+
+                           The Basilikè Pylè.
+
+
+Before concluding the study of the Harbour Walls we must recur to the
+question which presented itself at an earlier stage of our inquiries,
+but was reserved for consideration at the close of this chapter, as more
+favourable to an intelligent and thorough discussion of the subject.
+
+Where was the Basilikè Pylè which Byzantine historians, after the
+Restoration of the Empire, associate with this line of the city’s
+bulwarks? Was it, as some authorities maintain, at Balat Kapoussi,[841]
+or, as others hold, in the neighbourhood of the Seraglio Point?[842] Or
+is it possible that a gate bearing that epithet was found at both
+points?
+
+In favour of the opinion that the Imperial Gate was near the Seraglio
+Point there is, first, the statement of Phrantzes, already cited, to
+that effect. “To Gabriel of Treviso,” says the historian,[843] “captain
+of the Venetian triremes, with fifty men under him, was entrusted the
+defence of the tower, in the middle of the current, guarding the
+entrance of the harbour; and he was opposite the Imperial Gate.”
+
+What Phrantzes means by the “entrance of the harbour” (τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ
+λιμένος) admits of no dispute, for the phrase has only one
+signification. But, as though to render mistake impossible, he repeats
+the expression, in that sense, several times. The Greek ships, which
+were moored beside the chain across the mouth of the harbour, and which
+the Sultan endeavoured to sink or drive away by the fire of a battery
+planted on the hill of St. Theodore, to the north-east of Galata,
+Phrantzes[844] observes, were stationed “at the entrance of the harbour”
+(ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ λιμένος). The object of this bombardment, adds the
+historian[845] in the next sentence, was not simply to force “the
+entrance to the harbour” (διὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος), but also to
+injure the Genoese shipping at that point, and thus show that the Sultan
+dared to act in any way he pleased, even towards the Italians of Galata.
+Again, Phrantzes[846] remarks that the ships moored along the chain at
+the mouth of the harbour (ἐν τῶ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος) were placed here to
+render entrance into the harbour more difficult to the enemy (ὅπως
+ἰσχυροτέρως κωλύσωσι τὴν εἴσοδον).
+
+Equally decisive is the indication given regarding the tower which stood
+opposite the Imperial Gate. It was “in the middle of the current.” This
+statement carries the mind, at first, to the tower which stood on the
+rock off Scutari (Damalis, Arcla), where the lighthouse Kiz Kalehssi has
+been erected. But the idea that Phrantzes had that tower in view cannot
+be entertained for more than a moment; for to have stationed Gabriel
+there, with the Turkish fleet in complete command of the Bosporus and
+the Sea of Marmora, was not simply useless, but impossible. The current
+intended can be none other than the strong current at the head of the
+Seraglio Point, where it divides in two swift streams, which Nicephorus
+Gregoras[847] compares to Scylla and Charybdis, one running up the
+Golden Horn, the other out into the Sea of Marmora. A tower near a point
+with rushing waters on either hand might aptly be described as “in the
+middle of the current.”[848] Furthermore, Phrantzes[849] mentions the
+tower referred to, in close connection with what stood, unquestionably,
+near the head of the promontory. He speaks of it immediately after the
+Horaia Pylè, and immediately before the ships which defended the chain
+across the harbour’s mouth, as though in the same vicinity.
+
+In the second place, the view that the Imperial Gate was near the
+Seraglio Point is supported by the testimony of Leonard of Scio, when he
+makes the statement that Gabriel of Treviso fought bravely, with his
+men, on the portion of the walls extending from the Beacon-tower as far
+as the Imperial Gate, at the entrance of the bay (of the Golden Horn):
+“Gabriel Trevsianus cordatissime a Turri Phani usque ad Imperialem
+Portam, ante sinum, decertabat.”[850] The archbishop’s phrase “ante
+sinum” corresponds to Phrantzes’ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ λιμένος.
+
+Thirdly, it remains to add, on this side of the question, that the order
+in which Pusculus mentions the gates in the Harbour Walls favours the
+view that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat Kapoussi. Proceeding from
+west to cast in his account of the defence of the fortifications along
+the Golden Horn, that author refers to seven gates in the following
+order: Xylina, Cynegon, Phani, Theodosia, Puteæ, Platea, Basilea,[851]
+thus putting the Imperial Gate somewhere to the east of Oun Kapan
+Kapoussi. Had the Basilea stood at Balat Kapoussi it should have been
+mentioned immediately after Cynegon.
+
+This is the main evidence in support of the opinion that the Basilikè
+Pylè was near the Seraglio Point, and it is difficult to conceive of
+evidence more clear and conclusive.
+
+The argument countenancing the view which identifies the Imperial Gate
+with Balat Kapoussi may be stated, briefly, thus: In the first place,
+when Leonard of Scio declares that Gabriel of Treviso defended the walls
+“a Turri Phani ad Imperialem Portam” he associates the Imperial Gate
+with the quarter of the Phanar. Again, when Ducas affirms that the
+Venetians assisted the Greeks in the defence of the walls from the
+Imperial Gate to the Kynegon,[852] that entrance is associated with the
+district so named. The Imperial Gate, therefore, must have stood at a
+point between the Phanar and the Kynegon. But that is exactly the
+situation of Balat Kapoussi, with the quarter of the Phanar on its east,
+and the Kynegon on its west; hence the two gates were one and the same.
+
+In the next place, the epithet “Imperial” was eminently suitable for an
+entrance which stood at the foot of a hill surmounted by the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus, and from which the Palace of Blachernæ could be
+readily reached. How appropriate the epithet was is proved by the actual
+name of the gate, Balat Kapoussi (the Gate of the Palace), so similar in
+meaning to Basilikè Pylè.
+
+In the third place, on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè stood a
+Church of St. John the Baptist.[853] And in keeping with this fact,
+there is a Church of St. John the Baptist (the metochion of the
+Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai) outside Balat Kapoussi.
+
+These arguments are, however, open to criticism. So far as the statement
+of Leonard of Scio is concerned, it should be noted that he does not
+speak of the Turris Phani absolutely. Had he done so, the presumption
+would certainly be in favour of the view which understands him to refer
+to the district of the Phanar, half-way up the Golden Horn.[854] But his
+complete statement on the subject is that the Turris Phani of which he
+was speaking stood, with the Imperial Gate beside it, “ante sinum,” at
+the entrance of the bay of the Golden Horn, thus making it manifest that
+he had in mind another beacon-tower than the one in the district
+commonly known as the Phanar. That the shore of the Golden Horn was
+lighted at more than one point during the night, and especially at the
+entrance of the harbour, is only what might be expected. Nor is there in
+the assertion of Ducas, that the Venetians and Greeks united their
+forces to defend the fortifications from the Imperial Gate to the
+Kynegon, anything to determine the distance between the two points. They
+might be very near, or they might be as far apart as the extremities of
+the Harbour Walls; for there is no reason to think that the Venetians
+defended only the small portion of the walls between Balat Kapoussi and
+the three archways to the west of that gate.
+
+The remaining arguments under consideration have more force, but are by
+no means decisive. The appropriateness of the epithet “Imperial” to an
+entrance in the situation of Balat Kapoussi affords, certainly, a
+presumption in favour of the view that the entrance was so named,
+although it cannot, alone, prove that such was the fact. The name Balat
+Kapoussi appears only after the Turkish Conquest, and may or may not be
+borrowed from the Byzantine designation of the gate. The strongest
+argument on this side of the question is, undoubtedly, that drawn from
+the presence of the Church of St. John the Baptist on the shore to the
+north-east of Balat Kapoussi,[855] the possible representative of the
+ancient church of that dedication “on the shore outside the Basilikè
+Pylè.”[856]
+
+But, in any case, these arguments do not refute the proof adduced for
+the existence of a Basilikè Pylè near the Seraglio Point. They leave
+that fact undisturbed; and can only claim to give countenance to the
+idea that another Basilikè Pylè stood at Balat Kapoussi.
+
+Two questions, accordingly, are involved in the problem before us. Which
+of the gates near the Seraglio Point was styled the Basilikè Pylè? Was
+that gate the only Imperial Gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, or do
+some statements of Byzantine historians on the subject imply the
+existence of a second Basilikè Pylè?
+
+In the opinion of Leunclavius, the Imperial Gate is to be identified
+with the Horaia Pylè (the Gate of the Neorion) at Bagtchè Kapoussi.[857]
+But if the Horaia Pylè was at Bagtchè Kapoussi, the Basilikè Pylè could
+not be there also. The two entrances are unmistakably distinguished by
+Phrantzes, who mentions both in the same connection, the one immediately
+after the other, and states that, in the defence of the fortifications
+along the harbour, the Beautiful Gate was in charge of the crew of a
+vessel from Crete, while the Imperial Gate was under the care of Gabriel
+of Treviso.
+
+But this is an objection which has force only against those who adopt
+the view that the Horaia Pylè stood at Bagtchè Kapoussi.
+
+A more general objection to the view of Leunclavius is that Bagtchè
+Kapoussi does not occupy the situation attributed to the Imperial Gate
+by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio. It is not opposite a tower guarding
+the entrance of the harbour; it is too far up the Golden Horn to be
+described as “ante sinum.”
+
+This being so there are only two gates with one or other of which the
+Imperial Gate can be identified, if the indications furnished on the
+subject by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio are strictly followed. It was
+either the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), as Gerlach
+maintains,[858] or the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi), which stands
+immediately to the south of Seraglio Point, and was, therefore, so near
+the Harbour Walls that it might be included in an account of their
+defence.
+
+The description of the Imperial Gate given by the historians above
+mentioned, applies equally well to both these entrances. Both stand near
+the mouth of the harbour, and opposite a tower “in the middle of the
+current;” both occupy a point of great strategical importance, such as
+the Basilikè Pylè must have occupied, if we may judge from the fact that
+it was entrusted to commanders like Gabriel of Treviso and the Duke
+Notaras; both entrances were, in the course of history, associated with
+the Court[859] in a way which might have earned for them the distinction
+of the epithet, “Imperial.”
+
+It is not easy to decide, directly, between conflicting claims so nicely
+balanced. Judgment on the point at issue will doubtless be determined,
+largely, by the views adopted on questions indirectly connected with the
+matter in dispute, especially by what view is taken as regards the
+situation of the Horaia Pylè. Any one who upholds the accuracy of Ducas
+regarding the point to which the southern end of the chain was attached,
+and identifies the Beautiful Gate with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi (the Gate of
+Eugenius) will, necessarily, identify the Imperial Gate with Top
+Kapoussi. On the other hand, those who accept the opinion that the
+Beautiful Gate stood, as the Greeks in the sixteenth century maintained,
+at Bagtchè Kapoussi, may, though still free to place the Imperial Gate
+at Top Kapoussi, nevertheless prefer to place it at Yali Kiosk Kapoussi,
+as, on the whole, more in accordance with the indications of its
+position. If at the latter point, one can understand more readily why
+the Imperial Gate should have been associated with the Harbour Walls,
+and why Phrantzes mentions it immediately after the Horaia Pylè, and
+before the chain and the ships at the harbour’s mouth.
+
+Having thus indicated which of the gates near the Seraglio Point have
+the strongest claim to be regarded as the Basilikè Pylè, it remains to
+consider the question whether either of those gates was the only
+entrance bearing that epithet, in the Harbour Walls.
+
+Are there, in other words, any statements made by Byzantine writers in
+reference to the Basilikè Pylè which cannot be applied to the Gate of
+Eugenius or to the Gate of St. Barbara, and which, therefore, imply the
+existence of another gate of that name? So far as the Gate of St.
+Barbara is concerned, there are several such statements. The narrow quay
+outside Top Kapoussi could not afford room for the Church of St. John,
+the hospitium, and the other buildings, which are described as situated
+on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.[860] Nor could a ship be moored
+in front of that gate, as the ship of the Catalan chief Berenger was
+moored in front of the Imperial Gate.[861] Nor was it necessary, before
+that gate could be attacked by the Turkish fleet, that the chain across
+the entrance of the Golden Horn should be forced, as we are told was
+necessary in the case of the Basilikè Pylè to which Critobulus
+alludes.[862] Hence the opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was another name
+for the Gate of St. Barbara involves the view that there were two
+Imperial Gates.
+
+The claim of the Gate of Eugenius to be the sole Basilikè Pylè
+encounters but one serious objection. Critobulus, it would appear,
+distinguishes the two entrances. He refers to the former to indicate
+where the southern end of the chain across the harbour was
+attached;[863] he speaks of the latter to mark the point which the
+Turkish fleet attacked on the last day of the siege, after breaking the
+chain, and becoming master of the Golden Horn.[864] For as soon as the
+Turkish admiral perceived that the Sultan’s troops had entered the city,
+and were busily engaged in the work of plunder, he made a desperate
+attempt upon the chain, cut it asunder, and forced his way into the
+harbour. Then, having captured or sunk the Greek galleys found in the
+port, he led his ships to the Imperial Gate (ταῖς βασιλικαῖς πόλαις) and
+landed his sailors in quest of booty. The gate was, however, still held
+by the Greeks, as the Turkish troops had not yet reached it from within
+the city. A fierce struggle therefore ensued. But at last the gate was
+burst open, its brave defenders were slain to a man, their blood pouring
+through it like a stream, and the assailants rushed in to share the
+spoils of victory.
+
+What is here related might hold true of the Gate of Eugenius. Such facts
+as that the Imperial Gate stood within the chain, that before attacking
+it the Greek vessels in the harbour had to be disposed of, that it was
+held for a considerable time after the Turkish army had entered the
+city, are all consistent with the idea that the Basilikè Pylè, to which
+Critobulus refers, was the Gate of Eugenius. But, on the other hand, if
+the Gate of Eugenius was both the entrance to which the chain was
+attached and the entrance captured by the Turkish admiral after the
+chain had been broken, it comes very near defying all the laws of the
+association of ideas for the historian to speak of the entrance by
+different names, when the matters he records were so closely connected.
+This is a very serious objection to the identification of the Imperial
+Gate which Critobulus had in mind with the Gate of Eugenius. Hence, if
+this objection cannot be removed by saying that he could speak of the
+same gate by different names in different passages of his work, it
+follows that the epithet “Basilikè” did not belong exclusively to the
+Gate of Eugenius (any more than to the Gate of St. Barbara), but was
+bestowed also upon a gate higher up the Golden Horn.
+
+This being the case, there can be no hesitation where the latter was
+situated. Balat Kapoussi, by the significance of its name, by its
+proximity to Imperial palaces, and by the presence of a Church of St.
+John, with room for other buildings, on the territory outside the gate,
+establishes the best claim to be considered the second Basilikè Pylè in
+the line of the harbour fortifications.[865]
+
+Why the Turkish admiral selected it as the point at which to land his
+sailors is explained by the wealthy character of the adjoining quarter
+of the city.[866]
+
+
+The Route taken in carrying the Turkish Ships across the Hills from the
+                      Bosporus to the Golden Horn.
+
+
+Owing to the conflicting statements of contemporary historians on the
+subject, the precise route followed in carrying the Sultan’s ships,
+across the hills, from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn, is not fully
+settled. So far, indeed, as the point at which the ships reached the
+Golden Horn is concerned, there can be little, if any, room for doubt,
+though the historians differ even on that matter. The most reliable
+testimony, however, and the configuration of the territory on the
+northern side of the harbour, are in favour of the view that the Bay of
+Cassim Pasha was the point in question. Critobulus[867] names the point
+the Cold Waters,[868] and describes it as situated at a short distance
+from Galata (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα, μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω τοῦ Γαλατᾶ). Nicolò
+Barbaro[869] designates it as the Harbour of Pera, or Galata—“Abiando
+tragetà dentro dal porto de Constantinopoli ben fuste setantado, e
+redusele in porto dentro del navarchio de Pera”—and explains the
+possibility of the occupation of a point so near Galata by the excellent
+relations existing between the Turks and the Genoese: “E questo perchè
+lor Turchi avea bona paxe con Zenovexi.” At variance with these
+statements, Ducas[870] says the ships were launched into the harbour
+opposite Eyoub (Cosmidion), but that is contrary to all the
+probabilities of the case. Phrantzes[871] sheds no light upon the
+question.
+
+In regard to the starting-point from the Bosporus, there is general
+agreement that it was somewhere on the shore between Beshiktash and Top
+Haneh; Andreossy[872] being singular in supposing that the vessels left
+the Bosporus at Balta Liman. Now, there are four ravines or valleys that
+run inland from the shore between Beshiktash and Top Haneh towards the
+ridge dividing the Bosporus and the Golden Horn: the valleys of
+Beshiktash, Dolma Bagtchè, Sali Bazaar, and Top Haneh, which reach the
+top of the ridge, respectively at Ferikeui, the Municipal Gardens,
+Taxim, and Asmali-Medjid Sokaki. And the decision of the question which
+of these valleys was the one actually selected by the Sultan will depend
+partly upon our estimate of the respective merits of the historians
+whose testimony has to be considered, and partly upon the comparative
+suitableness of the various routes to serve the object in view.
+
+Of the four routes indicated above, the two which proceed, respectively,
+by the valley of Top Haneh and the valley of Dolma Bagtchè present, both
+on the ground of history and natural fitness, the strongest claims for
+consideration.
+
+In favour of the Top Haneh route, there is, first, the fact that it was
+the shortest route; and secondly, that its length corresponds to that
+which Critobulus[873] assigns to the road taken by the ships across the
+hills, viz. eight stadia, or one mile. Accordingly, Dr. Dethier[874] and
+Dr. Paspates[875] maintain that the Sultan’s ships were transported from
+the Bosporus to the Golden Horn by way of Top Haneh, Koumbaradji Sokaki,
+Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, and the Petits Champs.
+
+On the other hand, the Dolma Bagtchè route has in its favour, first, the
+statement made by several historians, including Critobulus himself, that
+the point on the Bosporus from which the ships started to cross the
+hills was near the Diplokionion, the name for Beshiktash in Byzantine
+times. Ducas[876] describes that point as situated to the east of
+Galata, below the Diplokionion. Pusculus[877] speaks of it as not far
+from the twin columns: “Columnis haud longè a geminis, surgunt quæ ad
+sidera rectæ.” Nicolò Barbaro[878] is, if possible, even more explicit.
+According to him, the levelling of the road across the hill above Pera
+commenced from the shore where the columns, and the station of the
+Turkish fleet, were found: “_Siando tuta la sua armada sorta a le
+colone_, che sun mia de luntan de la tera, fexe che tute le zurme
+muntasse in tera, e fexe spianar tuto el monte che son de sopra a zitade
+de Pera, _comenzando da la marina, zae da li da le colone dove che era
+armada_.” Critobulus,[879] as already intimated, styles the
+starting-point of the expedition the Diplokionion. Now, the Diplokionion
+was not at Top Haneh, but at Beshiktash, and the harbour of the
+Diplokionion must have been the bay which formerly occupied the site of
+Dolma Bagtchè.[880]
+
+In the second place, in the Dolma Bagtchè route we have the distance
+which Nicolò Barbaro[881] declares was traversed by the Turkish ships in
+their overland passage, _i.e._ three miles: “Comenzando de la marina,
+zae da li da le colone dove che era armada, per infino dentro dal porte
+de Constantinopoli, _che son mia tre_.”
+
+Great weight attaches to the testimony of Barbaro upon this point; for
+Critobulus was not present at the siege, while Nicolò Barbaro was
+surgeon of one of the Venetian galleys which took part in the defence of
+the chain across the entrance to the Golden Horn, kept a diary of the
+incidents of the siege, must have taken particular interest in the
+movements of the Turkish fleet, and was in the way of obtaining the best
+available information on the subject. Certainly, if the transport of the
+Turkish ships started from a point so near the chain and the Greek and
+foreign ships guarding it as the site of Top Haneh, Barbaro had every
+opportunity to know the fact, and it is inexplicable how he could have
+made the mistake of representing another locality as the scene of the
+achievement.
+
+With Barbaro agrees another competent witness, Jacques Tedaldi, a
+Florentine merchant, who took part in the defence of the city, and who
+gives the distance over which the ships were carried as from two to
+three miles: “Fit porter de la mer par terre deux ou trois milles, de
+soixant dix a quatre-vingts gallées que aultres fustes armées, dedans le
+gouffle de Mandraquins qui est entre les deux citez, auxquieuls est le
+port de Constantinople.”[882]
+
+If, in the next place, we judge between the two routes by their
+comparative fitness to facilitate the accomplishment of the Sultan’s
+design, the Dolma Bagtchè route can claim the superiority in that
+respect. Had the matter of distance been all the Sultan required to
+consider in choosing the road for his ships, the decision would
+necessarily have been in favour of the Top Haneh route. But, surely,
+other matters also had to be taken into account. It was desirable, for
+example, that the route should be situated where all the preparations
+necessary to effect the passage could be readily made, where they would
+be beyond the reach of interference on the part of the Greeks, where
+they would, as the conveyance of the ships by night proves was the
+Sultan’s wish, be screened from hostile observation, and result in
+taking the enemy by surprise. All this was impossible at the site now
+occupied by Top Haneh, which stood but a short distance outside the
+chain and its guard-ships. There the Sultan’s preparations—the levelling
+of the ground, the laying down of sleepers and planks along which the
+cradles carrying the ships were to be drawn, the gathering of seventy to
+eighty vessels, the army of men collected to draw the ships out of the
+water and overland,—would be too much in the public eye to satisfy the
+requirements of the case.
+
+On the other hand, although the Dolma Bagtchè route laboured under the
+disadvantage of being longer than the road from Top Haneh, the distance
+it presented was not excessive, while it offered ample compensation for
+the additional efforts which its greater length occasioned. It started
+from the usual station of the Turkish fleet in the Bosporus, where all
+requisite means for executing the Sultan’s purpose could be obtained
+with the least difficulty, where no attack was to be apprehended, where
+the presence of a large number of ships would excite no suspicions, and
+where, it was reasonable to expect, the great secret could be kept as
+long as necessary. From the point of fitness to serve the scheme
+contemplated, the route from Dolma Bagtchè had most to recommend it,
+taking all things into consideration.
+
+Turkish historians do not afford any assistance to solve the problem
+under discussion. Evlia Tchelebi pretends that the ships were not
+brought from the Bosporus, but that some of them were constructed at
+Kiathaneh, the Sweet Waters, at the head of the harbour, and others at
+Levend Tchiflik (probably the Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik situated, in old
+Turkish times, high up the longer arm of the Dolma Bagtchè valley, not
+the Levend Tchiflik above the head of the valley of Balta Liman); and
+that the latter portion of the flotilla was carried to the Golden Horn
+by way of the Ok Meidan behind Haskeui, and the gardens of the Arsenal
+(Tersaneh Bagtchessi). Another Turkish authority says the ships were
+transported from Dolma Bagtchè to Cassim Pasha.
+
+
+                                 NOTE.
+
+
+    According to Leonard of Scio (p. 920), the distance over which the
+    Turkish ships were conveyed was seventy stadia, “ad stadia
+    septuaginta trahi biremes.” This statement involves so many
+    questions which are difficult, if not impossible, to decide, that it
+    affords no assistance in determining where the ships crossed the
+    hills. The archbishop’s account of the Sultan’s action is given in
+    the following words: “Quare ut coangustaret circumvalleratque magis
+    urbem, jussit invia æquare; exque colle, suppositis lenitis vasis
+    lacertorum sex, ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes, quæ ascensu
+    gravius sublatæ, posthac ex apice in declivum, in ripam sinus
+    levissime introrsum vehebantur.”
+
+    Now, if the “seventy stadia” in this passage are to be understood in
+    the ordinary sense of the words, the route taken by the ships was
+    over eight English miles in length. But from no point between Top
+    Haneh and Beshiktash is the distance to the Golden Horn, across the
+    hills, so great. Hence the language of Leonard has been variously
+    interpreted, in the hope of bringing it into accord with what his
+    commentators deemed the real facts in the case. Dethier, in his
+    annotations to Zorzo Dolfin (_Siège de Constantinople_, No. xxii. p.
+    998), maintains that the numeral seventy gives the number of the
+    ships transported over the hills, and not the length of the road
+    tranversed: “Non sono 70 stadia, ma 70 galere o fuste.” Charles
+    Müller, the editor of Critobulus, referring to the statement of
+    Leonard, expresses the same opinion as Dethier, and thinks that the
+    number for the stadia has dropped out of the text of Leonard:
+    “Stadiorum numerus excedisse videtur, nam septuaginta vox ad navium
+    numerum, quem eundem etiam Chalcocondylas, p. 387, 8 præbet,
+    referenda est” (_Fragm. Hist. Græc._ p. 87). Another possible view
+    is that the number seventy is due to an error in the text. Or,
+    finally, it may be supposed that Leonard employed the term “stadium”
+    in a peculiar sense. One presumption in favour of this supposition
+    is the fact that elsewhere in his epistle, the measurements of
+    Leonard by stadia seem too gross mistakes to be made by such a man
+    as the archbishop, with the ordinary idea of a stadium in his mind.
+    The bridge, for example, which the Sultan built at Haskeui, to bring
+    his cannon closer to the Harbour Walls, and which Phrantzes (p. 252)
+    says was one hundred ortygia long, or one stadium, Leonard (p. 931)
+    represents as about thirty stadia in length, _i.e._, according to
+    the ordinary computation, between three and four miles in length,
+    where the harbour is not half a mile wide. Again, Leonard (p. 970)
+    speaks of the Turkish fleet as anchoring at a point less than one
+    hundred stadia from the shore of the Propontis: “Minus ad stadia
+    centum Propontidis ripa anchoras figunt”—a statement which, if it
+    refers to the distance of Beshiktash from the Seraglio Point, would
+    make that part of the Bosporus about ten miles broad! It should also
+    be added that Charles Müller thinks that the stadium of the later
+    Byzantine writers was one-third less than the Olympic stadium: “Adeo
+    ut stadium tertia parte minus quam vetus stadium Olympicum subesse
+    videri possit” (_Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 76). Du Cange
+    (_Glossarium Med. et Infim. Latinitatis_) says, respecting the use
+    of the term “stadium” by mediæval writers, “Mensuræ species, sed
+    ignota prorsus.”
+
+    Zorzo Dolfin translates the account which Leonard gives of the
+    ships’ passage across the hills, as follows: “Et per coangustar, et
+    circumuallar piu la terra, commando, fusse spianato le uie, et sopra
+    i colli messi in terra i uasi a forza de brazze ... per 70 stadia
+    che sono circa miglia ... introdusse le fuste nel mandrachio, le
+    qual per ... miglia con fatica se tiranno in suxo” (Dethier, _Siège
+    de Constantinople_, No. xxii. p. 997). If the number of miles had
+    been given, or had not disappeared, how much discussion would have
+    been spared!
+
+Footnote 739:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.
+
+Footnote 740:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 741:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 39; _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 461;
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 104, 105.
+
+Footnote 742:
+
+  According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou
+  Mesdjidi, and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.
+
+Footnote 743:
+
+  Ducas, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 744:
+
+  Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p.
+  32.
+
+Footnote 745:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. X._
+
+Footnote 746:
+
+  Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 747:
+
+  Du Cange, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 748:
+
+  _Ibid._, vi. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 749:
+
+  _Miklosich et Muller_, iii. p. 88.
+
+Footnote 750:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 751:
+
+  According to Du Cange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, _ad
+  vocem_, from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected
+  with the German “Gedrung” and the English “throng.”
+
+Footnote 752:
+
+  Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in
+  _Anna Comn._, vol. ii. p. 544.
+
+Footnote 753:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quæ dicitur De Longaria,
+  extra murum civitatis CP.”
+
+Footnote 754:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”
+
+Footnote 755:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 756:
+
+  Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, _Epistolæ Quatuor_, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 757:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 758:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 759:
+
+  Paspates, p. 166.
+
+Footnote 760:
+
+  Heyd, _Histoire du Commerce du Levant_, vol. i. p. 251.
+
+Footnote 761:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 762:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. vii.
+
+Footnote 763:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. VI._
+
+Footnote 764:
+
+  _Novella LIX._, c. v.
+
+Footnote 765:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 618.
+
+Footnote 766:
+
+  _Notitia_, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 767:
+
+  _Ptochoprodromus_, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.
+
+Footnote 768:
+
+  VII. p. 286.
+
+Footnote 769:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, i. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 770:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, i. pp. 55-63.
+
+Footnote 771:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.
+
+Footnote 772:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._,
+  s. 200.
+
+Footnote 773:
+
+  On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in
+  Byzantine Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp.
+  127-276; Mordtmann, pp. 46-50; Desmoni, _Giornale Ligustico_, vol. i.;
+  _Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli nel Secolo XII._; Heyd,
+  _Histoire du Commerce du Levant_; Sauli, _Della Colonia del Genovesi
+  in Galata_; Pears, _Fall of Constantinople_, c. 6; Miklosich et
+  Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca_; Tafel und Thomas, _Urkunden zur
+  Älteren Handels und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig_.
+
+Footnote 774:
+
+  The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (_Itinéraires Russes en
+  Orient_, p. 121), who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate
+  near the sea, and beside a Church of St. Demetrius, named “Portes
+  Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the vicinity. From the
+  connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the gate
+  stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood
+  of Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different
+  gates at different periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro
+  (p. 817) confirms the existence of a Jewish quarter on the Marmora
+  shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish fleet, finding itself
+  unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the attempt,
+  and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del
+  Dardanelo”), and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntò in
+  tera de la banda de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend
+  that the Russian pilgrim referred to a gate near the Church of St.
+  Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does not affect the
+  argument presented in the text.
+
+Footnote 775:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. _Ibid._, pp. 4-11.
+
+Footnote 776:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. _Ibid._, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 777:
+
+  Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 778:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 737.
+
+Footnote 779:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 19-21.
+
+Footnote 780:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.
+
+Footnote 781:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 19, 21.
+
+Footnote 782:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 783:
+
+  See above, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 784:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha, _CP._, p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes
+  Cont., p. 391.
+
+Footnote 785:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.
+
+Footnote 786:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at
+  Keurekdjilar, in Galata.
+
+Footnote 787:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.
+
+Footnote 788:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. ii.
+
+Footnote 789:
+
+  Page 454.
+
+Footnote 790:
+
+  _Pand. Hist Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 791:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 254.
+
+Footnote 792:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who
+  mention the Beautiful Gate.
+
+Footnote 793:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The
+  ground on which Yeni Validè Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of
+  the Outer Bridge, belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to
+  Karaïte Jews, who claimed that the territory had been granted to their
+  ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return for the seizure of the
+  ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received houses
+  at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from
+  taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the
+  mosque has had to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two
+  piastres.
+
+Footnote 794:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 795:
+
+  Page 268.
+
+Footnote 796:
+
+  I. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 797:
+
+  Page 238.
+
+Footnote 798:
+
+  Page 384.
+
+Footnote 799:
+
+  Pages 283, 284.
+
+Footnote 800:
+
+  Pages 282, 283.
+
+Footnote 801:
+
+  Page 263.
+
+Footnote 802:
+
+  Page 300.
+
+Footnote 803:
+
+  See above, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 804:
+
+  Pages 270, 271.
+
+Footnote 805:
+
+  Gyllius’ statement (_De Top. CP._, III. c. i.) on the subject is:
+  “Portum, quem vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam Græci appellant
+  Oraiam, corruptè quasi Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse
+  existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam Oraiam, quam Turci appellant
+  Siphont (Tsifout), id est, Judæorum eam accolentium, spatium latum ...
+  videre licet.” Cf. _De Bosporo Thracio_, II. c. i. “Pro porta quam
+  vulgo vocant Oriam corruptè, quasi olim Neorii portam.”
+
+Footnote 806:
+
+  Page 454: “Die Prächtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”
+
+Footnote 807:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200. “Porta quæ Græci quotquot vederi
+  peritores volunt Porta Horæa (Ὡραία), vulgo Huræa (Ebraia) dicitur.”
+
+Footnote 808:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, _Giornale
+  Ligustico_, vol. i. p. 37: _Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a
+  Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII._, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 809:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. V._
+
+Footnote 810:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, ad ann. 406, 415.
+
+Footnote 811:
+
+  _Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor._, Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, _De
+  Urbibus et Populis_, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 812:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 813:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to
+  be ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the
+  Ox-Port.
+
+Footnote 814:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. V._
+
+Footnote 815:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 699.
+
+Footnote 816:
+
+  _De Corona_, p. 134, Edition Didot.
+
+Footnote 817:
+
+  Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 818:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2.
+
+Footnote 819:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.
+
+Footnote 820:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. pp. 76, 232.
+
+Footnote 821:
+
+  Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
+
+Footnote 822:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.
+
+Footnote 823:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, p. 563.
+
+Footnote 824:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 825:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, ii. pp. 467, 564.
+
+Footnote 826:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. IV._
+
+Footnote 827:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis_, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.
+
+Footnote 828:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 829:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the
+  tower to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two
+  towers, on the opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn,
+  which supported the chain, he says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la
+  zilade, zoè una de la banda de Constantinopoli, l’altra de la banda de
+  Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”
+
+Footnote 830:
+
+  N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.
+
+Footnote 831:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.
+
+Footnote 832:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iv. c. x. “Adhuc Galatæ porta est, quæ
+  appellatur Catena, ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena
+  extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes, p. 609.
+
+Footnote 833:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἄλωσις τῆς ΚΠ., p. 63) thinks the tower
+  stood beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata
+  Bridge and the Galata Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the
+  existence of old ruins at that point. But the chain would never be
+  placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.
+
+Footnote 834:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 609.
+
+Footnote 835:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.
+
+Footnote 836:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 837:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.
+
+Footnote 838:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. 241-247, for the discussion
+  regarding the precise route taken by the ships.
+
+Footnote 839:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
+
+Footnote 840:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi. R.
+
+Footnote 841:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
+
+Footnote 842:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 15. With him
+  agree Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.
+
+Footnote 843:
+
+  Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.
+
+Footnote 844:
+
+  Pages 254, 255, Ἐδόθη φυλάττειν τὸν πύργον τὸν ἐν μέσω τοῦ ῥεύματος,
+  τὸν φυλάσσοντα τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἦν ἀντικρὺς τῆς πύλης τῆς
+  βασιλικῆς.
+
+Footnote 845:
+
+  Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city
+  (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἂλωσις τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, p. 141), represents the
+  Hill of St. Theodore and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of
+  Cassim Pasha. This, however, is in harmony neither with the statements
+  of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The requirements of the
+  case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was the
+  ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery
+  stood nearer the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo
+  Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso el Turcho da disdegno, da i montè orientali de
+  Pera penso a profondar con machine e morteri, o trar quelle de la
+  cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal occidente” (_i.e._
+  aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”
+
+Footnote 846:
+
+  Page 259.
+
+Footnote 847:
+
+  Page 238.
+
+Footnote 848:
+
+  XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.
+
+Footnote 849:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited
+  above) understands Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower
+  with one which stood, until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top
+  Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was
+  probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers (see above, p. 228).
+
+Footnote 850:
+
+  Pages 254, 255.
+
+Footnote 851:
+
+  See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 852:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.
+
+Footnote 853:
+
+  Ducas, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 854:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297,
+  487.
+
+Footnote 855:
+
+  Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden
+  Horn, and on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the
+  Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says the bridge was built that the
+  army might advance near the wall, beside the “fanum” of the city:
+  “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term is ambiguous.
+  Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But
+  more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the
+  bridge was not exactly opposite to it.
+
+Footnote 856:
+
+  How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to
+  have been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was
+  burned down. It was then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by
+  fire, after which it was rebuilt at the expense of the monastery on
+  Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable church of the
+  Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._,
+  pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (_Proceedings
+  of the Greek Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).
+
+Footnote 857:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 391.
+
+Footnote 858:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 859:
+
+  Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point
+  “Die Königliche Pforte.”
+
+Footnote 860:
+
+  See above, p. 228; see below, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 861:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. pp. 297, 391, 487.
+
+Footnote 862:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.
+
+Footnote 863:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 65.
+
+Footnote 864:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 865:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 65.
+
+Footnote 866:
+
+  If the Basilikè Pylè could be identified with the gate which went by
+  the names Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi,
+  all statements concerning the Imperial Gate might be applied to that
+  single entrance. But this would be to interpret the language of
+  Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely. Nor is there
+  any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or
+  for regarding that gate important during the last siege.
+
+Footnote 867:
+
+  The Basilikè Pylè is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following
+  writers:—
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great
+  conflagration, in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the
+  city, and caused immense loss of houses and merchandise.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship
+  from the harbour at Blachernæ, in order to leave Constantinople more
+  readily, as soon as a favourable wind sprang up.
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate
+  beside the shore on which a certain priest had his residence.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St.
+  John the Baptist stood upon the seashore.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a
+  hospitium on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.
+
+  Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during
+  the siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor
+  Manuel Palæologus, who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of
+  the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir), allowed his minister Theologus to
+  be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from the Turks to betray
+  the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith dragged by
+  the Cretans along the street to the Basilikè Pylè, and there had his
+  eyes put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after
+  the horrible operation.
+
+  Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower
+  injured by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.
+
+  Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians,
+  and by the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As
+  the gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.
+
+  Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke
+  Notaras.
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which
+  entered the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of
+  the harbour.
+
+Footnote 868:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42.
+
+Footnote 869:
+
+  See above, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 870:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 871:
+
+  Page 271.
+
+Footnote 872:
+
+  Page 251.
+
+Footnote 873:
+
+  _Constantinople et le Bosphore_, p. 364.
+
+Footnote 874:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42.
+
+Footnote 875:
+
+  _Siège de Constantinople_; Nicolò Barbaro, _Giornale_, p. 752.
+
+Footnote 876:
+
+  See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.
+
+Footnote 877:
+
+  Page 270: Προστάττει τοῦ εὐθυδρομηθῆναι τὰς νάπας τὰς ὄπισθεν κειμένας
+  τοῦ Γαλατᾶ, ἀπὸ τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν, κάτωθεν τοῦ διπλοῦ κίονος.
+
+Footnote 878:
+
+  IV. 550-551.
+
+Footnote 879:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 880:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42. Charles Müller thinks the correct reading in the text
+  of Critobulus was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”
+
+Footnote 881:
+
+  For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. 7. See also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more
+  distinctly shown in the copy of that map found in Du Cange and
+  Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work). The idea of
+  Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (_Siège de
+  Constantinople_, p. 237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine
+  days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns and inhabitants together—to
+  Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has no foundation whatever.
+
+Footnote 882:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 883:
+
+  Dethier, _Siège de Constantinople_, No. xviii. p. 893.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVI.
+                  THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA.
+
+
+The fortifications extending along the Sea of Marmora[883] from the
+Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the southern extremity of the land walls
+consisted of a single wall flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by 188
+towers—a line of defence some five miles in length. Almost everywhere
+along their course these fortifications stood close to the water’s edge,
+making it almost impossible to land troops at their foot, and giving
+them only the comparatively easy task of repelling an attack upon them
+with ships.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect
+Constantine. (_See page 46._)]
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus. (_See
+page 183._)]
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus. (_See
+page 132._)]
+
+What they had most reason to dread was the open sea upon whose margin
+they stood, its ceaseless, unwearied sap and mine of their foundations,
+and the furious assaults of its angry waves. This explains some
+peculiarities noticeable in their construction. The line of their
+course, for instance, was extremely irregular, turning in and out with
+every bend of the shore, to present always as short and sharp a front as
+possible to the waves that dashed against them. They were protected,
+moreover, by a breakwater of loose boulders,[884] scattered in the sea
+along their base. And the extent to which marble shafts were built, as
+bonds, into the lower courses of the walls and towers was, doubtless,
+another precaution adopted to maintain the stability of these
+fortifications. A large portion of these walls is built in arches closed
+on their outer face, and seems to be the work of a late age.
+
+The walls had at least thirteen entrances.
+
+The first gate, Top Kapoussi, a short distance to the south of the apex
+of the promontory, was known as the Gate of St. Barbara (ἡ τῆς μάρτυρος
+Βαρβάρας καλουμένη Πύλη),[885] after a church of that dedication in the
+vicinity; the presence of a sanctuary consecrated to the patroness of
+fire-arms at this point being explained by the fact that the Mangana, or
+great military arsenal of the city, stood a little to the south of the
+gate.
+
+The gate was guarded also on the north-west, by the Church of St.
+Demetrius, another military saint, and was therefore sometimes styled by
+the Greeks, after the Turkish Conquest, the Gate of St. Demetrius.[886]
+It was likewise known as the Eastern Gate,[887] owing to its position on
+the eastern shore of the city.
+
+Here, probably, stood one of the gates of old Byzantium; for when the
+city was occupied by the Greeks under Xenophon, the Spartan admiral,
+Anaxibius, escaped to the Acropolis by taking boat in the Golden Horn,
+and rounding the promontory to the side facing Chalcedon.[888] The pier
+in front of the gate was called the Pier of the Acropolis (ἡ τῆς
+ἀκροπόλεως σκάλα);[889] and for the convenience of the boatmen and
+sailors frequenting it, a chapel of St. Nicholas, their patron saint,
+was attached to the Church of St. Barbara.[890]
+
+According to the inscriptions[891] found upon the gate, it was included
+in the repairs of the seaward walls in the reign of Theophilus. As
+became its important position, it was a handsome portal, flanked, like
+the Golden Gate, by two large towers of white marble,[892] and beside
+it, if not in it, Nicephorus Phocas placed the beautiful gates which he
+carried away from Tarsus as trophies of his Cilician campaigns.[893] On
+two occasions it served as a triumphal entrance into the city, John
+Comnenus using it for that purpose in 1126, to celebrate the capture of
+Castamon;[894] and Manuel Comnenus in 1168, on his return from the
+Hungarian War.[895] In 1816 the towers of the gate furnished material
+for the Marble Kiosk which Sultan Mahmoud IV. erected in the
+neighbourhood;[896] and in 1871 the gate disappeared during the
+construction of the Roumelian railway.
+
+Proceeding southwards from the Gate of St. Barbara, we reach the
+entrance known as Deïrmen Kapoussi. It is clearly Byzantine, but its
+Greek name is lost.
+
+Between it and the Gate of St. Barbara must have stood the Mangana (τὰ
+Μάγγανα),[897] or Arsenal, with its workshops, materials of war, and
+library of books on military art. Its site is identified by the
+statement of Nicetas Choniates,[898] that it faced the rocky islet off
+the shore of Chrysopolis, on which the beacon tower Kiz Kalehssi, or
+Leander’s Tower, is now built. For, according to that historian, Manuel
+Comnenus, with the view of closing the Bosporus against naval attack
+from the south, erected two towers between which he might suspend a
+chain across the entrance of the straits; one of them, named Damalis and
+Arcla (Δάμαλις, Ἄρκλα), being on the rock off Chrysopolis,[899] the
+other, opposite to it, very close to the Monastery of Mangana.
+
+The Tower of the Mangana was exceedingly strong, capable of withstanding
+a siege by the whole city.[900] Hence, in the struggle between Apocaucus
+and Cantacuzene, the former held it with great determination.
+
+To the rear of Deïrmen Kapoussi a hollow, now occupied by
+market-gardens, indicates the site of the Kynegion, the amphitheatre
+erected by Severus when he restored Byzantium.[901] A combat of wild
+animals was held here as late as the reign of Justinian the Great, in
+honour of his consulship.[902] Subsequently, the Kynegion became a place
+of execution for important political offenders. There, Justinian II., on
+his restoration to the throne, put his rivals, Leontius and Apsimarus,
+to death, after subjecting them to public humiliation in the Hippodrome,
+by resting his feet upon their necks, while he viewed the games.[903]
+
+A little to the south of the Kynegion stood the Church and Monastery of
+St. George at the Mangana (Μοναστήριον κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μάγγανα, ἐπ᾽
+ὀνόματι τοῦ ἁγίου μεγάλου μάρτυρος Γεωργίου). It was an erection of
+Constantine Monomachus,[904] and one of the most splendid and important
+monasteries in the city. Its site is determined by the following
+indications; the church was opposite Chrysopolis,[905] and near the
+Mangana and the Kynegion;[906] it stood in the midst of meadows, and to
+it were attached gardens and a hospital.[907] “There was,” says Clavijo,
+the Spanish envoy, “before the entrance (of the church), a wide court
+containing many gardens and houses; the church itself stood in the
+middle of these gardens.”[908] Now, room for a church with such
+surroundings existed only to the south of the Kynegion, where a
+comparatively extensive plain is found; while the territory to the north
+was contracted, and was, moreover, otherwise occupied. This conclusion
+is corroborated by the statement of the Russian pilgrims that the
+Monastery of the Mangana lay to the _west_ of the Church of St.
+Saviour.[909] That church, we shall find, stood at Indjili Kiosk.[910]
+Hence, a building to the west of that point would be on the plain above
+indicated.
+
+From the Church of St. George mediæval writers derived the name of Braz
+Saint George for the Sea of Marmora and the Hellespont.[911] The Emperor
+John Cantacuzene, upon his abdication, was for some time a monk in the
+Monastery of Mangana, under the name Joasaph (Ἰωάσαφ), until he withdrew
+to the deeper seclusion of the Monastery of Batopedi, on Mount
+Athos.[912]
+
+The next gate, Demir Kapoussi, is a Turkish erection that may have
+replaced an older entrance.[913]
+
+A little further south, arched buttresses, forming the substructures on
+which the villa known as Indjili Kiosk, in the Seraglio grounds, once
+stood, are seen built against the walls. Through these buttresses the
+water of a Holy Spring within the city was, until recently, conducted to
+the outer side of the walls, and thus rendered accessible to the
+Christians of the Greek Orthodox Church, who sought the benefit of its
+healing virtues. This was the Holy Spring of the Church of St. Saviour,
+celebrated as a fountain of health long before the Turkish Conquest.
+“Tout cet endroit ressemble la piscine de Salomon qui est à Jérusalem!”
+exclaims one of the Russian pilgrims, who visited the shrine during the
+period of the Palæologi.[914]
+
+Its identity cannot be disputed. For the memory of the fact that the
+Church of St. Saviour stood at this point has been preserved by the
+annual pilgrimages made to the spot, on the Festival of the
+Transfiguration, from the time of the Turkish Conquest until the year
+1821, when the privilege of frequenting the spring was withdrawn, on
+account of the political events of the day. Such popular customs afford
+strong evidence.
+
+The first writer who refers to the church and spring after 1453 is
+Gyllius,[915] who, speaking of the water-gates in the walls around the
+Seraglio, describes the position of Demir Kapoussi thus: “The fourth
+gate (counting from Yali Kiosk Kapoussi) faces south-east (solis exortum
+spectat hibernum), and is not far from the ruins of the church dedicated
+to Christ, for the remains of which, found built in the wall, the Greeks
+show much reverence, by visiting them in great crowds.” Thevenot[916]
+and Grelot[917] give a long account of the animated scene witnessed here
+on the Festival of the Transfiguration, in their day. The Sultan himself
+would sometimes come to Indjili Kiosk to be entertained by the spectacle
+presented on that occasion, particularly by seeing sick persons buried
+up to the neck in the sand on the seashore, as a method of cure. Hammer
+writes to the same effect, but supposed the spring to be the Hagiasma of
+the Virgin, and thought it marked the site of the Church of the
+Theotokos Hodegetria, which was in this vicinity, and to which also a
+Holy Spring was attached.[918] But this opinion, adopted also by
+Labarte,[919] is opposed to all the evidence upon the subject.
+
+Finally, there is the testimony of the Patriarch Constantius, already
+alluded to, that from 1453 to 1821 the Hagiasma at Indjili Kiosk was
+annually frequented on the 6th of August, as the Holy Well associated
+with the Church of St. Saviour: “The Greeks still revered, until a few
+years ago, as a matter of tradition, the Hagiasma of the Saviour, which
+was under Indjili Kiosk.”[920]
+
+In striking agreement with this evidence since the Turkish Conquest, are
+the accounts given regarding the Church of St. Saviour by writers
+previous to that event. According to them, the church was in the
+neighbourhood of the Church of St. George Mangana, and to the east of
+that sanctuary; it stood close to the sea, immediately behind the city
+walls; its Holy Spring was enclosed within the walls, and yet could be
+reached from without; in front of the walls through which the sacred
+stream flowed, was a beach of sand endowed with healing properties.[921]
+Nothing can be more conclusive.
+
+This identification is of the greatest importance for the topographical
+reconstruction of the quarters of Byzantine Constantinople along the
+eastern shore of the promontory, for, with that church as a fixed point,
+it becomes comparatively easy to determine the positions of other noted
+buildings in the neighbourhood.
+
+By means of that landmark, for example, the situation of the Church of
+St. George Mangana can, we have seen, be fixed.[922] It enables us also
+to settle, without prolonged discussion, the question raised by the
+extensive ruins discovered behind Indjili Kiosk, when the ground was
+cleared, in 1871, for the construction of the Roumelian railroad. The
+walls of an edifice 322 feet long by 53 feet wide, were then brought to
+view, and among the _débris_ marble pillars and capitals were found in
+such numbers, as to prove that the building to which they belonged had
+been one of considerable importance.[923] Because some of the capitals
+seemed ornamented with the heads of bulls and lions, Dr. Paspates came
+to the conclusion that the ruins were the remains of the celebrated
+Palace of the Bucoleon.[924] On the other hand, Dr. Mordtmann thinks
+that here was the site of the Imperial residence, known as the Palace of
+Mangana,[925] an erection of Basil I.[926]
+
+That the latter opinion is the correct one may be proved by means of the
+fact that the Church of St. Saviour stood at Indjili Kiosk. In the first
+place, the Palace of Mangana was near the Church of St. George
+Mangana—so near that the destruction of that palace by Isaac Angelus, to
+obtain material for edifices of his own construction, was viewed as an
+act of sacrilege committed against the property of the great saint.[927]
+But the Church of St. George Mangana, we have found, lay a short
+distance to the west of the Church of St. Saviour,[928] near the site of
+Indjili Kiosk. Consequently the remains of a palace near that kiosk must
+be those of the Palace of Mangana. This conclusion agrees, furthermore,
+with the fact that the Mangana, which gave name to the palace, was in
+this vicinity.[929] It is also consistent with the circumstance that the
+Palace of Mangana was noted for its coolness,[930] as would be
+characteristic of a residence in the position of Indjili Kiosk, which is
+exposed to the north wind that sweeps down the Bosporus from the Black
+Sea.
+
+Thus, also, the site of the Church of St. Lazarus can be approximately
+determined. From the order in which the churches visited by the Deacon
+Zosimus[931] between St. Sophia and St. George Mangana are mentioned, it
+is clear that the Church of St. Lazarus lay to the south of the Church
+of St. Saviour, and consequently somewhere between Indjili Kiosk and the
+Seraglio Lighthouse. The identification is important; for near the
+Church of St. Lazarus was found the tier of seats, known as the Topi,
+which marked the southern extremity of the walls of old Byzantium on the
+side of the Sea of Marmora.[932]
+
+Thus, also, the eastern limit of the grounds of the palace erected by
+Constantine the Great is determined. “The Triclinia erected by
+Constantine the Great,” says Codinus,[933] “reached to that point,”
+_i.e._ the Topi. Furthermore, the Tzycanisterion, or polo-ground,
+attached to the Great Palace, extended, we are told, as far as the
+neighbourhood of the Church of St. Lazarus and the Topi.[934] Dr.
+Paspates is therefore mistaken in making the palace grounds reach to
+within a short distance of the Seraglio Point.
+
+Near the Topi likewise stood the Thermæ Arcadianæ,[935] constructed by
+the Emperor Arcadius, and one of the finest ornaments of the capital.
+There, also, was a church dedicated to the Archangel Michael, ἐν
+Ἀρκαδιαναῖς.[936]
+
+In this neighbourhood, moreover, must have stood the Atrium of Justinian
+the Great,[937] a favourite public resort towards sunset, when the
+eastern side of the city was in shade, to admire the magnificent display
+of colour then reflected on the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast and
+mountains. It was built of white marble and adorned with statuary, among
+which the statue of the Empress Theodora, upon a pillar of porphyry, was
+specially remarkable.[938]
+
+Still further south of the Church of St. Saviour rose one of the most
+venerated shrines in Constantinople, the Church of the Theotokos
+Hodegetria (τῶν Ὁδηγῶν) founded by the Empress Pulcheria, and
+reconstructed by Michael III.[939] It boasted of a Holy Well famed for
+marvellous cures,[940] and of an Icon of the Virgin, attributed to St.
+Luke, which was regarded as the palladium of the city and the leader
+(Ὁδηγητρία) of the hosts of the Empire to victory. Generals on leaving
+the city to engage in war paid their devotions at this shrine, and the
+sacred picture had the first place of honour in a triumphal procession,
+taking precedence of the emperor himself.[941] In view of the siege of
+the city by Branas, in the reign of Isaac Angelus, the Icon was carried
+round the fortifications;[942] while in 1453 it was placed in the Church
+of the Chora, not far from the Gate of Charisius, to support the
+defence. There, upon the capture of the city, it was found by the Turks,
+and cut to pieces.[943]
+
+According to the Russian pilgrims, the Church of the Hodegetria was
+situated to the south of St. George Mangana, and to the east of St.
+Sophia, on the right of the street conducting from the cathedral to the
+sea.[944] These indications support the opinion of Dr. Mordtmann[945]
+that the position of the church is marked by a neglected Hagiasma in the
+large vegetable garden at the south-eastern corner of the Seraglio
+grounds.
+
+Two small gates in the city walls were respectively named after the two
+churches just mentioned, one being styled the Postern of St. Lazarus
+(τοῦ αγίου Λαζάρου πυλίς),[946] the other the Small Gate of the
+Hodegetria (ἡ μίκρα πύλη τῆς Ὁδηγητρίας).[947] They must have stood to
+the south of Indjili Kiosk; and, in fact, at the distance of some 145
+paces from that point the marble frames of two small gateways are seen
+built in the wall. On the lintel of the one more to the south is a
+cross, and on two slabs built into the inner side of the gateway are the
+words, “Open to me the gates of righteousness, that entering into them I
+may worship the Lord.”[948] Two similar gates are seen still further
+south, one on either side of the second tower beyond Indjili Kiosk.
+These four entrances must have belonged to some of the numerous churches
+which were situated, according to the Russian pilgrims, in this part of
+the city. One of them, doubtless, represents the Postern of St. Lazarus,
+while another may claim to be the Small Gate of the Hodegetria.
+
+The Postern of St. Lazarus is mentioned in history on the occasion of
+the sudden appearance, in 1269, of seventy-five Venetian galleys in the
+offing.[949] As soon as the fleet was sighted, all the gates of the city
+were closed, with the exception of this postern; and from it envoys were
+despatched in a boat to ascertain the object of the expedition. The
+public anxiety was relieved, when it was found that the Venetians had
+come to settle disputes with the Genoese at Galata and not to molest the
+capital.
+
+According to Ducas[950] it was through the Gate of the Hodegetria that
+John VI. Palæologus penetrated, in 1355, into the city to overthrow John
+Cantacuzene. The voyage of the conspirators from Tenedos had been
+accomplished in rough weather; and it was dark and stormy when they
+arrived before Constantinople. As their force consisted of but two
+galleys, with 2000 men, the assailants could hope to enter the city only
+by stratagem. Approaching, therefore, the Gate of the Hodegetria, they
+proceeded to hurl empty oil-jars against the walls, and to rend the air
+with loud cries of distress. The startled sentinels, imagining it was a
+case of shipwreck, and touched by appeals to their humanity and by
+promises of a share in the rich cargo of oil reported to be on board the
+galleys, opened the gate and rushed to the rescue. When they discovered
+their mistake, it was too late. They were promptly overpowered and
+killed, and the Italian adventurers seized the gate, mounted the
+adjoining towers, and raised the cry in favour of Palæologus.
+
+It was at the Gate of the Hodegetria, probably, that Bardas, in 866,
+embarked to conduct an expedition against the Saracens in Crete, after
+invoking the aid of the Virgin Hodegetria.[951] Here, the troops sent by
+Alexius III. to suppress the insurrection under John the Fat landed to
+gain the Great Palace, which the rebel leader was occupying.[952] The
+gate appears in the last siege, as a point blockaded by the Turkish
+fleet which invested the walls along the Sea of Marmora.[953]
+
+In the recess of the shore immediately beyond the Seraglio Lighthouse,
+where the coast bends westwards, are two gates, known, respectively, as
+Balouk Haneh Kapoussi and Ahour Kapoussi. The former, the Gate of the
+Fish House, obtained its name from the circumstance that it led to the
+quarters of the fishermen in the service of the Turkish Court; the
+latter was styled the Stable Gate, because it conducted to the Sultan’s
+Mews.
+
+The Patriarch Constantius[954] identified Balouk Haneh Kapoussi with the
+Postern of Michael the Protovestarius, mentioned once in Byzantine
+history. That was the gate by which Constantine Ducas, in 913, entered
+the city to join the conspirators who sought to place him upon the
+throne instead of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, then a minor under the
+tutelage of his uncle and colleague, Alexander.[955] The fact that
+Constantine Ducas reached the gate by sea without being immediately
+discovered, and that he was then able to reach the Hippodrome quickly,
+is in favour of the view that the entrance stood upon the Sea of
+Marmora. But if, as seems probable, the entrance at Balouk Haneh
+Kapoussi was within the limits of the Great Palace, it cannot be the
+Parapylis of Michael Protovestarius; for that postern did not conduct
+Ducas into the grounds of the Imperial residence, but to the private
+house of his father-in-law Gregoras, without the palace precincts.
+Possibly one of the small gates between the Lighthouse and Indjili Kiosk
+represents the postern.
+
+The ancient name of Ahour Kapoussi is not known. The Patriarch
+Constantius,[956] it is true, identifies it with the Gate of the
+Hodegetria. But the Gate of the Hodegetria was remarkable for its small
+size, and stood outside the enclosure of the Great Palace; whereas Ahour
+Kapoussi was within the palace grounds, and is of ordinary dimensions.
+
+Equally erroneous is the view of Labarte[957] that the recess in the
+shore at this point marks the site of the Port of the Bucoleon, the
+harbour attached to the Imperial palace. Doubtless, the small bay before
+Ahour Kapoussi, as its position implies, served the convenience of the
+Byzantine Court, but it was not the Port of Bucoleon strictly so called.
+That harbour, we shall find, lay further west at Tchatlady Kapou, the
+gate next in order.
+
+The splendid marble stables erected by Michael III. at the
+Tzycanisterion[958] were in this vicinity. May this gate not have been
+at their service? It would not be strange if the Sultan’s Mews were
+built upon the site of the Mews of his Byzantine predecessors.
+
+Passing next to Tchatlady Kapou (the Broken or Cracked Gate), we reach
+the entrance attached, as already intimated, to the Imperial Port of the
+Bucoleon. Its Byzantine name has not been preserved, but in the time of
+Gyllius[959] it was called the Gate of the Lion (Porta Leonis), after
+the marble figure of a lion near the entrance. Upon the maps of
+Constantinople, made in the sixteenth century, it is styled “Porta liona
+della riva.” Leunclavius names it the Gate of the Bears (Πόρτα ταῖς
+Ἀρκούδαις), a designation derived, doubtless, from the figures of bears
+which once adorned the adjoining quay.[960]
+
+Some authorities[961] have identified the entrance with the Sidhera
+Porta (the Iron Gate), which stood on this side of the city. But this is
+a mistake. The Iron Gate opened on the Harbour of Sophia,[962] and was
+near the Church of St. Thomas Amantiou;[963] and both these points were
+to the west of Tchatlady Kapou. Therefore Tchatlady Kapou itself cannot
+have been the Iron Gate.
+
+That the Harbour of Sophia lay in that direction is unquestionable, for
+it stood at Kadriga Limani,[964] which is to the west of Tchatlady
+Kapou. And that the same was true of the Church of St. Thomas is clear
+from the fact that this sanctuary and the Church of SS. Sergius and
+Bacchus marked, respectively, the western and eastern limits of the
+ravages made beside the Sea of Marmora, by the great fire in the reign
+of Leo I.[965] The Church of St. Thomas lay, therefore, to the west of
+SS. Sergius and Bacchus, and, consequently, as the latter stands to the
+west of Tchatlady Kapou, the former, also, must have occupied a similar
+position.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.]
+
+In the city walls, a little to the west of Tchatlady Kapou, opposite the
+beautiful Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, is a small postern, opened,
+doubtless, for the use of the monastery attached to that church. Its
+side-posts are shafts of marble, covered with a remarkable inscription,
+and were evidently brought from some other building, when the postern
+was constructed or repaired.
+
+The inscription is a cento of verses, taken, with slight modifications,
+from the Prophet Habakkuk and the Psalter, to form a pæan in honour of
+the triumph of some emperor over his foes.
+
+    ΕΠΙΒΗΣΙ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΙΠΠΟΥΣ ΣΟΥ Κ. Η ΙΠΠΑΣΙΑ ΣΟΥ ΣΩ [ΤΗΡ] ΙΑ :[966] ΟΤΙ
+    Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΗΜΩΝ ΕΛΠΙΖΙ ΕΠΙ ΚΝ. ΕΝ ΤΩ ΕΛΕΙ ΤΟ [Υ ΥΨΙΣΤΟΥ ΟΥ ΜΗ]
+    SALEUΘΗ :[967] ΟΥΚ ΟΦΕΛΗΣΙ ΕΚΘΡΟΣ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ Κ. ΥΙΟΣ ΑΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΟΥ
+    ΠΡΟΣΘΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΚΩΣΙ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ :[968] ΑΙΝΩΝ ΕΠΙΚΑΛΙΣΕΤΟ [ΚΝ.] : ΕΚ ΤΩΝ
+    ΕΚΘΡΩΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΣΩΘΗΣΕΤΕ :[969] ΕΞΟΥΔΕΝΩΤΕ ΕΝΩΠΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΟΝΗΡΕΥΟΜΕΝΟΣ,
+    ΤΟΥΣ ΔΕ ΦΟΒΟΥ [ΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΝ.] ΔΟΞΑΣΙ.[970]
+
+The next entrance, the Gate of Sophia (Πόρτα τῶν Σοφιῶν),[971] as its
+name implies, was attached to the Harbour of Sophia. It was known also
+as the Porta Sidhera (Πόρτα Σιδηρᾶ),[972] from the material of its
+construction, and after the Turkish Conquest was designated Porta
+Katerga Limani,[973] the Gate of the Harbour of the Galleys, from
+κάτεργον, the Greek word for a galley.
+
+The Porta Kontoscalion (τὸ δὲ λεγόμενον Κοντοσκάλιον ἡ Πόρτα)[974]
+communicated with the Harbour of the Kontoscalion,[975] and stood at
+Koum Kapoussi.
+
+Next follows the gate Yeni Kapou, in the quarter of Vlanga. The Latin
+inscription which was found over the gate[976] proves it to have been a
+Byzantine entrance, but its ancient name has not been preserved. The
+gate was beside the Harbour of Theodosius, or Eleutherius[977] (Vlanga
+Bostan). Its Turkish name must allude to repairs made after 1453.
+
+The next gate, Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, immediately to the west of Vlanga
+Bostan, is the Gate of St. Æmilianus (ἡ Πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου
+Αἰμιλιανοῦ),[978] named so after a church of that dedication in the
+vicinity. It is identified by its situation. On the one hand, the Gate
+of St. Æmilianus was the westernmost entrance in the line of the
+Constantinian Walls beside the Sea of Marmora.[979] It must, therefore,
+have been a gate to the west of the old harbour at Vlanga Bostan, which,
+under the name of the Harbour of Eleutherius, stood within the city of
+Constantine.[980] On the other hand, it cannot have been a gate further
+west than Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, for the two gates which pierce the city
+wall in that direction can be identified with other gates, and were,
+moreover, beyond the original bounds of Constantinople. Near the Gate of
+St. Æmilianus stood the Church of St. Mary Rhabdou, venerated as the
+shrine in which the rod of Moses was kept.[981]
+
+The next gate retains its old name, Gate of Psamathia (Πόρτα τοῦ
+Ψαμαθᾶ),[982] derived from the ancient quarter Psamathia (τοῦ Ψαμαθᾶ).
+The name alludes to the sand thrown up on the beach here, as at Koum
+Kapoussi (the Sand Gate).
+
+Narli Kapoussi (the Pomegranate Gate), the succeeding entrance,
+accommodated the quarter around the celebrated Church and Monastery of
+St. John the Baptist, known as the Studion, because founded, in 463, by
+Studius, a patrician from Rome. The gate is never mentioned by name, but
+is clearly referred to by Constantine Porphyrogenitus[983] in his
+account of the Imperial visit paid, annually, to the Studion on the 29th
+of August, in commemoration of the martyrdom of the Baptist. On that
+occasion it was usual for the emperor to come from the Great Palace by
+water, in his state barge, and to land at this gate, where he was
+received by the abbot and monks of the monastery, and conducted to the
+services of the day.
+
+On the cliff outside the gate is an Armenian Chapel of St. John the
+Baptist, which Dr. Paspates[984] thinks belonged originally to the
+Studion.
+
+The excavations made in laying out the public garden beside the city
+walls west of the Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, brought to light
+substructures of an ancient edifice, in the construction of which bricks
+stamped with the monogram of Basil I. and with a portion of the name
+Diomed were employed. The ruins marked, undoubtedly, the site of the
+Church and Monastery of St. Diomed, upon whose steps Basil flung himself
+to sleep the evening he entered the city, a poor homeless adventurer
+from Macedonia, in search of fortune. The kindness shown to the stranger
+by the abbot of the House was never forgotten; and when Basil reached
+the throne he rebuilt the church and the monastery on a more extensive
+scale, and enriched them with ample endowments.[985] The large number of
+pillars strewn upon the adjoining beach belonged, probably, to the
+church.
+
+Somewhere in the neighbourhood was the prison, known as the Prison of
+St. Diomed. In it, Pope Martin I. was detained by the Emperor Constans
+in 654;[986] and there Maria, the wife of Manuel Comnenus and mother of
+Alexius II., was confined by the infamous Andronicus Comnenus.[987]
+
+The last tower in this line of fortifications, situated on a small
+promontory commanding a wide view of the Sea of Marmora, is a very
+striking and picturesque object. It has four stories, and is constructed
+mostly of large blocks of marble. To it was attached a two-storied
+building, forming, with the tower, a small château or castle at this
+point. Only the foundations of the western and northern walls of the
+building are left, but the eastern wall, pierced by two tiers of small
+windows, and ornamented with string-courses, stands almost intact. The
+castle must have been the residence of some superior military officer.
+Here, some think, was the Prison of St. Diomed. In the recess of the
+shore immediately beyond the tower was a small postern for the use of
+the garrison at this point.
+
+                  *       *       *       *       *
+
+One cannot bring this account of the Walls of Constantinople to a close
+without calling to mind, again, the splendid part they played in the
+history of the world. To them the Queen of Cities, as her sons loved to
+call her, owed her long life, and her noble opportunity to advance the
+higher welfare of mankind. How great her services in that respect have
+been, we are coming to recognize more clearly, through a better
+acquaintance with her achievements, and a fairer judgment upon her
+faults. The city which preserved Greek learning, maintained Roman
+justice, sounded the depths of religious thought, and gave to Art new
+forms of beauty, was no mean city, and had reason to be proud of her
+record.
+
+[Illustration: Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of
+the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.]
+
+But never was she so grand as in her attitude towards the barbarous
+tribes and Oriental peoples which threatened her existence, and sought
+to render European civilization impossible. Some of her foes—the Goths
+and the great Slavic race—she not only fought, but also gathered within
+the pale of civilized Christendom. With others, like the Huns, Persians,
+Saracens, Turks, she waged a relentless warfare, often achieving signal
+triumphs, sometimes worsted in the struggle, always contesting every
+inch of her ground, retarding for a thousand years the day of her fall,
+perishing sword in hand, and giving Western Europe, meantime, scope to
+become worthy to take from her dying hands the banner of the world’s
+hope. This is service similar to that which has earned for Ancient
+Greece men’s eternal gratitude, and has made Marathon, Thermopylæ,
+Salamis, Platæa, names which will never die.
+
+Among the monuments brought by Constantine from various parts of the
+Empire to adorn his city was the serpent column which had stood for
+eight centuries before the shrine of Delphi, inscribed with the names of
+the Greek States whose valour on the field of Platæa hurled the Persian
+out of Greece. In placing that column in the Hippodrome of New Rome, did
+he divine the mission of the new capital? It was Greece transferring to
+the city founded on the banks of the Bosporus the championship of the
+world’s best life. And as we look backwards upon the tremendous conflict
+between barbarism and civilization, which forms the very core of
+Byzantine history, we see that nowhere could that venerable monument
+have been placed more appropriately, and that if the name of the City of
+Constantine were inscribed upon it no dishonour would be cast upon the
+names already there, and only justice would be done to the Empire which
+assumed their task and emulated their renown.
+
+But the shield of the city in that long heroic contest were the Walls
+whose history we have reviewed.
+
+Footnote 884:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 885:
+
+  Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169;
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 221.
+
+Footnote 886:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p.
+  270.
+
+Footnote 887:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 888:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας πύλης, ἥτις ἀνέῳγε κατὰ τὴν
+  ἀκρόπολιν. Cf. _Ibid._, p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.
+
+Footnote 889:
+
+  Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 890:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.
+
+Footnote 891:
+
+  Pachymeres, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 892:
+
+  See above, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 893:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.
+
+Footnote 894:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.
+
+Footnote 895:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 26.
+
+Footnote 896:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 897:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 898:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.
+
+Footnote 899:
+
+  Page 268, Ὁ ἀντίπορθμος οὖτος πύργος τῆς τῶν Μαγγάνων ἄγχιστα
+  δεδομημένος μονῆς.
+
+Footnote 900:
+
+  The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares,
+  admiral of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of
+  Macedon, erected a pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a
+  monument to the memory of his wife, Damalis, who had accompanied him
+  on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis. Hence that suburb and the
+  rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the Byzantine emperors
+  at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin,
+  c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius,
+  _De Bosporo Thracio_, iii. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 901:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.
+
+Footnote 902:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 495; _Notitia, ad Reg. II._ See above, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 903:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 904:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus,
+  see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.
+
+Footnote 905:
+
+  Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.
+
+Footnote 906:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 268.
+
+Footnote 907:
+
+  Zonaras, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 908:
+
+  M. Attaliota, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 909:
+
+  _Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du
+  XV. Siècle_. Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.
+
+Footnote 910:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 162.
+
+Footnote 911:
+
+  See below, pp. 253, 254.
+
+Footnote 912:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; _William of Tyre_, lib. xx. c. xxiv.
+
+Footnote 913:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.
+
+Footnote 914:
+
+  Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of
+  the wall between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk.
+  One gallery measures 123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the
+  chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.
+
+Footnote 915:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 119.
+
+Footnote 916:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. vii.
+
+Footnote 917:
+
+  _Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant_, c. xviii. (1665).
+
+Footnote 918:
+
+  _Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople_, p. 83 (1670).
+
+Footnote 919:
+
+  _Constantinopolis und der Bosporos_, vol. i. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 920:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Constantinople et ses Abords_, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 921:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i.
+  p. 181.
+
+Footnote 922:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 119, 202, 231.
+
+Footnote 923:
+
+  See above, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 924:
+
+  For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.
+
+Footnote 925:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 926:
+
+  Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals
+  found among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann
+  remarks, “explication qui n’a point été admise par ses
+  contradicteurs.”
+
+Footnote 927:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 337.
+
+Footnote 928:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 581.
+
+Footnote 929:
+
+  See above, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 930:
+
+  See above, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 931:
+
+  Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.
+
+Footnote 932:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent
+  (Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres,
+  celui de Lazare le Ressuscité, où ses reliques et (celles de) sa sœur
+  Marie sont incrustées dans une colonne; et secondement celui de
+  Lazare, évêque de Galassie.”
+
+Footnote 933:
+
+  Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the
+  theatres erected by Severus in Byzantium?
+
+Footnote 934:
+
+  Page 79.
+
+Footnote 935:
+
+  Leo Gram., p. 273, Εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Λάζαρον, εἰς τὸ καταβάσιον τοῦ
+  Τζυκανιστηρίου: p. 274, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Τόπους. Cf. Theophanes
+  Cont., pp. 859, 860.
+
+Footnote 936:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 937:
+
+  Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, _ad vocem_ στήλη.
+
+Footnote 938:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 939:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 940:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.
+
+Footnote 941:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 942:
+
+  Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26;
+  Pachymeres, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 943:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.
+
+Footnote 944:
+
+  Ducas, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 945:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent
+  d’Odigitria, dans la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “à l’est de Sainte
+  Sophie, dans la direction de la mer, à droite, s’élève un couvent
+  appelé Odigitria.”
+
+Footnote 946:
+
+  Page 52.
+
+Footnote 947:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 948:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.
+
+Footnote 949:
+
+  Psalm cxviii. 19. † ΑΝΥΞΑΤΑΙ ΜΟΙ ΠΥΛΑΣ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΥΝΗΣ ΙΝΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΩΝ ΕΝ
+  ΑΥΤΑΙΣ ΕΞΟΜΟΛΟΓΗΣΩΜΑΙ ΤΩ ΚΥΡΙΩ †. Cf. _Proceedings of Greek Literary
+  Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_,
+  pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 950:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 951:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John Palæologus
+  took the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon
+  during the night.
+
+Footnote 952:
+
+  Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.
+
+Footnote 953:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 698.
+
+Footnote 954:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 955:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 956:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 289.
+
+Footnote 957:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 958:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 207.
+
+Footnote 959:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 23.
+
+Footnote 960:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, ii. c. xv.
+
+Footnote 961:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200, Πόρτα ταῖς Ἀρκούδες; Itinéraires Russes
+  en Orient, p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent
+  des ours et des aurochs en pierre.”
+
+Footnote 962:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 963:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 964:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (_De Leone Basilii Filio_,
+  c. i.) records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate,
+  which burned the Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood
+  near one another.
+
+Footnote 965:
+
+  See below, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 966:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.
+
+Footnote 967:
+
+  Habakkuk iii. 8.
+
+Footnote 968:
+
+  Psalm xxi. 7.
+
+Footnote 969:
+
+  Psalm lxxxix. 22.
+
+Footnote 970:
+
+  Psalm xviii. 3
+
+Footnote 971:
+
+  Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of
+  Justinian over the Factions in 532.
+
+Footnote 972:
+
+  Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 973:
+
+  _Ibid._ _ut supra_; _ibid._, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 974:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 975:
+
+  Codinus, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 976:
+
+  See below, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 977:
+
+  See above, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 978:
+
+  See below, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 979:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.
+
+Footnote 980:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 981:
+
+  _Ibid._, iii. p. 46; _ibid._, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 982:
+
+  _Ibid._, iii. p. 49; _ibid._, pp. 102, 103.
+
+Footnote 983:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms Ψαμάθεα
+  (Codinus, p. 109); τῶν Ὕψωμαθίων (Phrantzes, p. 253); τοῦ Ψωμαθέως
+  (Constant. Porphyr., _De Administratione Imperii_, c. 43). The quarter
+  boasted of a palace and gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus,
+  _ut supra_), a monastery (Constant. Porphyr., _ut supra_), and the
+  Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir).
+
+Footnote 984:
+
+  _De Cer._, pp. 562, 563.
+
+Footnote 985:
+
+  Page 349.
+
+Footnote 986:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 987:
+
+  See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth
+  Epistle.
+
+Footnote 988:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 347.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVII.
+                  THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA.
+
+
+The number of harbours found, at one time or other, on the southern
+shore of the city formed one of the most striking features in the aspect
+of Byzantine Constantinople. This was not due to any natural facilities
+offered by that shore for the purpose. On the contrary, although the
+outline of the coast is very irregular, it presents no bay where ships
+may be moored for the convenience of commerce, or into which they can
+find refuge from storms. The waves, moreover, cast up great quantities
+of sand upon the beach. Hence, all the harbours on this side of the city
+were, to a great measure, artificial extensions of some indentation of
+the coast, and their construction and maintenance involved great labour
+and expense. They ranked, in fact, among the principal public works of
+the capital. But the interests of commerce with the regions around the
+Sea of Marmora and with the Mediterranean were so great, and the
+difficulty which vessels coming from those regions often found to make
+the Golden Horn, owing to the prevalence of north winds, was so serious
+as to outweigh all drawbacks or impediments, and secured for the
+accommodation of the shipping frequenting this side of the city no less
+than five harbours. These harbours were probably constructed in the
+following chronological order: the Harbour of Eleutherius, known also as
+the Harbour of Theodosius; the Harbour of the Emperor Julian, known also
+as the New Harbour, and as the Harbour of Sophia; the Harbour of
+Kaisarius, the same probably as the Neorion at the Heptascalon; the
+Harbour of the Bucoleon; and the Kontoscalion. We shall consider them in
+the order of their position on the shore, proceeding from east to west.
+
+[Illustration: Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora
+Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.]
+
+
+                        Harbour of the Bucoleon.
+
+
+The Harbour of the Bucoleon was attached to the Great Palace[988] (τὸ
+τοῦ παλατίου νεώριον ἑν τῷ Βουκολέοντι) for the convenience of the
+emperor, who in a city like Constantinople would have frequent occasion
+to move to and fro by water. Its name was derived from a marble group of
+a Lion and a Bull upon the harbour’s quay, the lion being represented
+with his left foot upon a horn of the bull, in the act of twisting his
+victim’s head round to get at the throat.[989] The harbour, partly
+artificial, was protected by two jetties from the violence of the winds
+and waves;[990] and, in keeping with its destination, displayed
+considerable architectural splendour. Its quay was paved with
+marble,[991] and adorned with figures of lions, bulls, bears, and
+ostriches;[992] a handsome flight of marble steps led to the water;[993]
+and upon the adjoining city walls rose two Imperial villas, known as the
+Palace of the Bucoleon (τὰ παλάτια τοῦ Βουκολέοντος).[994]
+
+Strangely enough, the site of a harbour so prominent, and so fully
+described, has been a point concerning which students of the topography
+of the city have widely differed. Dr. Paspates[995] placed the harbour
+at a distance of 104 feet to the south of Indjili Kiosk, consistently
+with his opinion that the ruins discovered behind that Kiosk marked the
+site of the Palace of the Bucoleon.[996] With much learning and
+ingenuity, Labarte argues that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in the
+recess of the shore at Ahour Kapoussi.[997] Von Hammer wavered in his
+opinion, placing the harbour at one time at Tchatlady Kapou, and at
+another at Kadriga Limani.[998] And yet to Von Hammer is due the
+discovery of the evidence that puts an end to all uncertainty on the
+subject, by showing us that the marble group of the Lion and the Bull,
+which gave the harbour its name, stood at Tchatlady Kapou.
+
+The evidence on the subject is found in a report which Pietro Zen,
+Venetian envoy to the Turkish Court, sent to his Government in 1532,
+where he describes the monument at great length, as he saw it after it
+had been shaken by an earthquake. In quoting this description,[999] Von
+Hammer, however, not only fails to use it for the settlement of the
+question at issue, but also omits portions of the report which are of
+the utmost importance for determining the exact site of the famous
+group. Dr. Mordtmann, citing Von Hammer, has appreciated the
+significance of the passage referred to, and employs it more
+successfully, but with the same omissions.[1000]
+
+The original manuscript of the report is preserved in the Marciana
+Library, among the unpublished Archives of the Venetian Republic,[1001]
+and the passage with which we are concerned reads to the following
+effect:
+
+“At the gate at which animals are slaughtered (near the columns of the
+Hippodrome, on the road below), which in Turkish is named Chiachadi
+Capisso, which in the Frank language means ‘Gate of the Crack,’ outside
+the said water-gate, and beneath the three ancient windows which have a
+lion at either end (of the row); there, down beside the shore, on two
+columns, is a marble block upon which is a very large bull, much larger
+than life, attacked at the throat by a lion, which has mounted upon the
+back of the (bull’s) neck, and thrown him down, and strikes at a horn of
+the bull with great force. This lion is considerably larger than life,
+all cut out of one piece of stone of very fine quality. These animals
+used to stand with their heads turned towards Asia, but it seems that on
+that night (the night of the catastrophe) they turned themselves with
+their heads towards the city. When this was observed next morning, the
+whole population of the place ran together to the spot, full of
+amazement and stupefaction. And every one went about discoursing upon
+the significance of the event according to his own turn of mind; a comet
+also appearing for many nights.”
+
+The original is as follows, the words in italics being omitted by Von
+Hammer: “Alla porta dove si amaza animali, acosto dile colone
+dilprodramo, da basso via, _e in Turcho si chiama chiachadi capisso, e
+in francho vol dir para di crepido_, fuora dila dita porta de marina,
+_sotto quelle tre fenestre antiquissime che hanno uno lione per banda_,
+li abasso alla marina, sopra due colone, e una lastra di marmoro sopra
+la qual e uno granmo tauro, maior bonamente che il vivo, acanatto de uno
+lione, el qual li e montato sopra la schena, et lo ho atterato, et da
+una brancha ad un corno dil tauro in un grandissimo atto; e questo leone
+assai maior del vivo e tutto di una piera de una bona vena ouer miner.
+Questi animali soleano esser con le teste voltate verso Anatolia, et par
+che quella medema notte i se voltasseno con le teste verso Conple., il
+che la matina veduto tutta questa terra li e concorsa et ha fatto stupir
+e stornir tutta quest terra; et ogni uno va discorendo secondo le
+passione dil animo suo, stante una cometa apparsa per molte notte,
+questa cosa per il preditto rispetto ho voluto significar.”[1002]
+
+Nothing can be more explicit or more decisive.
+
+There is no room to doubt that the monument described by Zen was the
+group of the Lion and the Bull, described, before him, by Anna Comnena
+and Zonaras.[1003] His description might be a translation of the account
+given of the group by those writers. Nor is there any uncertainty as to
+the locality where Zen saw the monument. He indicates the site with a
+redundancy which makes misunderstanding simply impossible, and for which
+he may be pardoned, since minute particularity seldom distinguishes the
+statements of authorities on the topography of the city. According to
+the Venetian envoy, the monument stood on the quay outside the
+water-gate named Tchatlady Kapou, which was a gate below the Hippodrome,
+and near a slaughter-house. The group stood, he adds, beneath a row of
+three windows, adorned with a lion at either end, belonging to a very
+ancient building.
+
+[Illustration: Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the
+Palace of the Bucoleon.]
+
+Now, the gate to which the name Tchatlady pertains is a matter of public
+notoriety, and every particular by which Zen marks the entrance he had
+in mind holds good of that gate. It is near the Hippodrome, and on the
+level ground below the race-course. On the western headland of the
+little bay in front of it, is an old slaughter-house, by which
+Leunclavius, likewise, identifies the gate Tchatlady Kapou, and from
+which he derived the name of the entrance;[1004] while to the east of
+the gate stood, until recent times, a Byzantine palace, in the façade of
+which was a row of three windows, supported at either end by the figure
+of a lion. The palace is thus described by Leunclavius: “This gate
+(Tchatlady Kapou) has on one side of it the marble-framed windows of an
+ancient building or palace, which rests upon the city walls
+themselves.”[1005] Gyllius refers to it in the following terms: “Below
+the Hippodrome towards the south is the Gate of the Marble Lion, which
+stands without the city among the ruins of the Palace of Leo Marcellus.
+The windows of the palace are of ancient workmanship, and are in the
+city wall.”[1006] Choiseul-Gouffier[1007] gives a view of the palace as
+seen in his day, and so does Canon Curtis, in his _Broken Bits of
+Byzantium_. The façade was torn down in 1871, and the lions have been
+placed at the foot of the steps leading to the Imperial School of Art,
+within the Seraglio enclosure.[1008]
+
+With this evidence as regards the site of the group of the Lion and the
+Bull, it is impossible to doubt that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in
+the little bay before Tchatlady Kapou. And with this conclusion every
+statement made by Byzantine writers regarding the harbour will be found
+to agree.
+
+[Illustration: Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.[1009]]
+
+That the shore of this bay was, like the Harbour of the Bucoleon, once
+richly adorned with monumental buildings, is manifest from the beautiful
+pieces of sculptured marble found upon its beach and in the water.
+Furthermore, the bay stands, as the Harbour of the Bucoleon stood,
+within easy reach of the site of the Great Palace. Here also are found
+the ruins of two Imperial villas, situated in the very position ascribed
+to the Palaces of the Bucoleon; namely, upon the city walls, at the
+waters edge, and one of them on a lower level than the other.[1010] Such
+correspondence goes to make the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon one
+of the best authenticated localities in the topography of Byzantine
+Constantinople.
+
+Here, however, a question arises. How far is this conclusion, regarding
+the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, compatible with the received
+opinion that the palace on the bay before Tchatlady Kapou was the Palace
+of Hormisdas, the residence of Justinian the Great while
+heir-apparent;[1011] and that the bay itself was the Harbour of
+Hormisdas (ὁ λιμὴν τὰ Ὁρμίσδου)?[1012]
+
+In the face of all the evidence we have that the Harbour and the Palace
+of the Bucoleon were in the bay to the east of Tchatlady Kapou, there is
+but one answer to the question. We must either abandon the view that the
+Harbour and the Palace of Hormisdas had anything to do with that bay,
+and maintain that they stood elsewhere, or we must conclude that they
+were the Harbour and the Palace of the Bucoleon, under an earlier
+designation.
+
+Two considerations may be urged in favour of the former alternative.
+First, the Anonymus distinguishes between the two palaces in a way which
+seems to imply that they were different buildings. “The Palace of the
+Bucoleon,” he says, “which stands upon the fortifications, was erected
+by Theodosius the Younger;”[1013] while of the Palace of Hormisdas he
+remarks: “The very large buildings near St. Sergius were the residence
+of Justinian when a patrician.”[1014]
+
+In the second place, the Anonymus[1015] identifies the Harbour of
+Hormisdas with that of Julian. “What is called τὰ τοῦ Ὁρμίσδου,”
+observes the former writer, “was a small harbour where Justinian the
+Great built a monastery and called it Sergius and Bacchus, and another
+church, that of the Holy Apostles (SS. Peter and Paul), after receiving
+unction at the foot of the seats (of the Hippodrome), because of the
+massacre in the Hippodrome. It was named the Harbour of Julian, from its
+constructor.” Codinus[1016] also identifies the two harbours, and adds,
+that the Harbour of Julian had served for the accommodation of ships
+before the Harbour of the Sophiôn was constructed; that it had long been
+filled up; and that Justinian the Great had lived there before his
+accession to the throne. But if on the ground of these statements we
+identify the Harbour of Hormisdas with that of Julian, as Banduri[1017]
+and Labarte[1018] maintain, then the Harbour of Hormisdas was not
+situated in the bay to the east of Tchatlady Kapou, but at Kadriga
+Limani, the undoubted site of the Harbour of Julian, to the west of the
+gate.[1019] The Palace of Hormisdas, also, must then have been in that
+direction.
+
+In the light, however, of all our knowledge on the subject, the identity
+of the two harbours just named cannot be maintained. John of
+Antioch,[1020] a far more reliable authority than the Anonymus or
+Codinus, makes it perfectly clear that the Harbour of Julian (which he
+calls by its later name, the Harbour of Sophia) was different from any
+harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. According to him, the troops
+collected by Phocas for the defence of the city against Heraclius
+occupied three positions—the Harbour of Kaisarius, the Harbour of
+Sophia, and the quarter of Hormisdas. At the first two points were
+placed the Greens, while the third position was held by the Blues. From
+this account of the matter it is evident that the Harbour of Julian was
+not the harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. It is a corroboration of
+this conclusion to find that in the narrative of the same events, given
+in the _Paschal Chronicle_,[1021] while no mention is made of the
+Harbour of Hormisdas, the Harbour of Julian is described as situated in
+another quarter, the quarter of Maurus (κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μαύρου).
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.[1022]]
+
+In favour of the alternative that the Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas
+were the Palace and Harbour of the Bucoleon under another name, may be
+urged all that goes to show that the former stood where the evidence
+furnished by Pietro Zen has obliged us to place the latter. The bay and
+palace on the east of Tchatlady Kapou stand close to what was
+unquestionably the district of Hormisdas; for the Church of SS. Sergius
+and Bacchus (Kutchuk Aya Sophia), a short distance to the west of the
+gate, was in that district.[1023] It would be strange if a palace and
+harbour so near that district were not those known by its name.
+
+The palace at Tchatlady Kapou answers, moreover, to the description
+which Procopius gives of the Palace of Hormisdas, the residence of
+Justinian, as near SS. Sergius and the Great Palace.[1024] Its position
+agrees also with the statement of John of Ephesus that the Palace of
+Hormisdas was below the great Imperial residence.[1025] Again, the style
+of the capitals and other pieces of marble, which have fallen from the
+palace at Tchatlady Kapou into the water, resemble the sculptured work
+in the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, erected by Justinian. And
+lastly, the palace at this point was regarded as the Palace of Justinian
+when Bondelmontius visited the city in 1422. “Beyond Condoscali (Koum
+Kapoussi),” says that traveller, as he proceeds eastward, along the
+Marmora shore of the city, “was the very large Palace of Justinian upon
+the city walls” (“Ultra fuit supra mœnia amplissimum Justiniani
+Palatium”).
+
+All this being the case, it seems unavoidable to conclude that the
+Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas were the Palace and Harbour of the
+Bucoleon, under an earlier name. The circumstance that the palaces are
+distinguished by the Anonymus presents, after all, no serious
+difficulty, but the reverse; for, as a matter of fact, there are two
+palatial buildings on the bay east of Tchatlady Kapou, at a distance of
+some 110 yards from each other, and on different levels. One of the
+buildings, probably the lower, might be the Palace of Hormisdas; the
+other, on higher ground, and nearer the gate—may be the palace to which
+the Anonymus referred as the Bucoleon.
+
+It is in keeping with this view of the subject to find that the terms
+“Palace of Hormisdas,” “Port of Hormisdas,” are not employed by
+Byzantine authors to designate an Imperial residence or harbour, after
+the name Bucoleon came into vogue.
+
+The earliest writer who refers to the Harbour of the Bucoleon is the
+Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,[1026] in the tenth century. Later
+writers,[1027] it is true, employ the name when speaking of events which
+occurred in the reign of Michael I., and in that of Theophilus, in the
+course of the ninth century. But whether these writers do so because the
+name was contemporary with the events narrated, or because, when the
+historians wrote, it was the more familiar appellation for the scene of
+those events, is uncertain. Should the former supposition be preferred,
+it was early in the ninth century that the term “Bucoleon” first
+appeared.
+
+On the other hand, the last author who alludes to the Palace of
+Hormisdas is the historian Theophanes, who died in 818. The passage in
+which the allusion is found refers, indeed, to matters which transpired
+in the seventh century, viz. to the execution of a certain David,
+Chartophylax of (the Palace of) Hormisdas, in the reign of Phocas. But
+the historian could hardly have described an official position in terms
+not still familiar to his readers.[1028]
+
+Accordingly, the designation “Palace of Hormisdas” disappears about the
+time when the term “Bucoleon” appears, and this is consistent with the
+supposition that the two names denoted the same building at different
+periods of its history.[1029]
+
+The Palace of Hormisdas was so named in honour of the Persian Prince
+Hormisdas, who had been deprived of the succession to the throne of his
+country by a conspiracy of nobles, and confined in a tower; but who
+escaped from his prison through the ingenuity of his wife, and fled to
+New Rome for protection at the hands of Constantine the Great. The royal
+fugitive was received with the honour due to his rank, and this
+residence was assigned to him because near the emperor’s own
+palace.[1030] Later, the residence was occupied, as already intimated,
+by Justinian while Crown Prince, with his consort Theodora; and after
+his accession to the throne, was by his orders, improved and annexed to
+the Great Palace.[1031] It appears in the reign of Justin II. as the
+abode of Tiberius, upon his being appointed Cæsar.[1032] Under ordinary
+circumstances, Tiberius should have occupied apartments in the Great
+Palace. But the Empress Sophia was bitterly jealous of his wife Ino, and
+forbade her to show herself at Court, on any pretext whatever. Obliged,
+consequently, to find a home elsewhere, the Cæsar selected the Palace of
+Hormisdas, because its proximity to the Great Palace would allow him to
+enjoy the society of his family, and attend to his official duties. But
+the jealousy of the empress was not to be allayed so readily. It
+followed Ino to the Palace of Hormisdas with such intensity that the
+ladies of the Court dared not visit her even there; and it compelled her
+at last to leave the capital and retire to Daphnusium.
+
+As already stated, when Heraclius appeared with a fleet, in 610, before
+the city to put an end to the tyranny of Phocas, he found the quarter of
+Hormisdas defended by the Faction of the Blues.[1033]
+
+During the tenth century, the port and palace, then called Bucoleon,
+received special marks of Imperial favour. Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
+noted for his devotion to the Fine Arts, adorned the quay of the harbour
+with figures of animals, brought from various parts of the Empire.[1034]
+Possibly, the group of the Lion and the Bull was placed there by him. He
+also attached a fishpond to the palace.
+
+Later, Nicephorus Phocas added a villa, which he made his usual place of
+residence.[1035] It was probably the building with the row of three
+windows, supported by a lion at either end. A still more important
+change was introduced by the same emperor. His austere character, and
+the heavy taxes he imposed for the maintenance of the army, made him
+exceedingly unpopular, notwithstanding his eminent services as the
+conqueror of the Saracens. So strong did the hostile feeling against him
+become, that, returning once from a visit to the Holy Spring of the
+Pegè, he was mobbed at the Forum of Constantine, and narrowly escaped
+being stoned to death before he could reach the palace.[1036] Rumours of
+a plot to dethrone and kill him were also in circulation. He therefore
+decided to convert the Great Palace into a fortress, and to provision it
+with everything requisite to withstand a siege.[1037]
+
+Accordingly, he surrounded the grounds of the Imperial residence with a
+strong and lofty wall, which described a great arc from the
+neighbourhood of Ahour Kapoussi on the east to Tchatlady Kapou on the
+west, and thus cut off the palace from the rest of the city.[1038]
+Luitprand,[1039] who saw the wall soon after its erection, says of it:
+“The palace at Constantinople surpasses in beauty and strength any
+fortifications that I have ever seen.” Within this wall the Palace of
+Bucoleon was, of course, included.
+
+Labarte[1040] and Schlumberger[1041] maintain, indeed, that Nicephorus
+surrounded the Palace of Bucoleon with special works of defence, and
+constituted it a citadel within the fortifications of the Great Palace.
+But Leo Diaconus, Cedrenus and Zonaras, our authorities on the subject,
+make no such statement.[1042]
+
+[Illustration: Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.]
+
+As might be expected, historical events of considerable importance
+transpired at the Port and the Palace of the Bucoleon.
+
+Here, in 919, Romanus Lecapenus, admiral of the fleet, made the naval
+demonstration which compelled Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus to accept
+him as a colleague, and to surrender the administration of affairs into
+his hands.[1043]
+
+It was here that the memorable conspiracy against Nicephorus Phocas was
+carried out, in 969, by John Zimisces, with the connivance of the
+Empress Theophano.[1044] Under cover of the night, the conspirators
+embarked at Chalcedon, the residence of Zimisces at the time, and in the
+teeth of a strong north wind, and with snow falling heavily, crossed to
+the Bucoleon. A low whistle announced their arrival to their
+accomplices, who were watching on the terrace of the palace; and in
+response, a basket held fast by ropes was stealthily lowered and raised,
+again and again, until one by one all in the boat were lifted to the
+summit. The last to ascend was Zimisces himself. Then the traitors made
+for the apartment in which they expected to find the emperor.
+Nicephorus, who had received some intimation of the plot, was not in his
+usual chamber, and the conspirators, fearing they had been betrayed,
+were about to leap into the sea and make their escape, when a eunuch
+appeared and guided them to the room in which the doomed sovereign lay
+fast asleep on the floor, on a leopard’s skin, and covered with a
+scarlet woollen blanket. Not to spare their victim a single pang, they
+first awakened the slumberer, and then assailed him with their swords as
+he prayed, “Lord, have mercy upon me.” As if to add irony to the event,
+Nicephorus met his fate, it is said, on the very day on which the
+fortifications around the palace were completed. After this, guards were
+stationed, at night, on the quay of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, to warn
+off boats that approached the shore.[1045]
+
+From this point, Alexius Comnenus entered the Great Palace, after the
+deposition of Nicephorus Botoniates; leaving his young wife and her
+immediate relatives in the residence by the shore, while he himself,
+with the members of his own family, proceeded to the higher palace (τὸ
+ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον).[1046] Here, also, in 1170, Amaury, King of
+Jerusalem, landed on the occasion of his visit to Manuel Comnenus, to
+seek the emperor’s aid against Saladin. Access to the palace by this
+landing, says William of Tyre,[1047] in his account of that visit, was
+reserved, as a rule, for the emperor exclusively. But it was granted to
+Amaury as a special honour, and here he was welcomed by the great
+officers of the palace, and then conducted through galleries and halls
+of wonderful variety of style, to the palace on an eminence, where
+Manuel and the great dignitaries of State awaited the arrival of the
+king.
+
+In the course of time, as the prominent position of the Palace and the
+Harbour of Bucoleon rendered natural, the name Bucoleon, it would
+appear, was extended to the whole collection of buildings which formed
+the Great Palace, facing the Sea of Marmora. That is certainly the sense
+in which Ville-Hardouin employs the term in his work on the Conquest of
+Constantinople by the Crusaders. He associates “le palais de Bouchelyon”
+with the Palace of Blachernæ, as one of the principal residences of the
+Greek emperors. In the division of the spoils of the city, the Palace of
+“Bouchelyon,” like the Palace of Blachernæ, was to belong to the prince
+whom the Crusaders would elect Emperor of Constantinople;[1048] upon the
+capture of the city, the Marquis of Montferrat hastened to seize the
+Palace of Bucoleon, while Henry, the brother of Baldwin, secured the
+surrender of the Palace of Blachernæ;[1049] the treasure found in the
+former is described as equal to that in the latter: “Il n’en faut pas
+parler; car il y en avait tant que c’était sans fin ni mesure.” Indeed,
+the statements of Ville-Hardouin concerning the Palace of Bucoleon make
+the impression that of the two Imperial residences which he names, it
+was, if anything, the more important.[1050] Thither Murtzuphlus fled
+when his troops were discomfited.[1051] There, the Marquis of Montferrat
+found congregated for safety most of the great ladies of the Court,
+including Agnes of France, wife of Alexius II., and Margaret of Hungary,
+wife of Isaac Angelus.[1052] And to the Palace of Bucoleon, the richest
+in the world (“el riche palais de Bochelyon, qui onques plus riches ne
+fu veuz”), the Latin Emperor Baldwin proceeded in great state, after his
+coronation in St. Sophia, to celebrate the festivities attending his
+accession to the throne.[1053] There, also, were held the festivities in
+honour of the marriage of the Emperor Henry with Agnes, the daughter of
+the Marquis of Montferrat.[1054] It is not possible that the two
+comparatively small buildings at Tchatlady Kapou could be the palace
+which Ville-Hardouin had in mind in connection with these events. The
+terms he employs, in speaking on the subject, were appropriate only to
+the Great Palace as a whole.
+
+The designation of the Palace of Bucoleon as “Chastel de
+Bouchelyon”[1055] is no evidence that Ville-Hardouin used the name in
+its restricted sense, as Labarte contends. For the Great Palace was
+within a fortified enclosure, and could therefore be styled a castle
+with perfect propriety, just as the same historian, for a similar
+reason, speaks of the Palace of Blachernæ as a “chastel.” Nor does the
+fact that the Marquis of Montferrat reached the Palace of Bucoleon by
+riding along the shore (“chevaucha tout le long du rivage, droit vers
+Bouchelion”)[1056] prove that the residence beside Tchatlady Kapou was
+the one he wished specially to secure. For the grounds of the Great
+Palace were thus accessible by a gate which stood at the eastern
+extremity of the Tzycanisterion, on the plain beside the Sea of Marmora,
+and which communicated with the quarter of the city near the head of the
+promontory.
+
+Two incidents in Byzantine history, cited by Labarte[1057] himself,
+establish the existence of such a gate, beyond contradiction. When
+Stephen and Constantine, the sons of the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus,
+deposed their father, in 944, and sent him to a monastery on the island
+of Proti,[1058] great fears were entertained in the city, that a
+similar, if not a worse, fate had befallen his associate upon the
+throne, the popular Constantine VII., Porphyrogenitus. The people,
+therefore, crowded about the palace to ascertain the truth, and were
+reassured that their favourite was safe by his appearance, with
+dishevelled hair, at the iron bars of the gate which stood at the end of
+the Tzycanisterion (“Ex ea parte qua Zucanistrii magnitudo portenditur,
+Constantinus crines solutus per cancellos caput exposuit.”) The
+existence of a gate at this point is, if possible, still clearer from
+the statement of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,[1059] that the Saracen
+ambassadors, after their audience of the emperor, left the palace
+grounds by descending to the Tzycanisterion, and mounting horse there.
+To approach the palace by that entrance evinced, therefore, no
+particular intention on the part of the Marquis of Montferrat to reach
+the buildings to which the name of Bucoleon strictly belonged. On the
+contrary, by that entrance one would reach the principal apartments of
+the Great Palace, sooner than the palaces beside the group of the Lion
+and the Bull, at Tchatlady Kapou.
+
+The Bucoleon is mentioned for the last time in Byzantine history, in
+connection with the events of the final fall of the city. “To Peter
+Guliano, consul of the Catalans, was entrusted,” says Phrantzes,[1060]
+“the defence of the quarter of the Bucoleon, and the districts as far as
+the neighbourhood of the Kontoscalion.”
+
+Footnote 989:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.
+
+Footnote 990:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.
+
+Footnote 991:
+
+  Bondelmontius’ Map.
+
+Footnote 992:
+
+  William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.
+
+Footnote 993:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; _Itinéraires
+  Russes en Orient_, p. 235.
+
+Footnote 994:
+
+  William of Tyre, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 995:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.
+
+Footnote 996:
+
+  Page 118.
+
+Footnote 997:
+
+  See above, p. 255.
+
+Footnote 998:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, pp. 201-210.
+
+Footnote 999:
+
+  _Constantinopolis und der Bosporos_, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.
+
+Footnote 1000:
+
+  _Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman_, vol. v., note xxxv.
+
+Footnote 1001:
+
+  Pages 53, 54.
+
+Footnote 1002:
+
+  Marin Sanuto, _Diarii Autographi_, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14
+  Decembrio, 1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who
+  had been in Constantinople, and knew the localities to which allusion
+  was made.
+
+Footnote 1003:
+
+  Von Hammer (_Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman_, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes
+  also from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman,
+  who alludes to the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam
+  hic propere ad mare, in quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum
+  cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille hominibus moveri non possit.”
+
+  The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his _Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi
+  Ottomani,_ adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In
+  Constantinopoli un Leone di pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a
+  Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro, guardava prima verso
+  Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche, era situato
+  sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una
+  coscia e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che
+  bevese” (_Libro_, iv. p. 319. Venezia, 1677).
+
+  With the above compare the statement found in the _Spectator_ of April
+  20, 1895, p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in
+  Southern Austria, Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste
+  there was also a good deal of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue
+  of the Emperor Charles is reported to have twisted round on its
+  pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What an omen
+  that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”
+
+Footnote 1004:
+
+  See above, p. 269, ref. 2.
+
+Footnote 1005:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione
+  pecudum.... Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac
+  vetus habet undique circumfluum nisi qua terræ jungitur, in quo
+  mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur pecudes.”
+
+Footnote 1006:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_: “Fenestres habet hæc porta (Tchatlady Kapou)
+  marmoreas a latere, cujusdam ædificii vel palatii veteris, quod ipsis,
+  muris urbanis incumbit.”
+
+Footnote 1007:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo
+  versus meridiem est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in
+  ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli; cujus fenestræ antiquo opere
+  laboratæ extant in muro inclusæ.”
+
+Footnote 1008:
+
+  _Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc._, vol. iv.
+
+Footnote 1009:
+
+  The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some
+  200 by 175 feet. See Map facing p. 269.
+
+Footnote 1010:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1011:
+
+  See above, p. 269. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a
+  higher palace, Ἐν τῷ κάτω παλατίῳ: εἰς τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον.
+
+Footnote 1012:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, _Librum Insularum_, p.
+  121.
+
+Footnote 1013:
+
+  Labarte, _Le Palais Imperial de Consple._, pp. 208-210.
+
+Footnote 1014:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1015:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 1016:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1017:
+
+  Codinus, p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1018:
+
+  _Imperium Orientale_, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.
+
+Footnote 1019:
+
+  _Le Palais Imperial de Consple._, pp. 208, 209.
+
+Footnote 1020:
+
+  See below, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 1021:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1022:
+
+  Page 700.
+
+Footnote 1023:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1024:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1025:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1026:
+
+  Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.
+
+Footnote 1027:
+
+  _De Cer._, p. 601.
+
+Footnote 1028:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.
+
+Footnote 1029:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of
+  Du Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of
+  SS. Sergius and Bacchus?
+
+Footnote 1030:
+
+  Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the
+  Palace of the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the
+  Anonymus on points of history is not very great. Or, it may be held,
+  that the palace was founded by Theodosius II., and that the name
+  Bucoleon was given to it later.
+
+Footnote 1031:
+
+  Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.
+
+Footnote 1032:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._ i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1033:
+
+  _John of Ephesus_, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.
+
+Footnote 1034:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1035:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 447.
+
+Footnote 1036:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 1037:
+
+  Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.
+
+Footnote 1038:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c.
+  xxvi. p. 123. The last author describes the work thus: Τῷ νῦν ὁρωμένῳ
+  τείχει τὰ βασίλεια ἐστεφάνωσεν. Ἄκροπολιν δ᾽ οἱ πολίται τοῦτο καὶ
+  τυραννεῖον καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν γινόμενον ἔκρινον.
+
+Footnote 1039:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 64, Περίβολον ἐκ τοῦ θατέρου μέρους τοῦ πρὸς θάλατταν
+  ἐπικλινοῦς τῶν ἀνακτόρων τειχίζειν ἀρξάμενος, κατὰ θάτερον πρὸς
+  θάλατταν συνεπέρανε, καὶ τεῖχος, τὸ νῦν ὁρώμενον ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὀχυρὸν
+  ἐδομήσατο, καὶ τὴν βασίλειον ἑστίαν ὡς ὑπετόπαζεν, ἠσφαλίσατο. Not, as
+  Schlumberger supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora,
+  across the promontory (_Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, p.
+  544).
+
+Footnote 1040:
+
+  Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, vol. cxxxvi.
+
+Footnote 1041:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 210.
+
+Footnote 1042:
+
+  _Op. cit._, p. 545.
+
+Footnote 1043:
+
+  Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a
+  special enclosure, although the historians do not refer to it
+  particularly.
+
+  In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a
+  portion of a Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet
+  high, is found standing. It was discovered, when walls and houses in
+  the neighbourhood were demolished for the construction of the
+  Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted
+  gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns.
+  Gate and columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall
+  would join the tower at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if
+  produced northwards, the wall would abut against the retaining wall of
+  the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet and its courtyards
+  are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing _east_, and
+  behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches
+  occurring at intervals.
+
+  Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of
+  Marcian (see Labarte, _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 214),
+  attached to the Great Palace. But this view of its character is not
+  consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards. That fact
+  indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon which
+  stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these
+  palaces were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall
+  not have turned westwards, at its present northern extremity, to
+  protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon along the north, and then
+  southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady Kapou, and
+  protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the
+  southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified
+  enclosure of their own.
+
+Footnote 1044:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
+
+Footnote 1045:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.
+
+Footnote 1046:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.
+
+Footnote 1047:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.
+
+Footnote 1048:
+
+  Lib. xx. c. 23.
+
+Footnote 1049:
+
+  _Conquête de Consple._, c. li. E.
+
+Footnote 1050:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv.
+
+Footnote 1051:
+
+  _Conquête de Consple._, c. li.
+
+Footnote 1052:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. liii.
+
+Footnote 1053:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv.
+
+Footnote 1054:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.
+
+Footnote 1055:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. cvi.
+
+Footnote 1056:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. liii., lv.
+
+Footnote 1057:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of
+  Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the
+  statements of Ville-Hardouin.
+
+Footnote 1058:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi
+  Antapodosis, lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., _Mon. Germ. Hist._, t. v. p.
+  333.
+
+Footnote 1059:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
+
+Footnote 1060:
+
+  _De Cer._, p. 586.
+
+Footnote 1061:
+
+  Page 253.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVIII.
+            THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—_continued_.
+
+
+    The NEW HARBOUR[1061] (Portus Novus), known also as the HARBOUR OF
+    JULIAN[1062] (Portus Divi Juliani: Λιμὴν τοῦ Ἰουλιανοῦ), and the
+    HARBOUR OF SOPHIA,[1063] or the SOPHIAS[1064] (Λιμὴν τῆς Σοφίας, τῶν
+    Σοφιῶν).
+
+
+About 327 yards to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus traces are found
+of an ancient harbour extending inland to the foot of the steep slope
+above which the Hippodrome is situated. The Turkish name for the
+locality, Kadriga Limani, “the Harbour of the Galleys,” is in itself an
+indication of the presence of an old harbour at that point. When Gyllius
+visited Constantinople, the port was enclosed by walls and almost filled
+in, but still contained a pool of water, in which the women of the
+district washed their clothes, and at the bottom of which, it was
+reported, submerged triremes could sometimes be seen.[1065]
+
+Here, as we shall immediately find, was the site of the harbour known by
+the three names Portus Novus, the Harbour of Julian, the Harbour of
+Sophia.
+
+The harbour obtained its first name, when newly opened in the fourth
+century, to distinguish it from the earlier harbours of the city; while
+its other names were, respectively, bestowed in honour of the Emperor
+Julian, the constructor of the harbour, and of the Empress Sophia, who
+restored it when fallen into decay.
+
+That these three names designated the same harbour can be proved, most
+briefly and directly, by showing first the identity of the Portus Novus
+with the Harbour of Sophia, and then the identity of the latter with the
+Harbour of Julian.
+
+The former point is established by the fact that the Portus Novus and
+the Harbour of Sophia occupied the same position; both were situated on
+the southern side of the city, and at the foot of the steep slope
+descending from the Hippodrome towards the Sea of Marmora.[1066]
+
+The evidence for the identity of the Harbour of Sophia with that of
+Julian rests upon express declarations to that effect. There is, first,
+the statement of Leo the Grammarian[1067] that the Emperor Justin II.
+built the Palace of Sophia at the Harbour of Julian, and having cleaned
+the latter, changed its name to the Harbour of Sophia. Then, we have two
+passages in which Theophanes[1068] takes particular care to explain that
+the Harbour of Julian went also by the name of Sophia. Furthermore, both
+names are used to designate the scene of the same events, and the
+position of the same buildings. For instance; whereas the _Paschal
+Chronicle_[1069] states that the final action in the struggle between
+Phocas and Heraclius took place in the Harbour of Julian, John of
+Antioch[1070] and Cedrenus[1071] say it occurred at the Harbour of
+Sophia. Again, while some authors[1072] put the Residence of Probus, the
+district of Maurus, and the Palace of Sophia, beside the Harbour of
+Julian, others[1073] place them beside the Harbour of Sophia.
+
+That the harbour known under these different names was at Kadriga Limani
+admits of no doubt, seeing the Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia
+were, as already intimated, at the foot of the steep ascent below the
+Hippodrome,[1074] where Kadriga Limani is found. Or the same conclusion
+may be reached by another line of argument. The Portus Juliani
+(identical with the Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia) was a large
+harbour on the southern side of the city,[1075] and close to the Church
+of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.[1076] It could not, however, have stood to
+the east of that church, for not only are all traces of such a harbour
+wanting in that direction, but no large harbour could possibly have been
+constructed there, on account of the character of the coast. The Portus
+Juliani, therefore, lay to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. But it
+could have been very near that church (the other indication of its
+site), only if at Kadriga Limani.
+
+The construction of the harbour was ordered by Julian during his stay of
+ten months in Constantinople, on his way to the scene of war in
+Persia.[1077] He likewise erected beside it, for the convenience of
+merchants and traders frequenting the harbour, a fine crescent-shaped
+portico styled, from its form, the Sigma (Σίγμα);[1078] and there, also,
+his statue stood until 535, when it fell in an earthquake, and was
+replaced by a cross.[1079] In promoting such public works, Julian was
+actuated not only by the dictates of enlightened policy, but also by the
+affection he cherished for the city of his birth.[1080]
+
+After one hundred and fifty years, the harbour was so injured by the
+accumulation of the sand thrown up on this coast as to call for
+extensive repairs; and accordingly, at the order of Anastasius I., it
+was, in 509, dredged, and protected by a mole.[1081]
+
+Nevertheless, further restoration was required sixty years later, in the
+reign of Justin II. The work was then executed under the superintendence
+of Narses and the Protovestarius Troilus, at the urgent solicitation of
+the Empress Sophia, whose sympathies had been greatly stirred by seeing,
+from her palace windows, ships in distress during a violent storm on the
+Sea of Marmora. It was in recognition of the empress’s interest in the
+matter that the harbour received her name,[1082] and was adorned with
+her statue, as well as with the statues of Justin II., her daughter
+Arabia, and Narses.[1083] Owing to the improvements made on the harbour
+at this time, the Marine Exchange of the city was transferred to it from
+the Neorion on the Golden Horn.[1084] The port continued in use to the
+end of the Empire, and also for some sixty years after the Turkish
+Conquest. The entrance (now closed) was between the two large towers
+immediately to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.
+
+With the harbour the following historical events are associated: Here
+the body of St. Chrysostom was landed, and placed for a time in the
+neighbouring Church of St. Thomas Amantiou, when brought from the land
+of his exile to be entombed in the Church of the Holy Apostles.[1085] In
+the riot of the Nika, the Residence of Probus, which stood beside the
+harbour, was first searched for arms, and then set on fire by the
+Factions.[1086] Here Phocas placed a division of the Green Faction, to
+prevent the landing of troops from the fleet of Heraclius;[1087] and
+hither the tyrant himself was dragged from his palace, thrown into a
+boat, and taken to Heraclius, in whose presence he was put to
+death.[1088] Here Leontius, upon his appointment as Governor of the
+Theme of Hellas, embarked to proceed to his post; but, at the instance
+of his friends, landed to head the revolution which overthrew Justinian
+II.[1089]
+
+Several of the great fires to which Constantinople was so liable reached
+this harbour. Among them was the terrible conflagration in the reign of
+Leo the Great, which devastated the principal quarters of the city, from
+the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora.[1090] The equally destructive
+fire of 1203, which started with the burning, by the Crusaders, of the
+Saracen Mosque beside the Golden Horn, near Sirkedji Iskelessi, likewise
+swept across the city to this point.[1091] Other fires of minor
+importance occurred here in 561, 863, 887, and 956.
+
+To the list of the noted buildings and districts near the Harbour of
+Julian, already mentioned, may be added the Residence of Bardas, father
+of Nicephorus Phocas;[1092] the Residence of Isaac Sevastocrator, which
+was converted by Isaac Angelus into a khan or hostelry (Pandocheion),
+with accommodation for one hundred men and as many horses;[1093] the
+Churches of St. Thekla;[1094] St. Thomas, Amantiou;[1095] the Archangel
+Michael, of Adda (τοῦ Ἀδδᾷ);[1096] St. Julian Perdix; and St. John the
+Forerunner, near the Residence of Probus.[1097]
+
+Close to the Harbour of Sophia stood a tower known as the Bukanon, or
+the Trumpet (τὸ Βύκανον).[1098] It was so named, according to the
+Anonymus,[1099] both because trumpets were kept there, and because the
+tower itself, being hollow, resounded like a trumpet when struck by the
+waves. Whenever the Imperial fleet, the same writer adds, sailed from
+the city, it was customary for the ships to assemble before this tower
+and exchange musical salutes with it; a legend, which is probably a
+fanciful travesty of the simple fact that the tower was a station from
+which the movements of vessels were directed by trumpet signals.
+
+If the order in which the Anonymus mentions the tower, between the SS.
+Sergius and Bacchus and the Harbour of Sophia, indicates its actual
+position, the Bukanon stood on the eastern side of the harbour.
+
+
+             Harbour of the Kontoscalion (τὸ Κοντοσκάλιον).
+
+
+Another harbour on the Marmora side of the city was the Harbour of
+Kontoscalion.
+
+The first reference to the Kontoscalion occurs in the Anonymus,[1100] in
+the eleventh century, but the harbour acquired its greatest importance
+after 1261, when it was selected by Michael Palæologus to be the
+dockyard and principal station of the Imperial navy. Here the emperor
+thought his fleet could lie more secure from attack, and in a better
+position to assail an enemy, than in any other haven of the city. For
+the force of the current along this shore would soon oblige hostile
+ships approaching the port to beat a hasty retreat, lest they should be
+driven upon the coast, and consequently expose them, as they withdrew,
+to be taken in the rear by the Imperial vessels that would then sally
+forth in pursuit. Great labour was therefore expended upon the old
+harbour. It was dredged and deepened to render it more commodious; and
+to make it more secure, it was surrounded with immense blocks, closed
+with iron gates, and protected by a mole.[1101] Subsequently, as his
+coat-of-arms on the western tower of the harbour indicated, the
+Kontoscalion was repaired by Andronicus II.[1102]
+
+A Russian pilgrim who visited the city about 1350 has drawn a vivid
+picture of the harbour when crowded with triremes on account of contrary
+weather:—
+
+“De l’Hippodrome on passe devant Cantoscopie; là est la superbe et très
+grande porte en fer à grillage de la ville. C’est par cette porte que la
+mer pénétre dans la ville. Si la mer est agitée, jusqu’a trois cents
+galères y trouvent place; ces galères ont les unes deux cents et les
+autres trois cents rames. Ces vaisseaux sont employés au transport des
+troupes. Si le vent est contraire, ils ne peuvent avancer, et doivent
+attendre le beau temps.”[1103]
+
+The Kontoscalion is generally held to have stood in front of Koum
+Kapoussi, where the traces of an old harbour, about 270 yards wide and
+some 217 yards long, are still discernible in an extensive mole off the
+shore, and in the great bend described by the city walls at that point
+to enclose an area which, at one time, was evidently a basin of water.
+
+There is scarcely any room for doubt that this view is correct. The
+adherence of the name Kontoscalion to this quarter, apparently, ever
+since the Turkish Conquest,[1104] is in favour of the opinion. So,
+likewise, is the fact that thus it becomes intelligible how
+Pachymeres[1105] and Bondelmontius[1106] associate the harbour with
+Vlanga, on the one hand, while Nicephorus Gregoras[1107] associates it
+with the Hippodrome on the other. It is also a corroboration of this
+view to find on the walls of the harbour the coat-of-arms of Andronicus
+II., who is declared, by one authority, to have restored the
+Kontoscalion.[1108] The only objection to this identification is found
+in the difference between the character of the actual enclosure around
+the harbour at Koum Kapoussi and the character of the enclosure which
+Michael Palæologus placed around the Kontoscalion. The former consists
+of the ordinary walls of the city; the latter consisted, according to
+Pachymeres,[1109] of very large blocks of stone: ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν
+μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον. But in reply to this objection it may
+be said, either (though not without some violence to the words of the
+historian) that the great blocks of stone referred to were the boulders
+which form the mole of the harbour; or that the work done under Michael
+Palæologus was temporary, and was superseded by the improvements
+executed in the reign of his son and successor Andronicus II. The
+objection must not be ignored.[1110]
+
+
+                 Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.
+
+
+According to the _Notitia_,[1111] Constantinople possessed a harbour
+called Portus Theodosianus, in the Twelfth Region of the city. As that
+Region comprised within its limits the shore of the Sea of Marmora at
+the southern base of the Seventh Hill, the Harbour of Theodosius must
+have been found at Vlanga Bostan, where the basin of a very ancient
+harbour, now filled in and converted into market-gardens, is distinctly
+visible.
+
+There can be little doubt that this harbour was also the one which went
+by the name Harbour of Eleutherius[1112] (ὁ λιμὴν τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου): for
+the district of Eleutherius, and the palace of that name,[1113] were
+situated in the valley leading from Vlanga Bostan to Ak Serai, and the
+Et Meidan. The harbour at Vlanga Bostan, moreover, corresponds to the
+description given of the Harbour of Eleutherius by the Anonymus,[1114]
+who speaks of it as a very ancient harbour, situated to the west of that
+of Sophia, and abandoned long before his time.
+
+If this be so, then the name Harbour of Eleutherius was its earlier
+designation, and the port itself was the oldest on the side of the city
+towards the Sea of Marmora, its construction being ascribed to a certain
+Eleutherius, who was present at the foundation of Constantinople.[1115]
+Its antiquity is supported by the aspect of its remains, for the walls
+enclosing it on the north are the oldest portion of the fortifications
+of the city, and possibly belong to the time of Constantine the Great.
+Here the statue of Eleutherius was erected, in the appropriate equipment
+of an excavator, with a spade in his hand and a basket on his
+back.[1116]
+
+[Illustration: Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and
+Theodosius.[1117]]
+
+From the fact that the harbour was called Portus Theodosianus, it is
+evident that it was improved by Theodosius I., to whom the city owed so
+many public works.
+
+When precisely the harbour was filled in is a question not easily
+settled. The Anonymus declares, indeed, that this was done in the reign
+of Theodosius I., with the earth excavated in laying the foundations of
+the column of that emperor in the Forum of Taurus.[1118] But, had that
+been the case, the _Notitia_ would scarcely have mentioned an abandoned
+harbour among the objects for which the Twelfth Region of the city was
+remarkable. What is certain is that the harbour was destroyed some time
+before the eleventh century; probably because the earth brought by the
+stream of the Lycus, which flows into the harbour, and the sand cast up
+by the sea, proved too troublesome for the maintenance of a sufficient
+depth of water.
+
+The harbour measured 786 yards from east to west and 218 yards from
+south to north. Along its southern side, as well as along a portion of
+its side towards the east, it was protected by a mole twelve feet thick,
+carefully constructed of masonry, and extending from the Gate of St.
+Æmilianus (Daoud Pasha Kapoussi) eastwards for about 436 yards, and then
+northwards for 327 yards more.[1119] Upon the greater portion of the
+mole, walls were constructed for the military defence of the harbour.
+
+The entrance was at the north-eastern end, between the head of the mole
+and the site of the Gate Yeni Kapou, the opening through which the
+Roumelian Railway now runs, and was guarded by a tower built at a short
+distance out in the sea.[1120]
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and
+Theodosius.[1121]]
+
+As stated already, the adjacent quarter was called the quarter of
+Eleutherius (τὰ τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου). It is mentioned under that name in
+1203, as the farthest point reached by the great fire which then
+devastated the city through the folly of the Crusaders.[1122] The
+present name of the quarter, Vlanga, appears first in the eleventh
+century, as the designation of the residence of Andronicus Comnenus in
+this part of the city (οἶκος ὅς τοῦ Βλάγγα ἐπικέκληται),[1123] and it is
+the name by which writers subsequent to the Restoration of the Greek
+Empire refer to the district.[1124]
+
+In the vicinity stood the Palace of the Empress Irene,[1125] the
+unnatural mother of Constantine VI., in which Basil II. entertained the
+Legates of Pope Hadrian II.[1126]
+
+The Church of St. Panteleemon, erected by Theodora the wife of Justinian
+the Great, on the site of her humble dwelling when a poor woman earning
+her bread by spinning wool[1127] and the district of Narses (τὰ
+Ναρσοῦ)[1128] were in this neighbourhood; so also was the district of
+Canicleius (τὰ Κανικλείου), where the emperor landed when proceeding to
+pay his annual visit to that church.[1129] The modern Greek church of
+St. Theodore, to the south of Boudroum Djamissi (Myrelaion), marks, Dr.
+Mordtmann[1130] suggests, the district of Claudius (τὰ Κλαυδίου).
+
+
+                    The Harbour of the Golden Gate.
+
+
+Another harbour on this side of the city was the Harbour of the Golden
+Gate (ὁ λιμὴν τῆς Χρυσῆς),[1131] in the bay to the west of the entrance
+of that name. This is implied in the statement of Ducas, that during the
+siege of 1453 the right wing of the Turkish army extended southwards
+from the Gate of St. Romanus to the Harbour of the Golden Gate.[1132]
+
+On the occasion of a triumph celebrating a victorious campaign in Asia
+Minor, the harbour presented an animated scene; for the spoils and
+prisoners which were to figure in the procession, were ferried across
+from Chrysopolis, and landed at this point, to be marshalled on the
+plain before the Golden Gate.[1133]
+
+It was off this point that the Turkish fleet, in 1453, waited to
+intercept the five gallant ships, which brought provisions to the city
+from the island of Scio, and which forced their way to the Golden Horn,
+notwithstanding all the efforts of 305 vessels of the Sultan to capture
+them.[1134]
+
+
+      The Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon.
+
+
+Before concluding this account of the city harbours on the Sea of
+Marmora, a point of some importance remains to be settled.
+
+Byzantine historians speak of the Harbour of Kaisarius, and of the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon, on the southern shore of the city. Now, as
+traces of an additional harbour to those already mentioned, on this side
+of the city, may be disputed, the question presents itself: Have the
+Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon disappeared, or
+were they one or other of the harbours already identified?
+
+The Harbour of Kaisarius (Λιμὴν τοῦ Καισαρείου) is mentioned for
+the first time in the Acts of the Fifth General Council of
+Constantinople,[1135] held in 553, under Justinian the Great. Near
+it, we are there informed, stood the Residence of Germanus: “In
+domo Germani, prope portum Cæsarii.” The harbour is mentioned for
+the last time by Cedrenus,[1136] in what is manifestly a quotation
+from Theophanes.[1137] Beside it stood a district,[1138] and a
+palace,[1139] known respectively as the District and the Palace of
+Kaisarius (ἐν τοῖς Καισαρείου: κυράτωρ τῶν Καισαρείου); the latter
+being probably the residence of Germanus above mentioned.
+
+After whom the harbour was named is uncertain. Du Cange[1140] suggests
+three persons from whom the designation may have been derived:
+Kaisarius, Prefect of the City under Valentinian; Kaisarius, Prætorian
+Prefect under Theodosius I.; and Kaisarius, a personage of some note in
+the reign of Leo I. If the choice lies between these persons, the
+preference must be given to the last; for the _Notitia_, which describes
+the city in the reign of Theodosius II., makes no mention of this
+harbour. In all probability, therefore, the Harbour of Kaisarius was
+constructed towards the close of the fifth century.
+
+That it stood on the Sea of Marmora is evident; first, from its
+association with the Harbours of Julian and of Hormisdas, as one of the
+points at which the tyrant Phocas placed troops to prevent the landing
+of Heraclius on the southern side of the city;[1141] and secondly, from
+the fact that it was there that Constantine Pogonatus, in 673, placed
+his ships, armed with the newly invented tubes for squirting Greek fire,
+to await the Saracen fleet coming up against the city from the
+Ægean.[1142]
+
+Passing next to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, we find that the term
+“Heptascalon” is employed by Byzantine writers only in two connections:
+first, and then generally in the corrupt form Πασχάλῳ or Πασκάλῳ, it
+serves to mark the site of a church dedicated to St. Acacius; the
+earliest writer who uses it for that purpose being Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus,[1143] in his biography of Basil I., by whom the church
+was restored: secondly, Cantacuzene[1144] employs the phrase to indicate
+the situation of the harbour now under discussion.
+
+In 1351 Cantacuzene[1145] found the harbour in a very unsatisfactory
+condition. Owing to the sand which had accumulated in it for many years,
+it could hardly float a ship laden with cargo; and accordingly, in
+pursuance of his policy to develop the naval resources of the Empire, he
+caused the harbour to be dredged at much labour and expense, to the
+great convenience of public business. So extensive was the work of
+restoration that in one passage the harbour is styled the New
+Neorion.[1146]
+
+Du Cange,[1147] misled by the fact that a Church of St. Acacius was
+found in the Tenth Region—one of the Regions on the northern side of the
+city—has classed the Neorion at the Heptascalon among the harbours on
+the Golden Horn. But to identify a site in Byzantine Constantinople by
+means of a church alone is a precarious proceeding, for churches of the
+same dedication were to be found in different quarters of the city.
+This, Du Cange[1148] himself admits, was possible in the case before us;
+since, besides the Church of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, writers
+speak of a Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (Ἐν τῇ Καρύᾳ), and the
+identity of the two sanctuaries cannot be assumed. But the existence of
+a second church dedicated to St. Acacius is not a mere possibility.
+According to Antony of Novgorod,[1149] there was a church of that
+dedication also on the southern side of the city, not far from the
+Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. The Neorion at the Heptascalon may,
+therefore, have been on the Sea of Marmora.
+
+And that it was there, as a matter of fact, is evident from the
+statements made regarding that harbour by Cantacuzene and Nicephorus
+Gregoras, in their account of the naval engagement fought in the
+Bosporus in 1351, between a Genoese fleet on the one hand, and the
+Greeks, supported by Venetian and Spanish ships, on the other.
+
+Upon coming up from the Ægean to take part in the war, the Venetians and
+the Spaniards, says the former historian,[1150] anchored off the
+Prince’s Island, to rest their crews after the hardships of the winter.
+There they remained three days. Then, quitting their moorings, the two
+allies made for the Neorion at the Heptascalon, or, as it is also
+styled, the Neorion of the Byzantines (τὸ Βυζαντίων νεώριον),[1151] to
+join the Imperial fleet which was stationed there, all ready for action,
+and awaiting their arrival. Meanwhile, the Genoese admiral, with seventy
+ships, had taken up his position at Chalcedon (Kadikeui), to watch and
+oppose the movements of the allied squadrons. The wind was blowing a
+gale from the south, and though the Venetians and Spaniards had started
+for the Heptascalon very early in the morning, it was with the utmost
+difficulty, and late in the afternoon, that they succeeded in crossing
+from the island to the city. Even at the last moment they narrowly
+escaped destruction, by being dashed to pieces against the boulders
+scattered along the foot of the walls as a breakwater.
+
+The Byzantine admiral, encouraged by the arrival of his allies, then
+sallied forth from the Heptascalon, and led the way towards the Genoese
+ships at Chalcedon. The latter, finding it impossible to make head
+against the wind, retired towards Galata, and skilfully entrenched
+themselves among the shoals and rocks off Beshiktash, preferring to be
+attacked in that advantageous situation.[1152] The allies came on, and a
+desperate conflict, partly on the water, partly on the rocks, ensued,
+until night parted the combatants without a decisive victory on either
+side.
+
+With this narrative of Cantacuzene in view, no one familiar with the
+vicinity of Constantinople can doubt for a moment that the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon was upon the Sea of Marmora. The single circumstance
+that the walls in the neighbourhood of the harbour were protected by
+boulders placed in the sea as a breakwater is alone sufficient to prove
+the fact; for only the walls bordering the Sea of Marmora were defended
+in that manner. Equally conclusive is the circumstance that the Venetian
+and Spanish ships found it difficult to make the harbour from the
+Prince’s Island with a strong south wind on their left. Such a wind
+would drive them towards the Bosporus with a violence that would render
+it almost impossible for them to put into any port on the Marmora shore
+of the city. Nor is it less decisive to find, as the historian’s account
+makes perfectly clear, that the harbour was so situated; that the
+approach to it, and possible shipwrecks at its entrance, could be
+observed by the Genoese admiral stationed off Chalcedon; that an enemy
+at Chalcedon found it hard to advance towards the Heptascalon in a
+strong south wind; and that vessels proceeding from the harbour to
+Galata could, on the way, touch at Chalcedon. These facts hold true only
+of a harbour on the Sea of Marmora.
+
+This conclusion, based on the narrative of Cantacuzene, is corroborated
+by the indications which Nicephorus Gregoras[1153] furnishes regarding
+the site of the Neorion. The events which transpired, according to the
+former historian, at the Neorion at the Heptascalon, or the Neorion of
+the Byzantines, took place, according to the latter, in the Harbour of
+the Byzantines, or, more definitely, “the Harbour of the Byzantines
+facing the east” (τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων λιμένος, τοῦ πρὸς ἒω
+βλέποντος).[1154] That the expression “facing the east” denoted the
+shore of the city facing the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast is
+manifest, from the use which Nicephorus Gregoras makes of that
+expression in other passages of his work. The Golden Gate, which stands
+near the Sea of Marmora, on what would generally be described as the
+southern shore of the city, stood, according to him, near the city’s
+_eastern_ shore.[1155] Again, the gale from the south, which damaged the
+city fortifications along the Sea of Marmora in the year 1341, assailed,
+he says, the _eastern_ walls of the capital.[1156] This way of speaking,
+if not strictly accurate, is justified by the fact that extensive
+portions of the city beside the Sea of Marmora face east or south-east.
+
+Nor is this all. The harbour in question, adds Nicephorus
+Gregoras,[1157] stood where the walls of the city were protected by
+boulders; ships issuing from it, in a south wind, could readily make the
+Bosporus;[1158] while ships proceeding from the Bosporus to the harbour
+passed Chalcedon on the left, and could be watched from Chalcedon, upon
+their arrival at their destination.[1159]
+
+Such facts, we repeat, hold good only of a harbour situated on the shore
+of the city beside the Sea of Marmora.
+
+It being thus proved that the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon were situated on the Marmora side of the city, we return
+to the question, whether they have disappeared, or were different names
+for one or other of the harbours already identified.
+
+So far as room for harbours additional to those already identified is
+concerned, such room could be found only in the level ground at the foot
+of the Third Hill, extending from the Kontoscalion at Koum Kapoussi to
+the Harbour of Theodosius at Vlanga, points some 910 yards apart. An
+additional harbour elsewhere was impossible, owing to the character of
+the coast. Accordingly, if the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon cannot be identified with one or other of the well-known
+harbours on the Sea of Marmora, they must have been situated between
+Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga.
+
+So far as the Harbour of Kaisarius is concerned, it could not have been
+another name for the Harbour of the Bucoleon, or the Harbour of Julian
+and Sophia, or the Harbour of the Golden Gate. For, as John of
+Antioch[1160] makes perfectly clear in his account of the defence of the
+city by Phocas against Heraclius, the Harbour of Kaisarius was situated
+in the same general district as the two former harbours, and to the west
+of them. Nor can the Harbour of Kaisarius be identified with the Harbour
+of Theodosius, inasmuch as the latter had been filled in and
+abandoned[1161] before the reigns of Phocas and Constantine IV., in the
+seventh century, when the Harbour of Kaisarius was still one of the
+principal ports on the southern coast of the city.[1162]
+
+The Harbour of Kaisarius must, therefore, have been either the
+Kontoscalion, at Koum Kapoussi, or another harbour between that gate and
+Vlanga. To suppose that it was the Kontoscalion, under an earlier name,
+is possible, since the name Kontoscalion, we have seen,[1163] appears
+for the first time in the eleventh century. Still the circumstance that
+a fire which started beside the Harbour of Kaisarius extended to the
+Forum of the Ox (ἕως τοῦ Βοός),[1164] situated at Ak Serai far up the
+valley that runs northwards from Yeni Kapou, suggests a situation nearer
+Vlanga.
+
+Turning, next, to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, it could, obviously,
+not be the Harbour of the Bucoleon, attached to the Imperial Palace; nor
+the Harbour of the Golden Gate, which was beyond the city limits; nor
+the Harbour of Theodosius, which had been filled in long before the
+reign of Cantacuzene, and which in 1400 and 1422, dates respectively not
+fifty and seventy years after that emperor’s reign, is described as a
+garden.[1165] The Neorion at the Heptascalon, therefore, must have been
+either the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Kontoscalion, or an
+additional harbour between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga. One objection to
+the first supposition is that the Harbour of Julian and Sophia was so
+notoriously known under its own special name, that reference to it by
+another designation is extremely improbable. Another objection is that
+the indications respecting the site of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon,
+however vague their character, furnish no ground for believing that the
+church stood in the vicinity of the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, but
+support, rather, the opinion that it stood in the neighbourhood of
+Boudroum Djamissi, in the quarter of Laleli Hamam, situated to the
+north-west of Koum Kapoussi.[1166]
+
+The supposition that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was the same as the
+Kontoscalion is open to objections equally, if not more, serious. The
+identity of the two harbours is inconsistent with the fact that the two
+names occur in the writings of the same author, Cantacuzene,[1167] in
+the same section of his work, in passages not widely separated and
+treating of kindred matters, without the slightest hint that under the
+different names he refers to the same thing. The natural impression made
+by the use of the two names in such a way is that they denote different
+things. Then, there is an opposition between the respective meanings of
+the two names, which makes their application to the same object
+incompatible; a harbour distinguished by a short pier cannot also be a
+harbour distinguished by seven piers. In the next place, the different
+accounts which Cantacuzene gives of the condition of the two harbours in
+his reign imply that he is not speaking of the same port. He refers to
+the Kontoscalion,[1168] in 1348, without a note of disparagement, as a
+harbour in which he constructed several large triremes for the increase
+of his fleet; while he describes the Neorion at the Heptascalon,[1169]
+only three years later, as a harbour which had long been neglected,
+which was full of silt, and which he restored at great expense, for the
+public advantage, on a scale which entitled it to be styled the New
+Neorion.[1170]
+
+And just as all that Cantacuzene states regarding the two harbours
+implies that they were different, so does the language of Nicephorus
+Gregoras. When the latter writer alludes to the Kontoscalion, he
+describes it as the harbour near the Hippodrome;[1171] when he alludes
+to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, he describes it as the harbour facing
+the east.[1172] Different marks are generally employed to distinguish
+different objects.[1173] This being so, the unavoidable conclusion is
+that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was a harbour situated between Koum
+Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou, the only possible situation for an additional
+harbour.
+
+We should feel obliged to insist upon this conclusion, even in the
+absence of any remains of a harbour in the situation indicated. Our
+task, however, is not so arduous; for manifest traces of such a harbour
+have been identified. In the first place, traces of a harbour in the
+district above mentioned came to view in 1819, and were then officially
+noted by so competent an authority as the Patriarch Constantius.[1174]
+In that year a great fire burned down a large part of the Turkish
+quarter near Yeni Kapou—Tulbenkdji Djamissi—and brought to light a
+portion of an ancient circular enclosure around that quarter. The
+discovery excited considerable attention, and the patriarch was
+specially instructed by the Turkish Government of the day to examine the
+wall and report the result of his investigations. Accompanied by two
+distinguished members of the Greek community, the prelate proceeded to
+the scene of the conflagration, and found a wall built of huge blocks of
+stone, about seven feet long, four and a half feet wide, and over a foot
+thick. The stones were carefully hewn and placed in three tiers; the
+blocks in the two lower tiers being the ordinary limestone found on the
+banks of the Bosporus, while the blocks in the highest row were of
+marble from the Island of Marmora. The territory enclosed by the wall
+presented the appearance of a great hollow which had been filled in,
+since the Turkish Conquest, and raised to afford ground for building.
+All that the patriarch saw convinced him that he stood upon the site of
+one of the ancient harbours of the city. The wall has disappeared, as
+the excellent building material it provided rendered natural. But other
+remains of a harbour at this point, the complement of those discovered
+by the patriarch, have been recognized, and can, to some extent, be
+still distinguished.
+
+Off the shore in front of the territory enclosed by the wall described
+above is a mole formed with boulders (marked “Molotrümmer” on Stolpe’s
+map of the city), similar to the mole before the old harbour at Koum
+Kapoussi. At a point about half-way between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni
+Kapou, there is a wide gap in this mole, dividing it in two unequal
+parts, and forming a passage through it. The shore[1175] opposite the
+gap was, until the construction of a quay in 1870 for the Roumelian
+railroad, a sandy beach extending back to the foot of the city walls.
+The portion of the walls at the rear of the beach was, however, not
+Byzantine; but a piece of Turkish work[1176] inserted between the
+Byzantine walls on either hand to close an opening which gave admittance
+to the area occupied by the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi.
+
+Here, accordingly, we have traces of all that constitutes a harbour: its
+mole, its entrance, its basin and enclosure, indicating where the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon, which the language of Cantacuzene and
+Nicephorus Gregoras obliges us to distinguish from the Kontoscalion, was
+probably situated. At this point, it seems reasonable to think, stood
+also the Harbour of Kaisarius, if we may judge from the circumstance
+that a fire which originated at that harbour extended up the valley from
+Vlanga to Ak Serai.[1177]
+
+In the opinion of the Patriarch Constantius,[1178] indeed, the harbour
+discovered in 1819 was the Kontoscalion. The statement of
+Pachymeres[1179] and Bondelmontius,[1180] that the Kontoscalion was near
+Vlanga, cannot, perhaps, be held to lend much countenance to this
+supposition, for in view of the short distance between Vlanga and Koum
+Kapoussi, the Kontoscalion might be thus described, although situated in
+front of the latter. But what presents a most serious consideration in
+favour of the patriarch’s opinion is the fact that the wall which he
+examined answered exactly to the description of the wall with which
+Michael Palæologus enclosed the Kontoscalion.
+
+That emperor, according to Pachymeres,[1181] surrounded the Kontoscalion
+with very large stones; and closed the entrance in the stones with iron
+gates (Ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον, ... πύλας δ᾽
+ἐπιθεῖναι ἀραρυίας ἐκ σιδήρου τῇ ἐν ταῖς πέτραις εἰσίθμη ἔξωθεν).
+
+No language could describe better the enclosure of large blocks
+discovered in 1819; while the expression “the entrance in the stones”
+applies admirably to the gap in the mole which protected the harbour.
+Nothing of the kind is found at the harbour before Koum Kapoussi, which
+lay within a mole and a great curve of the ordinary city walls. This, it
+must be admitted, is an exceedingly strong argument in support of the
+patriarch’s contention. On the other hand, we have seen how strong also
+are the arguments in favour of the view that the Kontoscalion stood at
+Koum Kapoussi.[1182] Perhaps the solution of the difficulty is found in
+the supposition that while the name Kontoscalion strictly belonged to
+the harbour at Koum Kapoussi, it was sometimes applied also to other
+harbours in the vicinity, because the name of the most important member
+of the group.
+
+
+Note on the Locality where the Ancient Harbour Wall, discovered in 1819,
+                               was found.
+
+
+    The Patriarch Constantius, our sole informant on the subject, refers
+    to this discovery twice; first, in his work on _Ancient and Modern
+    Constantinople_ (Κωνσταντινιὰς Παλαιὰ τε καὶ Νεωτέρα), published in
+    1844; secondly, in a letter, dated April 12, 1852, which is found in
+    the collection of his minor works (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες), and
+    which was addressed to Mr. Scarlatus Byzantius, upon the publication
+    of that gentleman’s work on the history and antiquities of the city.
+    In that letter the patriarch corrects several mistakes made in his
+    own work on the same subject, and gives additional information on
+    other points.
+
+    The earlier reference to the discovery is brief, and when viewed in
+    the light of the later statements, altogether misleading. It occurs
+    in the paragraph upon Koum Kapoussi, the ancient Gate of
+    Kontoscalion (English translation, p. 21; Greek original, p. 30).
+    After expressing the opinion that the Neorion of the Kontoscalion
+    stood at that gate, and quoting the description which Pachymeres
+    gives of the wall around the harbour, the reverend author adds: “A
+    portion of this circular enclosure appeared in 1819, consisting of
+    three layers of very large stones placed one upon the other” (Ἕν
+    μέρος δὲ τούτου τοῦ κυκλικοῦ περιφράγματος τοῦ λιμένος ἀνεφάνη τῷ
+    1819 ἔτει, συνιστάμενον ἐκ τριῶν θέσεων παμμεγίστων ἀλλεπαλλήλων
+    πετρῶν).
+
+    There can be but one meaning to this language, namely, that the
+    enclosure referred to stood beside the harbour at Koum Kapoussi. But
+    the difficulty with this language has always been how to make it
+    coincide with the facts in the case. For, as already intimated, the
+    enclosure around the harbour at Koum Kapoussi is almost intact, and
+    consists of the ordinary walls of the city at their usual elevation.
+    There has never been room at that point for another enclosure such
+    as the patriarch describes. But his later, and, fortunately, fuller
+    statements (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες, pp. 443, 444) make the matter
+    clear, although, at the same time, they convict the patriarch of
+    inaccuracy in his first statement, so far as the locality of the
+    discovery is concerned. According to the patriarch’s letter, the
+    locality in question was not at Koum Kapoussi, but between that gate
+    and the gate Yeni Kapou of Vlanga, and nearer to the latter entrance
+    than to the former. This fact is confirmed by the additional
+    indication that the discovery was made in a Turkish quarter; for the
+    only Turkish quarter near the shore between Kadriga Limani, on the
+    east of Koum Kapoussi, and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, on the west of
+    Vlanga, is the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi near Yeni Kapou. But
+    to render all doubt as to the situation of the locality impossible,
+    the route taken to reach it is minutely described; the patriarch and
+    his friends passed first through Kadriga Limani and the parishes of
+    St. Kyriakè and St. Elpis; then they went beyond Koum Kapoussi
+    itself, and, keeping within the line of the walls, proceeded to the
+    neighbourhood of the gate of Yeni Kapou at Vlanga, where the wall
+    had come to light. These particulars are, indeed, at variance with
+    the statement found in _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, but as
+    they constitute the patriarch’s clearest and fullest declarations on
+    the point at issue, and are made in a letter correcting mistakes in
+    his former work, they have been adopted as his most authoritative
+    statements. The subject being important and the patriarch’s letter
+    but little known, the passages bearing most directly upon the
+    question are here appended: Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Προποντίδα λιμένος,
+    περὶ οὗ σημειοῦμεν ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ Συγγράμματι, τοῦ παρὰ Μιχαὴλ τοῦ
+    Παλαιολόγου κατασκευασθέντος, αὐτὸς κεῖται ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς Πύλης
+    Κοντοσκαλίου (Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ) καὶ τῆς τοῦ Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας,
+    καὶ ὑπῆρχε, διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον, ἔνδον τῶν παραλίων τειχῶν
+    κατεσκευασμενος. ... Ἀλλ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ μέρους, ἐν ᾦ ὁ τοῦ Παλαιολόγου
+    ἔκειτο, κατοικουμενου ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν, κατὰ τὸ 1819 ἔτος πυρπολυθέντος,
+    ἀνεφάνη τὸ τοῦ λιμένος τούτου κυκλικὸν περίφραγμα, κατὰ τὸν
+    Παχυμέρην, γεγυρωμένον ἐκ τριῶν ἀλλεπαλλήλως τεθειμένων μεγάλων
+    πετρῶν, εἰργασμένων ὡς πλακῶν, ἐχουσῶν μῆκος μὲν τριῶν πήχεων, εὖρος
+    δὲ δύω, καὶ βάθος ἡμίσειαν, τῶν μὲν δύω κάτωθεν ἀλλεπαλλήλων πλακῶν
+    ἐκ πετρῶν τοῦ Βοσπόρου, λευκομελανοχρόων, τῆς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τρίτης
+    σειρᾶς καὶ ἀνωτέρας, ἐκ μαρμάρων ἰσομέτρων Προκονησίων. He then
+    refers to the order received from the Government to investigate the
+    discovery, and mentions the persons who accompanied him on that
+    errand; after which he continues thus: Διήλθομεν δὲ τὸ
+    Κάτεργα-λιμὰν, τὰς ἐνορίας Ἁγίας Κυριακῆς καὶ Ἐλπίδος, παρήλθομεν τὸ
+    Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ, καὶ προεχωρήσαμεν ἔχοντες ἀριστερόθεν τὰ παράλια
+    τείχη ἔνδοθεν, ἐγγὺς τῆς Πύλης Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας, ὅπου
+    εἴδομεν τὸ ἐκ πετρῶν καὶ μαρμάρων κυκλοτερὲς περίφραγμα,
+    ἐκτεινόμενον ὑποκάτω ἑνὸς τεφρωθέντος Τζαμίου, ἑνὸς μεγάλου
+    Ὀθωμανικοῦ οἴκου καὶ περαιτέρω. Καὶ παραυτίκα ἐγνώκαμεν ὅτι τοῦτο
+    αὐτὸ ἐστι, κατὰ τὸν Παχυμέρην, τὸ πρὸς τὴν Βλάγκαν νεῦον τοῦ
+    Κοντασκαλίου Νεώριον. Ὅλος ὁ τόπος ὁ περιέχων ποτὲ τὸ Νεώριον αὐτὸ,
+    μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐπληρώθη, ἐχερσώθη καὶ ὑψώθη τὸ ἔδαφος,
+    κατοικούμενος ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν· αἱ δὲ ἀραρυῖαι ἐκ σιδήρου πύλαι, δι᾽ ὦν
+    εἰσέπλεεν ὁ στόλος ἐλλιμενιζόμενος, ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν.
+
+Footnote 1062:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. III._
+
+Footnote 1063:
+
+  Theod. Cod., _De Calcis Coctor_.
+
+Footnote 1064:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 1065:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
+
+Footnote 1066:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, ii. c. xv.
+
+Footnote 1067:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. III._; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp.
+  83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1068:
+
+  Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.
+
+Footnote 1069:
+
+  Pages 284, 564, Εἰς τὸν Ἰουλιανοῦ τῆς Σοφίας λεγόμενον λιμένα: ἐν τῷ
+  Ἰουλιανισίῳ λιμένι τῆς Σοφίας.
+
+Footnote 1070:
+
+  Page 700.
+
+Footnote 1071:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1072:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.
+
+Footnote 1073:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.
+
+Footnote 1074:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.
+
+Footnote 1075:
+
+  _Notitia ad Reg. III._; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1076:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.
+
+Footnote 1077:
+
+  Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.
+
+Footnote 1078:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.
+
+Footnote 1079:
+
+  Zosimus, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1080:
+
+  Malalas, p. 479.
+
+Footnote 1081:
+
+  See Epistle 58.
+
+Footnote 1082:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus
+  cœno effoso purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.
+
+Footnote 1083:
+
+  The plural form of the name (τῶν Σοφιῶν) may allude to the two
+  divisions of the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration
+  actuelle permet encore de distinguer un port intérieur et un port
+  extérieur, séparés par une étroite digne.”
+
+Footnote 1084:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1085:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 30.
+
+Footnote 1086:
+
+  _Menæa_, January 27. This point was known also as ἐν τῷ μούλῳ τοῦ
+  ἁγίου Θωμᾶ (Theophanes, p. 673).
+
+Footnote 1087:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 622.
+
+Footnote 1088:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 700.
+
+Footnote 1089:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1090:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 564.
+
+Footnote 1091:
+
+  Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 1092:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
+
+Footnote 1093:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1094:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
+
+Footnote 1095:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1096:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 385.
+
+Footnote 1097:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1098:
+
+  Codinus, p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1099:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, _Bibl. Græc. Med.
+  Ævi._, vol. v. p. 214).
+
+Footnote 1100:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1101:
+
+  Lib. ii. p. 34.
+
+Footnote 1102:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.
+
+Footnote 1103:
+
+  See below, p. 295, note 5.
+
+Footnote 1104:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 120, 121.
+
+Footnote 1105:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200, is the first writer after
+  the Conquest who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (_i.e._ Contoscalion) velut
+  intra sinum quemdam abscedit versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum
+  sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in mare se porrigentem et muris
+  circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the Kontoscalion is
+  strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.
+
+Footnote 1106:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1107:
+
+  _Liber Insularum Archipelagi_, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga)
+  Condoscali vel Arsena restat.”
+
+Footnote 1108:
+
+  Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.
+
+Footnote 1109:
+
+  In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth
+  century, the copyist, under the heading Περὶ τὸν Σοφιανῶν λιμένα, adds
+  the note that the harbour εἰς τὸ Κοντοσκάλον was constructed by
+  Justin, and had been deepened and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure
+  in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus Palæologus. See Banduri,
+  _Imperium Orientale_, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist is at fault in
+  identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was a
+  historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the
+  restoration of the Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.
+
+Footnote 1110:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1111:
+
+  See below, pp. 312, 313.
+
+Footnote 1112:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 1113:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1114:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1115:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. _ibid._, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1116:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1117:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1118:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1119:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1120:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this
+  authority the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being
+  600 paces long and 12 feet broad.
+
+Footnote 1121:
+
+  Gyllius, _ut supra_. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum æstivum, a
+  quo moles extendebatur ad occasum æstivum, supra quam nunc muri
+  adstricti existunt.”
+
+  “In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis,
+  etiamnum videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquæ
+  ruinarum.”
+
+  Grelot, in his _Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople_, pp.
+  79, 80, refers to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English
+  translation of his work by J. Philips, London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by
+  sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you meet with a square
+  tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from the
+  city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it
+  Belisarius Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great
+  and famous commander, for the recompense of all those signal services
+  which he had done the Emperor Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as
+  well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being despoyled of all his
+  estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity, after he
+  had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and
+  forced for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his
+  chamber, and cry to the passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing,
+  whom envy and no crime has deprived of his eyes.’ Near to the place
+  where stands this tower was formerly the harbour where Theodosius,
+  Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”
+
+Footnote 1122:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1123:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
+
+Footnote 1124:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 170.
+
+Footnote 1125:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; _Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani_,
+  year 1400, p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old
+  harbour is given: Κῆπος περὶ τὸν Βλάγκαν, ἔξω που καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῦ
+  τείχους τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1126:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.
+
+Footnote 1127:
+
+  Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.
+
+Footnote 1128:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1129:
+
+  _Ibid._ p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1130:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 560.
+
+Footnote 1131:
+
+  Page 59.
+
+Footnote 1132:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 1133:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1134:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 438, 499, 504.
+
+Footnote 1135:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place
+  off the entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says
+  that the Sultan viewed the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle
+  Perensi, fortunæ expectans eventum.”
+
+Footnote 1136:
+
+  Act II.
+
+Footnote 1137:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 679.
+
+Footnote 1138:
+
+  Page 364.
+
+Footnote 1139:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1140:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1141:
+
+  Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. p. 169.
+
+Footnote 1142:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. v. p. 38. Ἐπιτρέπει
+  φυλάττεσθαι ἐκ τῶν Πρασίνων τὸν λιμένα τοῦ Καισαρείου καὶ τὸν Σοφίας,
+  τοὺς δὲ Βενετοὺς τὰ ἐπὶ Ὁρμίσδου. Cf. _Paschal Chron._, p. 700.
+
+Footnote 1143:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, Ἐν τῷ Προκλιανισίῳ τῷ
+  Καισαρίου λιμένι. What does Προκλιανισίῳ mean?
+
+Footnote 1144:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 324; _Synaxaria_, May 7, July 21.
+
+Footnote 1145:
+
+  Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.
+
+Footnote 1146:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1147:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 1148:
+
+  Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1149:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1150:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of
+  the Church of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la
+  montagne, se trouve l’eglise des saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the
+  Latin version given in Riant’s _Exuviæ CP._, ii. pp. 228, 229, the
+  passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia
+  SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”
+
+Footnote 1151:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.
+
+Footnote 1152:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 1153:
+
+  But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would
+  suppose that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs
+  and shoals off the shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus
+  says explicitly that the conflict took place off the Diplokionion
+  (Beshiktash), ὅπη κίονες διπλοῖ σχῆμα τάφου τινὸς ἀνέχοντες ἵστανται.
+  According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore between Beshiktash and
+  Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam
+  eminentibus inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore,
+  Beshiktash, Cabatash, refer to these rocks.
+
+Footnote 1154:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. pp. 85-92.
+
+Footnote 1155:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.
+
+Footnote 1156:
+
+  Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.
+
+Footnote 1157:
+
+  Lib. ix. p. 460.
+
+Footnote 1158:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1159:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1160:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 90.
+
+Footnote 1161:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1162:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1163:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 1164:
+
+  See above, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 1165:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 364.
+
+Footnote 1166:
+
+  _Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani_, year 1400, p. 394;
+  Bondelmontius, “In quibus mœnibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus
+  Vlanga.” See above, p. 300, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1167:
+
+  The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It
+  was ἐν Ἑπτασκάλω (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St.
+  Metrophanes (_Synaxaria_, June 4; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p.
+  106); (3) near the Residence of Moselè (Μωσηλὲ), and the monument
+  named the Christocamaron (Χριστοκάμαρον), after a gilt Icon of Christ
+  upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it is supposed,
+  was the same as the Chrysocamaron (Χρυσοκάμαρον: Anonymus, iii. p.
+  48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (_Imp. Orient._, ii. p.
+  688) and Dr. Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the
+  rear of the Myrelaion (Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was
+  the church, now the Mosque Boudroum Djamissi (Gyllius, _De Top. CP._,
+  iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p.
+  75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the
+  rear, or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points
+  in this chain of arguments; Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the
+  two monuments which are identified above, and speaks of two places in
+  Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.
+
+Footnote 1168:
+
+  He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72,
+  74; and to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165,
+  212, 220, 284.
+
+Footnote 1169:
+
+  Codinus, p. 72.
+
+Footnote 1170:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1171:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the
+  subject, the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the
+  Heptascalon, implied not only that the harbour was no longer its old
+  self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished from another and
+  earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during the
+  reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.
+
+Footnote 1172:
+
+  Lib. xvii. p. 854: Ἐς τὸ περὶ τὸν τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἱππόδρομον νεώριον.
+  Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.
+
+Footnote 1173:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 90.
+
+Footnote 1174:
+
+  Unger (_Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte_, p. 264), without
+  discussing the question at length, holds, as the result of his study
+  of the texts, that the Kontoscalion cannot be identified with either
+  the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon. Scarlatus Byzantius (Ἡ
+  Κωνσταντινούπολις, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains that the three
+  names designated different harbours.
+
+Footnote 1175:
+
+  Συγγραφαὶ Ἐλάσσονες, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.
+
+Footnote 1176:
+
+  For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight,
+  LL.D., who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many
+  years a resident there.
+
+Footnote 1177:
+
+  It is still standing.
+
+Footnote 1178:
+
+  See above, p. 308.
+
+Footnote 1179:
+
+  _Ut supra._
+
+Footnote 1180:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, Τὸ πρὸς τὸν Βλάγκα Κοντοσκέλιον.
+
+Footnote 1181:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelago_, p. 121.
+
+Footnote 1182:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1183:
+
+  See above, p. 295.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIX.
+                             THE HEBDOMON.
+
+
+The Hebdomon (τὸ Ἕβδομον, “Septimum”) was a suburb of Constantinople,
+situated on the Egnatian Road, at the distance of seven miles from the
+centre of the city. It obtained its name, as so many villages and towns
+on the great Roman highways did,[1183] from the number of the milestone
+beside which it stood (ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ), and holds a noteworthy place
+in history on account of its military associations and its connection
+with the Court of Constantinople. Considerable interest attaches to it
+also on account of the discussions which the question of its site has
+occasioned.
+
+There can be no doubt that the Hebdomon is represented by the modern
+village of Makrikeui, situated on the shore of the Sea of Marmora, three
+miles to the west of the Golden Gate. But the opinion which has been
+generally accepted, and has had the greatest names in its favour, is
+that the suburb stood at the northern extremity of the Theodosian Walls,
+where the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus and the quarter of Blachernæ
+were found.
+
+[Illustration: Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.]
+
+Now, of all the mistakes committed by students of the topography of
+Byzantine Constantinople, none is so preposterous or inexcusable as this
+identification. It is a mistake made when to err seems impossible, for
+it is in direct opposition to the plainest and most convincing evidence
+that the famous suburb was situated elsewhere. A blind man, Valesius
+exclaims in his indignation at such a baseless opinion, might see the
+truth in the matter.
+
+The blunder started with Gyllius, and was afterwards supported with all
+the immense learning of Du Cange. It was soon denounced by
+Valesius,[1184] and shown to be utterly inconsistent with the most
+obvious facts in the case; but the reputation of the great authorities
+upon its side gave it a vitality which made it the commonly received
+opinion until the most recent times. Unger, however, contested the
+error, once more, in his important work entitled _Quellen der
+Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte_,[1185] published in 1878, and maintained
+the correct view, but without discussing the question at length.
+Schlumberger, also, in his monograph on the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas,
+has seen the facts in their true light.[1186]
+
+Under these circumstances one is strongly tempted to let the fallacies
+with which Gyllius and Du Cange maintained their views pass into
+oblivion, and to be satisfied with proving the truth on the subject. But
+the great authority and eminent services of these students of the
+topography of the city, and the tenacity with which the error they
+countenanced has held the field demand some account of the arguments
+which have been employed in support of an untenable position.
+
+Gyllius[1187] entered upon the discussion of the subject with the fixed
+idea that no locality entitled to be regarded as a suburb could be seven
+miles distant from the city to which it belonged. With this conviction
+rooted in his mind, he found himself called to interpret the passage in
+which Sozomon relates how Theodosius the Great, upon leaving
+Constantinople for Italy to suppress the rebel Eugenius, stopped at the
+seventh mile from the city to invoke the Divine blessing upon the
+expedition, in the Church of St. John the Baptist which the emperor had
+erected at that point of the road.[1188] Gyllius knew his Greek too well
+not to recognize the obvious meaning of this statement. He acknowledges
+that the passage may be understood to intimate that the church above
+mentioned stood at the seventh milestone from Constantinople. But while
+allowing that this is a possible meaning of the historian’s words, he
+contends that it cannot be his actual meaning, because the Hebdomon,
+being a suburb, could not be so distant from the city as seven miles.
+Hence Gyllius separates the numeral adjective “seventh” from the noun
+“mile,” and treating the former as a proper name, construes the passage
+to signify that the Church of St. John the Baptist, in the suburb of the
+Hebdomon, was one mile from the capital. The proposed construction is so
+original that it must be given in its author’s own words: “Theodosius
+egressus unum milliare extra Constantinopolim, in æde Divi Joannis
+Baptistæ, quam ipse construxerat in Hebdomo suburbio, a Deo precatus
+est.”
+
+Under the guidance of this strange interpretation of Sozomon’s
+statement, the indefatigable explorer of the ancient sites of
+Constantinople set himself to discover the precise locality which the
+Hebdomon had occupied. As the suburb was in existence before the
+erection of the Theodosian Walls, the specified distance of one mile had
+to be measured from the original limits of the city, viz. from the Wall
+of Constantine. This, Gyllius thought, would put the suburb somewhere in
+the neighbourhood of the Walls of Theodosius. Searching next for more
+definite indications, he found the ruins of a splendid church dedicated
+to St. John the Baptist on the Sixth Hill, at Bogdan Serai near Kesmè
+Kaya. But a church of St. John the Baptist, as already intimated,
+adorned the Hebdomon, and so Gyllius leaped to the conclusion that the
+Hebdomon was the district on the Sixth Hill: “Suburbium Hebdomon
+appellatum in sexto colle fuisse, qui nunc est intra urbem, ostendit
+ædes Divi Joannis Baptistæ, quam etiam nunc Græci vulgo vocant
+Prodromi.”
+
+Having adopted this conclusion, it only remained for Gyllius to explain
+how a suburb only one mile from the city could have been styled the
+Hebdomon. His explanation is that the extramural territory along the
+Wall of Constantine had been occupied, before its enclosure within the
+Theodosian lines, by a series of suburbs distinguished from one another
+by numerals, and that the Hebdomon was so named because it was the
+seventh suburb in the series. This explanation he supports by pointing
+to the undoubted fact that one portion of that territory is frequently
+named the Deuteron[1189] by Byzantine writers. And he might have added
+that other portions of the territory were, respectively, styled the
+Triton[1190] and the Pempton.[1191]
+
+Du Cange[1192] was unable to accept Gyllius’s interpretation of the
+phrase, Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ. He insists upon its correct and only
+signification; and admits that the suburb derived its name from its
+situation near the seventh milestone from the capital. Nevertheless he
+is, impossible though it may seem, in substantial agreement with
+Gyllius.
+
+The fundamental thesis of Du Cange on the subject is that the term
+“Hebdomon” had two meanings. Strictly speaking, he grants, it meant the
+seventh mile; but it was also employed, he maintains, as the designation
+of the whole district extending between the Wall of Constantine and the
+seventh milestone. Hence, after the erection of the Theodosian Walls, a
+considerable portion of the suburb was included within the new city
+limits, so that the Hebdomon could very well be where Gyllius supposed
+it stood.
+
+Only, while supporting Gyllius on this point, Du Cange considers that
+the identification of the Church of St. John at Kesmè Kaya with the
+Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon is a mistake. For the
+latter is described by Constantine Porphyrogenitus[1193] as without the
+city walls in the tenth century, and therefore never stood, like the
+Church of St. John at Kesmè Kaya, within the Theodosian lines. At the
+same time, Du Cange does not concede that the church of that dedication
+in the Hebdomon was near the seventh milestone. In harmony with his view
+regarding the extent of the area to which the term “Hebdomon” was
+applied, he holds that the church, though outside the Walls of
+Theodosius, was close to them. Du Cange differs from Gyllius also in
+laying great stress upon Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of
+the Hebdomon, identifying that palace with the Palace of the Magnaura,
+one of the noted buildings of the suburb.[1194]
+
+What induced Du Cange to maintain the application of the term “Hebdomon”
+to the whole territory extending from the seventh mile eastwards to the
+walls of the city was the opinion, that only thus could certain
+statements regarding the suburb become intelligible or credible. The
+statement, for instance, that the plain at the Hebdomon was “adjacent”
+(ἀνακείμενον)[1195] to the city implies, he thinks, that the plain of
+the Hebdomon was contiguous to the city; “quæ (vox) campus urbi
+adjacuisse situ prodit.” So does, he contends, the statement that the
+Avars, upon approaching to lay siege to the city, encamped “at what of
+the city is named the Hebdomon.”[1196] For how could an enemy besiege a
+city without coming close up to its walls? The consideration, however,
+which above everything else led Du Cange to attach a wider meaning to
+the term “Hebdomon” than the seventh mile, was the difficulty of
+believing that the great religious processions which, on the occasion of
+a severe earthquake, went on foot from the city to the Campus of the
+Hebdomon to implore Divine Mercy, walked the whole distance of seven
+miles on that pious errand.[1197]
+
+Such a performance seemed to Du Cange, especially when the emperor and
+the patriarch took part in the procession, incredible; and since he
+could not imagine the people going to the Hebdomon, in the strict sense
+of the word, he made the Hebdomon come to the people, by extending the
+signification of the term.
+
+But Du Cange forgets that the processions to which he refers were
+recognized to be extraordinary performances, even in the age in which
+they were undertaken; that they were acts of profoundest humiliation in
+view of a most awful danger; that they were deeds of penance, whereby
+men hoped to move the Almighty to spare His people. The distance of
+seven miles is not too great for men to walk in order to escape a
+terrible death.
+
+At the same time, it is quite possible that the Campus of the Hebdomon
+extended some distance towards the city. The plain was not a
+mathematical point, and a portion of it may have been nearer the city
+than the seventh milestone itself was. That must be decided by the
+nature of the ground, not by subjective considerations. But to make the
+plain reach to the city walls for the reason assigned is preposterous.
+
+This brief account of the arguments with which Gyllius and Du Cange
+upheld their views must suffice. For all the evidence at our command
+goes to prove that the suburb occupied the site of the modern village of
+Makrikeui.
+
+In support of this proposition there are, first, express statements to
+the effect that the Hebdomon, taken as a whole, was seven miles distant
+from the city. That is how Theophylactus Simocatta,[1198] for instance,
+indicates the situation of the suburb: “It was a place seven miles from
+the city”—ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ (τόπος δὲ οὗτος τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπὸ σημείων
+ἑπτὰ). That is how Idatius, also, describes the suburb’s position, when
+speaking of the inauguration of Valens and of Arcadius there: “Levatus
+est Constantinopoli in Milliario VII.”[1199] And it is in the same terms
+that Marcellinus Comes refers to the suburb, when he records the fact
+that Honorius was created Cæsar in it: “Id est, septimo ab urbe regia
+milliario.” To understand such expressions as denoting the whole
+territory between the walls of the city and the seventh milestone is out
+of the question. As employed by these writers, the term “Hebdomon” or
+“Septimum” means a definite place, reached only when a person stood
+seven miles from the point whence distances from Constantinople were
+measured.
+
+In the second place, not only is the Hebdomon, as a whole, described as
+being seven miles from the city, but the particular objects found there
+are similarly identified. The Church of St. John the Baptist in that
+suburb, Sozomon,[1200] Socrates,[1201] and John of Antioch[1202] state
+in express words, was seven miles from the city. The Church of St. John
+the Evangelist, which stood in the suburb, is declared by Socrates[1203]
+to have been at the same distance. Thus, also, the Campus of the
+Hebdomon is described by Cedrenus as “the plain in front of the city,
+seven miles distant.”[1204] The Imperial Tribune in that Campus was,
+according to Idatius and Marcellinus Comes, at the seventh mile: “In
+milliario septimo, in Tribunali;” “Septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” So,
+likewise, the palace which Justinian the Great built at the
+Hebdomon[1205] is described, in the subscription to several of his laws,
+as at the seventh mile: “Recitata septimo milliario hujus inclytæ
+civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani.”[1206] In all these
+passages the Hebdomon is defined with a precision that renders any vague
+and loose application of the term impossible, if language has any
+meaning. So much for the distance of the Hebdomon from the city.
+
+That the Hebdomon was situated on the shore of the Sea of Marmora is
+placed beyond dispute by the fact that ships approaching Constantinople
+from the south reached the Hebdomon before arriving at the city. When,
+for example, Epiphanius came by ship from Cyprus to Constantinople, in
+402, to attend a synod called to condemn the heresies of Origen, he
+landed at the Hebdomon, and celebrated divine service there in the
+Church of St. John the Baptist, before entering the capital.[1207] This
+order in the stages of the bishop’s journey implies that the suburb
+stood on the shore of the Sea of Marmora. Again, when the fleet of
+Heraclius came up from Carthage to overthrow Phocas, in 610, the latter
+proceeded to the Hebdomon to view the ships of the hostile expedition as
+they stood off the suburb, and there he remained until they advanced
+towards the city, when he mounted horse and hurried back to fight for
+his throne.[1208] Such proceedings were possible only if the suburb
+stood beside the Sea of Marmora. Yet again; the Saracen fleets which
+came against Constantinople, in 673 and 717, put into the harbour of the
+Hebdomon on their way to the city. On the first occasion the enemy’s
+vessels anchored, says Theophanes,[1209] “off Thrace, from the
+promontory of the Hebdomon, otherwise named Magnaura, to the promontory
+of the Cyclobion.” The ships of the second Saracen expedition, likewise,
+“anchored between the Magnaura and the Cyclobion.” There they waited for
+two days, and then, taking advantage of a south wind, “they sailed
+alongside the city,” some of them making the ports of Anthemius and
+Eutropius (at Kadikeui), others of them reaching the Bosporus, and
+dropping anchor between Galata and Klidion (Ortakeui).[1210] Manifestly,
+the Hebdomon lay to the west of the city, upon the Sea of Marmora.
+
+Let one more proof of this fact suffice. When Pope Constantine visited
+Constantinople in 708, for the settlement of certain disputes between
+Eastern and Western Christendom, he came all the way by sea until he
+reached the Hebdomon. There the Pontiff and his retinue disembarked, and
+having been welcomed with distinguished honour, mounted horses which had
+been sent from the Imperial stables, and rode into the city in great
+state: “A quo loco (the island Cæa) navigantes venerunt a Septimo
+Milliario Constantinopolim, ubi egressus Tiberius Imperator, filius
+Justiniani Augusti (Justinian II.) cum Patriciis, cum clero, et populi
+multitudine, omnes lætantes, et diem festum agentes. Pontifex autem et
+ejus primates, cum sellaribus imperialibus, sellis et frenis inauratis,
+simul et mappulis, ingressi sunt civitatem.”[1211] On the view that the
+Hebdomon was situated beside the Sea of Marmora, all this is clear.
+
+The data for determining the situation of the Hebdomon therefore are:
+that the suburb was seven miles from the city; that it stood beside the
+Sea of Marmora; that it had a harbour, on the one hand, and a plain of
+considerable extent, on the other.
+
+There is little room for difference of opinion in regard to the point
+from which the seven miles are to be measured. That point could not have
+been in the Theodosian Walls, as the Hebdomon is mentioned before they
+were in existence. For a similar reason, it could not have been in the
+Wall of Constantine, seeing the Egnatian Road which led from Byzantium
+to Rome was marked with the seventh milestone before the foundation of
+Constantinople. It must, therefore, have been the point whence distances
+from old Byzantium were measured under the Roman domination. This being
+so, the choice lies between the Milion near St. Sophia, and the gate of
+Byzantium near the Column of Constantine. In favour of the former is the
+fact that it was the point from which distances from Constantinople were
+afterwards measured; for in all probability that usage was the
+continuation of the practice of the older city, any change in that
+respect being not only unnecessary, but exceedingly inconvenient. Still,
+the result will be substantially the same if the gate of Byzantium is
+preferred, since the Milion and that gate were at a short distance from
+each other. Seven miles from either point, westwards, to the Sea of
+Marmora will bring us to the modern suburb of Makrikeui.
+
+Between the promontory on which that village stands and the promontory
+of Zeitin Bournou, to the east, is a bay which could serve as a harbour;
+while to the north and north-east spreads a magnificent plain.
+Makrikeui, therefore, satisfies all the indications regarding the site
+of the Hebdomon.
+
+As a corollary from this determination of the real site of the Hebdomon
+there follows the determination of the real site of the Cyclobion; and
+thus the correction of another of the mistakes into which students of
+the topography of Byzantine Constantinople have fallen. The prevalent
+opinion on the subject, since Du Cange[1212] propounded the opinion, has
+been that the Cyclobion was a fortress attached to the Golden Gate. But
+this could not have been the case, for the Cyclobion was at the
+Hebdomon. It was a fortification on the eastern headland of the bay
+which formed the Harbour of the Hebdomon,[1213] and, therefore, stood
+some two miles and a half from the Golden Gate. This explains how
+Theophanes[1214] describes the engagements between the Greeks and the
+Saracens, who landed at the Hebdomon in 673, as taking place between the
+Golden Gate and the Cyclobion. The fortress was so closely connected
+with the suburb that the latter is sometimes referred to under the name
+of the former. The Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon,
+for example, is declared by one authority[1215] to have stood in the
+Cyclobion: “Ad Castrum autem Rotundum, in quo est Ecclesia, miræ
+magnitudinis, Sancti Evangelistæ Johannis nomini dicata.” Again, whereas
+John of Antioch[1216] represents the fleet of Heraclius as standing off
+the Hebdomon, the _Paschal Chronicle_,[1217] on the other hand, says the
+fleet was seen off the Round Tower. In all probability, the Cyclobion
+stood at Zeitin Bournou, on the tongue of land to the east of Makrikeui.
+It derived its name, Κυκλόβιον, Στρογγύλον Καστέλλιον (Castrum
+Rotundum), from its circular form,[1218] and was a link in the chain of
+coast fortifications defending the approach to the city. It was repaired
+by Justinian the Great, who connected it by a good road with
+Rhegium[1219] (Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), another military post, and drew upon
+its garrison for troops to suppress the riot of the Nika.[1220] There
+Constantine Copronymus died on board the ship on which he had hoped to
+reach the capital from Selivria, when forced by his mortal illness to
+return from an expedition against the Bulgarians.[1221]
+
+Whether the Cyclobion was the same as the “Castle of the Theodosiani at
+the Hebdomon,” mentioned by Theophanes,[1222] is not certain. On the
+whole, the fact that the two names are employed by the same historian
+favours the view that they designated different fortifications. The
+Theodosiani were a body of troops named in honour of Theodosius the
+Great.[1223]
+
+What gave the Hebdomon its importance and explains its history was,
+primarily, its favourable situation for the establishment of a large
+military camp in the neighbourhood of the capital. An extensive plain,
+with abundance of water, and at a convenient distance from the city,
+furnished a magnificent camping-ground for the legions of New Rome.
+This, in view of the military associations of the throne, especially
+during the earlier period of the Empire, brought the emperors frequently
+to the suburb to attend great functions of State, and thus converted it
+also into an Imperial quarter, embellished with the palaces, churches,
+and monuments which spring up around a Court. To these political reasons
+for the prosperity of the suburb were added the natural attractions of
+the place—its pleasant climate, its wide prospect over the Sea of
+Marmora, and the excellent sport obtained in the surrounding country.
+
+It was on the plain of the Hebdomon that Theodosius the Great joined the
+army which he led against the usurper Eugenius in Italy.[1224] There,
+the Gothic troops which Arcadius recalled from the war with Alaric took
+up their quarters under the command of Gainas, and there that emperor,
+accompanied by his minister Rufinus, held the memorable review of those
+troops, in the course of which Rufinus was assassinated in the Imperial
+tribune.[1225] It was at the Hebdomon that Gainas gathered the soldiers
+with which he planned to seize the capital.[1226] There Vitalianus
+encamped with more than sixty thousand men to besiege Constantinople in
+the reign of Anastasius I.[1227] Thither Phocas[1228] and Leo the
+Armenian[1229] brought the armies that enabled them to win the crown.
+And there Avars, Saracens, Bulgarians, and, doubtless, other foes halted
+to gaze upon the walls and towers they hoped to scale, or from which
+they retired baffled and broken.[1230]
+
+The plain at the Hebdomon was used, also, for military exercises and
+athletic sports, and consequently appears under the name of the Campus
+Martius,[1231] as though to give it the prestige of the ground devoted
+to similar purposes on the banks of the Tiber. There recruits were
+drilled and trained in the use of arms,[1232] and there the popular game
+of polo was played.[1233]
+
+Thither, also, on account of the wide and free space afforded by the
+plain the population of the city fled, on the occasion of a violent
+earthquake, to find a temporary abode, or to take part in public
+supplications for the withdrawal of the calamity.[1234] Such services
+were attended by the emperor and the patriarch, and it was on such an
+occasion that the Emperor Maurice, a particularly devout man, and the
+Patriarch Anatolius, proceeded from the city to the Campus, on
+foot.[1235] It was customary, moreover, to hold religious services at
+the Campus on the anniversary of a great earthquake, to avert the
+recurrence of the disaster, or to celebrate the fact that it had not
+been attended with loss of life.[1236] There, also, public executions
+took place,[1237] or the heads of persons executed elsewhere were set up
+for public gaze, as in the case of the Emperor Maurice and his five
+sons.[1238]
+
+But the chief interest of the Hebdomon belongs to it on account of the
+many associations of the suburb with the life of the Byzantine Court.
+There, in the early days of the Eastern Empire, while old Roman customs
+prevailed and the army continued to be a great political factor, an
+emperor often assumed the purple, in the presence of his legions and a
+vast concourse of the citizens of the capital. At the suburb, also,
+triumphal processions sometimes commenced their march to the Golden Gate
+and the city. And there the emperors had a palace to which they resorted
+for country air, or to escape the turbulence of the Factions, or to take
+part in the State ceremonies performed on the adjoining Campus.
+
+The earliest reference to the Hebdomon, though not by name, is in
+connection with the inauguration of Valens there, in 364, as the
+colleague of his brother, the Emperor Valentinian: “Valentem, in
+suburbanum, universorum sententiis concinentibus (nec enim audebat
+quisquam refragari) Augustum pronuntiavit; decoreque imperatorii cultus
+ornatum et tempore diademate redimitum in eodem vehiculo secum
+reduxit.”[1239] In commemoration of the event Valens erected a tribune,
+adorned with many statues, for the accommodation of the emperors when
+taking part in State functions on the Campus of the suburb.[1240] It was
+known as the Tribune of the Hebdomon (ἐν τῷ Τριβουναλίῳ Ἑβδόμου).[1241]
+
+[Illustration: Triumphus Theodosii.]
+
+Valens also provided the Harbour of the Hebdomon with a quay, and showed
+his partiality for the suburb otherwise to such an extent that
+Themistius ventured to expostulate with him, and to charge him with
+forgetting to improve and beautify the capital.[1242]
+
+After Valens, the following ten emperors were invested with the purple
+at the Hebdomon: Arcadius,[1243] by his father Theodosius the Great, who
+also raised Honorius to the rank of Cæsar there;[1244] Theodosius
+II.;[1245] Marcian;[1246] Leo the Great;[1247] Zeno;[1248]
+Basiliscus;[1249] Maurice;[1250] Phocas;[1251] Leo the Armenian;[1252]
+and Nicephorus Phocas.[1253] Doubtless the fatigue involved in
+celebrating the ceremony so far from the heart of the city had much to
+do with transferring the scene of Imperial inaugurations to the
+Hippodrome.
+
+The custom of installing an emperor thus into his office was the
+continuation of an old Roman practice which testified to the power
+acquired by the army in deciding the succession to the throne. We have
+two accounts of the ceremonies observed on such an occasion at the
+Hebdomon, given at great length and with minute details by that devoted
+student and admirer of Byzantine Court etiquette, Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus.[1254] They are interesting, both as an exhibition of
+public life during the Later Empire, and as an illustration of the
+extent to which old Roman forms, and even the old Roman spirit, survived
+the profound changes which the Empire underwent after the capital was
+removed to the banks of the Bosporus.
+
+When all interested in the event of the day had assembled, the troops
+present laid their standards prostrate upon the ground, to express the
+desolation of the State bereft of a ruler. Meanwhile, from every point
+of the Campus rose the sound of prayer, as the immense multitudes
+gathered there joined in supplications that God would approve the man
+who had been chosen as the new chief of the Empire. “Hear us, O God; we
+beseech Thee to hear us, O God. Grant Leo life; let him reign. O God,
+Lover of mankind, the public weal demands Leo; the army demands him; the
+laws wait for him; the palace awaits him. So prays the army, the Senate,
+the people. The world expects Leo; the army waits for him. Let Leo, our
+common glory, come; let Leo, our common good, reign. Hear us, O God, we
+beseech Thee.” At length the emperor-elect appeared, and ascended the
+Imperial tribune. A coronet was placed upon his head by one high
+military officer, an armlet upon his right arm by another. And instantly
+the prostrate standards were lifted high, and the air shook with
+acclamations: “Leo, Augustus, thou hast conquered; thou art Pius,
+August. God gave thee, God will guard thee. Ever conquer, worshipper of
+Christ. Long be thy reign. God will defend the Christian Empire.”[1255]
+This was the first act in the dramatic spectacle. Next came the solemn
+investiture of the emperor with the Imperial insignia. This took place
+behind a shield held before him by soldiers of the household-troops
+known as the Candidati, and when he had been duly robed, crowned, and
+armed with shield and spear, the screen was removed, and the new
+sovereign stood before the gaze of his subjects in all his
+majesty.[1256]
+
+The dignitaries of the State now approached, in the order of their rank,
+and did homage to the monarch, while the crowds around made the air ring
+again with every acclamation that loyalty or adulation could invent. As
+soon as this scene terminated, the emperor addressed a brief allocation
+to the soldiers, through a herald; claiming to reign by the will of God
+and their suffrage, promising devotion to the welfare of the Empire, and
+a generous donative to each of his faithful companion-in-arms,
+announcements which were greeted with storms of applause. Then the sum
+of money required for the promised largess was handed over by the
+emperor to the officers charged with its distribution.
+
+Upon the conclusion of this important part of the day’s proceedings, the
+ceremonies assumed a religious character. The emperor now repaired, on
+foot, to a camp-chapel, a tent of many colours, at a short distance from
+the Imperial tribune, and, leaving his crown without, entered to bow
+before the King of kings. It was a simple service conducted by ordinary
+priests, as the patriarch and higher clergy had left the Campus for St.
+Sophia. Upon issuing from the chapel, the emperor resumed his crown, and
+proceeded on a white charger, followed by a brilliant escort of
+dignitaries also on horseback, to the Church of St. John the Baptist,
+the principal sanctuary of the Hebdomon. This second service may be
+described as the Consecration of the Crown. For in this case, the crown,
+upon being again removed from the emperor’s head, was not left in the
+vestry, but was carried by a court official up to the altar, and then
+placed by the emperor himself on the sacred table. There it remained
+until the service closed, when the emperor handed it to the court
+official, and, having presented a rich gift to the church, returned to
+the vestry and assumed his diadem once more. This brought the coronation
+ceremonies, so far as they concerned the Hebdomon, to an end. The stream
+of life now poured into the city, the Imperial _cortége_ gathering more
+and more pomp as it passed the Golden Gate, the Helenianæ,[1257] the
+Forum of Constantine, and entered St. Sophia for the supreme coronation
+of the emperor by the patriarch in the Great Cathedral of the
+capital.[1258]
+
+Only one triumphal procession, that of Basil I.,[1259] is expressly
+described as starting from the Hebdomon, but the suburb was in all
+probability[1260] the starting-point also of the processions which
+celebrated the victories of Theodosius the Great, Heraclius, Constantine
+Copronymus, Zimisces, and Basil II., if not of Michael Palæologus.
+
+On the occasion of the triumph accorded to Basil I., the Senate and a
+vast crowd, representing all classes of the population, and carrying
+wreaths of roses and other flowers, went forth from the city to the
+Hebdomon to welcome the conqueror, who had crossed to the suburb from
+the palace at Hiereia (Fener Bagtchè). After the customary salutations
+had been exchanged, the emperor proceeded to the Church of St. John the
+Baptist to pray and light tapers at that venerated shrine. Then having
+put on his “scaramangion triblation,” he and his son Constantine mounted
+horse and took the road towards the Golden Gate, the Senate and people
+leading the way, with banners waving in the air. A short halt was made
+at the monastery of the Abramiti (τῶν Ἀβραμιτῶν), which stood between
+the suburb and the gate, that Basil might offer his devotions in the
+Church of the Theotokos Acheiropoietos (Ἀχειροποίητος), and then the
+procession resumed its march, and entered through the Golden Gate into
+the jubilant capital.[1261]
+
+[Illustration: Trivmphvs Heraclii.]
+
+The first writer who mentions the Hebdomon by name refers to it as an
+Imperial country retreat which the emperors gladly frequented. From
+the connection in which Rufinus[1262] makes this statement, it is
+evident that a palace stood at the Hebdomon before the reign of
+Theodosius the Great. That residence was either rebuilt or enlarged in
+the reign of Justinian the Great, when mention is made of “the New
+Consistorium of the Palace of Justinian, at the seventh mile from this
+renowned city.”[1263] How agreeable a retreat the palace was may be
+inferred from the name bestowed upon it—the Pleasance, Jucundianæ
+(Ἰουκουνδιαναὶ).[1264]
+
+In front of the palace rose the statue of Justinian, on a porphyry
+column brought for the purpose from the Forum of Constantine, where it
+had borne the silver statue of Theodosius I.[1265] Justinian showed his
+partiality for the suburb, moreover, by the erection of porticoes, fora,
+baths, churches, all built in a style worthy of the capital itself, and
+by having the Harbour of the Hebdomon dredged and provided with jetties
+for the better accommodation and safety of the shipping frequenting the
+coast.[1266]
+
+In the seventh and eighth centuries the palace of the Hebdomon appears
+under the name of Magnaura;[1267] but whether it was the old residence
+under a different designation, or a new building added to the Imperial
+quarters, in the style of the Hall of the Magnaura in the Great Palace
+beside the Hippodrome,[1268] it is impossible to say.
+
+It was to the palace of the Hebdomon, probably, that Pulcheria retired
+from the Court of her brother Theodosius II., while the influence of the
+Empress Eudoxia had the ascendency.[1269] Basiliscus withdrew to it from
+the storm of theological hatred which his opposition to the creed of
+Chalcedon had excited in the capital, and thither the pillar-saint of
+Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), Daniel Stylites, went to rebuke him and foretell
+the loss of the throne which had been usurped and dishonoured.[1270] As
+already intimated, it was a favourite resort of Justinian the
+Great,[1271] and several of his laws were promulgated during his
+residence there. On the occasion of one of his visits, the Imperial
+crown mysteriously disappeared and was not heard of again for eight
+months, when it as strangely reappeared, without a single gem
+missing.[1272] The palace was occupied also by Justin II.[1273] and
+Tiberius II., the latter dying in it.[1274]
+
+The Hebdomon enjoyed, moreover, a great religious reputation on account
+of its numerous churches. The oldest sanctuary of the suburb was the
+Basilica of St. John the Evangelist,[1275] which appears first in the
+reign of Arcadius,[1276] but claimed to be a foundation of Constantine
+the Great. It is described by the Legates of Hadrian II., after its
+restoration under Basil I.,[1277] as remarkable for its size, “miræ
+magnitudinis,”[1278] and continued to be a venerated shrine as late as
+the Comnenian period,[1279] after which it was allowed to fall into
+decay. Basil II. was interred in it, according to his dying
+request,[1280] and his grave was discovered among the ruins of the
+church in the thirteenth century, while Michael Palæologus was engaged
+in the siege of Galata, in 1260. Some members of the Imperial household,
+in the course of their exploration of the surrounding country, then
+visited the Hebdomon, and found the church of St. John the Evangelist
+turned into a fold for sheep and cattle. As the visitors wandered among
+the ruins, admiring the traces of the building’s former beauty, they
+stumbled upon the dead body of a man. It was naked, but well preserved,
+and in its mouth a vulgar jester had placed a shepherd’s lute by way of
+derision. As the corpse lay near a sarcophagus upon which was inscribed
+an epitaph in honour of Basil II., no doubt could be entertained
+regarding the identity of the body. When the discovery was reported to
+Michael Palæologus, he commanded the mortal remains of his predecessor
+to be conveyed in great state to the camp before Galata, to receive once
+more a tribute of respect, and then sent them with solemn ceremonial to
+Selivria,[1281] for interment in the monastery of St. Saviour.
+
+Another of the sanctuaries at the Hebdomon was the church erected, in
+407, by the Emperor Arcadius to enshrine the reputed remains of the
+Prophet Samuel.[1282] Such importance was attached to these relics that
+their conveyance from Palestine to Constantinople, by way of Asia Minor,
+resembled an Imperial progress through the country. One might have
+supposed the prophet himself was moving through the land, so great was
+the interest and devotion displayed by the population along the
+route.[1283] Nor were the relics less honoured upon their arrival at the
+capital. The emperor and the highest dignitaries of Church and State did
+homage to them at the Scala Chalcedonensis and carried them in
+procession to the Church of St. Sophia, where the sacred remains rested
+until the church built for them at the Hebdomon was completed.[1284] The
+church fell in the earthquake which shook the city in the thirty-first
+year of the reign of Justinian the Great.[1285]
+
+But the most venerated church in the suburb was that dedicated to St.
+John the Baptist (τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ Ἰωάννου),[1286] a domical
+edifice, built by Theodosius the Great[1287] for the reception of the
+head, it was supposed, of the heroic Forerunner of Christ. The Emperor
+Valens had already sought to obtain the relic. But its possessors,
+certain monks of the sect of Macedonius, who had taken it with them from
+Jerusalem to Cilicia, refused to surrender the treasure, and all that
+Valens succeeded in doing was to bring it as near to Constantinople as
+Panticheion (Pendik), on the opposite shore of the Sea of Marmora.
+There, the mules which drew the car conveying the relic refused to
+proceed any further, and at that village, accordingly, in obedience to
+what appeared to be an indication of the Divine will, the sacred head
+was allowed to remain. When Theodosius the Great endeavoured to acquire
+the relic, its custodians, a woman Matrona and a priest Vicentius, did
+everything in their power to prevent the execution of the emperor’s
+design. But the pressure to make them yield was such that at last they
+gave their reluctant consent. In doing so, however, Matrona cherished
+the secret belief that Theodosius would be hindered, like Valens, from
+carrying out his purpose; while Vicentius laid down a condition which he
+thought could never be fulfilled, viz. that the emperor in removing the
+head should walk after the Baptist. Theodosius saw no difficulty in the
+condition. He reverently wrapped the reliquary in his Imperial mantle
+and, holding the sacred contents in front of him, took them to the
+Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon, and commenced the
+erection of a church consecrated to the Forerunner’s name as their final
+shrine. This won Vicentius over to the emperor’s side, and he followed
+the head to the Hebdomon. But Matrona, with a true woman’s intensity of
+feeling, maintained her protest, and would never come near the suburb
+which had disappointed her faith, and purloined her treasure.[1288]
+
+It was the possession of this relic that gave the church its great
+religious repute. This explains why, as we have seen, Theodosius the
+Great,[1289] Epiphanius of Cyprus,[1290] Gainas,[1291] at important
+moments in their lives, performed their devotions there; and this
+accounts for the association of the church with the ceremonies attending
+Imperial inaugurations and triumphs.[1292]
+
+In the course of its history the church was twice restored on a
+magnificent scale; first by Justinian the Great,[1293] and again by
+Basil I.[1294]
+
+Other churches of less note at the Hebdomon were respectively dedicated
+to St. Theodotè (τὸ Θεδότης ἁγίας τέμενος);[1295] SS. Menas and Menaius
+(Μηνᾶς καὶ Μηναίος);[1296] SS. Benjamin and Berius (Ἁγίων Βενιαμὶν καὶ
+Βηρίου);[1297] and the Holy Innocents (τῶν Νηπίων).[1298] The first two
+sanctuaries owed their foundation to Justinian the Great, who did so
+much for the suburb in other ways; at the last church, the Senate
+welcomed an emperor upon his return to the capital by land, from the
+West.
+
+Finally, in days when travellers made the first and last stages of a
+journey short, the Hebdomon enjoyed considerable importance as a
+halting-place for persons leaving or approaching Constantinople; its
+proximity to the city rendering it a caravansary, where a traveller
+could conveniently make his final arrangements to start on his way, or
+to enter the capital in a suitable manner. The suburb served that
+purpose, even in the case of the emperors.[1299]
+
+Instances of this use of the suburb, by Theodosius the Great,
+Epiphanius, and Pope Constantine, have already been noticed, when
+referring to other matters connected with the Hebdomon. There also the
+Legates of Pope Hormisdas, in 515,[1300] and the Legates of Pope Hadrian
+II., in 869,[1301] rested before entering the city. There the Emperor
+Maurice halted, upon leaving Constantinople, to join the expedition
+against the Avars;[1302] and there Peter, King of Bulgaria, stopped on
+his return home, in 927, with the Princess Maria, the granddaughter of
+the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus, as his bride.[1303]
+
+On the last occasion, as relatives and friends, doubtless, often did
+under similar circumstances, the parents of the princess accompanied her
+as far as the suburb to take leave of her there. The historian has left
+a vivid picture of the scene. “When the moment for their daughter’s
+departure approached, father and mother burst into tears, as is natural
+for parents about to part with the dearest pledge of their love. Then
+having embraced their son-in-law, and entrusted their child to his care,
+they returned to the Imperial city. Maria proceeded on her journey to
+Bulgaria in the king’s charge, with mingled feelings of grief and
+joy—sad, because carried away from beloved parents, Imperial palaces,
+and the society of her relations and friends; happy, because her husband
+was a king, and she was the Despina of Bulgaria. She took with her much
+wealth, and an immense quantity of baggage.”
+
+In keeping with such practices, when the Icon of St. Demetrius was
+transported from Thessalonica to Constantinople, in the reign of Manuel
+Comnenus, to be placed in the Church of the Pantocrator (now Zeirek
+Klissè Djamissi, above Oun Kapan Kapoussi), members of the Senate and a
+vast multitude of priests, monks, and laymen, went seven miles from the
+capital to receive the sacred picture and escort it with great pomp to
+its destination.[1304]
+
+Footnote 1184:
+
+  A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between
+  that city and Milan, _viâ_ Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the
+  reminiscence of its ancient designation, ad Septimum.
+
+Footnote 1185:
+
+  In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius
+  were unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It
+  was startling to find, afterwards, that the truth had been established
+  so long ago by substantially the same evidence as convinced my own
+  mind, and that truth so well established had been ignored. My reasons
+  for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange were first
+  published in the _Levant Herald_, April 12, 1891.
+
+Footnote 1186:
+
+  Pages 113, 114.
+
+Footnote 1187:
+
+  _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, p. 299.
+
+Footnote 1188:
+
+  See _De Top. CP._, iv. c. i. iv.
+
+Footnote 1189:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., Λέγεται δὲ τότε τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως
+  ἐκδημῶν, πρὸς τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ μιλίῳ γενόμενος, προσεύξασθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐη τῇ
+  ἐνθάδε ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥν ἐπὶ τιμῇ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ ἐδείματο.
+
+Footnote 1190:
+
+  See above, p. 74.
+
+Footnote 1191:
+
+  See above, pp. 77, 78.
+
+Footnote 1192:
+
+  See above, pp. 81, 82.
+
+Footnote 1193:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on
+  the Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at
+  Venice.
+
+Footnote 1194:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 1195:
+
+  Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of
+  Constantine, and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura
+  at the Hebdomon; but he neither identifies the two palaces, nor points
+  to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon.
+
+Footnote 1196:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, Τὸ πεδίον
+  τὸ ἀνακείμενον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ, ὅν Κάμπον Ῥωμαῖοι κατονομάζουσι.
+
+Footnote 1197:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, pp. 15, 16, Καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅ
+  Ἕβδομον καλοῦσι καταλαβόντες ἱδρύσαντο. What the enemy did was to halt
+  at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.
+
+Footnote 1198:
+
+  See below, p. 329.
+
+Footnote 1199:
+
+  Page 333; cf. _Ibid._, p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from
+  the city is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives
+  the distance as forty stadia.
+
+Footnote 1200:
+
+  Cf. _Paschal Chron._, pp. 556, 562.
+
+Footnote 1201:
+
+  Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. 318, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1202:
+
+  Lib. vi. c. vi., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1203:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 611, Ὅς ζ᾽ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως
+  ἀφειστήκει.
+
+Footnote 1204:
+
+  Lib. vi. c. xii., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1205:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 641, Εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίοv ἑπτὰ σημείοις ἀπέχον.
+
+Footnote 1206:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 1207:
+
+  Lib. xxii., _De Sacros Eccl._
+
+Footnote 1208:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.
+
+Footnote 1209:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38; cf. _Paschal Chron._,
+  pp. 699, 700.
+
+Footnote 1210:
+
+  Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36)
+  describes the Hebdomon as παραθαλάσσιον τόπον. In regard to the
+  situation of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September
+  2, the Festival of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 1211:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 608, Ἀπάραντες ἐκεῖθεν παρέπλευσαν τὴν πόλιν.
+
+Footnote 1212:
+
+  Anastasius Bibliothecarius, _De Vitis Pontificum Roman_, p. 56. Paris,
+  1649.
+
+Footnote 1213:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, i. p. 45. See above, p. 70, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1214:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 1215:
+
+  Page 541.
+
+Footnote 1216:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano II._
+
+Footnote 1217:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1218:
+
+  Page 699.
+
+Footnote 1219:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, iv. c. viii.
+
+Footnote 1220:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1221:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 622.
+
+Footnote 1222:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 693.
+
+Footnote 1223:
+
+  Page 458, Τὸ καστέλλιν τῶν Θεοδοσιανῶν ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ.
+
+Footnote 1224:
+
+  _Notitia Dignitatum_, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du
+  Cange thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by
+  Tiberius to protect his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus,
+  iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).
+
+Footnote 1225:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with
+  which he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).
+
+Footnote 1226:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.
+
+Footnote 1227:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 272, 273.
+
+Footnote 1228:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, in 513.
+
+Footnote 1229:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
+
+Footnote 1230:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 1231:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
+
+Footnote 1232:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 414, 416.
+
+Footnote 1233:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 458.
+
+Footnote 1234:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 379.
+
+Footnote 1235:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i.
+  p. 641; _Paschal Chron._, p. 702.
+
+Footnote 1236:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 1237:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still
+  commemorates seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the
+  Byzantine period.
+
+Footnote 1238:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 458.
+
+Footnote 1239:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
+
+Footnote 1240:
+
+  Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below;
+  _Paschal Chron._ p. 556.
+
+Footnote 1241:
+
+  Themistius, _Oratio VI._, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
+
+Footnote 1242:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of
+  the Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ἐν τῷ Κάμπῳ
+  τοῦ Τριβουναλίου.
+
+Footnote 1243:
+
+  Themistius, _Oratio VI._, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
+
+Footnote 1244:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 562.
+
+Footnote 1245:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 1246:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 568.
+
+Footnote 1247:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 1248:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 592.
+
+Footnote 1249:
+
+  Victor Tunnensis.
+
+Footnote 1250:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.
+
+Footnote 1251:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 388.
+
+Footnote 1252:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 447.
+
+Footnote 1253:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 1254:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 1255:
+
+  The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas
+  in 963. See Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 410-417, 433-440.
+
+Footnote 1256:
+
+  The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the
+  Hippodrome. See Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 431. Probably that
+  was the rule.
+
+Footnote 1257:
+
+  In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of
+  the proceedings. _E.g._ Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius,
+  Valens (Idatius _Fasti Consulares_); Theodosius II. (_Paschal Chron._,
+  p. 568); Marcian (_Paschal Chron._, p. 590).
+
+Footnote 1258:
+
+  Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.
+
+Footnote 1259:
+
+  In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the
+  patriarch took place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the
+  Hebdomon.
+
+  So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted
+  by Du Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra
+  consuetudinem coronatur.”
+
+Footnote 1260:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 498.
+
+Footnote 1261:
+
+  The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as
+  exceptional, and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.
+
+Footnote 1262:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 498-503.
+
+Footnote 1263:
+
+  Rufinus, _De Vitis Patrum_, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus
+  in Constantinopoli, temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem
+  in parva cella foris civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in
+  Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de civitate, libenter
+  degere.”
+
+Footnote 1264:
+
+  _De Sacro Eccl._, Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytæ
+  civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. _Novella_,
+  118.
+
+Footnote 1265:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form
+  Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope
+  Gregory the Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf.
+  Malalas, p. 486).
+
+Footnote 1266:
+
+  Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and
+  sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).
+
+Footnote 1267:
+
+  Procopius, _ut supra_; Theophanes, p. 353.
+
+Footnote 1268:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.
+
+Footnote 1269:
+
+  See Labarte, _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, pp. 185-195. It was a
+  hall in the form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of
+  six columns, with an apse at the eastern end, where the emperor’s
+  throne stood on a platform. In it foreign princes and ambassadors were
+  received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of the State
+  were held.
+
+Footnote 1270:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 152.
+
+Footnote 1271:
+
+  Symeon Metaphrastes, _Life of Daniel Stylites_, p. 1025. Patrol.
+  Græca, Migne.
+
+Footnote 1272:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 1273:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 351.
+
+Footnote 1274:
+
+  Eustachius, _Vita Eutychii Patriarchæ_, as quoted by Du Cange,
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 177.
+
+Footnote 1275:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 690.
+
+Footnote 1276:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1277:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. vi.
+
+Footnote 1278:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 1279:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano PP._
+
+Footnote 1280:
+
+  Anna Comn., p. 149.
+
+Footnote 1281:
+
+  Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.
+
+Footnote 1282:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri,
+  _Imp. Orient._, vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:
+
+      ΙΣΤΙΜΙ ΤΥΜΒΟΝ ΕΝ ΜΕΣΩ ΓΗΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΥ
+
+Footnote 1283:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 570.
+
+Footnote 1284:
+
+  Jerome, _Adversus Vigilantium_, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1285:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 569, 570.
+
+Footnote 1286:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 357.
+
+Footnote 1287:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. vi.
+
+Footnote 1288:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1289:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 1290:
+
+  _Ibid._, vii. c. xxiv.
+
+Footnote 1291:
+
+  _Ibid._, viii. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1292:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. xii.
+
+Footnote 1293:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 413, 499.
+
+Footnote 1294:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. viii.
+
+Footnote 1295:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon,
+  mentioned in history, was probably attached to this church (John
+  Scylitzes, in Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 714).
+
+Footnote 1296:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1297:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1298:
+
+  _Menæa_, 29 July, πλησίον τῶν παλατίων τοῦ Ἑβδόμου.
+
+Footnote 1299:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 496.
+
+Footnote 1300:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1301:
+
+  Anastasius Biblioth. in _Hormisda PP_.
+
+Footnote 1302:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano PP_.
+
+Footnote 1303:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., pp. 236, 237.
+
+Footnote 1304:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.
+
+Footnote 1305:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, 26 October.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XX.
+                          THE ANASTASIAN WALL.
+
+
+Some notice, however brief, may here be taken of the wall erected by the
+Emperor Anastasius I. to increase the security of the capital, and at
+the same time to protect from hostile incursions the suburbs and a
+considerable tract of the rich and populous country, outside the
+Theodosian Walls. This additional line of defence, consisting of a wall
+twenty feet thick flanked by towers, stood at a distance of forty miles
+to the west of the city, and was carried from the shore of the Sea of
+Marmora to the shore of the Black Sea, across a territory fifty-four
+miles broad, or, as Procopius measures it, what would take two days to
+traverse.[1305] It was known, in view of its length, as the Long Wall
+(Μακρὸν τεῖχος),[1306] the Long Walls (τὰ Μακρὰ τείχη),[1307] and, after
+the emperor by whom it was erected, as the Anastasian Wall (τὸ τεῖχος τὸ
+Ἀναστασιακὸν).[1308] In 559, in the reign of Justinian the Great, it
+demanded extensive repairs on account of injuries due to earthquakes,
+and occasion was then taken to introduce a change which, it was hoped,
+would render the defence of the wall an easier task. All tower-gateways
+permitting communication between the towers along the summit of the wall
+were built up, so that a tower could be entered only by the gateway at
+its base; the object of this arrangement being to make every tower an
+independent fort, which could hold out against an enemy even after he
+was in possession of the wall itself.[1309] The Anastasian Wall appears
+in history in connection with the attacks of the Huns and Avars, in the
+reigns of Justinian the Great,[1310] Maurice,[1311] and Heraclius.[1312]
+But it cannot be said to have been of much service. The attempt to
+obstruct the march of the enemy, and to join issue with him at a
+distance from the city, was indeed a wise measure. It has been imitated
+by the recent establishment, nearer the city, of a chain of forts across
+the promontory, from Tchataldja to Derkos; a line of defence occupying a
+position which makes Constantinople, in the judgment of a competent
+military authority,[1313] the best-fortified capital in the world. But
+the weakness of the Anastasian Wall was its great length, which required
+for its proper defence a larger garrison than the Empire was able to
+provide for the purpose.[1314] And, of course, it was useless against an
+enemy advancing upon the capital by sea.[1315] Traces of the wall are,
+it is said, visible at Koush Kaya and at Karadjakeui.
+
+Footnote 1306:
+
+  For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius,
+  _De Æd._, iv. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1307:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 1308:
+
+  Agathias, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 1309:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 360.
+
+Footnote 1310:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, _De Æd._, iv. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1311:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 1312:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.
+
+Footnote 1313:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 712.
+
+Footnote 1314:
+
+  Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, _The Russian
+  Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78_, p. 362.
+
+Footnote 1315:
+
+  Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1316:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 460.
+
+
+
+
+                           TABLE OF EMPERORS.
+
+
+                     Constantine I., the    306-337
+                     Great
+
+                     Constantius II.        337-361
+
+                     Julian                 361-363
+
+                     Jovian                 363-364
+
+                     Valens                 364-378
+
+                     Theodosius I., the     378-395
+                     Great
+
+                     Arcadius               395-408
+
+                     Theodosius II.         408-450
+
+                     Marcian                450-457
+
+                     Leo I.                 457-474
+
+                     Zeno                   474-491
+
+                     Anastasius I.          491-518
+
+                     Justin I.              518-527
+
+                     Justinian I., the      527-565
+                     Great
+
+                     Justin II.             565-578
+
+                     Tiberius II.           578-582
+
+                     Maurice                582-602
+
+                     Phocas                 602-610
+
+                     Heraclius              610-641
+
+                     Heraclius              641-642
+                     Constantinus and
+                     Heracleonas
+
+                     Constans II.           642-668
+
+                     Constantine IV.        668-685
+
+                     Justinian II.          685-695
+
+                     Leontius               695-697
+
+                     Tiberius III.          697-705
+                     Apsimarus
+
+                     Justinian II.          705-711
+                     (restored)
+
+                     Philippicus            711-713
+
+                     Anastasius II.         713-715
+
+                     Theodosius III.        715-717
+
+                     Leo III., the          717-740
+                     Isaurian
+
+                     Constantine V.         740-775
+                     Copronymus
+
+                     Leo IV.                775-779
+
+                     Constantine VI.        779-797
+
+                     Irene                  797-802
+
+                     Nicephorus I.          802-811
+
+                     Stauricius                 811
+
+                     Michael I. Rhangabe    811-813
+
+                     Leo V., the Armenian   813-820
+
+                     Michael II., the       820-829
+                     Amorian
+
+                     Theophilus             829-842
+
+                     Michael III.           842-867
+
+                     Basil I., the          867-886
+                     Macedonian
+
+                     Leo VI., the Wise      886-912
+
+                     Constantine VII.       912-958
+                     Porphyrogenitus
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     Alexander              912-913
+
+                     Romanus I. Lecapenus   919-945
+
+                     Constantine VIII.          944
+                     and Stephanus, sons
+                     of Romanus I.,
+                     reigned five weeks
+
+                     Romanus II.            958-963
+
+                     Basil II.             963-1025
+                     Bulgaroktonos
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     Nicephorus II.         963-969
+                     Phocas
+
+                     John I. Zimisces       969-976
+
+                     Constantine IX.       976-1025
+
+                     Constantine IX.      1025-1028
+
+                     Romanus III. Argyrus 1028-1034
+
+                     Michael IV., the     1034-1042
+                     Paphlagonian
+
+                     Michael V.                1042
+
+                     Zoe and Theodora          1042
+
+                     Constantine X.       1042-1054
+                     Monomachus
+
+                     Theodora (restored)  1054-1056
+
+                     Michael VI.          1056-1057
+                     Stratioticus
+
+                     Isaac I. Comnenus    1057-1059
+
+                     Constantine XI.      1059-1067
+                     Ducas
+
+                     Michael VII. Ducas   1067-1078
+
+                     _Co-Emperor_—
+
+                     Romanus IV. Diogenes 1067-1078
+
+                     Nicephorus III.      1078-1081
+                     Botoniates
+
+                     Alexius I. Comnenus  1081-1118
+
+                     John II. Comnenus    1118-1143
+
+                     Manuel I. Comnenus   1143-1180
+
+                     Alexius II. Comnenus 1180-1183
+
+                     Andronicus I.        1183-1185
+                     Comnenus
+
+                     Isaac II. Angelus    1185-1195
+
+                     Alexius III. Angelus 1195-1203
+
+                     Isaac II. (restored) 1203-1204
+
+                     Alexius IV. Angelus
+
+                     Nicolas Canabus           1204
+
+                     Alexius V. Ducas,         1204
+                     Murtzuphlus
+
+
+                            Latin Emperors.
+
+
+                     Baldwin I.           1204-1205
+                     Henry                1205-1216
+                     Peter                1217-1219
+                     Robert               1219-1228
+                     John of Brienne      1228-1237
+                     Baldwin II.          1237-1261
+
+
+                            Nicæan Emperors.
+
+
+                     Theodore I. Lascaris 1204-1222
+                     John III. Ducas      1222-1254
+                     Theodore II. Ducas   1254-1259
+                     John IV. Ducas       1259-1260
+
+
+                            Empire Restored.
+
+
+                     Michael VIII.        1260-1282
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     Andronicus II.       1282-1328
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     _Co-Emperor_—
+
+                     Michael IX.          1295-1320
+
+                     Andronicus III.      1328-1341
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     John VI. Palæologus  1341-1391
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     John V. Cantacuzene  1342-1355
+
+                     Andronicus IV.       1376-1379
+                     Palæologus (usurped
+                     throne)
+
+                     Manuel II.           1391-1425
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     John VII. Palæologus 1425-1448
+
+                     Constantine XII.     1448-1453
+                     Palæologus
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX.
+
+
+ A.
+
+ Achilles and Ajax, Shrine of, 14.
+
+ Achmet, Sultan, 72.
+
+ Acropolis, 36, 179, 181, 182, 194, 222, 223, 227. _See_ Seraglio Point.
+
+ —— at Athens, 13.
+
+ —— of Byzantium, 5, 6, 8, 13, 249.
+
+ Adrianople, 32, 40.
+
+ Ædes Severianæ, 138.
+
+ Ægean, 4, 181, 182, 302, 304.
+
+ Agnes, 285.
+
+ Aivan Serai, 39, 89, 117, 118, 121, 175, 191, 196, 202.
+
+ Aivan Serai Iskelessi, 195, 203.
+
+ Ak Serai, 296, 308, 312.
+
+ Alaric, 32, 328.
+
+ Alexandria, 40, 217.
+
+ Alti Mermer, 3, 20, 21, 78.
+
+ Amalfi, 218, 220.
+
+ Amaury, King of Jerusalem, 128, 284.
+
+ Amphitheatre of Byzantium, 37.
+
+ Amurath I., Sultan, 162.
+
+ Anaplus, Arnaout Keui, 36, 336.
+
+ Anatolius, Patriarch, 329.
+
+ Anaxibius, 5, 6, 249.
+
+ André d’Urboise, 208.
+
+ Anemas, 146, 147, 154, 155, 156. See Prison.
+
+ Angora, 71.
+
+ Anna, Princess, 158-161.
+
+ Anna of Savoy, 110, 127.
+
+ Anthemius, Prefect, 43-46, 50, 62, 96, 119, 180.
+
+ Antony, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Apobathra, Pier of the Emperor, 195.
+
+ Apocaucus, 103, 104, 127, 251.
+
+ Apollinarius, 216.
+
+ Aqueduct of Hadrian, 14, 37.
+
+ —— of Valens, 3, 41.
+
+ Arch of Constantine, at Rome, 64.
+
+ —— of Severus, at Rome, 64.
+
+
+ —— of Urbicius, 7, 8.
+
+ Archways near Balat Kapoussi, 198-202, 234.
+
+ Arcla, 231, 250.
+
+ Argyra Limnè, Silver Lake, 127.
+
+ Arians, 19, 20.
+
+ Arsenius, of Crete, 84.
+
+ Artavasdes, 90, 91.
+
+ Asia, Asia Minor, 1, 38, 40, 226, 300, 338.
+
+ Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, 242.
+
+ Athanaric, 40.
+
+ Athens, 226.
+
+ Athos, 252.
+
+
+ Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè), 45, 77.
+
+ Atrium of Justinian the Great, 257.
+
+ Attila, 45, 47.
+
+ Augusta, 34.
+
+ Avars, 23, 77, 86, 97, 119, 165, 170, 174, 210, 321, 329, 340, 343.
+
+ Avret Bazaar, 3, 16, 20, 21, 22. _See_ Forum of Arcadius.
+
+
+ B.
+
+ Bacchatureus, Murus, 86, 87.
+
+ Bajazet, Sultan, 71, 87, 162, 163.
+
+ Balata, 202.
+
+ Baloukli, 75. _See_ Pegè.
+
+ Balata Liman, 176, 241, 245.
+
+ Barbyses, 175, 176.
+
+ Bardas, 185, 259, 292.
+
+ Basilica, Great Law Courts, 7.
+
+ —— Senate House, 35.
+
+ Bas-reliefs at Golden Gate, 65, 66.
+
+ Belisarius, 68.
+
+ Berenger, 238, 240.
+
+ Berœa, 158.
+
+ Beshiktash, 241-243, 246, 305.
+
+ Blachernæ, district of, 14, 39 90, 116 164, 165, 169, 173, 179, 194,
+    196, 197, 210, 211, 316.
+
+ Black Sea, Euxine, 1, 9, 181, 256, 342.
+
+ Board of Health, Galata, 229.
+
+ Bodgan Serai, 84, 319.
+
+ Bohemond, 128, 170.
+
+ Bonus, Patrician, 23.
+
+ —— Rector, 225.
+
+ Bosporus, _passim_.
+
+ Brachionion of Blachernæ, 168, 169.
+
+ Branas, Alexius, 86, 257.
+
+ Braz Saint George, 252.
+
+ Bridge at St. Mamas, 175.
+
+ ——, Byzantine, across the Golden Horn, 174-177.
+
+ ——, Galata, 229.
+
+ ——, inner, across the Golden Horn, 16, 18, 212.
+
+ Brousa, 71.
+
+ Bucanon, 293.
+
+ Bucoleon. _See_ Palace; Harbour.
+
+ Bulgarian, 68, 70, 87, 90, 163, 171, 327-329.
+
+ Buyuk Tchekmedjè. _See_ Athyras.
+
+ Byzantium, 5-15, 27, 33, 34, 37, 38, 42, 77, 179, 220, 226, 249-251,
+    256, 325, 326.
+
+ Byzas, 8, 27.
+
+
+ C.
+
+ Cabatash, 305.
+
+ Cæa, island of, 325.
+
+ Campus, Campus Martius, 329. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Candidati, 332.
+
+ Candidus, 197.
+
+ Canicleius, district of, 300.
+
+ Carthage, 324.
+
+
+ Cassim Pasha, 223, 229, 231, 241, 246.
+
+ Castamon, 250.
+
+ Castinus, 207.
+
+
+ Castle—
+   Blachernæ. 111, 130.
+   Bohemond, 170.
+   Bucoleon, 285.
+   Cyclobion, Strongylon, Castrum Rotundum, 70, 324, 326, 327.
+   Kalojean, 71.
+   St. Gregorius, 160.
+   Seven Towers, 71, 104, 168. _See_ Yedi Koulè.
+   Theodosiani, 327, 328.
+
+ Castron, of the Petrion, 206.
+
+ Catalans, 170, 287.
+
+ Cemetery, Imperial, 84, 85.
+
+ Chain across the Golden Horn, 222-224, 228, 229, 231, 238-240.
+
+ Chalcedon, 2, 6, 165, 226, 249, 304-307, 336.
+
+ Chalcoprateia, 7.
+
+ Charisius, 83. _See_ Gate.
+
+ Chares, 250.
+
+ Christocamaron, 309.
+
+ Christodoulos, 208.
+
+ Chrysaphius, 77, 78.
+
+ Chrysocamaron, 309.
+
+ Chrysopolis, 2, 11, 12, 181, 250, 251, 301.
+
+ Chrysotriclinium, 189.
+
+ Chrysostom, 43, 75, 82, 90, 291.
+
+
+ Church—
+   St. Acacius, in Heptascalon, 303, 304, 308, 309.
+   St. Acacius, in Karya, 36, 213, 303.
+   St. Æmilianus, 36, 179, 264.
+   St. Agathonicus, 36.
+   All Saints, 71.
+   St. Anastasia, 197.
+   Angels, Seven Orders of the, Monastery, 113.
+   St. Anna, in the Deuteron, 75, 77.
+   St. Antony, of Harmatius, 18, 26, 27, 28, 37, 179.
+   Holy Apostles, 24, 25, 29, 35, 37, 82, 84, 213, 291.
+   St. Barbara, 249.
+   Batopedi, on Mount Athos, 252.
+   SS. Benjamin and Berius, 340.
+   St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, 234, 235.
+   St. Conon, 210.
+   SS. Cosmas and Damianus, 90, 127, 165, 169, 170, 171, 174.
+   Prophet Daniel, 81.
+   St. Demetrius, near the Acropolis, 189, 219, 249.
+   St. Demetrius, of Kanabus, 117, 121, 197, 198, 201, 205.
+   St. Demetrius, in the Great Palace, 189, 219.
+   Dexiocrates, Monastery of, 209.
+   St. Diomed, 73, 265.
+   St. Dius, 18, 22.
+   Prophet Elias, in the Petrion, 26, 207.
+   St. Elpis, 314.
+   St. Euphemia, in the Petrion, 207.
+   Forty Martyrs, 71.
+   St. George, Armenian Church (Soulon Monastir), on site of Church of
+      St. Mary Peribleptos, 20.
+   St. George, near the Gate of Charisius, 84.
+   St. George, in the Deuteron, 75.
+   St. George, at the Mangana, 251, 252, 254-256, 258.
+   St. George, Patriarchal Church, 28.
+   San Georgio Majore, Venice, 211, 217.
+   Holy Innocents, 340.
+   St. Icasia, 18, 22, 23.
+   St. Irene, in the Acropolis, 2, 7, 12, 35, 82, 229.
+   St. Irene, in Galata, 210, 216.
+   St. Isaacius, 78.
+   Prophet Isaiah, 26, 212.
+   St. John the Baptist, Armenian Chapel of, 265.
+   St. John the Baptist, near Balat Kapoussi, 234, 235, 240.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Basilikè Pylè, 234, 238, 240.
+   St. John the Baptist, at the Hebdomon, 318-320, 323, 324, 333, 334,
+      338-340.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Gate of the Kynegos, 205.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Palaia Porta, 21.
+   St. John the Baptist, in Petra, 24, 84, 205, 319, 320.
+   St. John the Baptist, near Residence of Probus, 293.
+   St. John the Baptist, of Studius, 69, 78, 91, 265.
+   St. John de Cornibus, 214, 215.
+   St. John the Evangelist, at the Hebdomon, 323, 327, 337, 339.
+   St. Julian, Perdix, 293.
+   St. Julianè, 207.
+   St. Kallinicus, 174.
+   St. Kyriakè, near Koum Kapoussi, 314.
+   St. Kyriakè, near the Lycus, 82.
+   St. Laurentius, 26, 27, 28, 210, 212.
+   St. Lazarus, 256.
+   St. Luke, 23.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90, 175.
+   Manuel, Monastery of, 23.
+   SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael, 18, 26.
+   St. Mary Acheiropoietos, of the Abramiti, 334, 335.
+   St. Mary, of Blachernæ, 116, 117, 118, 119, 128, 130, 152, 164, 165,
+      166, 169, 174, 195, 196, 197, 201.
+   St. Mary, Hodegetria, 254, 256-258, 260.
+   St. Mary, of the Mongolians, Kan Klissè, 208.
+   St. Mary, Pammacaristos, 198.
+   St. Mary, of the Pegè, 76, 90.
+   St. Mary, Peribleptos, 19, 20, 240, 264.
+   St. Mary, of the Rhabdos, 18, 28, 32, 264.
+   St. Mary, in the Sigma, 78.
+   SS. Menas and Menaius, 340.
+   St. Metrophanes, 309.
+   St. Michael, near the Acropolis, 230.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, of Adda, 292.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, at Anaplus, 36.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, in Arcadianais, 257.
+   St. Mokius, 20, 23, 36, 71.
+   Myrelaion, 300, 309.
+   St. Nicholas, at the Acropolis, 249.
+   St. Nicholas, between the Walls of Heraclius and Leo V., 118, 119,
+      165, 169, 170, 210.
+   St. Nicetas, 81.
+   SS. Notarii, 75, 77.
+   St. Panteleemon, 174, 300.
+   St. Paul the Apostle, 227, 230.
+   St. Paul the Patriarch, 75.
+   SS. Peter and Mark, 197.
+   SS. Peter and Paul, 276.
+   Petrion, Convent of, 206, 207.
+   St. Priscus, 169.
+   St. Romanus, 81.
+   Prophet Samuel, at the Hebdomon, 338.
+   St. Saviour, of the Chora, 84, 257, 258.
+   St. Saviour, Euergetes, Monastery of, 210, 211.
+   St. Saviour, Pantocrator, 211, 341.
+   St. Saviour, Pantopoptes, 211.
+   St. Saviour, Philanthropos, near Indjili Kiosk, 252-257.
+   St. Saviour, at Selivria, 337.
+
+   SS. Sergius and Bacchus, 262, 275-279, 288, 290, 291, 293, 304.
+   St. Sophia, 2, 7, 12, 13, 36, 67, 84, 157, 159, 217, 226, 227, 256,
+      258, 285, 326, 333, 334, 338.
+   St. Stephen, of the Romans, 207.
+   St. Stephen, in the Sigma, 78.
+   St. Thekla, 196, 292.
+   St. Theodore, of Claudius, 300.
+   St. Theodore, in the Deuteron, 75.
+   St. Theodore, above Galata, 231.
+   St. Theodosia, 26, 208, 209, 211.
+   St. Theodotè, 340.
+   St. Thomas, Amantiou, 262, 291, 292.
+   St. Timothy, 75.
+
+ Cilicia, 250, 338.
+
+ Circus Maximus, 35.
+
+ Cistern—
+   Aspar, 16, 17, 18, 23, 25.
+
+   Basilica, 7.
+   Bonus, 18, 23, 24, 25.
+   Mokius, 16, 17, 74.
+   Soulon Monastir, 20.
+   Yeri Batan Serai. _See above_, Basilica.
+
+ Clari, 38.
+
+ Clarissimi, 38.
+
+ Claudius, district of, 300.
+
+ Cold Waters, 211, 241. _See_ Cassim Pasha.
+
+
+ Column—
+   Outside the Ancient Gate, 18, 21, 22.
+   Arcadius, 3, 29, 63. _See_ illustration facing p. 330.
+   Burnt Column. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Claudius, 13.
+
+   Constantine the Great, 3, 10, 16, 34, 326.
+   On the Fifth Hill, 19.
+   Justinian the Great, at the Hebdomon, 335.
+   Porphyry. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Serpent Column, 34, 267.
+   Strategion, in the, 37.
+   Tchemberli Tash. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Theodosius the Great, in the Forum of Taurus, 63, 298.
+   Theodosius II., in the Sigma, 78.
+   Twisted Columns of the Tzycalarii, 7.
+
+ Constantine, Pope, 67, 325, 340.
+
+ Constantine, Prefect, 46-51, 72, 79, 91, 119, 180.
+
+ Constantine Ducas, 260.
+
+ Contoscopie, 294.
+
+ Convent. _See_ Church.
+
+ Coparia, 221.
+
+
+ Cosmidion, 89, 90, 127, 169, 170, 174, 175, 223, 241.
+
+ Council of Basle, 203.
+
+ —— of Ferrara, 84, 203.
+
+ ——, Fifth General, 301.
+
+ —— of Florence, 203.
+
+ Count of the Walls, 95.
+
+ Courapas, 154.
+
+ Crete, Cretans, 154, 182, 186, 187, 236, 240, 260.
+
+ Crimea, 192.
+
+ Crum, 70, 90, 91, 167, 170.
+
+ Crusade I., 128, 176.
+
+ Crusade II., 176.
+
+ Crusade III., 91.
+
+ Crusade IV., 127, 129, 171, 176, 193, 195, 197, 207, 211.
+
+ Crusaders, 61, 73, 122, 126, 129, 171, 172, 209, 292, 299.
+
+ Custom House, Galata, 229.
+
+ ——, Stamboul, 218, 220.
+
+ Cyclobion. _See_ Castle.
+
+ Cyprus, 324, 339.
+
+ Cyrus, Prefect, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51.
+
+
+ D.
+
+ Damalis, 231, 250, 251.
+
+ Dandolo, Henrico, 129, 171, 172, 178, 207.
+
+ Daniel Stylites, 336.
+
+ Danube, 41, 43, 45.
+
+ Daphnusium, 280.
+
+ David, Chartophylax of the Palace of Hormisdas, 279.
+
+ Delassaina, 207.
+
+ Delphi, 34, 267.
+
+ St. Demetrius, Icon of, 341.
+
+ Demosthenes, 49, 226.
+
+ Derkos, 343.
+
+ Deuteron, district of, 74, 75, 77, 319.
+
+ Dexiocratis, district of, 209.
+
+ Diedo, Aluxio, 172, 202.
+
+ Diplokionion, 242, 243, 305.
+
+ Dolma Bagtchè, 242-246.
+
+ Domestic of the Walls, 95.
+
+ Domos Politymos, 128.
+
+ Domus-Dama, 189.
+
+ Domus Gaiana, 142.
+
+ Doria, 190.
+
+ Dositheos, 91.
+
+ Drungarius, 214.
+
+ Drungarius, district of, 211.
+
+
+ E.
+
+ Edessa, 67.
+
+ Egnatian Road, 316, 325.
+
+ Egypt, 38.
+
+ Egri Kapou, district of, 128.
+
+ Eleutherius, 297.
+
+ Eleutherius, district of, 296, 299.
+
+ Emperor—
+   Alexius I. Comnenus, 86, 123, 128, 146, 147, 148, 155, 156, 170, 171,
+      214, 217, 220, 283.
+   Alexius II. Comnenus, 266, 285.
+   Alexius III. Angelus, 172, 260.
+   Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus, 197, 285.
+   Alexius, of Trebizond, 107.
+   Anastasius I., 70, 91, 128, 140, 173, 291, 329, 332, 342.
+   Anastasius II., 91, 98, 170, 181.
+   Andronicus I. Comnenus, 103, 156, 157, 266, 299.
+   Andronicus II. Palæologus, 103, 110, 126, 160, 161, 170, 189, 190,
+      294-296.
+   Andronicus III. Palæologus, 110, 127, 161, 190, 198.
+   Andronicus IV. Palæologus, 71, 76, 87, 162, 163.
+   Antoninus, 77.
+   Arcadius, 42, 43, 82, 228, 257, 299, 322, 328, 331, 332, 337, 338.
+   Baldwin I., 129, 171, 285.
+   Baldwin II., 129.
+   Basil I., 19, 68, 72, 90, 187, 207, 255, 265, 303, 334, 335, 337,
+      340.
+   Basil II., 67, 68, 100-102, 186, 187, 300, 334, 337.
+   Basiliscus, 67, 331, 336.
+   Cantacuzene, 70, 86, 91, 92, 103, 104, 110, 111, 112, 113, 127, 161,
+      177, 190, 191, 227, 251, 252, 259, 303, 308, 310.
+   Caracalla, 9, 138.
+   Charlemagne, 100.
+   Charles V., 272.
+   Claudius Gothicus, 13.
+   Conrad, German Emperor, 176.
+   Constans II., 265.
+   Constantine I., the Great, 2, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 24,
+      26, 29, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 90, 179, 213, 256, 280, 297, 337.
+   Constantine IV., 302, 308.
+   Constantine V. Copronymus, 68, 90, 91, 98, 99, 100, 226, 251, 327,
+      334.
+   Constantine VI., 90, 100, 300.
+   Constantine VII., 112, 260, 265, 279, 280, 282, 286, 303.
+   Constantine VIII., 286.
+   Constantine IX., 100, 101, 102.
+   Constantine X. Monomachus, 171, 251.
+   Constantine XII. Dragoses, 87, 92, 108, 124, 223.
+   Constantius II., 29, 36, 41.
+   Frederick Barbarossa, 91.
+   Hadrian, 14, 37.
+   Henry, 129, 284, 285.
+   Heraclius, 23, 67, 69, 116, 165, 166, 173, 175, 176, 180, 276, 280,
+      289, 292, 302, 307.
+   Honorius, 322, 331.
+   Isaac Angelus, 86, 91, 125, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 147, 149, 150,
+      157, 173, 193, 197, 207, 220, 255, 257, 285, 292.
+   John Comnenus, 250.
+   John VI. Palæologus, 70, 71, 76, 87, 103, 104, 110, 111, 152, 153,
+      162, 163, 197, 259.
+   John VII. Palæologus, 104-108, 126, 193, 203.
+   Julian, 41, 289, 290, 328, 332.
+   Justin I., 67.
+   Justin II., 80, 97, 220, 280, 289, 291, 295, 336.
+   Justinian I., the Great, 33, 35, 64, 75, 83, 84, 90, 96, 165, 170,
+      174, 206, 215-217, 229, 251, 257, 263, 276, 278, 280, 299, 300,
+      301, 327, 335, 336, 338, 340, 342, 343.
+   Justinian II., 67, 86, 170, 251, 292, 325.
+   Kanabus, Nicholas, 197, 205.
+   Leo I., 67, 77, 90, 96, 226, 262, 273, 292, 302, 331, 332.
+   Leo II., 334.
+   Leo III, Isaurian, 35, 65, 98, 99, 100, 209, 229.
+   Leo IV., 100.
+   Leo V., the Armenian, 67, 70, 115, 164, 167, 170, 329, 331.
+   Leo VI. the Wise, 186, 187, 207.
+   Leontius, 251, 292.
+   Manuel I. Comnenus, 103, 122, 123, 128, 129, 157, 187, 220, 250, 266,
+      284, 341.
+   Manuel II. Palæologus, 71, 162, 163, 193, 240.
+   Marcian, 67, 331, 332.
+   Maurice, 68, 90, 196, 329, 330, 331, 340, 343.
+   Michael I., 279.
+   Michael II., 166, 168, 169, 179, 182, 185, 229.
+   Michael III., 64, 90, 91, 184, 185, 257, 261.
+   Michael V., 19, 78.
+   Michael VIII. Palæologus, 68, 69, 76, 103, 129, 157, 158, 159, 160,
+      188, 189, 208, 210, 293, 295, 296, 312-314, 334, 337.
+   Nicephorus Botoniates, 86, 171, 207, 283.
+   Nicephorus Phocas, 65-67, 68, 76, 154, 229, 250, 281, 282, 283, 292,
+      317, 331.
+   Phocas, 67, 90, 180, 276, 279, 280, 289, 292, 302, 307, 324, 329,
+      331, 334.
+   Romanus I., Lecapenus, 24, 67, 170, 207, 282, 286, 341.
+   Romanus II., 154.
+   Romanus III., Argyrus, 19, 102.
+   Romanus, 169.
+   Septimius Severus, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 37, 138, 251, 256.
+   Stephen, 286.
+   Theodosius I., the Great, 12, 19, 22, 42, 60-64, 67, 298, 299, 302,
+      318, 328, 331, 334, 335, 338-340.
+   Theodosius II., 17, 31, 42, 43, 45, 47-50, 62, 72, 77, 78, 82, 112,
+      119, 279, 302, 331, 332, 336.
+   Theodosius III., 91, 170.
+   Theophilus, 23, 68, 69, 90, 101, 112, 149, 168, 173, 182-185, 228,
+      250, 279.
+   Tiberius II., 280, 328, 336.
+   Tiberius III., Apsimarus, 170, 180, 251.
+   Valens, 41, 322, 330-332, 338, 339.
+   Valentinian, 302, 330.
+   Zeno, 26, 96, 227, 331, 334.
+   Zimisces, 68, 69, 101, 155, 283, 334.
+
+ Epiphanius, 324, 339, 340.
+
+ Et Meidan, 296.
+
+ Eubulus, 37.
+
+ Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, 48, 82.
+
+ Eugenius, 62, 227-229, 318, 328.
+
+ Exartesis Palaia, 220. _See_ Harbour.
+
+
+ Exokionion, 18-20, 22, 31, 37, 74.
+
+ Exokionitai, 19.
+
+ Eyoub, 89, 241. _See_ Cosmidion.
+
+
+ F.
+
+ Faction, Blue, 44, 83, 276, 280.
+
+ ——, Green, 44, 215, 276, 292.
+
+
+ ——, Red, 79.
+
+ Factions, 44, 69, 215, 263, 292, 330.
+
+ Faletri, Doge, 217.
+
+ Fener Bagtchessi, 176.
+
+ Ferikeui, 242.
+
+ Ferry of St. Antony, 18, 27.
+
+ Fœderati, 33, 85.
+
+ Forum—
+   Amastrianon, 156.
+
+   Arcadius, 19, 20, 31, 32, 63.
+   Augustaion, 34, 35, 37.
+   Bous, 308.
+   Constantine the Great, 10, 11, 34, 37, 39, 76, 281, 334, 335.
+   Strategion, 6, 7, 14.
+
+   Taurus, 63, 226, 298.
+   Tetrastoon, 34.
+   Theodosius the Great, 42. _See_ Forum of Taurus.
+   Xerolophos. _See_ Forum of Arcadius.
+
+
+ G.
+
+ Gabriel, Archangel, 198.
+
+ Gabriel, of Treviso, 202, 204, 230-233, 236, 237, 240.
+
+ Gainas, 32, 328, 339.
+
+ Galata, 14, 39, 176, 181, 188, 190, 192, 210, 216, 217, 228, 231, 241,
+    243, 259, 305, 325, 337.
+
+ Galbius, 197.
+
+ Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, 265.
+
+
+ Gate. _See_ also Postern.
+   Adrianople, 3, 16, 23, 29, 110.
+
+   St. Æmilianus, 18, 27, 28, 32, 264, 298.
+   Ahour Kapoussi, 186, 187, 192, 260, 261, 270, 281, 285.
+   Aivan Serai Kapoussi, 151, 195.
+   St. Anastasia, 197.
+   Ancient Gate, Porta Antiqua, Palaia Porta of the Forerunner,
+      Antiquissima Pulchra Porta, 18, 21, 22, 30, 74.
+   Asomaton, Seven Orders of Angels, 113.
+   Atalus, 29, 33.
+   Aurea, 17, 22, 30, 31, 37, 59-73. _See_ Golden Gate.
+
+   Aya Kapou, 27. _See_ Gate of St. Theodosia.
+   Ayasma Kapoussi, 32, 212, 213.
+   Bagtchè Kapoussi, 7, 8, 200, 218-220, 236, 237.
+   Balat Kapoussi, 3, 116, 117, 121, 195, 198-202, 204-206, 230,
+      232-235, 239.
+   Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, 214, 216, 217.
+   Balouk Haneh Kapoussi, 260.
+
+   St. Barbara, 184, 232, 236, 238, 239, 249, 250.
+
+   Basilikè, Imperial Gate, 32, 192, 199, 200, 203, 204, 213, 230-240.
+   Bears, of the, 261.
+   Blachernæ, 166, 168, 170, 171.
+
+   Bonus, 225, 226, 240.
+   Byzantium, 5, 7, 9-11, 16, 34, 249, 326.
+   Caraviorum, 215.
+   Catena, 228.
+
+   Charisius, 80-86, 89-92, 101, 107, 110, 124, 152, 223, 257.
+   Chrysè. _See_ Golden Gate.
+   Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, 16, 314. _See_ Gate of St. Æmilianus.
+   Deïrmen Kapoussi, 183, 187, 250, 251.
+   St. Demetrius, 249.
+   Demir Kapou, 252, 253.
+
+   Deuteron, 74, 75.
+   Dexiocrates, 209.
+   Diplophanarion, 206.
+   Djubali Kapoussi, 191. _See_ Gate Ispigas.
+
+   Drungarii, 214-216, 218.
+   Eastern Gate, 249.
+   Edirnè Kapoussi, 57, 58. _See_ Gate of Charisius.
+   Egri Kapou, 3, 39, 83, 110, 122, 124.
+
+   Eugenius, 6, 191, 222, 223, 227-229, 232, 236-239.
+   Fifth Military Gate. _See_ Gate of the Pempton.
+   Fourth Military Gate, 80.
+
+   Golden Gate, Porta Aurea, Chrysè Pylè, 19, 30, 55, 58, 59-73, 84, 90,
+      96, 104, 176, 179, 201, 223, 250, 300, 301, 306, 316, 326, 327,
+      330, 334, 335.
+   Gyrolimnè, 110, 126, 127, 177.
+
+   Hebraica, 216-219, 225.
+   Hicanatissa, 219, 220.
+   Hodegetria, 223, 258-260, 261.
+   Horaia, Beautiful, 187, 221-225, 232, 235-237.
+   Imperial. _See_ Basilikè.
+   Isa Kapoussi, 21, 30, 33.
+
+   Ispigas, 209, 210. _See_ Porta Puteæ.
+   St. John, 205.
+
+   St. John de Cornibus, 214, 216.
+   Judece, 218.
+   Kaligaria, 124, 152.
+   Katerga Limani, 263.
+
+   Kerko Porta, 115-117, 119-121, 166, 223. _See_ Gate of the
+      Xylokerkus.
+   Kiliomenè, 195, 196.
+   Kiretch Kapoussi, 229.
+   Kontoscalion, 263, 294, 295, 313. _See_ Koum Kapoussi.
+
+   Koum Kapoussi, 186, 190, 193, 263, 264, 278, 294, 295, 307-314.
+   Kynegos, 199-205, 233.
+   St. Lazarus, 258, 259.
+   Leonis, 261, 273.
+   Marina, 272.
+   St. Mark, 219.
+   Marmora Porta, 228. _See_ Gate of Eugenius.
+   Melandesia or Melantiados, 74, 76, 77.
+   Mesè, 212.
+   Michael Protovestarius, 260.
+   Myriandron, 84.
+   Narli Kapoussi, 187, 264, 265.
+   Neorion, 218-222, 224, 225, 235.
+   Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, 213. _See_ Gate Drungarii.
+   Oun Kapan Kapoussi, 27, 341. _See_ Gate of Platea.
+   Palatina, Balat Kapoussi, 199.
+
+   Pegè, 75-77, 101, 106.
+
+   Pempton, 58, 74, 81, 83, 85, 86, 96.
+   Perama, 214, 216-220.
+   Petrus, Petri Kapoussi, 28, 206, 207.
+   Phanar, Phani, del Pharo, Fener
+   Kapoussi, 201, 206, 207, 233.
+   Piazza, ala, 212.
+   Piscaria, 217.
+
+   Platea, 209, 212, 214, 233.
+   Polyandrion, 29, 37, 81, 84, 85. _See_ Gate of Charisius.
+   Precursoris, Porta juxta Parvum Templum. _See_ St. John de Cornibus.
+   Psamathia, 16, 264.
+   Puteæ, del Pozzo, 211, 233. _See_ Gate Ispigas.
+   Rectoris Veteris. _See_ Gate of Bonus.
+   Regia, 152.
+
+   Rhegium, 72, 78, 79, 91. _See_ Porta Rhousiou.
+
+   Rhousiou, 45, 78, 79, 96, 97, 100, 102, 180. _See_ Gate of Rhegium.
+
+   St. Romanus, 80-89, 110, 125, 127, 223, 300. _See_ Top Kapoussi.
+   Saouk Tchesmè Kapoussi, 13.
+   Saturninus, 32.
+   Second Military Gate. _See_ Gate of the Deuteron.
+   Selivria, 58, 75, 90. _See_ Gate of the Pegè.
+   Sidhera, 206, 262, 263.
+   Sixth Military Gate, 89.
+   Sophia, 263.
+   Tchatlady Kapou, 140, 192, 261, 262, 270-278, 281, 282, 285, 286.
+   Tchifout Kapoussi, 224. _See_ Porta Hebraica.
+
+   St. Theodosia, 208, 209, 233. _See_ Aya Kapou.
+   Third Military Gate, 77, 78.
+
+   Top Kapoussi, in Land Walls, 57, 58. _See_ Gate of St. Romanus.
+   Top Kapoussi, at Seraglio Point, 237, 249. _See_ Gate of St. Barbara.
+   Tzycanisterion, Gate at eastern end of the, 286.
+   Veteris Rectoris. _See_ Gate of Bonus.
+   Xylo Porta, Xylinè, 110, 147, 151, 173, 174, 191, 195, 200, 201, 212,
+      223, 227, 233.
+
+   Xylokerkus, 46, 89-94, 109, 111, 173. _See_ Kerko Porta.
+   Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, 7, 191, 200, 253. _See_ Gate of Eugenius.
+   Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. _See_ Golden Gate.
+   Yeni Aya Kapou, 208.
+   Yeni Kapou, Vlanga, 180, 193, 263, 264, 298, 308, 310-312, 314.
+   Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, 58, 76. _See_ Gate of Rhegium.
+   Zindan Kapoussi, 213-216.
+
+ Genoa, 188, 190, 192.
+
+ Genoese, 87, 162, 163, 188, 190, 192, 210, 219, 225, 231, 240, 241,
+    259, 304-306.
+
+ George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia, 107, 193.
+
+ Georgius, 80, 156.
+
+ Germanicia, 68.
+
+ Germanus, residence of, 301, 302.
+
+ Gerocomion, 264.
+
+ Giustiniani, 87, 88, 92.
+
+ Godfrey de Bouillon, 128, 171, 176.
+
+ Golden Horn, _passim_.
+
+ Goths Gothic, 13, 32, 33, 40, 41, 43, 77, 85, 328.
+
+ Governor of the Wall, 95.
+
+ Grand Bazaar, 3, 8, 11, 13, 39.
+
+ Grant, 125.
+
+ Gregoras, 261.
+
+ Gritti, Doge, 270.
+
+ Guliano, Peter, 287.
+
+
+ H.
+
+ Habakkuk, Prophet, 263.
+
+ Hadrian II., Pope, 67, 300, 337, 340.
+
+
+ Harbour—
+   Ancient Neorion, 7, 8, 11, 14, 179, 220-222, 291.
+   Anthemius, 324.
+   Blachernæ, 196, 202, 203, 240.
+   Bosporion. _See below_, Prosphorion.
+   Bucoleon, 261, 269-287, 307, 308.
+   Diplokionion, 243.
+
+   Eleutherius, 36, 264, 268, 296-300.
+   Eutropius, 324.
+   Galata, or Pera, 241.
+   Golden Gate, 300, 301, 307, 308.
+   Hebdomon, 325, 326, 330, 335.
+   Heptascalon, 259, 269, 301-315.
+   Hormisdas, 275-279, 302.
+
+   Julian, 41, 97, 269, 276, 277, 288-293, 302, 307, 308.
+   Kadriga Limani, 262, 270, 295, 314. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+   Kaisarius, 269, 276, 301-315.
+   Kontoscalion, 186, 223, 263, 269, 278, 287, 293-296, 308-315.
+   Latins, 211.
+   St. Mamas, 90, 91.
+   New Neorion, 303, 310.
+   Phosphorion. _See below_, Prosphorion.
+   Portus Novus. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+
+   Prosphorion, 7, 14, 182, 225, 226.
+   Sophia, 262, 263, 295, 296, 310. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+   Theodosius, 264, 269, 307, 308. _See_ Harbour of Eleutherius.
+
+ Harmatius, 26.
+
+ ——, district of, 18, 26, 37.
+
+ Haskeui, 201, 221, 245, 246.
+
+
+ Hebdomon, 32, 67, 68, 70, 109, 316-341.
+
+ Helas, Theme of, 292.
+
+ Helena, Empress, 34, 81, 264.
+
+ Helenianæ, District of the, 334.
+
+ Helenopolis, 160.
+
+ Hellespont, 4, 178, 252.
+
+ Heptapyrgion, 168.
+
+ Heraclea, 38, 190.
+
+ Hexakionion, 18, 20. _See_ Exokionion.
+
+ Hicanati, 220.
+
+ Hiereia. _See_ Palace.
+
+ Hills of Constantinople, 2, 3.
+
+ Hippodrome, 2, 12, 13, 34, 49, 63, 68, 76, 157, 189, 215, 251, 260,
+    267, 271-273, 288-290, 295, 310, 331, 332, 336.
+
+ Hippodrome at St. Mamas, 89, 90, 91.
+
+ Holy Well of Blachernæ, 118, 150, 152.
+
+ —— at Church of St. Nicholas, 118, 169, 170.
+
+ —— of the Hodegetria, 254, 257, 258.
+
+ —— of the Pegè, 75-78, 281.
+
+ —— of St. Saviour, 252-254.
+
+ Hormisdas, district of, 277, 280.
+
+ Hormisdas, Pope, 67, 340.
+
+ Hormisdas, Prince, 279, 280.
+
+ Horrea, 226.
+
+ Hospitia, 229.
+
+ Huns, 41, 43, 45, 47, 77, 267, 343.
+
+
+ I.
+
+ Iagari, Manuel, 108.
+
+ Ibrahim, Sultan, 20.
+
+ Icon of Christ, from Edessa, 67.
+
+ Illyria, 43.
+
+ Indjili Kiosk, 185, 252-258, 261, 270.
+
+ Ino, 280.
+
+ Irene, Empress, 90, 99, 100, 103, 126, 128, 300.
+
+ Isaac Sevastocrator, 292.
+
+ Isa Kapoussi Sokaki, 22.
+
+ Isidore, Cardinal, 152.
+
+ Italian Hospital, 231.
+
+
+ J.
+
+ Jerusalem, 338.
+
+ Jews, 210, 219, 221.
+
+ Joannicus, King of Bulgaria, 86.
+
+ John the Fat, 260.
+
+ Joseph, Patriarch, 84.
+
+ Judeca, 217, 218.
+
+ Julian, Prefect, 227.
+
+ Jus Italicus, 38.
+
+ Justinian Code, 221.
+
+ Justinianopolis, 217.
+
+
+ K.
+
+ Kadikeui, 2, 176, 304, 305, 324.
+
+ Kaffa, 192.
+
+ Kaisarius, 302.
+
+ ——, district of, 302.
+
+ Kaligaria. _See_ Gate.
+
+ Kanatissa, residence of, 219.
+
+ Karadjakeui, 343.
+
+ Kesmè Kaya, 206, 319, 320.
+
+ Khan of the Mongols, 208.
+
+ Kiathaneh, Sweet Waters of Europe, 175, 245.
+
+ Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, 5.
+
+ Kitchens, Imperial, 5.
+
+ Kiz Kalehssi. _See_ Tower.
+
+ Klidion, 325.
+
+ Koumbaradji Sokaki, 242.
+
+ Koush Kaya, 343.
+
+ Kral of Servia, 158, 159.
+
+ Krenides, 210.
+
+ Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik, 245.
+
+ Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, 79. _See_ Rhegium.
+
+ Kynegion, 12, 204, 251, 252.
+
+ Kynegon, district of, 201-203, 205, 233, 234.
+
+
+ L.
+
+ Latins, 76, 86, 103, 122, 188.
+
+ Leo, brother of Nicephorus Phocas, 68.
+
+ Leontari, Manuel Bryennius, 106, 107.
+
+ Levend Tchiflik, 245.
+
+ Londja, 117.
+
+ Lycus, 2, 25, 52, 80-83, 85, 86, 87, 298.
+
+
+ M.
+
+ Macedonia, 45, 265.
+
+ Macedonius, 213, 338.
+
+ Magnaura. _See_ Palace.
+
+ Mahmoud IV., Sultan, 250.
+
+ Makrikeui, 44, 67, 70, 109, 316, 322, 326, 327. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Mamas, St., suburb, 89, 90.
+
+ Mandrahio, Cassim Pasha, 244.
+
+ Mangana, 7, 37, 182, 249-251, 256.
+
+ Manuel, 23.
+
+ Manuel of Liguria, 71.
+
+ Manuel Phakrasè, 191, 192.
+
+ Marathon, 267.
+
+ Marble Kiosk, 250.
+
+ Marciana Library, 270.
+
+ Margaret of Hungary, 285.
+
+ Maria, 99, 107, 208, 265, 341.
+
+ Marine Exchange, 220, 291.
+
+ Marmora, Island of, 311.
+
+ ——, Sea of, _passim_.
+
+ Martin I., Pope, 265.
+
+ Matrona, 339.
+
+ Maurus, district of, 277, 289.
+
+ Mausoleum at the Church of the Holy Apostles, 35.
+
+ Maximus, 62, 63, 67.
+
+ Megara, 5.
+
+ Mehemet, Sultan, 71, 87-89, 125, 186, 208, 211, 223, _passim_.
+
+ Melanciada, Melantiada, Melantrada, 77.
+
+ Menas, Patriarch, 216.
+
+ Mesè, 37, 68, 69, 155.
+
+ Mesoteichion, 85-89, 92.
+
+ Mews, Imperial, 171, 261.
+
+ Michael, Despot, 160, 161.
+
+ Milan, 62, 316.
+
+ Milion, 7, 8, 326.
+
+ Minotto, 151, 152.
+
+ Moda, 176.
+
+ Mole of St. Thomas, 291.
+
+ Monferrat, Marquis of, 284-286.
+
+ Moselè, residence of, 309.
+
+ Mosque—
+   Achmet, Sultan, 282.
+   Aivas Effendi Djamissi, 133, 135.
+   Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, Church of SS. Peter and Mark, 196, 197.
+   Aya Sofia. _See_ St. Sophia.
+   Bajazet, Sultan, 3.
+   Boudroum Djamissi, Myrelaion, 300, 309.
+   Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi, 25.
+   Eski Imaret Djamissi, Church of the Pantopoptes, 211.
+   Fethiyeh Djamissi, Church of the Pammacaristos, 198.
+   Gul Djamissi, Church of St. Theodosia, 27, 208.
+   Isa Kapou Mesdjidi, 22, 30.
+   Kahriyeh Djamissi, Church of St. Saviour in the Chora, 84.
+   Kefelè Djamissi, Monastery of Manuel, 23.
+   Khadin Ibrahim Pasha, 77.
+   Kutchuk Aya Sofia. _See_ Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.
+   Mehemet, Sultan, 3, 16, 19, 23, 25, 35, 208.
+   Mihrimah Djamissi, 84.
+   Murad Mesdjidi, Sheik, 27, 212.
+   Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, 27, 212.
+   Saracen, 292.
+   Selim, Sultan, 3, 24-26.
+   Sinan Pasha, 211.
+   Suleiman, Sultan, 3, 19.
+   Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, Church of St. Thekla, 196.
+   Tulbenkdji Djamissi, 311, 312, 314.
+   Yeni Validè Djamissi, 221.
+   Yol Getchen Mesdjidi, 78.
+   Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, Church of the Pantocrator, 211, 341.
+
+ Municipal Gardens, 242.
+
+ Murad, Sultan, 76, 87, 193.
+
+ Museum, Imperial, 5, 191, 198.
+
+ Myriandrion, 85, 87.
+
+
+ N.
+
+ Naples, 33.
+
+ Narses, 97, 291, 300.
+
+ Nemitzi, 86.
+
+ Neophytus of Rhodes, 108.
+
+ Neorion. _See_ Harbour.
+
+ Nicephorus Bryennius, 156.
+
+ Nicholas V., Pope, 150.
+
+ Nika, Riot of, 210, 215, 291, 327.
+
+ Nikè, 198, 205.
+
+ Normans, 103.
+
+ Notaras, 192, 193, 237, 240.
+
+ Novobrodo, 125.
+
+ Numeri, 76.
+
+
+ O.
+
+ Obelisk, 63.
+
+ Odeon, 13.
+
+ Ok Meidan, 245.
+
+ Olympus, 35.
+
+ Orban, 125.
+
+ Orphanage, Great, 229.
+
+ Ortakdjilar, 89.
+
+ Ortakeui, 325.
+
+
+ P.
+
+
+ Palace—
+   At the Argyra Limnè, 127.
+   Blachernæ, 3, 68, 103, 109-111, 118, 119, 121-123, 125-127, 130-133,
+      135, 136, 138, 140-147, 150, 151, 152, 164, 170, 171, 176, 195,
+      201, 202, 233, 284.
+   Bonus, 24.
+
+   Bucoleon, 129, 140, 255, 269-287.
+   The Cæsars, 35, 142.
+   Constantine, Great Palace, Imperial Palace, 34, 35, 67, 69, 76, 155,
+      161, 168, 189, 223, 256, 260, 261, 265, 269, 274, 280-287, 308,
+      336.
+   Hebdomon, 109, 335.
+   Hiereia, Fener Bagtchè, 176, 181.
+   Hormisdas. _See_ Palace of Bucoleon.
+   Irene, 300.
+   Justinian. _See_ Palace of Bucoleon.
+   Justinian, Jucundianæ at the Hebdomon, 323, 335.
+   Kaisarius, 302.
+   Karya, 213.
+   Magnaura, 320, 324, 336.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90.
+   Mangana, 255, 256.
+   Pegè, 75, 162.
+
+   Porphyrogenitus Tekfour Serai, 3, 45, 109-114, 118-120, 123, 139,
+      152, 202, 233, 316.
+   Psamathia, 264.
+   Scutarion, 251.
+   Secundianas, 335.
+
+   Sophia, 289, 290.
+
+ Palatine, 35, 138, 142.
+
+ Palestine, 338.
+
+ Panteleon, Saint, 196.
+
+ Panticheion, Pendik, 338.
+
+ Patriarchate, Greek, 28.
+
+ Paul, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Paulinus, 170.
+
+ Pausanias, 9.
+
+ Pegæ, 210.
+
+
+ Pegè. _See_ Gate; Holy Well.
+
+ Pelerine, 207.
+
+ Pempton, district of the, 82, 319.
+
+ Pentapyrgion, 150, 168.
+
+ Pepagomenes, George, 198.
+
+ Pera, 243.
+
+ Perama, 216, 217.
+
+ Peridromi of Marcian, 282.
+
+ Perinthus, 226.
+
+ Persia, 5, 23, 165, 290.
+
+ Persians, 9, 23, 68, 267.
+
+ Pescennius Niger, 9.
+
+ Peter the Hermit, 128.
+
+ Peter, King of Bulgaria, 341.
+
+ Petits Champs, 242.
+
+ Petra, Petra Palaia, 206.
+
+ Petrion, 26-28, 200, 206, 207, 208.
+
+ Petrus, Patrician, 206.
+
+ Petty, Mr., 66.
+
+ Phanar, district of the, 3, 206-208, 233, 234.
+
+ Pharos, 189.
+
+ Phedalia, 27, 176.
+
+ Philip of Macedon, 226, 250.
+
+ Philippopolis, 91.
+
+ Phœnicia, 40.
+
+ Pisa, Pisans, 218, 220.
+
+ Platæa, 9, 267.
+
+ Platea, Plateia, 27, 212.
+
+ Pontus, 38.
+
+ Portico—
+   Between Augustaion and Forum of Constantine, 37.
+   Cariana, 196.
+   Eubulus, 37.
+   Josephiacus, 128.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90.
+   Severus, 9-11.
+   Troadenses, 18, 22.
+
+
+ Postern—
+   Giustiniani, 88, 89, 94.
+   St. Kallinicus, 124, 173, 174.
+   Kerko Porta, 93, 94.
+   With Monogram of Christ, 60.
+   Porphyrogenitus, 112.
+   SS. Sergius and Bacchus, 262, 263.
+
+ Prince’s Island, 35, 304, 305.
+
+
+ Prison—
+   Anemas, 87. _See_ Chapters X., XI.
+   Byzantium, 14.
+   St. Diomed, 265, 266.
+
+ Probus, residence of, 289, 292, 293.
+
+ Proteichisma, 118.
+
+ Proti, Island of, 286.
+
+ Psamathia, 3, 20, 264.
+
+ Pteron, 118.
+
+ Pulcheria, 257, 336.
+
+ Pusæus, 96.
+
+
+ R.
+
+ Region IV., 228.
+
+ Region V., 7, 225.
+
+ Region VII., 39.
+
+ Region X., 213, 303.
+
+ Region XI., 25, 26.
+
+ Region XII., 22, 32, 296, 298.
+
+ Region XIII., 39.
+
+ Region XIV., 39, 119-121, 128, 167, 174.
+
+ Regions, Fourteen, 39, 120, 131.
+
+
+ Rhegium, Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, 79, 327.
+
+ Rhousiou. _See_ Red Faction; Gate.
+
+ Roe, Sir Thomas, 66.
+
+ Rome, 2, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 63, 325.
+
+ Roumelian Railroad, 6, 250, 255, 282, 298, 312.
+
+ Rufinus, 328.
+
+ Russians, 68, 155, 179, 229.
+
+
+ S.
+
+ Saladin, 284.
+
+ Salamis, 267.
+
+ Sali Bazaar, 242.
+
+ St. Mamas, suburb, 89-91, 175, 181.
+
+ Salmak Tombruk, 23.
+
+ Sandakdjar Youkousou, 208.
+
+ Saoudji, 162.
+
+ Saouk Tchesmè, 13.
+
+ Saracen, 68, 70, 98, 178-182, 229, 260, 267, 286, 302, 324, 327, 329.
+
+ Saturninus, 32.
+
+ Scala—
+   Acropolis, 249.
+   Chalcedonensis, 225, 338.
+   De Drongorio, 215.
+   Sycena, 217.
+   Timasii, 228.
+
+ Scholarii, 185.
+
+ School of Arts, 274.
+
+ Scio, 301.
+
+ Scutari, 2, 226, 231, 305.
+
+ Selivria, 75, 77, 192, 327, 337.
+
+ Senate of Constantinople, 38, 195, 332, 334, 336.
+
+ Senate House, 34, 35.
+
+ Septimius Severus, 9, 12-14, 38, 138.
+
+ Septimum. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Seraglio Grounds, 34, 81, 189, 229, 252, 253, 258, 274.
+
+ Seraglio Lighthouse, 7, 13, 256, 260, 261.
+
+ Seraglio Plateau, 2, 5, 12.
+
+
+ Seraglio Point, 6, 189, 191, 194, 218, 219, 224, 230, 232, 233,
+    235-237, 246, 247, 256.
+
+ Servia, 125, 158, 159, 161, 193.
+
+ Settimo, 316.
+
+ Sicily, 182
+
+ Sigma, 19, 20, 78, 290.
+
+ Simeon, King of Bulgaria, 70, 170.
+
+ Sirkedji Iskelessi, 7, 225, 240, 292.
+
+ Sirmium, 97.
+
+ Smyrna, 49.
+
+ Sophia, Empress, 80, 97, 280, 289, 291.
+
+ Soulou Kaleh. _See_ Tower.
+
+ Spanish, 304, 305.
+
+ Sphendonè, 12.
+
+ Spigæ, De Spiga, 211. _See_ Ispigas.
+
+ Stadium, 13, 37, 229.
+
+ Statue—
+   Apollo, 34.
+   Arabia, 291.
+   Atalus, 28.
+   Constantine the Great, 17, 28, 33, 36.
+   Eleutherius, 297.
+   Eudoxia, Empress, 82.
+   Fortune of the City, 64.
+   Helena, Empress, 34.
+   Julian, 290.
+   Justin II., 291.
+   Justinian the Great, 335.
+   Muses of Helicon, 35.
+   Narses, 291.
+   Pallas of Lindus, 35.
+   Sophia, Empress, 291.
+   Theodosius I., 63.
+   Theodosius II., 78.
+   Victory, on Golden Gate, 64.
+   Zeus of Dodona, 35.
+
+ Stephen, 97.
+
+ Strategion. 6, 7, 37.
+
+ Strategopoulos, Alexius, 76.
+
+ Studius, 265. _See_ Church.
+
+ Suleiman, Sultan, 84, 272.
+
+ Swiatoslaf, 68, 155.
+
+ Sycæ, 13, 38, 216, 217.
+
+ Syrghiannes, 161.
+
+ Syria, 40.
+
+
+ T.
+
+ Tamerlane, 71.
+
+ Tarsus, 250.
+
+ Taxim, 242.
+
+ Tchataldja, 343.
+
+ Tchemberli Tash. _See_ Column.
+
+ Tchoukour Bostan, 3, 16, 20, 23, 199.
+
+ Tekfour Serai, 45, 89, 91, 93, 94, 107, 152, 320. _See_ Palace of the
+    Porphyrogenitus.
+
+ Templar, 60.
+
+ Temple—
+   Aphroditè, 11, 12, 13.
+   Apollo, 13.
+   Artemis, 13.
+   Demeter, 13.
+   Poseidon, 12, 13, 37.
+   Zeus, 13, 14, 37.
+
+ Temple Bar, 21.
+
+ Tenedos, 162, 163, 259.
+
+ Ten Thousand, 5,
+
+ Tephrice, 68.
+
+ Terter, King of Bulgaria, 161.
+
+ Theatre of Byzantium, 37.
+
+ —— of Dionysius, 13.
+
+ Theodora, Empress of Justinian the Great, 84, 229, 257, 280, 300.
+
+ Theodora, Empress, 207.
+
+ Theodore, 162.
+
+ Theodosiani, 327, 328.
+
+ Theodota, Empress, 90.
+
+ Theologus, 240.
+
+ Theophano, Empress, 283.
+
+ Thermæ—
+   Achilles, 7, 47.
+   Arcadianæ, 7, 257.
+   Constantianæ, 82.
+   Zeuxippus, 13, 34.
+
+ Thermopylæ, 267.
+
+ Thessalonica, 103, 113, 341.
+
+ Thomas, 169, 170, 179, 182, 229.
+
+ Thrace, 32, 45, 324.
+
+ Tiber, 2, 174, 329.
+
+ Tiberius, son of Justinian II., 325.
+
+ Timasius, 228.
+
+ Top Haneh, 231, 241-246.
+
+ Topi, 7, 179, 256, 257.
+
+ Tornikius, 171.
+
+
+ Tower—
+   Acropolis, 6.
+   Anemas. _See_ Prison.
+   Baccaturea, 86.
+   Belisarius, 299.
+   Eugenius, 6.
+   Fire Signal, 3.
+   Galata, 228, 229.
+   Hercules, 9.
+   Imperial Gate, near, 230-232.
+   Isaac Angelus, 117, 129. _See_ Chapter X., _passim_.
+   Kaligaria, 125.
+   Kentenarion, 228.
+   Kiz Kalessi, Leander’s Tower, 231, 250.
+   Mangana, 251.
+   Marble, 266.
+   Pentapyrgion, 150.
+   Phani, Turris, 232-234.
+   Seven Towers. _See_ Yedi Koulè.
+   Seven Towers of Byzantium, 9.
+   Soulou Kaleh, 51.
+   Virgioti, 211.
+
+ Transitus Justinianarum, 217.
+
+ Transitus Sycenus, Trajectus Sycarum, 217.
+
+ Trebizond, 156.
+
+ Tribunal, Tribune, 330. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Triclinium of Anastasius, 128.
+
+ —— Danubius, 128.
+
+ —— Holy Shrine, 128.
+
+ Triton, 77, 78, 319.
+
+ Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Troilus, Protovestarius, 291.
+
+ Tsinar Tchesmè, 117.
+
+ Turks, Ottoman, 188, 192, 195, 209, 223, 224, 240, 241, 267.
+
+ Tzycanisterion, 36, 256, 261, 286.
+
+
+ U.
+
+ Ukooz-Limani, 226.
+
+ Uldin, 43.
+
+ Urbicius. _See_ Arch.
+
+
+ V.
+
+ Vandal, John the, 77.
+
+ Vandals, 68.
+
+ Varangians, 159, 172, 193.
+
+ Veccus, 157-160.
+
+ Venetian, 151-163, 171, 172, 178, 179, 194, 207, 209-211, 214-219, 229,
+    230, 233, 234, 243, 259, 270, 272, 304, 305.
+
+ Venice, 162, 163, 211, 219.
+
+ Vercelli, 316.
+
+ Via Drungariou, 215.
+
+ Via Triumphalis, 31.
+
+ Vicentius, 339.
+
+ Vigla, 215, 217, 218.
+
+ Visigoths, 32.
+
+ Vitilianus, 70, 328.
+
+ Vlanga, 219, 223, 263, 295, 299, 307, 308, 312, 314.
+
+ Vlanga Bostan, 36, 180, 264, 296.
+
+
+ W.
+
+ War Office, 3.
+
+
+ X.
+
+ Xenophon, 5, 249.
+
+ Xerolophos, 3, 14, 19, 20, 29.
+
+ Xylokerkus, 88, 90. _See_ Gate.
+
+
+ Y.
+
+ Yalova, 160.
+
+
+ Yedi Koulè, 30, 265.
+
+ Yemish Iskelessi, 216.
+
+ Yeri Batan Serai, 7.
+
+
+ Z.
+
+ Zeitin Bournou, 326, 327.
+
+ Zen, Carlo, 152, 153, 163.
+
+ Zeugma, 215.
+
+ Zeugma of St. Antony, 18, 27.
+
+ Zoe, Empress, 207.
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
+
+STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
+
+
+
+
+ ● Transcriber’s Notes:
+    ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
+    ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
+    ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
+      when a predominant form was found in this book.
+    ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
+    ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are
+      referenced.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of
+the city and adjoining historical site, by Alexander Van Millingen
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of the
+city and adjoining historical sites, by Alexander Van Millingen
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
+other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
+the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
+to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
+
+Title: Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of the city and adjoining historical sites
+
+Author: Alexander Van Millingen
+
+Release Date: February 21, 2020 [EBook #61475]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This
+book was produced from images made available by the
+HathiTrust Digital Library.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div  class='figcenter id001'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_on'>on</span>
+<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
+</div>
+<div class='pbb'>
+ <hr class='pb c000' />
+</div>
+<div>
+  <h1 class='c001'>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE</h1>
+</div>
+<div id='frontis'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/frontispiece-large.jpg'><img src='images/frontispiece.jpg' alt='Map of Constantinople in 1422.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Map of Constantinople in 1422.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c1'>
+<div class='nf-center c002'>
+    <div><span class='xxlarge'><b>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE</b></span></div>
+    <div class='c000'><span class='xlarge'><b>THE WALLS OF THE CITY AND ADJOINING HISTORICAL SITES</b></span></div>
+    <div class='c000'><b>BY</b></div>
+    <div class='c000'><span class='xxlarge'><b>ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN, M.A.</b></span></div>
+    <div><b>PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, ROBERT COLLEGE, CONSTANTINOPLE</b></div>
+    <div class='c003'><b>WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS</b></div>
+    <div class='c000'>LONDON</div>
+    <div>JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET</div>
+    <div>1899</div>
+    <div class='c000'><i>All rights reserved</i></div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c004'>Ἐγὼ δὲ ὧς μητέρα φιλῶ καὶ γὰρ ἐγενόμην πὰρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ
+ἐτράφην ἐκεῖσε, καὶ οὐ δύναμαι περὶ αὐτὴν ἀγνωμονῆσαι.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Emperor Julian</span>, <i>Epistle 58</i>.</p>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span>
+  <h2 class='c006'>PREFACE.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>In the following pages I venture to take part in the task
+of identifying the historical sites of Byzantine or Roman Constantinople,
+with the view of making the events of which that
+city was the theatre more intelligible and vivid. The new
+interest now taken in all related to the Byzantine world
+demands a work of this character.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The attention I have devoted, for many years, to the
+subject has been sustained by the conviction that the Empire
+of which New Rome was the capital defended the higher
+life of mankind against the attacks of formidable antagonists,
+and rendered eminent service to the cause of human welfare.
+This is what gives to the archæological study of the city its
+dignity and importance.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Only a portion of my subject is dealt with in the present
+volume—the walls of the city, which were the bulwarks of
+civilization for more than a thousand years, and the adjoining
+sites and monuments memorable in history.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>While availing myself, as the reader will find, of the results
+obtained by my predecessors in this field of research, I have
+endeavoured to make my work a fresh and independent
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>investigation of the subject, by constant appeals to the original
+authorities, and by direct examination of the localities concerned.
+The difficult questions which must be decided, in
+order that our knowledge of the old city may be more satisfactory,
+have been made prominent. Some of them, however,
+cannot be answered once for all, until excavations are permitted.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>By the frequent quotations and references which occur in
+the course of the following discussions, the student will find
+himself placed in a position to verify the statements and to
+weigh the arguments submitted to his consideration. All
+difference of opinion leading nearer to the truth in the case
+will be welcomed.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>My best thanks are due to the friends and the photographers
+who have enabled me to provide the book with illustrations,
+maps, and plans, thus making the study of the subject
+clearer and more interesting. The plan of the so-called Prisons
+of Anemas by Hanford W. Edson, Esq., the sketches by Mrs.
+Walker, the photographs taken by Professor Ormiston, and the
+maps and plans drawn by Arthur E. Henderson, Esq., are
+particularly valuable. I wish to express my gratitude also to
+the many friends who accompanied me on my explorations of
+the city, thereby facilitating the accomplishment of my work,
+and associating it with delightful memories.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Robert College,<br />
+Constantinople,<br />
+<i>September, 1899</i>.</p>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>
+  <h2 class='c006'>CONTENTS</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>I. <span class='sc'>The Site of Constantinople—The Limits of Byzantium</span>       <a href='#chap01'>1</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>II. <span class='sc'>The City of Constantine—Its Limits—Fortifications—Interior Arrangement</span>      <a href='#chap02'>15</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>III. <span class='sc'>The Theodosian Walls</span>      <a href='#chap03'>40</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>IV. <span class='sc'>The Gates in the Theodosian Walls—The Golden Gate</span>      <a href='#chap04'>59</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>V. <span class='sc'>The Gates in the Theodosian Walls</span>—<i>continued</i>      <a href='#chap05'>74</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>VI. <span class='sc'>Repairs on the Theodosian Walls</span>      <a href='#chap06'>95</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>VII. <span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Tekfour Serai</span>)      <a href='#chap07'>109</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>VIII. <span class='sc'>The Fortifications on the North-Western Side of the City, before the Seventh Century</span>      <a href='#chap08'>115</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>IX. <span class='sc'>The Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span>       <a href='#chap09'>122</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>X. <span class='sc'>The Tower of Anemas: The Tower of Isaac Angelus</span>      <a href='#chap10'>131</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XI. <span class='sc'>Inmates of the Prison of Anemas</span>      <a href='#chap11'>154</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XII. <span class='sc'>The Wall of the Emperor Heraclius: The Wall of the Emperor Leo the Armenian</span>      <a href='#chap12'>164</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XIII. <span class='sc'>The Seaward Walls</span>       <a href='#chap13'>178</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XIV. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Golden Horn</span>      <a href='#chap14'>194</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XV. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Golden Horn</span>—<i>continued</i>      <a href='#chap15'>212</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XVI. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Sea of Marmora</span>      <a href='#chap16'>248</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XVII. <span class='sc'>The Harbours on the Sea of Marmora</span>      <a href='#chap17'>268</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XVIII. <span class='sc'>The Harbours on the Sea of Marmora</span>—<i>continued</i>      <a href='#chap18'>288</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XIX. <span class='sc'>The Hebdomon</span>      <a href='#chap19'>316</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>XX. <span class='sc'>The Anastasian Wall</span>      <a href='#chap20'>342</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Table of Emperors</span>      <a href='#emperors'>344</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Index</span>      <a href='#index'>349</a></p>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <h2 class='c006'>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Map of Constantinople in 1422.</span> (<i>By Bondelmontius</i>)      <a href='#frontis'><i>Frontispiece</i></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Bust over the Gate of Gyrolimnè</span>      <a href='#figxi'>xi</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium</span>      <a href='#fig_fp014'><i>To face</i> 14</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of Byzantine Constantinople</span>      “       <a href='#fig_fp019'>19</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Land Walls of Constantinople</span>      “       <a href='#fig_fp041'>41</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp046'><i>To face</i>     46</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>from within the City</span>)      “      <a href='#fig_fp052'>52</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Aqueduct across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp056'>56</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II.</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp056a'>56</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the Golden Gate</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp060'>60</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Golden Gate</span> (<span class='sc'>Inner</span>)      “      <a href='#fig_fp064'>64</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Golden Gate</span> (<span class='sc'>Outer</span>)      “      <a href='#fig_fp068'>68</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp072'>72</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of the Pegè</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp076'>76</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Rhegium</span>      “      <a href='#fig_fp078'>78</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of St. Romanus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp080'>80</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Charisius</span>      <a href='#fig_fp080a'>80</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>View across the Valley of the Lycus</span> (<span class='sc'>looking North</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp086'>86</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The (so-called) Kerko Porta</span>      <a href='#fig093'>93</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium</span>      <a href='#fig_fp096'><i>To face</i>   96</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>with Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.</span>)     <a href='#fig_fp098'><i>To face</i>      98</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.</span>      <a href='#fig099'>99</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monograms on Ninth Tower, North of the Gate of Pegè</span>      <a href='#fig100'>100</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Basil II. and Constantine IX.</span>      <a href='#fig101'>101</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Constantine IX.</span>      <a href='#fig102'>102</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Romanus</span>      <a href='#fig102a'>102</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls</span>      <i>To face</i>      <a href='#fig_fp102'>102</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor John VII. Palæologus</span>      <a href='#fig105'>105</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing Approximate Section and Restoration of the Theodosian Walls</span>    <i>Facing</i> <a href='#fig_fp107a'>106</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing Approximate Elevation and Restoration of the Theodosian Walls</span>    <i>Facing</i> <a href='#fig_fp107b'>107</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Sketch-plan of the Blachernæ Quarter</span>      <a href='#fig_fp109'><i>To face</i>      115</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Southern Façade</span>) <a href='#fig_fp110a'><i>To face</i>  110</a>
+<span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Northern Façade</span>) <a href='#fig_fp110b'><i>To face</i>  111</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monogram of the Palæologi</span>            <a href='#fig112'>112</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>View of Interior</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp112a'><i>To face</i>      112</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monogram found in the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span>            <a href='#fig113'>113</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus, and Adjoining Walls</span>    <a href='#fig_fp115'><i>To face</i>   115</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>from the West</span>)     <a href='#fig_fp118b'>118</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp118a'><i>To face</i>      118</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp122'>122</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp126a'><i>To face</i>      126</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Gyrolimnè</span>     <a href='#fig_fp126b'>126</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp128'>128</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the so-called Prison of Anemas</span>      <a href='#fig_fp131'>131</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The L-shaped Chamber in Upper Story of “The Tower of Anemas”</span>            <a href='#fig137'>137</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span> (<span class='sc'>from the South-West</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp138'><i>To face</i>      138</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span> (<span class='sc'>from the North-West</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp144'><i>To face</i>      144</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas”</span> (<span class='sc'>being the Sub-structures which supported the Palace of Blachernæ</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp150'><i>To face</i>      150</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas”</span>      <a href='#fig_fp156'>156</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Entrance of Passage from the Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” to Chamber D in “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span>      <a href='#fig_fp162a'><i>To face</i>      162</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ</span> (<span class='sc'>looking South-West</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp162b'><i>To face</i>      162</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>General View of the Walls of the City from the Hill on which the Crusaders encamped in 1203</span>      <a href='#fig_fp166'><i>To face</i>      166</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Romanus</span>            <a href='#fig169'>169</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.</span>      <a href='#fig_fp184'><i>To face</i>      184</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span>            <a href='#fig187'>187</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Coat-of-arms of Andronicus II. Palæologus</span>            <a href='#fig189'>189</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Bas-relief, on the Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, representing the Three Hebrew Youths cast into the Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as described in the Book of Daniel</span>            <a href='#fig191'>191</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span><span class='sc'>Nikè</span> (<span class='sc'>formerly near Balat Kapoussi</span>)      <a href='#fig_fp198'><i>To face</i>      198</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Chain stretched across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453</span>      <a href='#fig_fp228'><i>To face</i>      228</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine;<a href='#fig_fp248a'><i>To face</i>      248</a>
+Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Theophilus;   <a href='#fig_fp248b'><i>To face</i>      248</a>
+Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus</span>      <a href='#fig_fp248c'><i>To face</i>      248</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of Walls beside the Sea of Marmora</span>      <a href='#fig_fp262'>262</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Chateau and Marble Tower near the Western Extremity of the Walls beside the Sea of Marmora</span>      <a href='#fig_fp266'><i>To face</i>      266</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Shore of Constantinople between the Seraglio Light-house and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi</span>      <a href='#fig_fp269'><i>To face</i>      269</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Marble Figures of Lions attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon</span>      <a href='#fig_fp272'><i>To face</i>      272</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon</span>            <a href='#fig274'>274</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas</span>            <a href='#fig277'>277</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas</span>      <a href='#fig_fp282'><i>To face</i>      282</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius</span>            <a href='#fig297'>297</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Wall around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius</span>            <a href='#fig299'>299</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Territory between the Hebdomon and the City Walls</span>      <a href='#fig_fp316'><i>To face</i>      316</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Triumphus Theodosii</span>      <a href='#fig_fp330'>330</a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Triumphus Heraclii</span>      <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a></p>
+
+<div id='figxi'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<img src='images/figxi.jpg' alt='Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>
+  <h2 id='chap01' class='c006'>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE. <br /> CHAPTER I. <br /> THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Without attempting any elaborate description of the site
+occupied by Constantinople, such as we have in Gyllius’ valuable
+work on the topography of the city,<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c009'><sup>[1]</sup></a> it is necessary to indicate
+to the reader, now invited to wander among the ruins of New
+Rome, the most salient features of the territory he is to
+explore.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The city is situated at the south-western end of the
+Bosporus, upon a promontory that shoots out from the
+European shore of the straits, with its apex up stream, as
+though to stem the waters that rush from the Black Sea into
+the Sea of Marmora. To the north, the narrow bay of the
+Golden Horn runs inland, between steep banks, for some six or
+seven miles, and forms one of the finest harbours in the world.
+The Sea of Marmora spreads southwards like a lake, its
+Asiatic coast bounded by hills and mountains, and fringed
+with islands. Upon the shore of Asia, facing the eastern side
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>of the promontory, stand the historic towns of Chrysopolis
+(Scutari) and Chalcedon (Kadikeui). The mainland to the
+west is an undulating plain that soon meets the horizon. It
+offers little to attract the eye in the way of natural beauty,
+but in the palmy days of the city it, doubtless, presented a
+pleasing landscape of villas and gardens.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The promontory, though strictly speaking a trapezium, is
+commonly described as a triangle, on account of the comparative
+shortness of its eastern side. It is about four miles
+long, and from one to four miles wide, with a surface broken
+up into hills and plains. The higher ground, which reaches an
+elevation of some 250 feet, is massed in two divisions—a large
+isolated hill at the south-western corner of the promontory,
+and a long ridge, divided, more or less completely, by five
+cross valleys into six distinct eminences, overhanging the Golden
+Horn. Thus, New Rome boasted of being enthroned upon as
+many hills beside the Bosporus, as her elder sister beside the
+Tiber.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The two masses of elevated land just described are separated
+by a broad meadow, through which the stream of the
+Lycus flows athwart the promontory into the Sea of Marmora;
+and there is, moreover, a considerable extent of level land along
+the shores of the promontory, and in the valleys between the
+northern hills.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Few of the hills of Constantinople were known by special
+names, and accordingly, as a convenient mode of reference,
+they are usually distinguished by numerals.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The First Hill is the one nearest the promontory’s apex,
+having upon it the Seraglio, St. Irene, St. Sophia, and the
+Hippodrome. The Second Hill, divided from the First by the
+valley descending from St. Sophia to the Golden Horn, bears
+upon its summit the porphyry Column of Constantine the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>Great, popularly known as the Burnt Column and Tchemberli
+Tash. The Third Hill is separated from the preceding by the
+valley of the Grand Bazaar, and is marked by the War Office
+and adjacent Fire-Signal Tower, the Mosque of Sultan Bajazet,
+and the Mosque of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The
+Fourth Hill stands farther back from the water than the
+five other hills beside the Golden Horn, and is parted from
+the Third Hill by the valley which descends from the aqueduct
+of Valens to the harbour. It is surmounted by the Mosque of
+Sultan Mehemet the Conqueror. The Fifth Hill is really a
+long precipitous spur of the Fourth Hill, protruding almost to
+the shore of the Golden Horn in the quarter of the Phanar.
+Its summit is crowned by the Mosque of Sultan Selim. Between
+it and the Third Hill spreads a broad plain, bounded by the
+Fourth Hill on the south, and the Golden Horn on the north.
+The Sixth Hill is divided from the Fifth by the valley which
+ascends southwards from the Golden Horn at Balat Kapoussi
+to the large Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the
+ridge that runs from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the
+Gate of Adrianople. It is distinguished by the ruins of the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Tekfour Serai) and the quarter
+of Egri Kapou. Nicetas Choniates styles it the Hill of
+Blachernae (βουνὸς τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c009'><sup>[2]</sup></a> and upon it stood the
+famous Imperial residence of that name. The Seventh Hill,
+occupying the south-western angle of the city, was known, on
+account of its arid soil, as the Xerolophos—the Dry Hill.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c009'><sup>[3]</sup></a>
+Upon it are found Avret Bazaar, the pedestal of the Column of
+Arcadius, and the quarters of Alti Mermer and Psamathia.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>Here, then, was a situation where men could build a noble
+city in the midst of some of the fairest scenery on earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the history of Constantinople cannot be understood unless
+the extraordinary character of the geographical position of the
+place is present to the mind. No city owes so much to its site.
+The vitality and power of Constantinople are rooted in a unique
+location. Nowhere is the influence of geography upon history
+more strikingly marked. Here, to a degree that is marvellous,
+the possibilities of the freest and widest intercourse blend with
+the possibilities of complete isolation. No city can be more in
+the world and out of the world. It is the meeting-point of some
+of the most important highways on the globe, whether by sea
+or land; the centre around which diverse, vast, and wealthy
+countries lie within easy reach, inviting intimate commercial
+relations, and permitting extended political control. Here the
+peninsula of Asia Minor, stretching like a bridge across the
+seas that sunder Asia and Europe, narrows the waters between
+the two great continents to a stream only half a mile across.
+Hither the Mediterranean ascends, through the avenues of the
+Ægean and the Marmora, from the regions of the south; while
+the Euxine and the Azoff spread a pathway to the regions of
+the north. Here is a harbour within which the largest and
+richest fleets can find a perfect shelter.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But no less remarkable is the facility with which the great
+world, so near at hand, can be excluded. Access to this point
+by sea is possible only through the straits of the Hellespont on
+the one side, and through the straits of the Bosporus on the other—defiles
+which, when properly guarded, no hostile navy could
+penetrate. These channels, with the Sea of Marmora between
+them, formed, moreover, a natural moat which prevented an
+Asiatic foe from coming within striking distance of the city;
+while the narrow breadth of the promontory on which the city
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>stands allowed the erection of fortifications, along the west,
+which could be held against immense armies by a comparatively
+small force.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As Dean Stanley, alluding to the selection of this site for the
+new capital of the Empire, has observed: “Of all the events of
+Constantine’s life, this choice is the most convincing and enduring
+proof of his real genius.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Although it does not fall within the scope of this work to
+discuss the topography of Byzantium before the time of Constantine,
+it will not be inappropriate to glance at the circuits of
+the fortifications which successively brought more and more of
+this historic promontory within their widening compass, until the
+stronghold of a small band of colonists from Megara became the
+most splendid city and the mightiest bulwark of the Roman world.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Four such circuits demand notice.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>First came the fortifications which constituted the Acropolis
+of Byzantium.<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c009'><sup>[4]</sup></a> They are represented by the walls, partly
+Byzantine and partly Turkish, which cling to the steep sides of
+the Seraglio plateau at the eastern extremity of the First Hill,
+and support the Imperial Museum, the Kiosk of Sultan Abdul
+Medjid, and the Imperial Kitchens.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the Acropolis occupied this point may be inferred from
+the natural fitness of the rocky eminence at the head of the
+promontory to form the kind of stronghold around which ancient
+cities gathered as their nucleus. And this inference is confirmed
+by the allusions to the Acropolis in Xenophon’s graphic account
+of the visit of the Ten Thousand to Byzantium, on their return
+from Persia. According to the historian, when those troops, after
+their expulsion from the city, forced their way back through the
+western gates, Anaxibius, the Spartan commander of the place,
+found himself obliged to seek refuge in the Acropolis from the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>fury of the intruders. The soldiers of Xenophon had, however,
+cut off all access to the fortress from within the city, so that
+Anaxibius was compelled to reach it by taking a fishing-boat in
+the harbour, and rowing round the head of the promontory to
+the side of the city opposite Chalcedon. From that point also he
+sent to Chalcedon for reinforcements.<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c009'><sup>[5]</sup></a> These movements imply
+that the Acropolis was near the eastern end of the promontory.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In further support of this conclusion, it may be added that
+during the excavations made in 1871 for the construction of the
+Roumelian railroad, an ancient wall was unearthed at a short
+distance south of Seraglio Point. It ran from east to west, and
+was built of blocks measuring, in some cases, 7 feet in length, 3
+feet 9 inches in width, and over 2 feet in thickness.<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c009'><sup>[6]</sup></a> Judging
+from its position and character, the wall formed part of the
+fortifications around the Acropolis.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The second circuit of walls around Byzantium is that described
+by the Anonymus of the eleventh century and his follower
+Codinus.<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c009'><sup>[7]</sup></a> Starting from the Tower of the Acropolis at the apex
+of the promontory, the wall proceeded along the Golden Horn
+as far west as the Tower of Eugenius, which must have stood
+beside the gate of that name—the modern Yali Kiosk Kapoussi.<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c009'><sup>[8]</sup></a>
+There the wall left the shore and made for the Strategion and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>the Thermæ of Achilles. The former was a level tract of ground
+devoted to military exercises—the <i>Champ de Mars</i> of Byzantium—and
+occupied a portion of the plain at the foot of the
+Second Hill, between Yali Kiosk Kapoussi and Sirkedji Iskelessi.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c009'><sup>[9]</sup></a>
+The Thermæ of Achilles stood near the Strategion; and
+there also was a gate of the city, known in later days as the
+Arch of Urbicius. The wall then ascended the slope of the hill to
+the Chalcoprateia, or Brass Market, which extended from the
+neighbourhood of the site now occupied by the Sublime Porte
+to the vicinity of Yeri Batan Serai, the ancient Cisterna Basilica.<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c009'><sup>[10]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The ridge of the promontory was reached at the Milion,
+the milestone from which distances from Constantinople were
+measured. It stood to the south-west of St. Sophia, and
+marked the site of one of the gates of Byzantium. Thence the
+line of the fortifications proceeded to the twisted columns of
+the Tzycalarii, which, judging from the subsequent course of
+the wall, were on the plateau beside St. Irene. Then, the wall
+descended to the Sea of Marmora at Topi,<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c009'><sup>[11]</sup></a> somewhere near the
+present Seraglio Lighthouse, and, turning northwards, ran along
+the shore to the apex of the promontory, past the sites occupied,
+subsequently, by the Thermae of Arcadius and the Mangana.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>If we are to believe the Anonymus and Codinus, this was
+the circuit of Byzantium from the foundation of the city by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>Byzas to the time of Constantine the Great. On the latter
+point, however, these writers were certainly mistaken; for the
+circuit of Byzantium was much larger than the one just
+indicated, not only in the reign of that emperor, but as far
+back as the year 196 of our era, and even before that date.<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c009'><sup>[12]</sup></a>
+The statements of the Anonymus and Codinus can therefore
+be correct only if they refer to the size of the city at a very
+early period.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One is, indeed, strongly tempted to reject the whole account
+of this wall as legendary, or as a conjecture based upon the
+idea that the Arch of Urbicius and the Arch of the Milion
+represented gates in an old line of bulwarks. But, on the
+other hand, it is more than probable that Byzantium was not
+as large, originally, as it became during its most flourishing
+days, and accordingly the two arches above mentioned may
+have marked the course of the first walls built beyond the
+bounds of the Acropolis.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We pass next to the third line of walls which guarded the
+city, the walls which made Byzantium one of the great fortresses
+of the ancient world. These fortifications described a circuit of
+thirty-five stadia,<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c009'><sup>[13]</sup></a> which would bring within the compass of the
+city most of the territory occupied by the first two hills of the
+promontory. Along the Golden Horn, the line of the walls
+extended from the head of the promontory to the western side
+of the bay that fronts the valley between the Second and Third
+Hills, the valley of the Grand Bazaar. Three ports, more or
+less artificial,<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c009'><sup>[14]</sup></a> were found in that bay for the accommodation of
+the shipping that frequented the busy mart of commerce, one
+of them being, unquestionably, at the Neorion.<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c009'><sup>[15]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>These bulwarks, renowned in antiquity for their strength,
+were faced with squared blocks of hard stone, bound together
+with metal clamps, and so closely fitted as to seem a wall of
+solid rock around the city. One tower was named the Tower
+of Hercules, on account of its superior size and strength, and
+seven towers were credited with the ability to echo the slightest
+sound made by the movements of an enemy, and thus secure
+the garrison against surprise. From the style of their
+construction, one would infer that these fortifications were
+built soon after Pausanias followed up his victory on the field
+of Platæa by the expulsion of the Persians from Byzantium.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>These splendid ramparts were torn down in 196 by Septimius
+Severus to punish the city for its loyalty to the cause of his
+rival, Pescennius Niger. In their ruin they presented a scene
+that made Herodianus<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c009'><sup>[16]</sup></a> hesitate whether to wonder more at the
+skill of their constructors, or the strength of their destroyers.
+But the blunder of leaving unguarded the water-way, along which
+barbarous tribes could descend from the shores of the Euxine
+to ravage some of the fairest provinces of the Empire, was too
+glaring not to be speedily recognized and repaired. Even the
+ruthless destroyer of the city perceived his mistake, and ere
+long, at the solicitation of his son Caracalla, ordered the
+reconstruction of the strategic stronghold.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is with Byzantium as restored by Severus that we are
+specially concerned, for in that form the city was the immediate
+predecessor of Constantinople, and affected the character of the
+new capital to a considerable extent. According to Zosimus,
+the principal gate in the new walls of Severus stood at the
+extremity of a line of porticoes erected by that emperor for the
+embellishment of the city.<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c009'><sup>[17]</sup></a> There Constantine subsequently
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>placed the Forum known by his name, so that from the Forum
+one entered the porticoes in question, and passed beyond the
+limits of Byzantium.<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c009'><sup>[18]</sup></a> Now, the site of the Forum of Constantine
+is one of the points in the topography of the capital of the
+Eastern Roman Empire concerning which there can be no
+difference of opinion. The porphyry column (Burnt Column)
+which surmounts the Second Hill was the principal ornament of
+that public place. Therefore the gate of Byzantium must have
+stood at a short distance from that column. According to the
+clearest statements on the subject, the gate was to the east of
+the column, the Forum standing immediately beyond the
+boundary of the old city.<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c009'><sup>[19]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The language of Zosimus, taken alone, suggests, indeed,
+the idea that the gate of Byzantium had occupied a site to the
+west of the Forum; in other words, that the Forum was constructed
+to the east of the gate, within the line of the wall of
+Severus. For, according to the historian, one entered the porticoes
+of Severus and left the old town, after passing through
+the arches (δι᾽ ὧν) which stood, respectively, at the eastern and
+western extremities of the Forum of Constantine. This was
+possible, however, only if these various structures, in proceeding
+from east to west, came in the following order: Forum of Constantine;
+porticoes of Severus; gate of Byzantium. On this
+view, the statement that the Forum was “at the place where the
+gate had stood” would be held to imply that the porticoes
+between the Forum and the gate were too short to be taken
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>into account in a general indication of the Forum’s position.
+But to interpret Zosimus thus puts him in contradiction, first,
+with Theophanes, as cited above; secondly, with Hesychius
+Milesius,<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c009'><sup>[20]</sup></a> who says that the wall of Byzantium did not go
+beyond the Forum of Constantine (οὐκ ἔξω τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἀγορᾶς
+τοῦ βασιλέως); thirdly, though that is of less moment, with the
+Anonymus<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c009'><sup>[21]</sup></a> and Codinus,<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c009'><sup>[22]</sup></a> who explain the circular shape of the
+Forum as derived from the shape of Constantine’s tent when he
+besieged the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Lethaby and Swainson<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c009'><sup>[23]</sup></a> place the Forum between the porticoes
+of Severus on the east and the gate of Byzantium on the
+west, putting the western arch of the Forum on the site of the
+latter. They understand the statement of Zosimus to mean that
+a person in the Forum could either enter the porticoes <i>or</i> leave
+the old town according as he proceeded eastwards or westwards.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From that gate the wall descended the northern slope of the
+hill to the Neorion, and thence went eastwards to the head of the
+promontory.<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c009'><sup>[24]</sup></a> In descending to the Golden Horn the wall kept,
+probably, to the eastern bank of the valley of the Grand Bazaar,
+to secure a natural escarpment which would render assault
+more difficult.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon the side towards the Sea of Marmora the wall proceeded
+from the main gate of the city to the point occupied by
+the temple of Aphrodite, and to the shore facing Chrysopolis.<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c009'><sup>[25]</sup></a>
+The temple of the Goddess of Beauty was one of the oldest
+sanctuaries in Byzantium,<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c009'><sup>[26]</sup></a> and did not entirely disappear until
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>the reign of Theodosius the Great, by whom it was converted
+into a carriage-house for the Prætorian Prefect.<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c009'><sup>[27]</sup></a> It was, consequently,
+a landmark that would long be remembered. Malalas<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c009'><sup>[28]</sup></a>
+places it within the ancient Acropolis of the city. Other
+authorities likewise put it there, adding that it stood higher up
+the hill of the Acropolis than the neighbouring temple of
+Poseidon,<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c009'><sup>[29]</sup></a> where it overlooked one of the theatres built
+against the Marmora side of the citadel,<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c009'><sup>[30]</sup></a> and faced Chrysopolis.<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c009'><sup>[31]</sup></a>
+From these indications it is clear that the temple lay to the
+north-east of the site of St. Sophia, and therefore not far from
+the site of St. Irene on the Seraglio plateau.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the wall of Severus, upon leaving the western
+gate of the city, did not descend to the shore of the Sea of
+Marmora, but after proceeding in that direction for some
+distance turned south-eastwards, keeping well up the south-western
+slopes of the First Hill, until the Seraglio plateau was
+reached.<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c009'><sup>[32]</sup></a> As these slopes were for the most part very steep,
+the city, when viewed from the Sea of Marmora, presented the
+appearance of a great Acropolis upon a hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Where precisely the wall reached the Sea of Marmora
+opposite Chrysopolis is not stated, but it could not have been
+far from the point now occupied by the Seraglio Lighthouse, for
+the break in the steep declivity of the First Hill above that point
+offered the easiest line of descent from the temple of Aphrodite
+to the shore. Thus it appears that the circuit of the walls
+erected by Severus followed, substantially, the course of the
+fortifications which he had overthrown. It is a corroboration
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>of this conclusion to find that the ground outside the wall
+constructed by Severus—the valley of the Grand Bazaar—answers
+to the description of the ground outside the wall which
+he destroyed; a smooth tract, sloping gently to the water:
+“Primus post mœnia campus erat peninsulæ cervicis sensim
+descendentis ad litus, et ne urbs esset insula prohibentis.”<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c009'><sup>[33]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To this account of the successive circuits of Byzantium until
+the time of Constantine, may be added a rapid survey of the
+internal arrangements and public buildings of the city after its
+restoration by Severus.<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c009'><sup>[34]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A large portion of the Hippodrome, so famous in the history
+of Constantinople, was erected by Severus, who left the edifice
+unfinished owing to his departure for the West. Between the
+northern end of the Hippodrome and the subsequent site of
+St. Sophia was the Tetrastoon, a public square surrounded by
+porticoes, having the Thermæ of Zeuxippus upon its southern
+side.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the Acropolis were placed, as usual, the principal sanctuaries
+of the city; the Temples of Artemis, Aphrodite, Apollo,
+Zeus, Poseidon, and Demeter. Against the steep eastern side
+of the citadel, Severus constructed a theatre and a Kynegion
+for the exhibition of wild animals, as the Theatre of Dionysius
+and the Odeon were built against the Acropolis of Athens.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At a short distance from the apex of the promontory rose the
+column, still found there, bearing the inscription <i>Fortunæ Reduci
+ob devictos Gothos</i>, in honour of Claudius Gothicus for his victories
+over the Goths. To the north of the Acropolis was the Stadium;<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c009'><sup>[35]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>then came the ports of the Prosphorion and the Neorion, and
+in their vicinity the Strategion, the public prison,<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c009'><sup>[36]</sup></a> and the
+shrine of Achilles and Ajax.<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c009'><sup>[37]</sup></a> The aqueduct which the Emperor
+Hadrian erected for Byzantium continued to supply the city of
+Severus.<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c009'><sup>[38]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Nor was the territory without the walls entirely unoccupied.
+From statements found in Dionysius Byzantius, and from
+allusions which later writers make to ruined temples in different
+quarters of Constantinople, it is evident that many hamlets and
+public edifices existed along the shore of the Golden Horn, and
+in the valleys and on the hills beyond the city limits. Blachernæ
+was already established beside the Sixth Hill; Sycæ, famous for
+its figs, occupied the site of Galata; and the Xerolophos was a
+sacred hill, crowned with a temple of Zeus.<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c009'><sup>[39]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp014'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp014.jpg' alt='Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium. (From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>, by kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>
+  <h2 id='chap02' class='c006'>CHAPTER II. <br /> THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>In the year 328 of our era, Constantine commenced the transformation
+of Byzantium into New Rome by widening the
+boundaries of the ancient town and erecting new fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On foot, spear in hand, the emperor traced the limits of the
+future capital in person, and when his courtiers, surprised at the
+compass of the circuit he set himself to describe, inquired how
+far he would proceed, he replied, “Until He stops Who goes
+before me.”<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c009'><sup>[40]</sup></a> The story expresses a sense of the profound
+import of the work begun on that memorable day. It was the
+inauguration of an epoch.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We shall endeavour to determine the limits assigned to the
+city of Constantine. The data at our command for that purpose
+are, it is true, not everything that can be desired; they are often
+vague; at other times they refer to landmarks which have
+disappeared, and the sites of which it is impossible now to
+identify; nevertheless, a careful study of these indications
+yields more satisfactory results than might have been anticipated
+under the circumstances.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The new land wall, we shall find, crossed the promontory<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c009'><sup>[41]</sup></a>
+along a line a short distance to the east of the Cistern of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>Mokius on the Seventh Hill, (the Tchoukour Bostan, west of
+Avret Bazaar), and of the Cistern of Aspar at the head of the
+valley between the Fourth and Sixth Hills, (the Tchoukour
+Bostan on the right of the street leading from the Mosque of
+Sultan Mehemet to the Adrianople Gate). The southern end
+of the line reached the Sea of Marmora somewhere between
+the gates known respectively, at present, as Daoud Pasha
+Kapoussi and Psamathia Kapoussi, while its northern extremity
+abutted on the Golden Horn, in the neighbourhood of the
+Stamboul head of the inner bridge. At the same time the
+seaward walls of Byzantium were repaired, and prolonged to
+meet the extremities of the new land wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That this outline of the city of Constantine is, substantially,
+correct, will appear from the information which ancient writers
+have given on the subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) According to Zosimus,<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c009'><sup>[42]</sup></a> the land wall of the new capital
+was carried fifteen stadia west of the corresponding wall of
+Byzantium. The position of the latter, we have already seen,
+is marked, with sufficient accuracy for our present purpose by
+the porphyry Column of Constantine which stood close to the
+main gate of the old Greek town.<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c009'><sup>[43]</sup></a> Proceeding from that
+column fifteen stadia westwards, we come to a line within a
+short distance of the reservoirs above mentioned.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) In the oldest description of Constantinople—that contained
+in the <i>Notitia</i><a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c009'><sup>[44]</sup></a>—the length of the city is put down as
+14,075 Roman feet; the breadth as 6150 Roman feet. The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span><i>Notitia</i> belongs to the age of Theodosius II., and might therefore
+be supposed to give the dimensions of the city after its
+enlargement by that emperor. This, however, is not the case.
+The size of Constantinople under Theodosius II. is well known,
+seeing the ancient walls which still surround Stamboul mark,
+with slight modifications, the wider limits of the city in the
+fifth century. But the figures of the <i>Notitia</i> do not correspond
+to the well-ascertained dimensions of the Theodosian city;
+they fall far short of those dimensions, and therefore can
+refer only to the length and breadth of the original city of
+Constantine. To adhere thus to the original size of the capital
+after it had been outgrown is certainly strange, but may be
+explained as due to the force of habit. When the <i>Notitia</i> was
+written, the enlargement of the city by Theodosius was too
+recent an event to alter old associations of thought and introduce
+new points of view. “The City,” proper, was still what
+Constantine had made it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The length of the original city was measured from the Porta
+Aurea on the west to the sea on the east. Unfortunately, a
+serious difference of opinion exists regarding the particular gate
+intended by the Porta Aurea. There can be no doubt, however,
+that the sea at the eastern end of the line of measurement was
+the sea at the head of the promontory; for only by coming to
+that point could the full length of the city be obtained. Consequently,
+if we take the head of the promontory for our starting-point
+of measurement, and proceed westwards to a distance
+of 14,075 feet, we shall discover the extent of the city of
+Constantine in that direction. This course brings us to the
+same result as the figures of Zosimus—to the neighbourhood of
+the Cisterns of Mokius and Aspar.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Turning next to the breadth of the city, we find that the
+only portion of the promontory across which a line of 6150 feet
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>will stretch from sea to sea lies between the district about the
+gate Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, beside the Sea of Marmora on
+the south, and the district about the Stamboul head of the
+inner bridge on the north; elsewhere the promontory is either
+narrower or broader. Hence the southern and northern extremities
+of the land wall of Constantine terminated respectively,
+as stated above, in these districts.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From these figures we pass to the localities and structures
+by which Byzantine writers have indicated the course of Constantine’s
+wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the side of the Sea of Marmora the wall extended as
+far west as the Gate of St. Æmilianus (πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ),
+and the adjoining church of St. Mary Rhabdou (τῆς
+ἁγίας θεοτόκου τῆς Ῥάβδου).<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c009'><sup>[45]</sup></a> That gate is represented by
+Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, which stands immediately to the west
+of Vlanga Bostan.<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c009'><sup>[46]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In crossing from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn,
+over the Seventh, Fourth, and Fifth Hills, the line of the
+fortifications was marked by the Exokionion; the Ancient Gate
+of the Forerunner; the Monastery of St. Dius; the Convent
+of Icasia; the Cistern of Bonus; the Church of SS. Manuel,
+Sabel, and Ishmael; the Church, and the Zeugma, or Ferry, of
+St. Antony in the district of Harmatius, where the fortifications
+reached the harbour.<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c009'><sup>[47]</sup></a> To this list may be added the Trojan
+Porticoes and the Cistern of Aspar.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp019'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp019-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp019.jpg' alt='Map of Byzantine Constantinople.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Map of Byzantine Constantinople. Drawn by F. R. von Hubner for and under the direction of Professor A. van Millingen.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) The Exokionion (τὸ ἐξωκιόνιον)<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c009'><sup>[48]</sup></a> was a district immediately
+outside the Constantinian Wall, and obtained its name from
+a column in the district, bearing the statue of the founder of
+the city. Owing to a corruption of the name, the quarter was
+commonly known as the Hexakionion (τὸ ἑξακιόνιον).<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c009'><sup>[49]</sup></a> It is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>celebrated in ecclesiastical history as the extra-mural suburb in
+which the Arians were allowed to hold their religious services,
+when Theodosius the Great, the champion of orthodoxy, prohibited
+heretical worship within the city.<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c009'><sup>[50]</sup></a> Hence the terms
+Arians and Exokionitai became synonymous.<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c009'><sup>[51]</sup></a> In later times
+the quarter was one of the fashionable parts of the city, containing
+many fine churches and handsome residences.<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c009'><sup>[52]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Gyllius was disposed to place the Exokionion on the Fifth
+Hill,<a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c009'><sup>[53]</sup></a> basing his opinion on the fact that he found, when he first
+visited the city, a noble column standing on that hill, about half
+a mile to the north-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c009'><sup>[54]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Mordtmann, on the other hand, maintains that the designation
+was applied to the extra-mural territory along the whole
+line of the Constantinian land fortifications.<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c009'><sup>[55]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the evidence on the subject requires us to place the
+Exokionion on the Seventh Hill, and to restrict the name to
+that locality.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>For in the account of the triumphal entry of Basil I. through
+the Golden Gate of the Theodosian Walls, the Exokionion is
+placed between the Sigma and the Xerolophos.<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c009'><sup>[56]</sup></a> The Sigma
+appears in the history of the sedition which overthrew Michael V.,
+(1042), and is described as situated above the Monastery of
+St. Mary Peribleptos.<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c009'><sup>[57]</sup></a> Now, regarding the position of that
+monastery there is no doubt. The establishment, founded by
+Romanus Argyrus, was one of the most important monastic
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>houses in Constantinople. Its church survived the Turkish Conquest,
+and remained in the hands of the Greeks until 1643, when
+Sultan Ibrahim granted it to the Armenian community.<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c009'><sup>[58]</sup></a> Since
+that time the sacred edifice has twice been destroyed by fire, and
+is now rebuilt under the title of St. George. It is popularly known
+as Soulou Monastir (the Water Monastery), after its adjoining
+ancient cistern, and stands in the quarter of Psamathia, low down
+the southern slope of the Seventh Hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Xerolophos was the name of the Seventh Hill in
+general,<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c009'><sup>[59]</sup></a> but was sometimes applied, as in the case before us, to
+the Forum of Arcadius (Avret Bazaar) upon the hill’s summit.<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c009'><sup>[60]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This being so, the Exokionion, which was situated between
+the Sigma and the Forum of Arcadius, must have occupied the
+upper western slope of the Seventh Hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In corroboration of this conclusion two additional facts may
+be cited. First, the Church of St. Mokius, the sanctuary accorded
+to the Arians for their extra-mural services in the Exokionion,
+stood on the Seventh Hill,<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c009'><sup>[61]</sup></a> for it was on the road from the Sigma
+to the Forum of Arcadius,<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c009'><sup>[62]</sup></a> and gave name to the large ancient
+cistern, the Tchoukour Bostan, to the north-west of the Forum.<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c009'><sup>[63]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the next place, the district on the Seventh Hill to the
+west of Avret Bazaar (Forum of Arcadius) and beside the cistern
+of Mokius, still retains the name Exokionion under a Turkish
+form, its actual name, Alti Mermer, the district of “the Six
+Columns,” being, evidently, the Turkish rendering of Hexakionion,
+the popular Byzantine alias of Exokionion.<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c009'><sup>[64]</sup></a> The Exokionion,
+therefore, was on the Seventh Hill. Accordingly, the Wall
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>of Constantine crossed that hill along a line to the east of the
+quarter of Alti Mermer.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) The next landmark, the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner
+(Παλαιὰ Πόρτα τοῦ Προδρόμου), elsewhere styled simply the Ancient
+Gate (Παλαιὰ Πόρτα),<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c009'><sup>[65]</sup></a> furnishes the most precise indication we
+have of the position of Constantine’s wall. It was a gate which
+survived the original fortifications of the city, as Temple Bar outlived
+the wall of London, and became known in later days as the
+Ancient Gate, on account of its great antiquity. Its fuller designation,
+the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner,<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c009'><sup>[66]</sup></a> is explained by the
+fact that a church dedicated to the Baptist was built against the
+adjoining wall. Conversely, the church was distinguished as the
+Church of the Forerunner at the Ancient Gate (τὴν Παλαιὰν).<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c009'><sup>[67]</sup></a>
+Manuel Chrysolaras places the entrance to the west of the
+Forum of Arcadius, and describes it as one of the finest monuments
+in the city.<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c009'><sup>[68]</sup></a> It was so wide and lofty that a tower or
+a full-rigged ship might pass through its portals. Upon the
+summit was a marble portico of dazzling whiteness, and before
+the entrance rose a column, once surmounted by a statue. When
+Bondelmontius visited the city, in 1422, the gate was still erect,
+and is marked on his map of Constantinople as Antiquissima
+Pulchra Porta.<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c009'><sup>[69]</sup></a> It survived the Turkish Conquest, when it
+obtained the name of Isa Kapoussi (the Gate of Jesus), and held
+its place as late as 1508. In that year it was overthrown by
+a great earthquake. “Isa Kapoussi,” says the Turkish historian
+Solak Zadè, who records the occurrence, “near Avret Bazaar,
+which had been in existence for 1900 years (<i>sic</i>), fell and was
+levelled to the ground.”<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c009'><sup>[70]</sup></a> But the shadow of the name still
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>lingers about the site. A small mosque to the west of Avret
+Bazaar bears the name Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi,<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c009'><sup>[71]</sup></a> while the
+adjoining street is called Isa Kapoussi Sokaki. The mosque is
+an ancient Christian church, and probably bore in its earlier
+character a name which accounts for its Turkish appellation.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From these facts it is clear that the Wall of Constantine, in
+crossing the Seventh Hill, passed very near Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi,
+a conclusion in accordance with the position already assigned
+to the Exokionion. The column outside the Ancient Gate was
+probably that which gave name to the district. Nowhere could
+a column bearing the statue of the city’s founder stand more
+appropriately than before this splendid entrance.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) Another landmark of the course of the Constantinian
+ramparts in this part of the city were the Trojan Porticoes
+(τρῳαδήσιοι ἔμβολοι),<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c009'><sup>[72]</sup></a> which stood so near the wall that it was
+sometimes named after them, the Trojan wall (τῶν τειχῶν τῶν
+Τρῳαδησίων).<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c009'><sup>[73]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From their situation in the Twelfth Region,<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c009'><sup>[74]</sup></a> it is probable
+that they lined the street leading from the Porta Aurea into the
+city. They were evidently of some architectural importance,
+and are mentioned on more than one occasion as having been
+damaged by fire or earthquake.<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c009'><sup>[75]</sup></a> The reason for their name is
+a matter of conjecture, and no trace of them remains.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) Nothing definite regarding the course of the Constantinian
+Wall can be inferred from the statement that it ran beside
+the Monastery of St. Dius and the Convent of Icasia, seeing the
+situation of these establishments cannot be determined more
+exactly than that they were found near each other, somewhere
+on the Seventh Hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>The former, ascribed to the time of Theodosius I., is mentioned
+by Antony of Novgorod in close connection with the
+Church of St. Mokius and the Church of St. Luke.<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c009'><sup>[76]</sup></a> The Convent
+of Icasia was founded by the beautiful and accomplished
+lady of that name,<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c009'><sup>[77]</sup></a> whom the Emperor Theophilus declined to
+choose for his bride because she disputed the correctness of his
+ungracious remark that women were the source of evil.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) The Cistern of Aspar, which, according to the <i>Paschal
+Chronicle</i>,<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c009'><sup>[78]</sup></a> was situated near the ancient city wall, is the old
+Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the right of the
+street conducting from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the
+Gate of Adrianople in the Theodosian walls. This is clear from
+the following evidence. The cistern in question was a very
+large one, and stood near the Monastery of Manuel,<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c009'><sup>[79]</sup></a> which was
+founded by the distinguished general of that name in the reign
+of Theophilus. The church of the monastery is now the Mosque
+Kefelè Mesdjidi in the quarter of Salmak Tombruk, and a little
+to the east of it stands the Tchoukour Bostan mentioned above,<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c009'><sup>[80]</sup></a>
+the only large Byzantine reservoir in the neighbourhood.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This conclusion is again in harmony with the figures of
+Zosimus and the <i>Notitia</i>, which, it will be remembered, brought
+the line of the Constantinian Wall close to this point.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) The Cistern of Bonus, the next landmark to be
+considered, was built by the Patrician Bonus, celebrated in
+Byzantine history for his brave defence of the capital in 627
+against the Avars and the Persians, while the Emperor
+Heraclius was in Persia carrying war into the enemy’s country.<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c009'><sup>[81]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Where this cistern was situated is a matter of dispute which
+cannot be definitely settled in our present state of knowledge.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>Gyllius identified it with a large cistern, three hundred paces in
+length, which he found robbed of its roof and columns, and
+turned into a vegetable garden, near the ruins of the Church of
+St. John in Petra, on the Sixth Hill.<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c009'><sup>[82]</sup></a> The cistern has disappeared
+since that traveller’s day, but as the Wall of
+Constantine never extended so far west, the identification
+cannot be correct.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion, the Cistern of Bonus was the
+large open reservoir to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan
+Selim, on the Fifth Hill,<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c009'><sup>[83]</sup></a> and there is much to be said in favour
+of this view.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Cistern of Bonus was, in the first place, situated in one
+of the coolest quarters of the city, and beside it, on that
+account, the Emperor Romanus I. erected a palace,<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c009'><sup>[84]</sup></a> styled the
+New Palace of Bonus,<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c009'><sup>[85]</sup></a> as a residence during the hot season.
+Nowhere in Constantinople could a cooler spot be found in
+summer than the terrace upon which the Mosque of Sultan
+Selim stands, not to speak of the attractions offered by the
+superb view of the Golden Horn from that point. Furthermore,
+the Cistern of Bonus was within a short distance from the
+Church of the Holy Apostles, seeing that on the eve of the
+annual service celebrated in that church in commemoration of
+Constantine the Great, the Imperial Court usually repaired to
+the Palace of Bonus, in order to be within easy riding distance
+of the sanctuary on the morning of the festival.<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c009'><sup>[86]</sup></a> A palace near
+the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim would be
+conveniently near the Church of the Holy Apostles, to suit the
+emperor on such an occasion. To these considerations can be
+added, first, the fact that on the way from the Palace of Bonus
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>to the Church of the Apostles there was an old cistern
+converted into market gardens,<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c009'><sup>[87]</sup></a> which may have been the
+reservoir near the Mosque of Sultan Selim; and, secondly, the
+fact that the Wall of Constantine, on its way from the Cistern
+of Aspar to the Golden Horn passed near the site now occupied
+by the Mosque of Sultan Selim, and, consequently, close to
+the old cistern adjoining that mosque. But to this identification
+there is a fatal objection: the Cistern of Bonus was roofed
+in,<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c009'><sup>[88]</sup></a> whereas the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim
+appears to have always been open.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Strzygowski has suggested that the Cistern of Bonus
+stood near Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi,<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c009'><sup>[89]</sup></a> on the northern bank of the
+valley of the Lycus, and to the south-west of the Mosque of
+Sultan Mehemet.<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c009'><sup>[90]</sup></a> No traces of a cistern have been found in
+that locality, but the conjecture satisfies the requirements of the
+case so far as the proximity of that site to the line of
+Constantine’s wall and to the Church of the Holy Apostles is
+concerned. Why that position should have been selected for a
+summer palace is, however, not apparent.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We have said that the Constantinian Wall, upon leaving the
+Cistern of Aspar, turned sharply to the north-east, and made for
+the shore of the Golden Horn by running obliquely across the
+ridge of the Fifth Hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This view of the case is required, first, in order to keep the
+breadth of the city within the limits assigned by the <i>Notitia</i>;
+and, secondly, by the statement of the same authority that the
+Eleventh Region—the Region at the north-western angle of the
+Constantinian city—did not extend to the shore of the Golden
+Horn: “Nulla parte mari sociata est.”<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c009'><sup>[91]</sup></a> For this statement
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>implies that the fortifications along the northern front of that
+Region stood at some distance from the water. But the northern
+slope of the Fifth Hill is so precipitous, and approaches so close
+to the Golden Horn that the only available ground for the
+fortifications on that side of the city would be the plateau of
+the Fifth Hill, where the large cistern beside the Mosque of
+Sultan Selim is found.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>g</i>) The church dedicated to the three martyr brothers, SS.
+Manual, Sabel, and Ishmael, must likewise have been on the
+Fifth Hill; for it stood where the wall began its descent
+(κατήρχετο)<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c009'><sup>[92]</sup></a> towards the Golden Horn. This agrees with the
+statement of the <i>Synaxaria</i> that the church was situated beside
+the land wall of Constantine, upon precipitous ground, and near
+the Church of St. Elias at the Petrion.<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c009'><sup>[93]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>h</i>) As to the district of Harmatius, named after Harmatius,
+a prominent personage in the reign of Zeno,<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c009'><sup>[94]</sup></a> it must be sought
+in the plain bounded by the Fifth, Fourth, and Third Hills, and
+the Golden Horn, the plain known in later days as the Plateia,
+(Πλατεῖα). To that plain the fortifications of Constantine would
+necessarily descend from the Fifth Hill, in proceeding on their
+north-eastern course to the Golden Horn; and there also the
+figures of the <i>Notitia</i> require the northern end of the walls to
+terminate. Doubtless in the time of Constantine the bay at this
+point encroached upon the plain more than at present.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A church dedicated to St. Antony was found in this part of
+the city by the Archbishop of Novgorod, when he visited
+Constantinople at the close of the eleventh century. He
+reached it after paying his devotions in the Church of St.
+Theodosia, the Church of St. Isaiah, and the Church of St.
+Laurentius,<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c009'><sup>[95]</sup></a> sanctuaries situated in the plain before us; the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>first being now the Mosque Gul Djami, near Aya Kapou,<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c009'><sup>[96]</sup></a>
+while the two last are represented, it is supposed, respectively,
+by the Mosque of Sheik Mourad and the Mosque of Pour
+Kouyou, further to the south.<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c009'><sup>[97]</sup></a> The Archbishop places the
+Church of St. Antony on higher ground than the Church of
+St. Laurentius, apparently a short distance up the slope of the
+Fourth Hill, a position which St. Antony of Harmatius may
+well have occupied.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>i</i>) The locality known as the Zeugma, or Ferry of St.
+Antony, stood, naturally, beside the shore. If it cannot be
+identified with Oun-Kapan Kapoussi, where one of the principal
+ferries across the Golden Horn has always stood, it must, at all
+events, have been in that neighbourhood.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>j</i>) With the result thus obtained regarding the course of the
+Constantinian Wall, may now be compared the statement of
+the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i> upon the subject. According to that
+authority the old land wall of the city crossed the promontory
+from the Gate of St. Æmilianus, upon the Sea of Marmora, to
+the district of the Petrion, upon the Golden Horn.<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c009'><sup>[98]</sup></a> This
+statement is of great importance, because made while the wall
+was still standing; and it would on that account have been
+considered sooner, but for certain questions which it raises, and
+which can be answered more readily now than at a previous
+stage of our inquiries. The Chronicler makes the strange
+mistake of supposing that the wall which he saw stretching
+from sea to sea was the wall built originally for the defence of
+Byzantium by Phedalia, the wife of Byzas. Unfortunately,
+Byzantine archæologists were not always versed in history.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Setting aside, therefore, the Chronicler’s historical opinions,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>and attending to the facts under his personal observation, we
+find him entirely agreed with the Anonymus as regards the point
+at which the southern extremity of the Wall of Constantine
+terminated.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>For the Gate of St. Æmilianus, by which the former authority
+marks that extremity, stood close to the Church of St. Mary
+Rabdou, the indication given by the latter.<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c009'><sup>[99]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The case seems otherwise as regards the northern end of the
+line, for the Petrion, mentioned in the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>, was,
+strictly speaking, the district in which the Greek Patriarchate is
+now situated, the name of the district being still retained by the
+gate (Petri Kapoussi) at the eastern end of the enclosure around
+the Patriarchal Church and residence. But this would bring the
+northern end of the land wall considerably more to the west
+than the point where we have reason to believe the Church
+of St. Antony was found. It would also make the city
+broader than the <i>Notitia</i> allows. The discrepancy can, however,
+be easily removed. For, while the Petrion was pre-eminently
+the district above indicated, the designation was applied
+also to territory much further to the east. The Church of St.
+Laurentius, for example, near which St. Antony’s stood, is at
+one time described as standing in the Plateia,<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c009'><sup>[100]</sup></a> the plain to the
+east of Petri Kapoussi, while at another time it is spoken of as
+in the Petrion.<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c009'><sup>[101]</sup></a> Hence the statement of the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>
+does not conflict with what other authorities affirm respecting
+the point at which the Constantinian land fortifications reached
+the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>k</i>) Finally, from the Church of St. Antony the wall proceeded
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>along the shore of the Golden Horn to the head of the promontory,
+thus completing the circuit of the fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It should, however, be noted that this work of surrounding
+the city with bulwarks was not executed entirely in the reign of
+Constantine. A portion of the undertaking—probably the walls
+defending the shores of the city—was left for his son and
+successor Constantius to complete.<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c009'><sup>[102]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The following gates, mentioned in Byzantine history, were
+found, there is reason to believe, in the Constantinian circuit:—</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Porta Polyandriou (Πόρτα Πολυανδρίου,<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c009'><sup>[103]</sup></a> the Gate of the
+Cemetery) stood in the portion of the wall near the Church of
+the Holy Apostles. It is true that this was one of the names of
+the Gate of Adrianople in the later Theodosian Walls, but if the
+name was derived from the Imperial Cemetery beside the Church
+of the Holy Apostles, there is much probability in Dr. Mordtmann’s
+opinion that the designation belonged originally to the
+corresponding gate in the Constantinian fortifications, which
+stood closer to the cemetery.<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c009'><sup>[104]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another gate was the Porta Atalou (Πόρτα Ἀτάλου).<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c009'><sup>[105]</sup></a> It
+was adorned with the statue of Constantine the Great and the
+statue of Atalus, after whom the gate was named. Both monuments
+fell in the earthquake of 740. The presence of the statue
+of the founder of the city upon the gate, the fact that the
+damage which the gate sustained in 740 is mentioned in close
+connection with the injuries done at the same time to the Column
+of Arcadius on the Xeropholos,<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c009'><sup>[106]</sup></a> and the lack of any proof that
+the gate stood in the Theodosian Walls, are circumstances which
+favour the view that it was an entrance in the Wall of Constantine.
+From its association with the Xerolophos one would infer
+that the Gate of Atalus was situated on the Seventh Hill, in a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>position corresponding to one of the later Theodosian gates on
+that eminence.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the Palaia Porta—Isa Kapoussi, beside the Mosque Isa
+Kapou Mesdjidi—was a Constantinian gate is beyond dispute.<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c009'><sup>[107]</sup></a>
+But a difficult, and at the same time important, question occurs
+in connection with it. Was it the Porta Aurea mentioned in
+the <i>Notitia</i> as the gate from which the length of the city was
+measured? What renders this a difficult question is the fact
+that the Porta Aurea of the Theodosian Walls—the celebrated
+Golden Gate which appears so frequently in the history of the
+city, and which is now incorporated in the Turkish fortress of
+the Seven Towers (Yedi Koulè), under the name Yedi Koulè
+Kapoussi—was already in existence when the <i>Notitia</i> was written.<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c009'><sup>[108]</sup></a>
+That being the case, the presumption is in favour of the opinion
+that the Golden Gate at Yedi Koulè is the Porta Aurea to which
+the <i>Notitia</i> refers; and this opinion has upon its side the great
+authority of Dr. Strzygowski.<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c009'><sup>[109]</sup></a> On the other hand, the distance
+from the Porta Aurea to the sea, as given by the <i>Notitia</i>, does
+not correspond to the distance between Yedi Koulè and the head
+of the promontory, the latter distance being much greater. To
+suppose that this discrepancy is due to a mistake which has
+crept into the figures of the <i>Notitia</i> is possible; but the supposition
+is open to more than one objection. In the first place,
+such a view obliges us to assume a similar mistake in the figures
+which that authority gives for the breadth of the city, seeing
+they do not accord with the breadth of the city along the line of
+the Theodosian Walls. But even if this objection is waived, and
+the possibility of a double error admitted in the abstract, the
+hypothesis of a mistake in the figures before us is attended by
+another difficulty, which cannot be dismissed so easily. How
+comes it that figures condemned as inaccurate because they do
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>not accord with the size of Constantinople under Theodosius II.,
+prove perfectly correct when applied to the dimensions of the
+city under its founder? How come these figures to agree completely
+with what we learn regarding the length and breadth of
+the city of Constantine from other data on that subject? This
+cannot be an accident; the only satisfactory explanation is that
+the figures in question belonged to the primitive text of the
+document in which they are found, and never referred to anything
+else than the original size of the city. Hence we are compelled
+to adopt the view that when the <i>Notitia</i> was written, two
+gates bearing the epithet “Golden” existed in Constantinople,
+one of them in the older circuit of the city, the other in the
+later fortifications of Theodosius, and that the author of the
+<i>Notitia</i> refers to the earlier entrance. There is nothing strange
+in the existence of a Triumphal Gate in the Wall of Constantine,
+while the duplication of such an entrance for a later line of
+bulwarks was perfectly natural.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Why the <i>Notitia</i> overlooks the second Porta Aurea is explained
+by the point of view from which that work was written.
+Its author was concerned with the original city. A gate in the
+Wall of Theodosius was only the vestibule of the corresponding
+Constantinian entrance.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The existence of a Porta Aurea in the Wall of Constantine
+being thus established, the identification of that gate with the
+Palaia Porta offers little difficulty. The Constantinian Porta
+Aurea, like the Ancient Gate, stood on the Seventh Hill, since
+the portion of the Via Triumphalis leading from the Exokionion
+to the Forum of Arcadius was on that eminence.<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c009'><sup>[110]</sup></a> Like the
+Ancient Gate, the Porta Aurea was, moreover, distinguished by
+fine architectural features, as its very epithet implies, and, as the
+<i>Notitia</i> declares, when it states that the city wall bounding the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>Twelfth Region, on the Seventh Hill, was remarkable for its
+monumental character—“Quam (regionem) mœnium sublimior
+decorat ornatus.”<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c009'><sup>[111]</sup></a> Gates so similar in their position and appearance
+can scarcely have been different entrances.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the Constantinian gates along the seaboard of the city,
+the only one about which anything positive can be affirmed is
+the Gate of St. Æmilianus, near the Church of St. Mary
+Rabdou, on the Sea of Marmora. It is now represented by
+Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c009'><sup>[112]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c009'><sup>[113]</sup></a> suggests the existence of a gate known as
+the Basilikè Porta beside the Golden Horn, where Ayasma
+Kapoussi stands; but this conjecture is exceedingly doubtful.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Wall of Constantine formed the boundary and bulwark
+of the city for some eighty years, its great service being the
+protection of the new capital against the Visigoths, who asserted
+their power in the Balkan Peninsula during the latter part of
+the fourth century and the earlier portion of the fifth. After
+the terrible defeat of the Roman arms at Adrianople in 378,
+the Goths marched upon Constantinople, but soon retired, in
+view of the hopelessness of an attack upon the fortifications.
+The bold Alaric never dared to assail these walls; while
+Gainas, finding he could not carry them by surprise, broke up his
+camp at the Hebdomon, and withdrew to the interior of Thrace.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is a mistake, however, to suppose that the original bulwarks
+of the capital were demolished as soon as the Theodosian
+Walls were built.<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c009'><sup>[114]</sup></a> On the contrary, the old works continued
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>for a considerable period to form an inner line of defence. We
+hear of them in the reign of Justinian the Great, when, together
+with the Wall of Theodosius, they were injured by a violent
+earthquake.<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c009'><sup>[115]</sup></a> They were in their place also when the <i>Paschal
+Chronicle</i> was written.<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c009'><sup>[116]</sup></a> What their condition precisely was in
+740, when the Gate of Atalus was overthrown,<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c009'><sup>[117]</sup></a> cannot be determined,
+but evidently they had not completely disappeared.
+Thereafter nothing more is heard of them, and the probability
+is that they were left to waste away gradually. Remains of
+ancient walls survived in the neighbourhood of Isa Kapoussi as
+late as the early part of this century.<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c009'><sup>[118]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>Interior Arrangements of the City of Constantine.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>The work of altering Byzantium to become the seat of
+government was commenced in 328, and occupied some two
+years, materials and labourers for the purpose being gathered
+from all parts of the Empire. Workmen skilled in cutting
+columns and marble came even from the neighbourhood of
+Naples,<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c009'><sup>[119]</sup></a> and the forty thousand Gothic troops, known as the
+Fœderati, lent their strength to push the work forward.<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c009'><sup>[120]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At length, on the 11th of May, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 330,<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c009'><sup>[121]</sup></a> the city of Constantine,
+destined to rank among the great capitals of the
+world, and to exert a vast influence over the course of human
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>affairs, was dedicated with public rejoicings which lasted forty
+days.<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c009'><sup>[122]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The internal arrangements of the city were determined
+mainly by the configuration of its site, the position of the
+buildings taken over from Byzantium, and the desire to reproduce
+some of the features of Rome.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The principal new works gathered about two nuclei—the
+chief Gate of Byzantium and the Square of the Tetrastoon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Immediately without the gate was placed the Forum, named
+after Constantine.<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c009'><sup>[123]</sup></a> It was elliptical in shape, paved with large
+stones, and surrounded by a double tier of porticoes; a lofty
+marble archway at each extremity of its longer axis led into
+this area, and in the centre rose a porphyry column, bearing a
+statue of Apollo crowned with seven rays. The figure represented
+the founder of the city “shining like the sun” upon the
+scene of his creation. On the northern side of the Forum a
+Senate House was erected.<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c009'><sup>[124]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Tetrastoon was enlarged and embellished, receiving
+in its new character the name “Augustaion,” in honour of
+Constantine’s mother Helena, who bore the title Augusta, and
+whose statue, set upon a porphyry column, adorned the square.<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c009'><sup>[125]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Hippodrome was now completed,<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c009'><sup>[126]</sup></a> to become “the axis
+of the Byzantine world,” and there, in addition to other monuments,
+the Serpent Column from Delphi was placed. The
+adjoining Thermæ of Zeuxippus were improved.<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c009'><sup>[127]</sup></a> An Imperial
+Palace,<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c009'><sup>[128]</sup></a> with its main entrance on the southern side of the
+Augustaion, was built to the east of the Hippodrome, where it
+stood related to the race-course very much as the Palace of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>Cæsars on the Palatine was related to the Circus Maximus.
+There, at the same time, it commanded the beautiful view presented
+by the Sea of Marmora, the Prince’s Islands, the hilly
+Asiatic coast, and the snow-capped Bythinian Olympus. Eusebius,
+who saw the palace in its glory, describes it as “most
+magnificent;”<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c009'><sup>[129]</sup></a> while Zosimus speaks of it as scarcely inferior
+to the Imperial Residence in Rome.<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c009'><sup>[130]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the eastern side of the Augustaion rose the Basilica,<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c009'><sup>[131]</sup></a>
+where the Senate held its principal meetings. It was entered
+through a porch supported by six splendid columns of marble,
+and the building itself was decorated with every possible variety
+of the same material. There also statues of rare workmanship
+were placed, such as the Group of the Muses from Helicon, the
+statue of Zeus from Dodona, and that of Pallas from Lindus.<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c009'><sup>[132]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Eusebius, Constantine adorned the city and
+its suburbs with many churches,<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c009'><sup>[133]</sup></a> the most prominent of them
+being the Church of Irene<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c009'><sup>[134]</sup></a> and the Church of the Apostles.<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c009'><sup>[135]</sup></a>
+The former was situated a short distance to the north of the
+Augustaion, and there, as restored first by Justinian the Great,
+and later by Leo III., it still stands within the Seraglio enclosure,
+now an arsenal of Turkish arms.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Church of the Apostles, with its roof covered with tiles
+of gilded bronze, crowned the summit of the Fourth Hill, where
+it has been replaced by the Mosque of the Turkish Conqueror
+of the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There, also, Constantine erected for himself a mausoleum,
+surrounded by twelve pillars after the number of the Apostles;<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c009'><sup>[136]</sup></a>
+and in the porticoes and chapels beside the church most of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>Constantine’s successors and their empresses, as well as the
+patriarchs of the city, found their last resting-place in sarcophagi
+of porphyry or marble. Whether Constantine had any
+part in the erection of St. Sophia is extremely uncertain.
+Eusebius is silent regarding that church; Socrates ascribes it
+to Constantius. Possibly Constantine laid the foundations of
+the famous sanctuary.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Among other churches ascribed to the founder of the city
+are those dedicated, respectively, to St. Mokius, St. Acacius, St.
+Agathonicus, and to Michael the Archangel at Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui),
+on the Bosporus.<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c009'><sup>[137]</sup></a> There is no doubt that in the foundation
+of New Rome, Constantine emphasized the alliance of
+the Empire with the Christian Church. “Over the entrance of
+his palace,” says Eusebius, “he caused a rich cross to be erected
+of gold and precious stones, as a protection and a divine charm
+against the machinations and evil purposes of his enemies.”<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c009'><sup>[138]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Three streets running the length of the city formed the great
+arteries of communication.<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c009'><sup>[139]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One started from the south-western end of the palace enclosure,
+and proceeded along the Sea of Marmora to the Church
+of St. Æmilianus, at the southern extremity of the land wall.
+At that point was the Harbour of Eleutherius,<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c009'><sup>[140]</sup></a> on the site of
+Vlanga Bostan, providing the city with what Nature had failed
+to supply—a harbour of refuge on the southern coast of the
+promontory.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another street commenced at the south-eastern end of the
+palace grounds (Tzycanisterion), and ran first to the point of
+the Acropolis along the eastern shore of the city, passing on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>the way the theatre and amphitheatre of Byzantium. Near the
+latter Constantine built the Mangana, or Military Arsenal.<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c009'><sup>[141]</sup></a>
+The street then proceeded westwards along the Golden Horn,
+past the Temples of Zeus and Poseidon, the Stadium, the
+Strategion, and the principal harbours of the city, to the Church
+of St. Antony in the quarter of Harmatius. In the Strategion
+an equestrian statue of Constantine was placed, and a pillar
+bearing the edict which bestowed upon the city the name of New
+Rome, as well as the rights and privileges of the elder capital.<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c009'><sup>[142]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The third street started from the main gate of the palace,
+and proceeded, first, from the Augustaion to the Forum of
+Constantine. On reaching the Third Hill it divided into two
+branches, one leading to the Porta Aurea and the Exokionion,
+the other to the Church of the Holy Apostles and the Gate
+of the Polyandrion. This was the main artery of the city,
+and was named the Mesè (Μεσὴ) on account of its central
+position. Porticoes built by Eubulus, one of the senators who
+accompanied Constantine from Rome, lined both sides of the
+Mesè, and one side of the two other streets, adding at once to
+the convenience and beauty of the thoroughfares. The porticoes
+extending from the Augustaion to the Forum of Constantine were
+particularly handsome.<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c009'><sup>[143]</sup></a> Upon the summit of all the porticoes
+walks or terraces were laid out, adorned with countless statues,
+and commanding views of the city and of the surrounding hills
+and waters. Thus, the street scenery of Constantinople combined
+the attractions of Art and Nature.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The water-supply of the new capital was one of the most
+important undertakings of the day.<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c009'><sup>[144]</sup></a> While the water-works of
+Byzantium, as improved by Hadrian, continued to be used, they
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>were extended, to render the supply of water more abundant.
+What exactly was done for that purpose is, however, a matter of
+conjecture.<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c009'><sup>[145]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the construction of the aqueducts, porticoes, and fortifications
+of New Rome sixty centenaria of gold (£2,500,000) were
+devoted.<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c009'><sup>[146]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The health of the city was consulted by building sewers far
+underground, and carrying them to the sea.<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c009'><sup>[147]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the view of drawing population to the new city, Constantine
+made the wheat hitherto sent from Egypt to Rome the
+appanage of Constantinople, and ordered the daily free distribution
+of eighty thousand loaves.<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c009'><sup>[148]</sup></a> The citizens were, moreover,
+granted the Jus Italicus,<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c009'><sup>[149]</sup></a> while, to attract families of distinction
+the emperor erected several mansions for presentation to Roman
+senators.<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c009'><sup>[150]</sup></a> House-building was encouraged by granting estates
+in Pontus and Asia, on the tenure of maintaining a residence in
+the new capital.<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c009'><sup>[151]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Furthermore, in virtue of its new dignity, the city was
+relieved from its subordination to the town of Heraclea,<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c009'><sup>[152]</sup></a> imposed
+since the time of Septimius Severus, and the members of
+the public council of New Rome were constituted into a Senate,
+with the right to bear the title of Clari.<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c009'><sup>[153]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>For municipal purposes the city was divided, like Rome, into
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>Fourteen Regions,<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c009'><sup>[154]</sup></a> two of them being outside the circuit of the
+fortifications, viz. the Thirteenth, which comprised Sycæ (Galata),
+on the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the Fourteenth,
+constituting the suburb of Blachernæ, now the quarters of Egri
+Kapou and Aivan Serai.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>
+  <h2 id='chap03' class='c006'>CHAPTER III. <br /> THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The enduring character of the political reasons which had
+called the new capital into being, and the commercial advantages
+which its unique position commanded, favoured such an increase
+of population, that before eighty-five years had elapsed, the
+original limits of Constantinople proved too narrow for the crowds
+gathered within the walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So numerous were the inhabitants already in 378, that the
+Goths, who then appeared before the city after the defeat of the
+Roman arms at Adrianople, abandoned all hope of capturing
+a stronghold which could draw upon such multitudes for its
+defence.<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c009'><sup>[155]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp041'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp041.jpg' alt='The Land Walls of Constantinople.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Land Walls of Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Three years later, Athanaric<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c009'><sup>[156]</sup></a> marvelled at the variety of
+peoples which poured into the city, as they have ever since, like
+streams from different points into a common reservoir. Soon
+the corn fleets of Alexandria, Asia, Syria, and Phœnicia, were
+unable to provide the city with sufficient bread.<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c009'><sup>[157]</sup></a> The houses
+were packed so closely that the citizens, whether at home or
+abroad, felt confined and oppressed, while to walk the streets
+was dangerous, on account of the number of the beasts of burden
+that crowded the thoroughfares. Building-ground was in such
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>demand that portions of the sea along the shores of the city had
+to be filled in, and the erections on that artificial land alone
+formed a considerable town.<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c009'><sup>[158]</sup></a> Sozomon goes so far as to affirm
+that Constantinople had grown more populous than Rome.<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c009'><sup>[159]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This increase of the population is explained, in part, by the
+attractions which a capital, and especially one founded recently,
+offered alike to rich and poor as a place of residence and occupation.
+The ecclesiastical dignity of the city, when elevated to
+the second rank in the hierarchy of the Church, made it, moreover,
+the religious centre of the East, and drew a large body of
+ecclesiastics and devout persons within its bounds. The presence
+and incursions of the Goths and the Huns south of the Danube
+drove many of the original inhabitants of the invaded districts
+for shelter behind the fortifications of the city, and led multitudes
+of barbarians thither in search of employment or the pleasures
+of civilized life.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Then, it must be remembered that no capital is built in
+a day.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To make the city worthy of its name involved great labour,
+and demanded an army of workmen of every description. There
+were many structures which Constantine had only commenced;
+the completion of the fortifications of the city had been left to
+Constantius; Julian found it necessary to construct a second
+harbour on the side of the Sea of Marmora; Valens was obliged
+to improve the water-works of the city by the erection of the fine
+aqueduct which spans the valley between the Fourth and Fifth
+Hills. And how large a number of hands such works required
+appears from the fact that when the aqueduct was repaired, in
+the ninth century, 6000 labourers were brought from the provinces
+to Constantinople for the purpose.<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c009'><sup>[160]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Under the rule of the Theodosian dynasty the improvement
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>of the city went forward with leaps and bounds. Most of the
+public places and buildings enumerated by the <i>Notitia</i>, were
+constructed under the auspices of that House, and transformed
+the city. A vivid picture of the change is drawn by Themistius,<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c009'><sup>[161]</sup></a>
+who knew all the phases through which Constantinople had passed,
+from the reign of Constantius to that of Theodosius the Great.
+“No longer,” exclaims the orator, as he viewed the altered
+appearance of things around him, “is the vacant ground in the
+city more extensive than that occupied by buildings; nor are we
+cultivating more territory within our walls than we inhabit; the
+beauty of the city is not, as heretofore, scattered over it in patches,
+but covers its whole area like a robe woven to the very fringe.
+The city gleams with gold and porphyry. It has a (new) Forum,
+named after the emperor; it owns Baths, Porticoes, Gymnasia;
+and its former extremity is now its centre. Were Constantine
+to see the capital he founded he would behold a glorious and
+splendid scene, not a bare and empty void; he would find it
+fair, not with apparent, but with real beauty.” The mansions
+of the rich, the orator continues, had become larger and more
+sumptuous; the suburbs had expanded; the place “was full of
+carpenters, builders, decorators, and artisans of every description,
+and might fitly be called a work-shop of magnificence.” “Should
+the zeal of the emperor to adorn the city continue,” adds Themistius,
+in prophetic strain, “a wider circuit will be demanded,
+and the question will arise whether the city added to Constantinople
+by Theodosius is not more splendid than the city which
+Constantine added to Byzantium.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The growth of the capital went on under Arcadius, with the
+result that early in the reign of his son, the younger Theodosius,
+the enlargement of the city limits, foreseen by Themistius, was
+carried into effect.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>But this extension of the boundaries was not made simply
+to suit the convenience of a large population. It was required
+also by the need of new bulwarks. Constantinople called for
+more security, as well as for more room. The barbarians were
+giving grave reasons for disquiet; Rome had been captured by
+the Goths; the Huns had crossed the Danube, and though
+repelled, still dreamed of carrying their conquests wherever the
+sun shone. It was, indeed, time for the Empire to gird on its
+whole armour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Fortunately for the eastern portion of the Roman world,
+Anthemius, the statesman at the head of the Government for six
+years during the minority of Theodosius II., was eminently
+qualified for his position by lofty character, distinguished ability,
+and long experience in the public service. When appointed
+Prætorian Prefect of the East, in 405, by the Emperor Arcadius,
+Chrysostom remarked that the appointment conferred more
+honour on the office than upon Anthemius himself; and the
+ecclesiastical historian Socrates extols the prefect as “one of the
+wisest men of the age.”<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c009'><sup>[162]</sup></a> Proceeding, therefore, to do all in his
+power to promote the security of the State, Anthemius cleared the
+Balkan Peninsula of the hostile Huns under Uldin, driving them
+north of the Danube. Then, to prevent the return of the enemy,
+he placed a permanent flotilla of 250 vessels on that river, and
+strengthened the fortifications of the cities in Illyria; and to
+crown the system of defence, he made Constantinople a mighty
+citadel. The enlargement and refortification of the city was thus
+part of a comprehensive and far-seeing plan to equip the Roman
+State in the East for the impending desperate struggle with
+barbarism; and of all the services which Anthemius rendered,
+the most valuable and enduring was the addition he made to the
+military importance of the capital. The bounds he assigned to
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>the city fixed, substantially, her permanent dimensions, and
+behind the bulwarks he raised—improved and often repaired,
+indeed, by his successors—Constantinople acted her great part in
+the history of the world.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The erection and repair of the fortifications of a city was an
+undertaking which all citizens were required to assist, in one
+form or another. On that point the laws were very stringent,
+and no rank or privilege exempted any one from the obligation
+to promote the work.<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c009'><sup>[163]</sup></a> One-third of the annual land-tax of the
+city could be drawn upon to defray the outlay, all expenses
+above that amount being met by requisitions laid upon the
+inhabitants. The work of construction was entrusted to the
+Factions, as several inscriptions on the walls testify. In 447,
+when the Theodosian fortifications were repaired and extended,
+the Blues and the Greens furnished, between them, sixteen
+thousand labourers for the undertaking.<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c009'><sup>[164]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The stone employed upon the fortifications is tertiary
+limestone, brought from the neighbourhood of Makrikeui,
+where the hollows and mounds formed in quarrying are still
+visible. The bricks used are from 1 foot 1 inch to 1 foot 2
+inches square, and 2 inches thick. They are sometimes stamped
+with the name of their manufacturer or donor, and occasionally
+bear the name of the contemporary emperor, and the indiction
+in which they were made. Mortar, mixed with powdered brick,
+was employed in large quantities, lest it should dry without
+taking hold,<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c009'><sup>[165]</sup></a> and bound the masonry into a solid mass, hard
+as rock.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The wall of Anthemius was erected in 413,<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c009'><sup>[166]</sup></a> the fifth year of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>Theodosius II., then about twelve years of age, and is now
+represented by the inner wall in the fortifications that extend
+along the west of the city, from the Sea of Marmora to the ruins
+of the Byzantine Palace, known as Tekfour Serai. The new city
+limits were thus placed at a distance of one mile to one mile and
+a half west of the Wall of Constantine.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This change in the position of the landward line of defence
+involved the extension likewise of the walls along the two shores
+of the city; but though that portion of the work must have been
+included in the plan of Anthemius, it was not executed till after
+his day. As we shall find, the new seaboard of the capital was
+fortified a quarter of a century later, in 439, under the direction
+of the Prefect Cyrus, while Theodosius II. was still upon the
+throne.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The bulwarks of Anthemius saved the city from attack by
+Attila. They were too formidable for him to venture to assail
+them.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But they suffered soon at the hands of the power which was
+to inflict more injury upon the fortifications of Constantinople
+than any other foe. In 447, only thirty-four years after their
+construction, the greater portion of the new walls, with fifty-seven
+towers, was overthrown by a series of violent earthquakes.<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c009'><sup>[167]</sup></a>
+The disaster was particularly inopportune at the moment it
+occurred, for already in that year Attila had defeated the
+armies of Theodosius in three successive engagements, ravaged
+with fire and sword the provinces of Macedonia and Thrace, and
+come as near to Constantinople as Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè).
+He had dictated an ignominious treaty of peace, exacting the
+cession of territory south of the Danube, the payment of an
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>indemnity of 6000 pounds of gold, and the increase of the annual
+tribute paid to him by the Eastern Empire from 700 pounds of
+gold to 2100.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The crisis was, however, met with splendid energy by Constantine,
+then Prætorian Prefect of the East, and under his
+direction, as Marcellinus Comes affirms, the walls were restored
+in less than three months after their overthrow.<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c009'><sup>[168]</sup></a> But besides
+restoring the shattered bulwarks of his predecessor, Constantine
+seized the opportunity to render the city a much stronger fortress
+than even Anthemius had made it. Accordingly, another wall,
+with a broad and deep moat before it, was erected in front of
+the Wall of Anthemius, to place the city behind three lines of
+defence. The walls were flanked by 192 towers, while the
+ground between the two walls, and that between the Outer Wall
+and the Moat, provided room for the action of large bodies of
+troops. These five portions of the fortifications rose tier above
+tier, and combined to form a barricade 190-207 feet thick, and
+over 100 feet high.<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c009'><sup>[169]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As an inscription<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c009'><sup>[170]</sup></a> upon the fortifications proclaimed, this
+was a wall indeed, τὸ καὶ τεῖχος ὄντως—a wall which, so long as
+ordinary courage survived and the modes of ancient warfare
+were not superseded, made Constantinople impregnable, and
+behind which civilization defied the assaults of barbarism for
+a thousand years.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp046'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp046.jpg' alt='Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Three inscriptions commemorating the erection of these
+noble works of defence have been discovered. Two of them
+are still found on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi
+(Porta Rhousiou), one being in Greek, the other in Latin, as
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>both languages were then in official use. The former reads to
+the effect that “In sixty days, by the order of the sceptre-loving
+Emperor, Constantine the Eparch added wall to wall.”</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟΣΚΗΠΤΡΩ ΒΑΣΙΛΗΙ †</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΔΕΙΜΑΤΟ ΤΕΙΧΕΙ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The Latin legend is more boastful: “By the commands of
+Theodosius, in less than two months, Constantine erected triumphantly
+these strong walls. Scarcely could Pallas have built so
+quickly so strong a citadel.”</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>THEODOSII JUSSIS GEMINO NEC MENSE PERACTO †</div>
+      <div class='line'>CONSTANTINUS OVANS HAEC MOENIA FIRMA LOCAVIT</div>
+      <div class='line'>TAM CITO TAM STABILEM PALLAS VIX CONDERET ARCEM †<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c009'><sup>[171]</sup></a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The third inscription has disappeared from its place on the
+Porta Xylokerkou, but is preserved in the Greek Anthology.<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c009'><sup>[172]</sup></a> It
+declared that, “The Emperor Theodosius and Constantine the
+Eparch of the East built this wall in sixty days.”</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The shortness of the time assigned to the execution of the
+work is certainly astonishing. Perhaps the statement of the
+inscriptions will appear more credible if understood to refer
+exclusively to the second wall, and if we realize the terror which
+the Huns then inspired. The dread of Attila, “the Scourge of
+God,” might well prove an incentive to extraordinary performance,
+and strain every muscle to the utmost tension.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the question of the time occupied in the reconstruction
+of the walls is not the only difficulty raised by these inscriptions.
+They present a question also as regards the official under whose
+direction that work was executed. For according to them, and
+Marcellinus Comes, the superintendent of the work was named
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>Constantine.<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c009'><sup>[173]</sup></a> Theophanes and subsequent historians, on the
+other hand, ascribe the undertaking to the Prefect Cyrus.<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c009'><sup>[174]</sup></a>
+This is a serious discrepancy, and authorities are not agreed in
+their mode of dealing with it. Some have proposed to remove
+the difficulty by the simple expedient of identifying Constantine
+and Cyrus;<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c009'><sup>[175]</sup></a> while others maintain a distinction of persons, and
+reconcile the conflicting statements by understanding them to
+refer, respectively, to different occasions on which the walls
+were repaired.<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c009'><sup>[176]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Cyrus was one of the most conspicuous figures in the
+history of the city during the reign of Theodosius II.<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c009'><sup>[177]</sup></a> On
+account of his talents and integrity he held the office of
+Prætorian Prefect, and that of Prefect of the City, for four
+years, making himself immensely popular by the character of
+his administration. During his prefecture, in 439, the new
+walls along the shores of the city were constructed. The fires
+and earthquakes, moreover, which devastated Constantinople in
+the earlier half of the fifth century, afforded him ample opportunity
+for carrying out civic improvements, and he was to be
+seen constantly driving about the city in his chariot to inspect
+the public buildings in course of erection, and to push forward
+their completion. Among other works, he restored the great
+Bath of Achilles, which had been destroyed in the fire of 433.<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c009'><sup>[178]</sup></a>
+To him also is ascribed the introduction of the practice of
+lighting the shops and streets of the capital at night.<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c009'><sup>[179]</sup></a> He was,
+moreover, a man of literary tastes, and a poet, who counted the
+Empress Eudoxia, herself a poetess, one of his admirers.<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c009'><sup>[180]</sup></a> In
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>the competition between Greek and Latin for ascendency as
+the official language of the Government, he took the side of
+the former by issuing his decrees in Greek, a practice which
+made the conservative Lydus style him ironically, “Our
+Demosthenes.”<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c009'><sup>[181]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But in the midst of all his success, Cyrus remained self-possessed
+and sober-minded. “I do not like Fortune, when
+she smiles much,”<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c009'><sup>[182]</sup></a> he was accustomed to say; and at length
+the tide of his prosperity turned. Taking his seat one day in
+the Hippodrome, he was greeted with a storm of applause.
+“Constantine,” the vast assembly shouted, “founded the city;
+Cyrus restored it.” For a subject to be so popular was
+a crime. Theodosius took umbrage at the ovation accorded
+to the renovator of the city, and Cyrus was dismissed from
+office, deprived of his property, forced to enter the Church, and
+sent to Smyrna to succeed four bishops who had perished at the
+hands of brigands. Upon his arrival in that city on Christmas
+Day he found his people ill-prepared to receive him, so indignant
+were they that a man still counted a heathen and a heretic
+should have been appointed the shepherd of their souls. But a
+short allocution, which Cyrus delivered in honour of the festival,
+disarmed the opposition to him, and he spent the last years of
+his life in the diocese, undisturbed by political turmoils and
+unmolested by robbers.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Returning to the question of the identity of Cyrus with the
+Prefect Constantine above mentioned, the strongest argument in
+favour of that identity is the fact that, commencing with
+Theophanes, who flourished in the latter part of the eighth
+century, all historians who refer to the fortification of the city
+under Theodosius II. ascribe the work to Cyrus. That they
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>should be mistaken on this point, it may be urged, is extremely
+improbable. On this view, the occurrence of the name Constantine
+instead of Cyrus in the inscriptions and in Marcellinus
+Comes, is explained by the supposition that the former name
+was the one which Cyrus assumed, as usual under such circumstances,
+after his conversion to the Christian faith.<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c009'><sup>[183]</sup></a> But
+surely any name which Cyrus acquired after his dismissal from
+office could not be employed as his designation in documents
+anterior to his fall. Perhaps a better explanation is that Cyrus
+always had both names, one used habitually, the other rarely,
+and that the latter appears in the inscriptions because more
+suited than the former to the versification in which they are
+cast. This, however, does not explain why Marcellinus Comes
+prefers the name Constantine.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the proposed identification of Cyrus and
+Constantine is open to serious objections. In the first place,
+not till the eighth century is the name of Cyrus associated with
+the land walls of Constantinople. Earlier historians,<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c009'><sup>[184]</sup></a> when speaking
+of Cyrus and extolling his services, say nothing as to his
+having been concerned in the fortification of the city in 447.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the next place, the information of Theophanes and his
+followers does not seem based upon a thorough investigation of
+the subject. These writers ignore the fact that under Theodosius
+II. the land walls were built on two occasions; they ascribe to
+Cyrus everything done in the fifth century in the way of
+enlarging and fortifying the capital, and are silent as regards the
+connection of the great Anthemius with that work.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The only Byzantine author later than the fifth century who
+recalls the services of Anthemius is Nicephorus Callistus,<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c009'><sup>[185]</sup></a> and
+even he represents Cyrus as the associate of that illustrious
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>prefect. If such inaccuracies do not render the testimony of
+Theophanes and subsequent historians worthless, they certainly
+make one ask whether these writers were not misled by the
+great fame of Cyrus on the ground of other achievements, and
+especially on account of his share in building the walls along
+the shores of the city in 439, to ascribe to him a work which
+was really performed by the more obscure Constantine.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Inner Wall. <br /> Τὸ κάστρον τὸ μέγα:<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c009'><sup>[186]</sup></a> Τὸ μέγα τεῖχος.<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c009'><sup>[187]</sup></a></h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Inner Wall was the main bulwark of the capital. It
+stood on a higher level than the Outer Wall, and was, at the
+same time, loftier, thicker, and flanked by stronger towers. In
+construction it was a mass of concrete faced on both sides with
+blocks of limestone, squared and carefully fitted; while six
+brick courses, each containing five layers of bricks, were laid at
+intervals through the thickness of the wall to bind the structure
+more firmly.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The wall rises some 30-½ feet above the present exterior
+ground-level, and about 40 feet above the level within the
+city, with a thickness varying from 15-½ feet near the base to
+13-½ feet at the summit. The summit had along its outer edge
+a battlement, 4 feet 8 inches high, and was reached by flights
+of steps, placed generally beside the gates, and set at right angles
+to the wall, upon ramps of masonry.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The ninety-six towers, now battered and ruined by weather,
+war, and earthquakes, which once guarded this wall, stood from
+175 to 181 feet apart, and were from 57 to 60 feet high, with
+a projection of 18 to 34 feet. As many of them are reconstructions
+and belong to different periods, they exhibit various
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>forms and different styles of workmanship. Most of them are
+square; others are hexagonal, or heptagonal, or octagonal.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>While their structure resembles that of the wall, they are
+nevertheless distinct buildings, in compliance with the rule
+laid down by military engineers, that a tower should not be
+bound in construction with the curtain of the wall behind it.<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c009'><sup>[188]</sup></a>
+Thus two buildings differing in weight could settle at different
+rates without breaking apart along the line of junction.
+As an additional precaution a relieving arch was frequently
+inserted where the sides of the tower impinged on the wall.<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c009'><sup>[189]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A tower was usually divided by wooden or vaulted floors into
+two chambers. Towers with three chambers, like the Tower of
+Basil and Constantine at the southern extremity of the wall,
+and the Soulou Kaleh beside the Lycus, were rare. The lower
+chamber was entered from the city through a large archway.
+Occasionally, it communicated also with the terrace between the
+two walls by a postern, situated as a rule, for the sake of concealment
+or easier defence, at the angle formed by the tower
+and the curtain-wall. Upon these entrances the chamber
+depended for light and air, as its walls had few, if any, loopholes,
+lest the tower should be weakened where most exposed to
+missiles.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Generally, the lower chamber had no means of communication
+with the story above it; at other times a circular aperture,
+about 7-½ feet in diameter, is found in the crown of the vaulted
+floor between the chambers.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp052'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp052-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp052.jpg' alt='Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The lower portion of a tower had evidently little to do
+directly with the defence of the city, but served mainly as a
+store-room or guard-house. There, soldiers returning home or
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>leaving for the field were allowed to take up their temporary
+quarters.<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c009'><sup>[190]</sup></a> The proprietors of the ground upon which the towers
+stood were also allowed to use them,<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c009'><sup>[191]</sup></a> but this permission referred,
+doubtless, only to the lower chambers, and that in time of peace.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The upper chamber was entered from the parapet-walk
+through an arched gateway, and was well lighted on its three
+other sides by comparatively large windows, commanding wide
+views, and permitting the occupants to fire freely upon an
+attacking force. Flights of steps, similar to the ramps that led
+to the summit of the wall, conducted to the battlemented roof of
+the towers. There, the engines that hurled stones and Greek fire
+upon the enemy were placed;<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c009'><sup>[192]</sup></a> and there, sentinels watched the
+western horizon, day and night, keeping themselves awake at
+night by shouting to one another along the line.<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c009'><sup>[193]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Inner Terrace. <br /> Ὁ Περίβολος.<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c009'><sup>[194]</sup></a></h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Inner Embankment, or Terrace, between the two walls
+was 50 to 64 feet broad. It was named the Peribolos, and
+accommodated the troops which defended the Outer Wall.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Outer Wall. <br /> Τὸ ἔξω τεῖχος:<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c009'><sup>[195]</sup></a> τὸ ἔξω κάστρον:<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c009'><sup>[196]</sup></a> τὸ μικρόν τεῖχος.<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c009'><sup>[197]</sup></a></h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Outer Wall is from 2 to 6-½ feet thick, rising some 10
+feet above the present level of the peribolos,<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c009'><sup>[198]</sup></a> and about 27-½
+feet above the present level of the terrace between the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>Outer Wall and the Moat. Its lower portion is a solid
+wall, which retains the embankment of the peribolos. The
+upper portion is built, for the most part, in arches, faced
+on the outer side with hewn blocks of stone, and is frequently
+supported by a series of arches in concrete, and sometimes,
+even, by two series of such arches, built against the rear.
+Besides strengthening the wall, these supporting arches permitted
+the construction of a battlement and parapet-walk on
+the summit, and, moreover, formed chambers, 8-½ feet deep,
+where troops could be quartered, or remain under cover, while
+engaging the enemy through the loophole in the western wall
+of each chamber.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The towers which flanked this wall<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c009'><sup>[199]</sup></a> were much smaller than
+those of the inner line. They are some 30 to 35 feet high, with
+a projection of about 16 feet beyond the curtain-wall. They
+alternate with the great towers to the rear, thus putting both
+walls more completely under cover. It would seem as if the
+towers of this line were intended to be alternately square and
+crescent in shape, so frequently do these forms succeed one
+another. That this arrangement was not always maintained
+is due, probably, to changes made in the course of repairs.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Each tower had a chamber on the level of the peribolos,
+provided with small windows. The lower portion of most of the
+towers was generally a solid substructure; but in the case of
+square towers it was often a small chamber reached from the
+Outer Terrace through a small postern, and leading to a subterranean
+passage running towards the city. These passages
+may either have permitted secret communication with different
+parts of the fortifications, or formed channels in which water-pipes
+were laid.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>Notwithstanding the comparative inferiority of the Outer
+Wall, it was an important line of defence, for it sheltered the
+troops which engaged the enemy at close quarters. Both in the
+siege of 1422,<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c009'><sup>[200]</sup></a> and in that of 1453,<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c009'><sup>[201]</sup></a> the most desperate fighting
+occurred here.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Outer Terrace. <br /> Τὸ ἔξω παρατείχιον.<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c009'><sup>[202]</sup></a></h3>
+<p class='c007'>The embankment or terrace between the Outer Wall and
+the Moat is some 61 feet broad. While affording room for the
+action of troops under cover of the battlement upon the scarp
+of the Moat,<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c009'><sup>[203]</sup></a> its chief function was to widen the distance
+between the besiegers and the besieged.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Moat. <br /> Τάφρος: σοῦδα.<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c009'><sup>[204]</sup></a></h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Moat is over 61 feet wide. Its original depth, which
+doubtless varied with the character of the ground it traversed,
+cannot be determined until excavations are allowed, for the
+market-gardens and <i>débris</i> which now occupy it have raised the
+level of the bed. In front of the Golden Gate, where it was
+probably always deepest, on account of the importance of that
+entrance, its depth is still 22 feet. The masonry of the scarp and
+counterscarp is 5 feet thick, and was supported by buttresses to
+withstand the pressure of the elevated ground on either side of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>the Moat. The battlement upon the scarp formed a breastwork
+about 6-½ feet high.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At several points along its course the Moat is crossed by
+low walls, dividing it into so many sections or compartments.
+They are generally opposite a tower of the Outer or Inner Wall,
+and taper from the base to a sharp edge along the summit, to
+prevent their being used as bridges by an enemy. On their
+southern side, where the ground falls away, they are supported
+by buttresses.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c009'><sup>[205]</sup></a> was the first to call attention to these structures,
+and to him, also, belongs the credit of having thrown
+some light upon their use. They were, in his opinion, aqueducts,
+and dams or batardeaux, by means of which water was
+conveyed to the Moat, and kept in position there. But this
+service, Dr. Paspates believed, was performed by them only in
+case of a siege, when they were broken open, and allowed to run
+into the Moat. At other times, when no hostile attack was
+apprehended, they carried water across the Moat into the city,
+for the supply of the ordinary needs of the population.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That many of these structures, if not all, were aqueducts
+admits of no doubt, for some have been found to contain
+earthenware water-pipes, while others of them still carry into
+the city water brought by underground conduits from the hills
+on the west of the fortifications; and that they were dams seems
+the only explanation of the buttresses built against their lower
+side, as though to resist the pressure of water descending from
+a higher level.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp056'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp056-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp056.jpg' alt='Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div id='fig_fp056a'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp056a.jpg' alt='Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II. (From Du Cange.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Certainly Dr. Paspates’ view has very much in its favour. It
+is, however, not altogether free from difficulties. To begin with,
+the idea that the Moat was flooded only during a siege does
+not agree with the representations of Manuel Chrysolaras and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>Bondelmontius on that point. The former writer, in his famous
+description of Constantinople, speaks as if the Moat was always
+full of water. According to him, it contained so much water
+that the city seemed to stand upon the sea-shore, even when
+viewed from the side of the land.<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c009'><sup>[206]</sup></a> The Italian traveller describes
+the Moat as a “vallum aquarum surgentium.”<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c009'><sup>[207]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Are these statements mere rhetorical flourishes? If not,
+then water must have been introduced into the Moat by some
+other means than by the aqueducts which traverse it, for these,
+as Dr. Paspates himself admits, ordinarily took water into the
+city. Unfortunately, it is impossible, under present circumstances,
+to examine the Moat thoroughly, or to explore the
+territory without the city to discover underground conduits, and
+thus settle the question at issue. One can only ask, as a
+matter for future investigation, whether, on the view that the
+Moat was always flooded, the water required for the purpose
+was not brought by underground conduits that emptied themselves
+a little above the bed of the Moat. The mouth of what
+appears to be such a conduit is seen in the counterscarp of the
+Moat immediately below the fifth aqueduct to the south of Top
+Kapoussi. If water was brought thus to the elevation of Top
+Kapoussi and Edirnè Kapoussi, sufficient pressure to flood the
+rest of the Moat would be obtained.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But, in the next place, it must be added that objections can
+be urged against the opinion that the Moat was flooded even in
+time of war. The necessary quantity of water could ill be
+spared by a city which required all available water for the
+wants of its inhabitants, especially at the season of the year
+when sieges were conducted. Then, there is the fact that in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>the accounts we have of the sieges of the city, all contemporary
+historians are silent as to the presence of water in the Moat,
+notwithstanding frequent allusions to that part of the fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Furthermore, there are statements which imply the absence
+of water in the Moat during a siege. Pusculus, for instance,
+giving a minute account of the measures adopted in 1453 to
+place the city in a state of defence, refers to the deepening of
+the Moat, but says nothing about water in it. “Fossaque
+cavant, atque aggere terræ educto, muros forti munimine
+cingunt.”<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c009'><sup>[208]</sup></a> If water had been introduced into the Moat on
+this occasion, Pusculus could hardly have ignored the fact.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Again, in the Slavic account of the last siege of the city we
+are informed that the Greeks opened mines through the counterscarp
+of the Moat, to blow up the Turks who approached the
+fortifications: “Les assiégés pendant le jour combattaient les
+Turcs, et pendant la nuit descendaient dans les fossés, perçaient
+les murailles du fossé du côté des champs, minaient la terre sous
+le mur à beaucoup d’endroits, et remplissaient les mines de
+poudre et de vases remplis de poudre.”<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c009'><sup>[209]</sup></a> If such action was
+possible, there could be no water in the Moat.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>
+  <h2 id='chap04' class='c006'>CHAPTER IV. <br /> THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2>
+</div>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Golden Gate.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Theodosian Walls were pierced by ten gates, and by
+several small posterns.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the former, some led only to the different parts of the
+fortifications, serving exclusively the convenience of the garrison.
+These may be styled Military Gates. Others connected the
+capital, moreover, with the outside world by means of bridges
+thrown across the Moat,<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c009'><sup>[210]</sup></a> and constituted the Public Gates of the
+city. The two series followed one another in alternate order,
+the military entrances being known by numbers, the public
+entrances by proper names. Both were double gateways, as
+they pierced the two walls. The inner gateway, being the
+principal one, was guarded by two large towers, which projected
+far beyond the curtain-wall to obtain a good flank fire, and to
+command at the same time the outer gateway. Thus also the
+passage from the area between the gateways to the peribolos,
+on either side, was rendered exceedingly narrow and capable
+of easy defence. In view of its great importance, the outer
+gateway of the Golden Gate also was defended by two towers,
+projecting from the rear of the wall towards the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>For the sake of security against surprise the posterns were
+few in number, and occurred chiefly in the great wall and its
+towers, leading to the peribolos. It is rare to find a postern in
+a tower of the Outer Wall opening on the parateichion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Proceeding northwards from the Sea of Marmora, there is a
+postern immediately to the north of the first tower of the Inner
+Wall. It is an arched entrance, with the laureated monogram
+“ΧΡ.” inscribed above it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The handsome gateway between the seventh and eighth
+towers north of the Sea of Marmora, Yedi Koulè Kapoussi, is
+the triumphal gate known, from the gilding upon it, as the Porta
+Aurea. Its identity cannot be questioned, for the site and
+aspect of the entrance correspond exactly to the description
+given of the Golden Gate by Byzantine historians and other
+authorities.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp060'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp060.jpg' alt='Plan of the Golden Gate.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Plan of the Golden Gate</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is, what the Porta Aurea was, the gateway nearest the Sea
+of Marmora,<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c009'><sup>[211]</sup></a> and at the southern extremity of the Theodosian
+Walls,<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c009'><sup>[212]</sup></a> constructed of marble, and flanked by two great marble
+towers.<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c009'><sup>[213]</sup></a> Beside its outer portal, moreover, were found the bas-reliefs
+which adorned the Golden Gate, and upon it traces of an
+inscription which expressly named it the Porta Aurea are still
+visible. The inscription read as follows:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>HAEC LOCA THEVDOSIVS DECORAT POST FATA TYRANNI.</div>
+      <div class='line'>AVREA SAECLA GERIT QVI PORTAM CONSTRVIT AVRO.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The history of our knowledge of this inscription is curious.
+There is no mention made of the legend by any writer before
+1453, unless Radulphus de Diceto alludes to it when he
+states that in 1189 an old resident of the city pointed a Templar
+to certain words upon the Golden Gate, foretelling the capture
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>of Constantinople by the Crusaders.<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c009'><sup>[214]</sup></a> And of all the visitors
+to the city since the Turkish Conquest, Dallaway is the only
+one who speaks of having seen the inscription in its place.<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c009'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The inscription is cited first by Sirmondi<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c009'><sup>[216]</sup></a> and Du Cange,<a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c009'><sup>[217]</sup></a>
+the former of whom quotes it in his annotations upon Sidonius
+Apollonius, as furnishing a parallel to that poet’s mode of spelling
+the name Theodosius with a <i>v</i> instead of an <i>o</i> for the sake of
+the metre. How Sirmondi and Du Cange, neither of whom
+ever visited Constantinople, became acquainted with the inscription
+does not appear.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Matters remained in this position until 1891, when the attention
+of Professor J. Strzygowski<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c009'><sup>[218]</sup></a> was arrested by certain holes
+in the voussoirs of the central archway, both on its western and
+eastern faces. The holes are such as are found on stones to
+which metal letters are riveted with bolts.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, then, was conclusive evidence that the Porta Aurea
+had once borne an inscription, and here, Professor Strzygowski
+divined, was also the means by which the genuineness of the
+legend given by Sirmondi and Du Cange could be verified.
+Accordingly, a comparison between the arrangement of the holes
+on the arch and the forms of the letters in the legend was
+instituted. As several of the original voussoirs of the arch had
+been removed and replaced by others without holes in them,
+the comparison could not be complete; but so far as it was
+possible to proceed the correspondence was all that could be
+desired. Where H, for example, occurred in the inscription, the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>holes on the archway are arranged thus, ::; where an A stood,
+the holes are placed thus, ∴; where V came, their position is ∵;
+and so on, to an extent which verifies the inscription beyond
+dispute. Thus, also, it has been ascertained that the letters were
+of metal, probably gilt bronze, and that the words “Haec loca
+Thevdosivs decorat post fata Tyranni” stood on the western face
+of the arch, while the words “Avrea saecla gerit qvi portam
+constrvit avro” were found on the opposite side.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The preservation of the inscription is a matter of very great
+importance, for it furnishes valuable and interesting information
+as to the circumstances under which the Porta Aurea was
+erected. From the fact that the entrance is found in the
+Theodosian Walls it is natural to infer that the Porta Aurea
+was a contemporaneous building, and that the emperor extolled
+in the inscription is Theodosius II. But that inference is precluded
+by the statement that the arch was set up after the suppression
+of a usurper, <i>post fata tyranni</i>. For Theodosius II.
+was not called to suppress the usurpation of his imperial
+authority at any time during his reign, much less in 413, when
+the Wall of Anthemius, in which the Porta Aurea stands, was
+built. On the other hand, Theodosius the Great crushed two
+serious attempts to dispute his rule, first in 388, when he
+defeated Maximus, and again in 395, when he put down the
+rebellion of Eugenius. Hence, as Du Cange first pointed out,
+the Porta Aurea is a monument erected in the reign of Theodosius
+the Great, in honour of his victory over one of the
+rebels above mentioned. It could not, however, have been designed
+to commemorate the defeat of Eugenius, seeing that
+Theodosius never returned to Constantinople after that event,
+and died four months later in the city of Milan. It must,
+therefore, have been reared in honour of the victory over
+Maximus, a success which the conqueror regarded with feelings
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>of peculiar satisfaction and pride, celebrating it by one triumphal
+entry into Rome, in the spring of 389, and by another into Constantinople,
+when he returned to the eastern capital in 391.<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c009'><sup>[219]</sup></a>
+Accordingly, the Porta Aurea was originally an Arch of Triumph,
+erected some time between 388 and 391, to welcome Theodosius
+the Great upon his return from his successful expedition against
+the formidable rebellion of Maximus in the West. It united
+with the Column of Theodosius in the Forum of Taurus, and
+the Column of Arcadius in the Forum on the Xerolophus, and
+the Obelisk in the Hippodrome,<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c009'><sup>[220]</sup></a> in perpetuating the memory
+of the great emperor’s warlike achievements.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In corroboration of the date thus assigned to the monument,
+it may be added that the only Imperial statue placed over the
+Porta Aurea was that of Theodosius the Great, while the group
+of elephants which formed one of the ornaments of the gate was
+supposed to represent the elephants attached to the car of that
+emperor on the occasion of his triumphal entry into the city.<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c009'><sup>[221]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is, however, an objection to this view concerning the
+age of the Porta Aurea, which, whatever its force, should not be
+overlooked in a full discussion of the subject. The inscription
+describes the monument as a gateway, “Qui portam construit
+auro.”<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c009'><sup>[222]</sup></a> But such a designation does not seem consistent with
+the fact that we have here a building which belongs to the age
+of Theodosius the Great, when the city walls in which the arch
+stands did not exist, as they are the work of his grandson.
+How could an isolated arch be, then, styled a gateway? Can
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>the difficulty be removed by any other instance of a similar
+use of the term “Porta”? Or is the employment of the term in
+the case before us explained by the supposition that in the
+reign of Theodosius the Great the city had spread beyond
+the Constantinian Wall, and reached the line marked by the
+Porta Aurea, so that an arch at that point was practically an
+entrance into the city? May not that suburban district have
+been protected by some slight fortified works? Or was the
+Porta Aurea so named in anticipation of the fulfilment of the
+prediction of Themistius, that the growth of the city under Theodosius
+the Great would ere long necessitate the erection of new
+walls?<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c009'><sup>[223]</sup></a> Was it built in that emperor’s reign to indicate to a
+succeeding generation the line along which the new bulwarks of
+the capital should be built?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Porta Aurea was the State Entrance into the capital,<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c009'><sup>[224]</sup></a>
+and was remarkable both for its architectural splendour and its
+military strength. It was built of large squared blocks of
+polished marble, fitted together without cement, and was flanked
+by two great towers constructed of the same material. Like the
+Triumphal Arch of Severus and that of Constantine at Rome, it
+had three archways, the central one being wider and loftier than
+those on either side.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gates glittered with gold,<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c009'><sup>[225]</sup></a> and numerous statues
+and other sculptured ornaments were placed at suitable points.<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c009'><sup>[226]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp064'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp064-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp064.jpg' alt='The Golden Gate (Inner).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Golden Gate (Inner).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of these embellishments the following are mentioned: a
+cross, which was blown down by a hurricane in the reign of
+Justinian;<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c009'><sup>[227]</sup></a> a Victory, which fell in an earthquake in the reign
+of Michael III.;<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c009'><sup>[228]</sup></a> a crowned female figure, representing the
+Fortune of the city;<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c009'><sup>[229]</sup></a> a statue of Theodosius the Great,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>overthrown by the earthquake at the close of the reign of Leo
+the Isaurian;<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c009'><sup>[230]</sup></a> a bronze group of four elephants;<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c009'><sup>[231]</sup></a> the gates of
+Mompseuesta, gilded and placed here by Nicephorus Phocas,
+as a trophy of his campaign in Cilicia.<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c009'><sup>[232]</sup></a> At the south-western
+angle of the northern tower the Roman eagle still spreads
+its wings; the laureated monogram “ΧΡ” appears above the
+central archway on the city side of the gateway; and several
+crosses are scattered over the building.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In later days, when taste had altered, the scene of the Crucifixion
+was painted within one of the lateral archways, while the
+Scene of the Final Judgment was represented in the other.<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c009'><sup>[233]</sup></a>
+Traces of frescoes are visible on the inner walls of the southern
+archway, and suggest the possibility of its having been used as
+a chapel.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The whole aspect of the gateway must have been more
+imposing when the parapet on the towers and on the wall over
+the arches was intact, and gave the building its full elevation.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two columns crowned with graceful capitals adorned the
+outer gateway, while the wall north and south was decorated
+with twelve bas-reliefs, executed with considerable skill, and
+representing classical subjects. Remains of the marble cornices
+and of the pilasters which framed the bas-reliefs are still found
+in the wall, and from the descriptions of the slabs given by
+Manuel Chrysolaras, Gyllius, Sir Thomas Roe, and others, a fair
+idea of the nature of the subjects treated can be formed.<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c009'><sup>[234]</sup></a> Six
+bas-reliefs were placed on either side of the entrance, grouped
+in triplets, one above another, each panel being supported by
+pilasters, round or rectangular.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>On the northern slabs the subjects pourtrayed were: Prometheus
+tortured; a youth pursuing a horse, and trying to pull off
+its rider; a satyr, between a woman with a vessel of water behind
+her, and a savage man, or Hercules, holding a whip; Labours of
+Hercules (on three slabs).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The bas-reliefs to the south were of superior workmanship,
+and represented: Endymion asleep, a shepherd’s lute in his
+hand, with Selene and Cupid descending towards him; Hercules
+leading dogs; two peasants carrying grapes; Pegasus and three
+female figures, one of them attempting to hold him back; the
+fall of Phaëthon; Hercules and a stag.<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c009'><sup>[235]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>As the Porta Triumphalis of Constantinople, the Golden
+Gate was the scene of many historical events and imposing
+ceremonies.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So long as the inauguration of an emperor upon his accession
+to the throne was celebrated at the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), it
+was through the Golden Gate that a new sovereign entered his
+capital on the way to the Imperial Palace beside St. Sophia.
+Marcian (450),<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c009'><sup>[236]</sup></a> Leo I. (457),<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c009'><sup>[237]</sup></a> Basiliscus (476),<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c009'><sup>[238]</sup></a> Phocas (602),<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c009'><sup>[239]</sup></a>
+Leo the Armenian (813),<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c009'><sup>[240]</sup></a> and Nicephorus Phocas (963),<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c009'><sup>[241]</sup></a> were
+welcomed as emperors by the city authorities at this portal.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Distinguished visitors to the Byzantine Court, also, were
+sometimes allowed to enter the city by this gate, as a mark of
+special honour. The Legates of Pope Hormisdas were met here
+upon their arrival on a mission to Justin I.:<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c009'><sup>[242]</sup></a> here, in 708, Pope
+Constantine was received with great ceremony, when he came to
+confer with Justinian II.:<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c009'><sup>[243]</sup></a> and here, in the reign of Basil II.,
+the Legates of Pope Hadrian II. were admitted.<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c009'><sup>[244]</sup></a> Under
+Romanus Lecapenus, the procession which bore through the city
+to St. Sophia the Icon of Christ, brought from Edessa, entered
+at the Porta Aurea.<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c009'><sup>[245]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was, however, on the return of an emperor to the city
+after a victorious campaign that the Porta Aurea fulfilled its
+highest purpose, and presented a brilliant spectacle of life and
+splendour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Through this triumphal arch came Theodosius the Great,
+after his defeat of Maximus;<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c009'><sup>[246]</sup></a> by it Heraclius entered the capital
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>to celebrate the success of his Persian expeditions;<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c009'><sup>[247]</sup></a> through it
+passed Constantine Copronymus, after the defeat of the Bulgarians;<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c009'><sup>[248]</sup></a>
+Theophilus, on two occasions, after the repulse of the
+Saracens;<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c009'><sup>[249]</sup></a> Basil I., after his successes at Tephrice and Germanicia;<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c009'><sup>[250]</sup></a>
+Zimisces, after his victories over the Russians under
+Swiatoslaf;<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c009'><sup>[251]</sup></a> Basil II., after the slaughter of the Bulgarians;<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c009'><sup>[252]</sup></a>
+and, for the last time, Michael Palæologus, upon the restoration
+of the Greek Empire in 1261.<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c009'><sup>[253]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It would seem that, in accordance with old Roman custom,
+victorious generals, below Imperial rank, were not allowed to
+enter the city in triumph through this gate. Belisarius,<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c009'><sup>[254]</sup></a>
+Maurice,<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c009'><sup>[255]</sup></a> Nicephorus Phocas, before he became emperor,<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c009'><sup>[256]</sup></a> and
+Leo his brother,<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c009'><sup>[257]</sup></a> celebrated their respective triumphs over the
+Vandals, Persians and Saracens, in the Hippodrome and the
+great street of the city.<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c009'><sup>[258]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp068'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp068-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp068.jpg' alt='The Golden Gate (Outer).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Golden Gate (Outer).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>An Imperial triumphal procession<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c009'><sup>[259]</sup></a> was marshalled on the
+plain in front of the Golden Gate,<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c009'><sup>[260]</sup></a> and awaited there the arrival
+of the emperor, either from the Hebdomon or from the Palace of
+Blachernæ. The principal captives, divided into several
+companies, and guarded by bands of soldiers, led the march.
+Next followed the standards and weapons and other spoils of
+war. Then, seated on a magnificent white charger, came the
+emperor himself, arrayed in robes embroidered with gold and
+pearls, his crown on his head, his sceptre in his right hand, his
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>victorious sword by his side. Close to him rode his son, or the
+Cæsar of the day, another resplendent figure of light, also on a
+white horse. Upon reaching the gate the victor might, like
+Theophilus, dismount for a few moments, and falling thrice upon
+his face, humbly acknowledge the Divine aid to which he owed
+the triumph of his arms. At length the Imperial <i>cortège</i> passed
+through the great archway. The civic authorities came forward
+and did homage, offering the conqueror a crown of gold and a
+laurel wreath, and accepting from him a rich largess in return;
+the Factions rent the air with shouts—“Glory to God, who restores
+our sovereigns to us, crowned with victory! Glory to God, who
+has magnified you, Emperors of the Romans! Glory to Thee,
+All-Holy Trinity, for we behold our Emperors victorious! Welcome,
+Victors, most valiant sovereigns!”<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c009'><sup>[261]</sup></a> And then the glittering
+procession wended its way to the Great Palace, through the
+dense crowds that packed the Mesè and the principal Fora of
+the city, all gay with banners, flowers, and evergreens.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Sometimes the emperor, as in the case of Heraclius,<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c009'><sup>[262]</sup></a> rode in a
+chariot instead of on horseback; or the occupant of the triumphal
+car might be, as on the occasion of the triumph of Zimisces, the
+Icon of the Virgin.<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c009'><sup>[263]</sup></a> Michael Palæologus entered the city on
+foot, walking as far as the Church of St. John Studius before he
+mounted his horse.<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c009'><sup>[264]</sup></a> On the occasion of the second triumph of
+Theophilus, the beautiful custom was introduced of making
+children take part in the ceremonial with wreaths of flowers.<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c009'><sup>[265]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But besides serving as a State entrance into the city,
+the Porta Aurea was one of the strongest positions in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>fortifications.<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c009'><sup>[266]</sup></a> The four towers at its gateways, the deep moat
+in front, and the transverse walls across the peribolos on either
+hand, guarding approach from that direction, constituted a
+veritable citadel. Cantacuzene repaired it, and speaks of it as an
+almost impregnable acropolis, capable of being provisioned for
+three years, and strong enough to defy the whole city in time
+of civil strife.<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c009'><sup>[267]</sup></a> Hence the great difficulty he found in persuading
+the Latin garrison which held it on his behalf, in 1354, to
+surrender the place to his rival John VI. Palæologus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Golden Gate, therefore, figures also in the military annals
+of Constantinople. In the reign of Anastasius I. it was the
+object of special attack by Vitalianus at the head of his Huns
+and Bulgarians.<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c009'><sup>[268]</sup></a> Repeated attempts were made upon it by the
+Saracens in the siege of 673-675.<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c009'><sup>[269]</sup></a> Crum stood before it in the
+reign of Leo the Armenian, and there he invoked the aid of his
+gods against the city, by offering human sacrifices and by the
+lustration of his army with sea-water in which he had bathed
+his feet.<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c009'><sup>[270]</sup></a> His demand to plant his spear in the gate put an
+end to the negotiations for peace. In 913 the Bulgarians, under
+their king Simeon, were again arrayed before the entrance.<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c009'><sup>[271]</sup></a>
+Here, also, in 1347, John Cantacuzene was admitted by his
+partisans.<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c009'><sup>[272]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>John Palæologus, upon receiving the surrender of the gate
+foolishly dismantled the towers, lest they should be turned
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>against him, in the fickle political fortunes of the day.<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c009'><sup>[273]</sup></a> He did
+not, however, carry the work of destruction so far as to be
+unable to use the position as an “acropolis” when besieged, in
+1376, by his rebellious son, Andronicus.<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c009'><sup>[274]</sup></a> Later, when Sultan
+Bajazet threatened the city, an attempt was made to restore the
+towers, and even to increase the strength of this point in the
+fortifications.<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c009'><sup>[275]</sup></a> With materials taken from the churches of All
+Saints, the Forty Martyrs, and St. Mokius, the towers were
+rebuilt, and a fortress extending to the sea was erected within
+the city walls, similar to the Castle of the Seven Towers constructed
+afterwards by Mehemet the Conqueror, in 1457. Upon
+hearing of this action, Bajazet sent peremptory orders to John
+Palæologus to pull down the new fortifications, and compelled
+obedience by threatening to put out the eyes of Manuel, the heir
+to the throne, at that time a hostage at Brousa. The humiliation
+affected the emperor, then seriously ill, so keenly as to hasten his
+death. Subsequently, however, probably after the defeat of
+Bajazet by Tamerlane at Angora, the defences at the Golden
+Gate were restored; for the Russian pilgrim who was in Constantinople
+between 1435 and 1453 speaks of visiting the Castle of
+the Emperor Kalo Jean.<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c009'><sup>[276]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1390, Manuel II., with a small body of troops, entered
+the city by this gate and drove away his nephew John, who had
+usurped the throne.<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c009'><sup>[277]</sup></a> During the siege of 1453 the gate was
+defended by Manuel of Liguria with 200 men, and before it
+the Sultan planted a cannon and other engines of assault.<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c009'><sup>[278]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between the second and third towers to the north of the
+Golden Gate is an entrance known at present, like the Porta
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>Aurea, also by the name Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. Dr. Paspates
+thinks it is of Turkish origin.<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c009'><sup>[279]</sup></a> It has certainly undergone repair
+in Turkish times, as an inscription upon it in honour of Sultan
+Achmet III. testifies; but traces of Byzantine workmanship about
+the gate prove that it belongs to the period of the Empire;<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c009'><sup>[280]</sup></a> and
+this conclusion is supported by the consideration that, since the
+Porta Aurea was a State entrance, another gate was required in
+its immediate neighbourhood for the use of the public in this
+quarter of the capital. Hence the proximity of the two gateways.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Regarding the name of the entrance opinions differ. Some
+authorities regard the gate as the Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου), the
+Gate of Rhegium,<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c009'><sup>[281]</sup></a> mentioned in the Greek Anthology.<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c009'><sup>[282]</sup></a> But
+this identification cannot be maintained, for the Porta Rhegiou
+was one of two entrances which bore an inscription in honour
+of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, and both those
+entrances, as will appear in the sequel, stood elsewhere in the line
+of the fortifications.<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c009'><sup>[283]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp072'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp072-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp072.jpg' alt='Yedi Koulè Kapoussi.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. (By kind permission of Phenè Spiers, Esq., F.S.A.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gate went, probably, by the designation of the Golden
+Gate,<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c009'><sup>[284]</sup></a> near which it stands, just as it now bears the name given
+to the latter entrance since the Turkish Conquest. A common
+name for gates so near each other was perfectly natural; and on
+this view certain incidents in the history of the Golden Gate
+become more intelligible. For instance: when Basil, the founder
+of the Macedonian dynasty, reached Constantinople in his early
+youth, a homeless adventurer in search of fortune, it is related that
+he entered the city about sunset through the Golden Gate, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>laid himself down to sleep on the steps of the adjoining Monastery
+of St. Diomed.<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c009'><sup>[285]</sup></a> If the only Golden Gate were the Porta Aurea
+strictly so called, it is difficult to understand how the poor wayfarer
+was admitted by an entrance reserved for the emperor’s
+use; whereas the matter becomes clear if that name designated
+also an adjoining public gate. Again, when the historian
+Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c009'><sup>[286]</sup></a> accompanied by his family and some friends,
+left the city five days after its capture by the Crusaders in 1204,
+he made his way out, according to his own statement, by the
+Golden Gate. In this case also, it does not seem probable that
+the captors of the city would have allowed a gate of such military
+importance as the Porta Aurea to be freely used by a company
+of fugitives. The escape appears more feasible if the Golden
+Gate to which Nicetas refers was the humbler entrance in the
+neighbourhood of the Porta Aurea.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>
+  <h2 id='chap05' class='c006'>CHAPTER V. <br /> THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—<i>continued</i>.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The entrance between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers to
+the north of the Golden Gate was the Second Military Gate,
+τοῦ Δευτέρου.<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c009'><sup>[287]</sup></a> Its identity is established by its position in the
+order of the gates; for between it and the Fifth Military Gate,
+regarding the situation of which there can be no doubt,<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c009'><sup>[288]</sup></a> two
+military gates intervene. It must therefore be itself the second
+of that series of entrances.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Hence, it follows that the quarter of the city known as the
+Deuteron (τὸ Δεύτερον) was the district to the rear of this gate.
+This fact can be proved also independently by the following
+indications. The district in question was without the Walls of
+Constantine;<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c009'><sup>[289]</sup></a> it lay to the west of the Exokionion, the Palaia
+Porta, and the Cistern of Mokius;<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c009'><sup>[290]</sup></a> it was, on the one hand,
+near the last street of the city,<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c009'><sup>[291]</sup></a> the street leading to the Golden
+Gate, and, on the other, contained the Gate Melantiados,<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c009'><sup>[292]</sup></a> now
+Selivri Kapoussi.<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c009'><sup>[293]</sup></a> Consequently, it was the district behind the
+portion of the walls in which the gate before us is situated. This
+in turn supports the identification of the gate as that of the
+Deuteron. It is the finest and largest of the military gates, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>may sometimes have served as a public gate in the period of
+the Empire, as it has since.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the churches in the Deuteron quarter, the most noted
+were the Church of the SS. Notarii, attributed to Chrysostom,<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c009'><sup>[294]</sup></a>
+and the Church of St. Anna, a foundation of Justinian the
+Great.<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c009'><sup>[295]</sup></a> Others of less importance were dedicated respectively
+to St. Timothy,<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c009'><sup>[296]</sup></a> St. George,<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c009'><sup>[297]</sup></a> St. Theodore,<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c009'><sup>[298]</sup></a> and St. Paul the
+Patriarch.<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c009'><sup>[299]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next public entrance (Selivri Kapoussi) is situated
+between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the
+Gate of the Deuteron. Its present name appears shortly before
+the Turkish Conquest (πύλη τῆς Σηλυβρίας),<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c009'><sup>[300]</sup></a> and alludes to the
+fact that the entrance is at the head of the road to Selivria; but
+its earlier and more usual designation was the Gate of the Pegè,
+<i>i.e.</i> the Spring (Πύλη τῆς Πηγῆς),<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c009'><sup>[301]</sup></a> because it led to the celebrated
+Holy Spring (now Baloukli), about half a mile to the
+west. This name for the entrance is found in the inscription
+placed on the back of the southern gateway tower, in commemoration
+of repairs made in the year 1433 or 1438.<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c009'><sup>[302]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gate possessed considerable importance owing to its
+proximity to the Holy Spring,<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c009'><sup>[303]</sup></a> which, with its healing waters
+and shrines, its cypress groves, meadows, and delightful air,
+formed one of the most popular resorts in the neighbourhood of
+the city.<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c009'><sup>[304]</sup></a> There the emperors had a palace and hunting park,
+to which they often retired for recreation, especially in the
+spring of the year. On the Festival of the Ascension the
+emperor visited the “Life-giving Pegè” in state, sometimes
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>riding thither through the city, at other times proceeding in his
+barge as far as the Marmora extremity of the walls, and then
+mounting horse for the rest of the way.<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c009'><sup>[305]</sup></a> But in either case, the
+Imperial <i>cortége</i> came up to this gate, and was received there by
+the body of household troops called the Numeri. It was on
+returning from such a visit to the Pegè that the Emperor
+Nicephorus Phocas was mobbed and stoned, as he rode
+from the Forum of Constantine to the Great Palace beside the
+Hippodrome.<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c009'><sup>[306]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gate is memorable in history as the entrance through
+which, in 1261, Alexius Strategopoulos, the general of Michael
+Palæologus, penetrated into the city,<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c009'><sup>[307]</sup></a> and brought the ill-starred
+Latin Empire of Constantinople to an end. For greater
+security the Latins had built up the entrance; but a band of
+the assailants, aided by friends within the fortifications, climbed
+over the walls, killed the drowsy guards, broke down the barricade,
+and flung the gates open for the restoration of the
+Greek power. By this gate, in 1376, Andronicus entered, after
+besieging the city for thirty-two days, and usurped the throne of
+his father, John VI. Palæologus.<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c009'><sup>[308]</sup></a> In the siege of 1422 Sultan
+Murad pitched his tent within the grounds of the Church of the
+Pegè;<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c009'><sup>[309]</sup></a> while during the siege of 1453 a battery of three guns
+played against the walls in the vicinity of this entrance.<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c009'><sup>[310]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is reason to think that the gate styled Porta Melantiados
+(Μελαντιάδος)<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c009'><sup>[311]</sup></a> and Pylè Melandesia (Μελανδησία),<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c009'><sup>[312]</sup></a>
+should be identified with the Gate of the Pegè. Hitherto, indeed,
+the Porta Melantiados has been identified with the next public
+gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi;<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c009'><sup>[313]</sup></a> but that view runs counter
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>to the fact that the Porta Melantiados stood in the Deuteron,<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c009'><sup>[314]</sup></a>
+whereas the next public gate was, we shall find, in the quarter
+of the city called, after the Third Military Gate, the Triton (τὸ
+Τρίτον).<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c009'><sup>[315]</sup></a> Unless, therefore, the Porta Melantiados is identified
+with the Gate of the Pegè, it cannot be identified with any
+other entrance in the Theodosian Walls.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp076'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp076-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp076.jpg' alt='The Gate of the Pegè.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Gate of the Pegè.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the Gate of the Pegè had originally another name is
+certain, since the Holy Spring did not come into repute until
+the reign of Leo I.,<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c009'><sup>[316]</sup></a> nearly half a century after the erection of
+the Wall of Anthemius. And no other name could have been
+so appropriate as the Porta Melantiados, for the road issuing
+from the gate led to Melantiada, a town near the Athyras<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c009'><sup>[317]</sup></a>
+(Buyuk Tchekmedjè) on the road to Selivria. The town is
+mentioned in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus as
+Melantrada and Melanciada, at the distance of nineteen miles
+from Byzantium; and there on different occasions the Huns,
+the Goths,<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c009'><sup>[318]</sup></a> and the Avars<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c009'><sup>[319]</sup></a> halted on their march towards
+Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At the gate Porta Melantiados, Chrysaphius, the minister
+and evil genius of Theodosius II., was killed in 450 by the son
+of John the Vandal, in revenge for the execution of the latter.<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c009'><sup>[320]</sup></a>
+It has been suggested that the Mosque of Khadin Ibrahim
+Pasha within the gate stands on the site of the Church of St.
+Anna in the Deuteron.<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c009'><sup>[321]</sup></a> It may, however, mark the site of the
+Church of the SS. Notarii, which stood near the Porta
+Melantiados.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Third Military Gate is but a short distance from the
+Gate of the Pegè, being situated between the fourth and fifth
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>towers to the north. To the rear of the entrance was the quarter
+called the Triton (τὸ Τρίτον),<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c009'><sup>[322]</sup></a> and, more commonly, the Sigma
+(Σίγμα);<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c009'><sup>[323]</sup></a> the latter designation being derived, probably, from
+the curve in the line of the walls immediately beyond the gate.
+What precisely was the object of the curve is not apparent.
+One authority explains it as intended for the accommodation of
+the courtiers and troops that assembled here on the occasion of
+an Imperial visit to the Pegè.<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c009'><sup>[324]</sup></a> But the Theodosian Walls were
+built before the Pegè came into repute;<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c009'><sup>[325]</sup></a> and the visits of the
+emperors to the Holy Spring were not so frequent or so
+important as to affect the construction of the walls in such a
+manner.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the quarter of the Sigma stood a column, bearing the
+statue of Theodosius II., erected by Chrysaphius.<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c009'><sup>[326]</sup></a> And
+there, in the riot of 1042, the Emperor Michael Calaphates
+and his uncle Constantine were blinded, having been dragged
+thither from the Monastery of Studius, where they had sought
+sanctuary.<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c009'><sup>[327]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The most noted churches in the quarter were dedicated
+respectively to the Theotokos,<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c009'><sup>[328]</sup></a> St. Stephen, and St. Isaacius.<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c009'><sup>[329]</sup></a>
+The site of the first is, in the opinion of Dr. Paspates, marked
+by the remains of an old Byzantine cistern off the street leading
+from the Guard-house of Alti Mermer to the Mosque of Yol
+Getchen.<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c009'><sup>[330]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp078'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp078-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp078.jpg' alt='The Gate of Rhegium.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Gate of Rhegium.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, situated
+between the tenth and eleventh towers north of the Third
+Military Gate, was known by two names, Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου),<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c009'><sup>[331]</sup></a>
+the Gate of Rhegium, and Porta Rhousiou (τοῦ Ῥουσίου),<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c009'><sup>[332]</sup></a> the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>Gate of the Red Faction. That it bore the former name is
+established by the fact that the inscription in honour of Theodosius
+II. and the Prefect Constantine, which was placed, according
+to the Anthology, on the Gate of Rhegium, is actually found
+on the lintel of this entrance.<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c009'><sup>[333]</sup></a> The name alluded to Rhegium
+(Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), a town twelve miles distant, upon the
+Sea of Marmora, whither the road leading westward conducted.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The title of the gate to the second name rests partly upon
+the consideration that the name cannot be claimed for any other
+entrance in the walls, and partly upon the fact that two circumstances
+connected with the gate can thus be satisfactorily explained.
+In the first place, the seven shafts employed to form the
+lintel, posts, and sill of the gateway are covered with red wash,
+as though to mark the entrance with the colour of the Red
+Faction. Secondly, on the northern face of the southern gateway-tower
+is an inscription, unfortunately mutilated, such as
+the Factions placed upon a structure in the erection of which
+they were concerned. The legend as preserved reads thus:
+“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Emperor
+triumphs....”</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΦΥΛΑΚΤΟΥ ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>†   †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The missing words with which the inscription closed were at
+some date intentionally effaced, but analogy makes it exceedingly
+probable that they were ΚΑΙ ΡΟΥΣΙΩΝ, “and of the Reds.”<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c009'><sup>[334]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The number of inscriptions about this entrance is remarkable,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>five being on the gateway itself, and two on its southern tower.
+Of the former those commemorating the erection of the Theodosian
+fortifications in 447 are of special importance and
+interest;<a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c009'><sup>[335]</sup></a> another records the repair of the Outer Wall under
+Justin II. and his Empress Sophia.<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c009'><sup>[336]</sup></a> Indistinct traces of the
+fourth are visible on the southern side of the gateway;
+while the fifth, too fragmentary to yield a meaning, is on the
+tympanum, arranged on either side of a niche for Icons,<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c009'><sup>[337]</sup></a>
+for the gates of the city were, as a rule, placed under the ward of
+some heavenly guardian. This gate was closed with a portcullis.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Fourth Military Gate stood between the ninth and tenth
+towers to the north of the Porta Rhousiou. The northern
+corbel of the outer gateway is an inscribed stone brought from
+some other building erected by a certain Georgius.<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c009'><sup>[338]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp080'  class='figcenter id006'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp080-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp080.jpg' alt='The Gate of St. Romanus.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Gate of St. Romanus.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div id='fig_fp080a'  class='figcenter id006'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp080a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp080a.jpg' alt='The Gate of Charisius.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Gate of Charisius.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Top Kapoussi, between the sixth and seventh towers north of
+the Fourth Military Gate, is the Gate of St. Romanus (πόρτα τοῦ
+Ἁγίου Ρωμάνου)<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c009'><sup>[339]</sup></a> so named after an adjoining church of that
+dedication. Its identity may be established in the following
+manner: According to Cananus,<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c009'><sup>[340]</sup></a> the Gate of St. Romanus and
+the Gate of Charisius stood on opposite sides of the Lycus. The
+Gate of St. Romanus, therefore, must have been either Top
+Kapoussi, on the southern side of that stream, or one of the two
+gates on the stream’s northern bank, viz. the walled-up entrance
+at the foot of that bank, or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit.
+That it was the gate on the southern side of the Lycus is clear,
+from the statements of Critobulus and Phrantzes,<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c009'><sup>[341]</sup></a> that in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>siege of 1453 the Turkish troops which invested the walls
+extending from the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) to the
+Golden Horn were on the Sultan’s <i>left</i>, <i>i.e.</i> to the north of the
+position he occupied. But the tent of the Sultan was opposite
+the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c009'><sup>[342]</sup></a> Hence, the Gate of Charisius was
+one of the gates to the north of the Lycus, and, consequently,
+the Gate of St. Romanus stood at Top Kapoussi, to the south.
+In harmony with this conclusion is the order in which the two
+gates are mentioned by Pusculus and Dolfin when describing the
+positions occupied by the defenders of the walls from the Sea of
+Marmora to the Golden Horn. Proceeding from south to north
+in their account of the defence, these writers place the Gate of
+St. Romanus before, <i>i.e.</i> to the south of, the Gate of Charisius.<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c009'><sup>[343]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Church of St. Romanus must have been a very old
+foundation, for it is ascribed to the Empress Helena. It claimed
+to possess the relics of the prophet Daniel and of St. Nicetas.<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c009'><sup>[344]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The entrance between the second and third towers north of
+the Lycus, or between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north
+of the Gate of St. Romanus, is the Fifth Military Gate, the Gate
+of the Pempton (τοῦ Πέμπτου).<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c009'><sup>[345]</sup></a> It is identified by the fact that
+it occupies the position which the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i> assigns to
+the Gate of the Pempton; namely, between the Gate of St.
+Romanus and the Gate of the Polyandrion—one of the names,
+as we shall find,<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c009'><sup>[346]</sup></a> of Edirnè Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Some authorities<a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c009'><sup>[347]</sup></a> have maintained, indeed, that this entrance
+was the Gate of Charisius. But this opinion is refuted by the
+fact that the Gate of Charisius, as its whole history proves, was
+not a military gate, but one of the public gates of the city.<a id='r348' /><a href='#f348' class='c009'><sup>[348]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>Furthermore, the author of the <i>Metrical Chronicle</i> and Cananus
+expressly distinguish the Gate of Charisius from the gate situated
+beside the Lycus.<a id='r349' /><a href='#f349' class='c009'><sup>[349]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the rear of the entrance was the district of the Pempton,
+containing the Church of St. Kyriakè and the meadow through
+which the Lycus flows to the Sea of Marmora. The meadow
+appears to have been a popular resort before the Theodosian
+Walls were built, if not also subsequently. Here, about the time
+of Easter, 404, the Emperor Arcadius came to take exercise on
+horseback, and here he found three thousand white-robed catechumens
+assembled. They proved to be persons who had
+recently been baptized by Chrysostom, in the Thermæ Constantianæ,
+near the Church of the Holy Apostles, notwithstanding
+his deposition on account of his quarrel with the Empress
+Eudoxia. Arcadius was extremely annoyed by the encounter,
+and ordered his guards to drive the crowd off the ground.<a id='r350' /><a href='#f350' class='c009'><sup>[350]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>While riding down one of the slopes of the Lycus valley, in
+450, Theodosius II. fell from his horse and sustained a spinal
+injury, which caused his death a few days later. The Gate of
+the Pempton was probably the entrance through which the dying
+emperor was carried on a litter from the scene of the accident
+into the city.<a id='r351' /><a href='#f351' class='c009'><sup>[351]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>The next public gate, Edirnè Kapoussi, between the eighth
+and ninth towers to the north of the Fifth Military Gate, was
+named the Gate of Charisius (τοῦ Χαρισίου). The name, which
+appears in a great variety of forms, occurs first in Peter
+Magister,<a id='r352' /><a href='#f352' class='c009'><sup>[352]</sup></a> a writer of Justinian’s reign, and was derived, according
+to the Anonymus, from Charisius, the head of the Blue
+Faction, when the Theodosian Walls were built.<a id='r353' /><a href='#f353' class='c009'><sup>[353]</sup></a> While some
+authorities, as already intimated, have attached this name to the
+Gate of the Pempton, others have supposed that it belonged to
+the entrance now known as Egri Kapou.<a id='r354' /><a href='#f354' class='c009'><sup>[354]</sup></a> This, as will be
+shown in the proper place, is likewise a mistake.<a id='r355' /><a href='#f355' class='c009'><sup>[355]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The grounds on which the Gate of Charisius must be identified
+with the Edirnè Kapoussi are these:<a id='r356' /><a href='#f356' class='c009'><sup>[356]</sup></a> From the statements
+of Cananus and Critobulus, already considered in determining
+the position of the Gate of St. Romanus,<a id='r357' /><a href='#f357' class='c009'><sup>[357]</sup></a> it is clear that the
+Gate of Charisius was one of the two gates on the northern
+bank of the Lycus; either the gate at the foot of that bank
+or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was not the
+former is clearly proved by the fact that Cananus and the
+<i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, as already cited, distinguished the Gate of
+Charisius from the entrance beside the Lycus. The Gate of
+Charisius was, therefore, Edirnè Kapoussi, the gate on the
+summit of the bank.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Again, the Gate of Charisius was, like Edirnè Kapoussi,
+at the head of the street leading to the Church of the Holy
+Apostles. This is evident from the circumstance that when
+Justinian the Great, returning to the city from the West, visited
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>on his way to the palace the tomb of the Empress Theodora at
+the Holy Apostles’, he entered the capital by the Gate of Charisius
+instead of by the Golden Gate,<a id='r358' /><a href='#f358' class='c009'><sup>[358]</sup></a> because the former entrance
+led directly to the Imperial Cemetery near that church.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To these arguments may be added the fact that near the
+Gate of Charisius was a Church of St. George,<a id='r359' /><a href='#f359' class='c009'><sup>[359]</sup></a> the guardian of
+the entrance, and that a Byzantine church dedicated to that saint
+stood immediately to the south-east of Edirnè Kapoussi as late
+as the year 1556, when it was appropriated by Sultan Suleiman
+for the construction of the Mosque of Mihrimah. At the same
+time the Greek community received by way of compensation a
+site for another church to the north-west of the gate, and there
+the present Church of St. George was built to preserve the
+traditions of other days.<a id='r360' /><a href='#f360' class='c009'><sup>[360]</sup></a> Lastly, like Edirnè Kapoussi, the
+Gate of Charisius stood at a point from which one could readily
+proceed to the Church of the Chora (Kahriyeh Djamissi), the
+Church of St. John in Petra (Bogdan Serai), and the Palace
+of Blachernæ.<a id='r361' /><a href='#f361' class='c009'><sup>[361]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another name for the Gate of Charisius was the Gate of
+the Polyandrion, or the Myriandron (Πόρτα τοῦ Πολυανδρίου,
+τοῦ Μυριάνδρου), the Gate of the Cemetery. This follows from
+the fact that whereas the respective names of the three gates
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>in the walls crossing the valley of the Lycus are usually given
+as the Gate of Charisius, Gate of the Pempton, the Gate of St.
+Romanus, we find the first name omitted in a passage of the
+<i>Paschal Chronicle</i> referring to those entrances, and the Gate of
+the Polyandrion mentioned instead.<a id='r362' /><a href='#f362' class='c009'><sup>[362]</sup></a> Evidently, the Gate of
+Charisius and the Gate of the Polyandrion were different names
+for the same gate.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The latter designation was peculiarly appropriate to an
+entrance on the direct road to the Imperial Cemetery. Probably
+a public cemetery stood also outside the gate, where a large
+Turkish cemetery is now situated, and that may have been
+another reason for the name of the gate.<a id='r363' /><a href='#f363' class='c009'><sup>[363]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the portion of the walls between the Gate of St.
+Romanus and the Gate of Charisius, memorable historical events
+are associated which cannot be passed over without some notice,
+however brief.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On account of its central position in the line of the land
+fortifications, this part of the walls was named the Mesoteichion
+(Μεσοτείχιον).<a id='r364' /><a href='#f364' class='c009'><sup>[364]</sup></a> It was also known as the Myriandrion,<a id='r365' /><a href='#f365' class='c009'><sup>[365]</sup></a> on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>account of its proximity to the Gate of Polyandrion; the
+portion to the south of the Lycus being further distinguished as
+the Murus Bacchatareus,<a id='r366' /><a href='#f366' class='c009'><sup>[366]</sup></a> after the Tower Baccaturea near the
+Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r367' /><a href='#f367' class='c009'><sup>[367]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp086'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp086-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp086.jpg' alt='View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Owing to the configuration of the ground traversed by the
+Mesoteichion, it was at this point that a besieging army generally
+delivered the chief attack. Here stood the gates opening upon
+the streets which commanded the hills of the city; here was
+the weakest part of the fortifications, the channel of the Lycus
+rendering a deep moat impossible, while the dip in the line of
+walls, as they descended and ascended the slopes of the valley,
+put the defenders below the level occupied by the besiegers.
+Here, then, for Constantinople was the “Valley of Decision”—here,
+in the armour of the city, the “heel of Achilles.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the siege of 626 by the Avars, the first siege which the
+Theodosian Walls sustained, the principal attack was made from
+twelve towers which the enemy built before the fortifications
+extending from the Gate of Charisius to the Gate of the Pempton,
+and thence to the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r368' /><a href='#f368' class='c009'><sup>[368]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon the Gate of Charisius attempts were made: by
+Justinian II. and his allies for the recovery of his throne
+in 705;<a id='r369' /><a href='#f369' class='c009'><sup>[369]</sup></a> by Alexius Branas against Isaac Angelus in 1185;<a id='r370' /><a href='#f370' class='c009'><sup>[370]</sup></a>
+by John Cantacuzene in 1345<a id='r371' /><a href='#f371' class='c009'><sup>[371]</sup></a> and through it the Comneni
+entered in 1081, by bribing the German guards (Nemitzi) at
+the gate, and wrested the sceptre from the hand of Nicephorus
+Botoniates.<a id='r372' /><a href='#f372' class='c009'><sup>[372]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1206, during the struggle in which the Latins, soon after
+their capture of the city, involved themselves with Joannicus,
+King of Bulgaria, a raid was made upon the Gate of St. Romanus
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>and the adjacent quarter by Bulgarian troops encamped near
+the capital.<a id='r373' /><a href='#f373' class='c009'><sup>[373]</sup></a> In 1328 the gate was opened to admit Andronicus
+III. by two partisans, who stupefied the guards with drink, and
+then assisted a company of his soldiers to scale the walls with
+rope ladders.<a id='r374' /><a href='#f374' class='c009'><sup>[374]</sup></a> In 1379 John VI. Palæologus and his son
+Manuel, after effecting their escape from the prison of Anemas,
+and making terms with Sultan Bajazet, entered the city by
+this gate, and obliged Andronicus IV. to retire from the throne
+he had usurped.<a id='r375' /><a href='#f375' class='c009'><sup>[375]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But it was in the sieges of the city by the Turks that this
+portion of the walls was attacked most fiercely, as well as
+defended with the greatest heroism. Here in 1422 Sultan
+Murad brought cannon to bear, for the first time, upon the
+fortifications of Constantinople. His fire was directed mainly at
+an old half-ruined tower beside the Lycus; but the new weapon
+of warfare was still too weak to break Byzantine masonry, and
+seventy balls struck the tower without producing the slightest
+effect.<a id='r376' /><a href='#f376' class='c009'><sup>[376]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453 this portion of the walls was assailed by
+Sultan Mehemet himself with the bravest of his troops and his
+heaviest artillery, his tent being pitched, as already stated, about
+half a mile to the west of the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r377' /><a href='#f377' class='c009'><sup>[377]</sup></a> At the
+Murus Bacchatareus fought the Emperor Constantine, with his
+400 Genoese allies, under the command of the brave Guistiniani,
+who had come to perform prodigies of valour “per benefitio de
+la Christiantade et per honor del mundo.” The three brothers,
+Paul, Antony, and Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, “with the
+courage of Horatius Cocles.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>As the struggle proceeded two towers of the Inner Wall
+and a large portion of the Outer Wall were battered to pieces
+by the Turkish cannon. The enemy also succeeded in filling
+the moat at this point with earth and stones, to secure an
+unobstructed roadway into the city whenever a breach was
+effected.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the other hand, Giustiniani repaired the breach in the
+Outer Wall by the erection of a palisade, covered in front with
+hides and strengthened on the rear by a rampart of stones,
+earth, branches, and herbage of every description, all welded
+together with mortar, and supported by an embankment of earth.
+Between this barricade and the Inner Wall he furthermore excavated
+a trench, to replace to some extent the moat which had
+been rendered useless; and to maintain his communications
+with the interior of the city he opened a postern in the great
+wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Against these extemporized defences assault after assault
+dashed in all its strength and fury, only to be hurled back
+and broken. Meanwhile, more and more of the Inner and
+Outer Walls fell under the Turkish fire, and the Sultan decided
+to make a general attack at daybreak on the 29th of May.
+The onset upon the Mesoteichion, directed by the Sultan in
+person, was, however, repeatedly repelled, and the day threatened
+to go against the assailants, when a Turkish missile struck
+Giustiniani and forced him to leave the field. His soldiers
+refused to continue the struggle, abandoned their post, and
+disheartened their Greek comrades. The Sultan, perceiving the
+change in the situation, roused his janissaries to make a supreme
+effort. They swept forward, carried the barricade, filled the
+trench behind it with corpses of the defenders, and passing
+over, poured into the doomed city through every available
+opening. Some made their way through the breach in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>great wall, others entered by the postern which Giustiniani had
+opened,<a id='r378' /><a href='#f378' class='c009'><sup>[378]</sup></a> while others cut a path through the heap of dead bodies
+which blocked the Gate of Charisius. The heroic emperor
+refused to survive his empire, and found death near the Gate
+of St. Romanus.<a id='r379' /><a href='#f379' class='c009'><sup>[379]</sup></a> And through that gate, about midday, the
+Sultan entered, the master of the city of Constantine. It was
+the close of an epoch.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next Theodosian gate stands between the last tower in
+the Outer Wall to the north of the Gate of Charisius and the old
+Byzantine Palace now called Tekfour Serai. In its present
+condition the entrance pierces only the Outer Wall; for the
+Inner Wall terminates abruptly a little to the south of the
+palace, having been broken away, probably when that edifice
+was erected. By way of compensation the Outer Wall was
+then raised higher and built thicker, and flanked by a large
+tower.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to its place in the order of the gates, this entrance
+should be the Sixth Military Gate; and the smallness of its
+dimensions is in keeping with this view. But as it led to a Circus
+built of timber beside the Church of St. Mamas without the
+walls, it was styled Porta Xylokerkou (Ξυλοκέρκου),<a id='r380' /><a href='#f380' class='c009'><sup>[380]</sup></a> Gate of
+the Wooden Circus, or more briefly, Kerko Porta (Κερκόπορτα),<a id='r381' /><a href='#f381' class='c009'><sup>[381]</sup></a>
+the Gate of the Circus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>In support of this identification there is first the fact that the
+Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the gate before us, was an entrance
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>in the Walls of Theodosius, for it bore an inscription, which has
+unfortunately disappeared, in honour of that emperor and the
+Prefect Constantine, similar to the legend on the Porta Rhegiou.<a id='r382' /><a href='#f382' class='c009'><sup>[382]</sup></a>
+In the next place, the Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the entrance
+before us, was in the vicinity of the Gate of Charisius, and
+below a palace<a id='r383' /><a href='#f383' class='c009'><sup>[383]</sup></a> (Tekfour Serai).</p>
+
+<div id='fig093'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig093-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig093.jpg' alt='The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The history of the gate has an interest of its own. When
+the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa was at Philippopolis, on his
+way to the Holy Land at the head of the Third Crusade, the
+prevalent suspicion that he had designs upon the Byzantine
+Empire found expression in the prophecy of a certain Dositheos,
+a monk of the Monastery of St. John Studius, that the German
+emperor would capture Constantinople, and penetrate into the
+city through this entrance. Thereupon, with the view of averting
+the calamity and preventing the fulfilment of the prophecy,
+Isaac Angelus ordered the gate to be securely built up.<a id='r384' /><a href='#f384' class='c009'><sup>[384]</sup></a> In
+1346 the partisans of John Cantacuzene proposed to admit him
+into the city by breaking the gate open, after its long close.<a id='r385' /><a href='#f385' class='c009'><sup>[385]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But what gives to the Kerko Porta its chief renown is the
+part which, according to Ducas, it played in the catastrophe of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>1453, under the following circumstances. A large portion of the
+Outer Wall, at the Mesoteichion, having been overthrown by the
+Turkish cannon, the besieged were unable to issue from the city
+to the peribolos without being exposed to the enemy’s fire. In
+this extremity some old men, who knew the fortifications well,
+informed the emperor of a secret postern long closed up and
+buried underground, at the lower part of the palace, by which
+communication with the peribolos might be established.<a id='r386' /><a href='#f386' class='c009'><sup>[386]</sup></a> This
+was done, to the great advantage of the Greeks. But on the
+last day of the siege, while the enemy was attempting to scale
+the walls with ladders at several points, a band of fifty Turkish
+nobles detected the newly opened entrance, rushed in, and
+mounting the walls from the interior of the city, killed or drove
+off the defenders on the summit. Thus a portion of the fortifications
+was secured against which scaling-ladders could be
+applied without any difficulty, and soon a considerable Turkish
+force stood on the Inner Wall, planted their standards on the
+towers, and opened a rear fire upon the Greeks, who were fighting
+in the peribolos to prevent the Turks from entering at the
+great breach. The cry rose that the city was taken, whereupon
+an indescribable panic seized the Greeks, already disheartened
+by the loss of Giustiniani, and, abandoning all further
+resistance, they fled into the city through the Gate of Charisius,
+many being trampled to death in the rout. The emperor fell at
+his post; and the Turks poured into the city without opposition.<a id='r387' /><a href='#f387' class='c009'><sup>[387]</sup></a>
+The fate of Constantinople was thus scaled by the opening of
+the Kerko Porta.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But here a difficulty occurs. In one very important particular
+the Kerko Porta, as described by Ducas, does not
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>correspond to the character of the entrance with which it has
+been identified. The gate which the historian had in mind led
+to the peribolos, the terrace between the two Theodosian walls,
+whereas the gate below Tekfour Serai opens on the parateichion,
+the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. This
+discrepancy may, however, be removed to some extent by supposing
+that under the name of the Kerko Porta. Ducas referred
+to the postern which Dr. Paspates<a id='r388' /><a href='#f388' class='c009'><sup>[388]</sup></a> found in the transverse wall
+built across the northern end of the peribolos, where the Inner
+Wall of Theodosius terminates abruptly a little to the south
+of Tekfour Serai. The postern was discovered in 1864, after
+some houses which concealed it from view had been destroyed
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>by fire. It was 10-½ feet high by 6 feet wide, and although the
+old wall in which it stood has been, for the most part, pulled
+down and replaced by a new construction, the outline of the
+ancient postern can still be traced. Such an entrance might be
+buried out of sight, and be generally forgotten; and to open it,
+when recalled to mind in 1453, was to provide the defenders of
+the city with a secret passage, as they hoped, to the peribolos
+and the rear of the Outer Wall, where the contest was to be
+maintained to the bitter end.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The suggestion of Dr. Paspates that this was the entrance at
+which the incidents recorded by Ducas occurred may, therefore,
+be accepted. But, from the nature of the case, an entrance in
+such a position could not have been, strictly speaking, the Gate
+of the Circus, and to call it the Kerko Porta was therefore
+not perfectly accurate. That was, properly, the name of the
+gate below Tekfour Serai. Still, the mistake was not very
+serious, and, under the circumstances, was not strange. Two
+entrances so near each other could easily be confounded in the
+report of the events in the neighbourhood, especially when
+the postern in the transverse wall had no special name of
+its own.
+Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r389' /><a href='#f389' class='c009'><sup>[389]</sup></a> thinks that the postern near the Kerko Porta
+was the one which Giustiniani, according to Critobulus,<a id='r390' /><a href='#f390' class='c009'><sup>[390]</sup></a> opened
+in the Inner Wall to facilitate communication with the peribolos.
+The latter postern, however, is represented as near the position
+occupied by Giustiniani and the emperor, while the former is
+described as far from that point.<a id='r391' /><a href='#f391' class='c009'><sup>[391]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>
+  <h2 id='chap06' class='c006'>CHAPTER VI. <br /> REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The maintenance of the bulwarks of the city in proper
+order was naturally a matter of supreme importance, and
+although the task was sometimes neglected when no enemy
+threatened, it was, on the whole, attended to with the promptitude
+and fidelity which so vital a concern demanded. There
+was little occasion for repairs, it is true, on account of injuries
+sustained in the shock of war, for until the invention of gunpowder
+the engines employed in battering the walls were either
+not powerful enough, or could not be planted sufficiently near
+the fortifications, to produce much effect. Most of the damage
+done to the walls was due to the action of the weather, and,
+above all, to the violent and frequent earthquakes which shook
+Constantinople in the course of the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The charge of keeping the fortifications in repair was given
+to special officers, known under the titles, Domestic of the Walls
+(ὁ Δομέστικος τῶν Τειχέων),<a id='r392' /><a href='#f392' class='c009'><sup>[392]</sup></a> Governor of the Wall (Ἄρχων τοῦ
+Τείχους),<a id='r393' /><a href='#f393' class='c009'><sup>[393]</sup></a> Count of the Walls (Κόμης τῶν Τειχέων).<a id='r394' /><a href='#f394' class='c009'><sup>[394]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(1) The earliest record of repairs is, probably, the Latin
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>inscription on the lintel of the inner gateway of the Porta of
+the Pempton. It reads:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>PORTARUM VALID † DO FIRMAVIT LIMINE MUROS</div>
+      <div class='line in7'>PUSAEUS MAGNO NON MINOR ANTHEMIO.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The age of the inscription cannot be precisely determined,
+but the employment of Latin, the Gothic form of the D in the
+word <i>valido</i>, the allusion to Anthemius, and the situation of the
+legend upon the Inner Wall, taken together, point to an early
+date.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp096'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp096-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp096.jpg' alt='Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>From the statement of the inscription it would seem that
+soon after the erection of the wall by Anthemius, either this
+gate or all the gates in the line of the new fortifications had to
+be strengthened. The only Pusæus known in history who could
+have presumed to compare himself with Anthemius was consul
+in 467, in the reign of Leo I.<a id='r395' /><a href='#f395' class='c009'><sup>[395]</sup></a>  There may, however, have
+been an earlier personage of that name.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(2) A considerable portion of the Inner Wall (τὰ ἔσω τείχη)
+was injured by an earthquake in 578, the fourth year of the reign
+of Zeno;<a id='r396' /><a href='#f396' class='c009'><sup>[396]</sup></a> but no record of the repairs executed in consequence
+of the disaster has been preserved.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(3) The frequent shocks of earthquake felt in Constantinople
+during the reign of Justinian the Great damaged the walls on,
+at least, three occasions; in 542 and 554, when the injury done
+was most serious in the neighbourhood of the Golden Gate;<a id='r397' /><a href='#f397' class='c009'><sup>[397]</sup></a> and
+again in 558, when both the Constantinian and the Theodosian
+Walls were rudely shaken, the latter suffering chiefly in the
+portion between the Golden Gate and the Porta Rhousiou.<a id='r398' /><a href='#f398' class='c009'><sup>[398]</sup></a> So
+great was the damage sustained by the city and vicinity on the
+last occasion that for thirty days the emperor refused to wear
+his crown.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>(4) An inscription on the Gate Rhousiou commemorates
+the restoration of the Outer Wall in the reign of Justin II.
+Whether the work was rendered necessary by some particular
+accident does not appear; but a wall so slight in its structure
+would naturally need extensive repair when a century old.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With Justin the inscription associates the Empress Sophia, noted
+for her interest in the public works of the day, and also names
+Narses and Stephen, as the officials who had charge of the
+repairs. The latter officer is otherwise unknown. Narses, who
+held the offices of Spatharius and Sacellarius, superintended also
+the restoration of the Harbour of Julian in the same reign.<a id='r399' /><a href='#f399' class='c009'><sup>[399]</sup></a>
+Subsequently he was sent, with large funds, on a mission to the
+Avars to persuade them to raise the siege of Sirmium. But
+the ship which carried the money was totally wrecked on the
+way, and Narses took the misfortune so much to heart that he
+fell ill and died.<a id='r400' /><a href='#f400' class='c009'><sup>[400]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The inscription in honour of Justin was to the following
+effect:<a id='r401' /><a href='#f401' class='c009'><sup>[401]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΤΕΙΧΙΟΜΑ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΑΚΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΕΙΧΟΥΣ ΕΠΙ ΙΟΥΣΤΙΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΔΙΑ ΝΑΡΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΝΔΟΞΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΣΠΑΘΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΑΚΕΛΛΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΚΟΝΤΟΣ ΕΙΣ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΙΑΝ ΔΟΥΛΟΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΑΣΤΑΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“The Outwork of the Theodosian Wall was restored under Justin and
+Sophia, our most pious Sovereigns, by Narses, the most glorious Spatharius
+and Sacellarius, and Stephen, who belonged to the service, a
+servant of the most pious Sovereigns.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>(5) The next repairs on record were executed early in the
+eighth century, in view of the formidable preparations made by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>the Saracens for a second attack upon Constantinople. Anastasius
+II. then strengthened the land walls, as well as the other
+fortifications of the city;<a id='r402' /><a href='#f402' class='c009'><sup>[402]</sup></a> and thus contributed to the signal
+repulse of the enemy in 718 by Leo the Isaurian, at that great
+crisis in the history of Christendom.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(6) Repairs were again demanded in 740, in the reign of
+Leo the Isaurian, owing to the injuries caused by a long series
+of earthquakes during eleven months. So extensive was the
+work of restoration required, that to provide the necessary
+funds Leo was obliged to increase the taxes.<a id='r403' /><a href='#f403' class='c009'><sup>[403]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Several inscriptions commemorating the repairs executed by
+that emperor, in conjunction with his son and colleague Constantine
+Copronymus, have been found upon towers of the Inner
+Wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) One stood on the seventh tower north of the Sea of
+Marmora:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΛΕΩΝ ΣΥΝ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΩ ΣΚΗΠΤΟΥΧΟΙ ΤΟΝΔΕ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΗΓΕΙΡΑΝ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΣΥΜΠΤΩΘΕΝΤΑ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Leo with Constantine, wielders of the sceptre, erected from the foundations
+this tower which had fallen.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>(<i>b</i>) Another was placed on the ninth tower north of the
+Golden Gate, in letters formed of brick:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΣ | ΧΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>—--|-—-</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΙ | ΚΑ</div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΛΕΩΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΗΝΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Many be the years of Leo and Constantine, Great Kings and Emperors.”</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp098'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp098-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp098.jpg' alt='Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>(<i>c</i>) A similar inscription was found on the third tower north
+of the Second Military Gate:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ †</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΜΕΓΑΛΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>(<i>d</i>) On the second tower north of the Gate of the Pegè was
+an inscription similar to that on the seventh tower north of the
+Sea of Marmora. The raised letters are beautifully cut on a
+band of marble:</p>
+
+<div id='fig099'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig099.jpg' alt='Inscription.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p class='c008'>[Illustration]</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) The ninth tower north of the same gate bore two inscriptions.
+The higher was in honour, apparently, of an Emperor
+Constantine; the lower reads:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΩΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΘΕΩΦΥΛΑΚΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΗΡΙΝΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΗΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΗΜΩΝ ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΗΣ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“The Fortune of Leo and Constantine, the God-protected Sovereigns,
+and of Irene, our most pious Augusta, triumphs.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>If this inscription belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian,
+the Empress Irene here mentioned must be Irene, the first wife
+of Constantine Copronymus. In that case Maria, the wife of
+Leo himself, must have been dead<a id='r404' /><a href='#f404' class='c009'><sup>[404]</sup></a> when the repairs which the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>inscription commemorates were executed. Irene was married
+to Constantine in 732, and died in 749 or 750.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is possible, however, that the inscription should be
+assigned to the reign of Leo IV. and Constantine VI., so
+different is it from the inscriptions which belong undoubtedly
+to the time of Leo the Isaurian. If so, the empress named
+is the famous Irene who blinded her son, usurped his throne,
+restored the use of Icons, and gave occasion for the revival of
+the Roman Empire in the West by Charlemagne.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Below the inscription several monograms are found.</p>
+
+<div id='fig100'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig100.jpg' alt='Monograms.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Monograms.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) There is an interesting inscription, in letters of brick,
+constituting a prayer for the safety of the city, on the fourth
+tower north of the Gate Rhousiou:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΧΡΙΣΤΕ Ω ΘΕΟΣ ΑΤΑΡΑΧΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΟΛΕΜΟΝ ΦΥΛΑΤΤΕ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΙΝ ΣΟΥ ΝΙΚΑ ΤΟ ΜΕΝΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΙΩΝ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“O Christ, God, preserve Thy city undisturbed, and free from war. Conquer
+the wrath of the enemies.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>It is the utterance of the purpose embodied in the erection
+of the splendid bulwarks of the city, and might have been
+inscribed upon them at any period of their history. It has been
+assigned to Constantine IX., when sole ruler after the death of
+Basil II. (1025-1028);<a id='r405' /><a href='#f405' class='c009'><sup>[405]</sup></a> but the employment of brick in the construction
+of the letters favours the view that the legend belongs
+to the reign of Leo the Isaurian.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(7) Fragments of inscriptions recording repairs by Michael
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>II. and his son Theophilus have been found in the neighbourhood
+of the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).<a id='r406' /><a href='#f406' class='c009'><sup>[406]</sup></a> These
+emperors were specially distinguished for their attention to the
+state of the fortifications along the shores of the city, but
+it would have been strange if sovereigns so concerned for the
+security of the capital had entirely neglected the condition of
+the land walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(8) The earthquake of 975, towards the close of the reign of
+Zimisces,<a id='r407' /><a href='#f407' class='c009'><sup>[407]</sup></a> left its mark upon the walls of the city, and two
+inscriptions commemorate the repairs executed in consequence
+by his successors, Basil II. and Constantine IX.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One of the inscriptions is on the huge, pentagonal, three-storied
+tower at the junction of the land walls with the defences
+along the Sea of Marmora. The legend reads:</p>
+
+<div id='fig101'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig101.jpg' alt='Legend.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Legend</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Tower of Basil and Constantine, faithful Emperors in Christ, pious
+Kings of the Romans.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>The device</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line in1'>ΙΣ | ΧΡ</div>
+      <div class='line'>————————</div>
+      <div class='line in1'>ΝΙ | ΚΑ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>is found over two windows in the northern side of the tower.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The other inscription is on the northern gateway-tower of
+the Gate of the Pegè:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΕΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΩΝ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Tower of Basil and Constantine, Emperors in Christ.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>Possibly the two following inscriptions on the northern side of
+the southern tower of the Gate Rhousiou refer to the same
+emperors:<a id='r408' /><a href='#f408' class='c009'><sup>[408]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig102'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig102.jpg' alt='“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign, triumphs.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign, triumphs.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The second inscription is mutilated, but manifestly refers to
+repairs in the reign of Basil:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΕΠΙ ΑΥ ...</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΑΤΟΥ Λ ...</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΙΝ ΙΑ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>(9) An inscription on the fourth tower from the Sea of
+Marmora records repairs by the Emperor Romanus:</p>
+
+<div id='fig102a'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig102a.jpg' alt='“Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>As four emperors bore the name Romanus, it is not certain to
+which of them reference is here made. The fact that earthquakes
+occurred in the reign of Romanus III. Argyrus, first
+in 1032, and again in 1033,<a id='r409' /><a href='#f409' class='c009'><sup>[409]</sup></a> is in favour of the view that the
+inscription was in his honour.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp102'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp102-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp102.jpg' alt='Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>(10) During the period of the Comneni, particular attention
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>was given to the state of the fortifications by Manuel Comnenus,<a id='r410' /><a href='#f410' class='c009'><sup>[410]</sup></a>
+and by Andronicus I. Comnenus.<a id='r411' /><a href='#f411' class='c009'><sup>[411]</sup></a> As will appear in the sequel,
+the former was concerned mainly with the defences in the neighbourhood
+of the Palace of Blachernæ, beyond the Theodosian
+Walls. The interest of Andronicus in the matter was roused
+by fear lest the Normans, who had captured and sacked Thessalonica
+in 1185, would advance upon the capital. After making
+a minute inspection of the walls in person, Andronicus ordered
+the immediate repair of the portions fallen into decay, as well
+as the removal of all houses whose proximity to the fortifications
+might facilitate escalade.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(11) Under the Palæologi, the Walls of Theodosius, after their
+long service of eight centuries, demanded frequent and extensive
+restoration, in view of the dangers which menaced them.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Hence, on the recovery of Constantinople from the Latins in
+1261, Michael Palæologus, fearing the Western Powers would
+attempt to regain the place, took measures to put the fortifications
+in a proper state of defence. His chief attention was devoted to
+the improvement of the bulwarks guarding the shores of the city,
+as those most exposed to attack by the maritime states of
+Europe, but he did not overlook the land walls.<a id='r412' /><a href='#f412' class='c009'><sup>[412]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(12) In 1317, general repairs were again undertaken by
+Andronicus II. Palæologus, with money bequeathed by his wife,
+the Empress Irene, who died in that year.<a id='r413' /><a href='#f413' class='c009'><sup>[413]</sup></a> The only indication,
+however, of the fact is now found beyond the Theodosian lines.<a id='r414' /><a href='#f414' class='c009'><sup>[414]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(13) The Theodosian Walls were injured once more by the
+great earthquake of October, 1344, during the minority of John
+VI. Palæologus.<a id='r415' /><a href='#f415' class='c009'><sup>[415]</sup></a> The disaster occurred when the struggle
+between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene for the control of affairs
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>was at its height, and the ruin of the fortifications made the
+position of the former, who then held the city, extremely critical,
+seeing his rival was preparing to besiege him. Apocaucus proceeded,
+therefore, to reconstruct the fallen bulwarks with the
+utmost despatch and thoroughness. The Inner Wall and the
+Outer Wall were repaired from one end of the line to the other,
+and the parapet along the Moat was raised to the height of a
+man;<a id='r416' /><a href='#f416' class='c009'><sup>[416]</sup></a> proceedings which made this the most extensive restoration
+of the Theodosian Walls since 447. It was completed in
+January 1345, before Cantacuzene appeared to attack the capital.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(14) Mention has already been made of the repair of the
+Golden Gate by Cantacuzene, and the erection of a fortress
+behind that entrance by John VI. Palæologus, the prototype of
+the Turkish Castle of the Seven Towers.<a id='r417' /><a href='#f417' class='c009'><sup>[417]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(15) The last restoration of the Theodosian bulwarks, on an
+extensive scale, was undertaken by John VII. Palæologus,
+(1425-1448), the Outer Wall being the portion principally concerned
+in the matter.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Evidently the task proved difficult, for the numerous inscriptions
+which celebrate the achievement bear dates extending from
+1433-1444, and show that the work proceeded slowly, and with
+frequent interruptions, due, doubtless, to the low state of the
+Imperial exchequer. The letters of the legends are incised on
+small marble slabs, and are filled with lead, exhibiting poor
+workmanship both in form and arrangement.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One of the inscriptions was placed on the outer tower nearest
+the Sea of Marmora:<a id='r418' /><a href='#f418' class='c009'><sup>[418]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>A similar inscription is on the second outer tower north of
+the Golden Gate:</p>
+
+<div id='fig105'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<img src='images/fig105.jpg' alt='“(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the year 1444.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the year 1444.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another is on the fifth outer tower north of the Second
+Military Gate:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑ ΜÉΝΑ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΜΗ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6948).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+June of the year 1440.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>On the twelfth tower north of the same gate is a fractured
+slab which bore the legend:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΒ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6942).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+April of the year 1434.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>Traces of similar inscriptions appear on the first and second
+towers north of the Gate of the Pegè; while on the third tower
+in that direction are the words:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΡΟΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΙΑΝΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΑΡΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΜΖ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6947).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+January of the year 1839.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>An inscription to the same effect stood on the first and the
+second towers north of the Third Military Gate. On the third
+tower beyond the entrance was the legend:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΟΚΤΟΒ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ Μ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6946).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+October of the year 1438.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>On the outer tower, now demolished, opposite the Porta of
+the Pempton, was an inscription from which we learn the great
+extent of the repairs undertaken in this reign.<a id='r419' /><a href='#f419' class='c009'><sup>[419]</sup></a> That work
+comprised the whole of the Outer Wall:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΕ ΤΟ ΚΑΣΤΡΟΝ ΟΛΟΝ ΙΩ ΧΩ ΑΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΤΕΙ ΜΑ (6941).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“John Palæolous, Emperor in Christ, restored the whole fortification;
+in the year 1433.”</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp107a'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp107a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp107a.jpg' alt='Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>In the course of the repairs made at this time, the Gate of the
+Pegè was restored at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari,
+as an inscription high up on the back of the southern tower of
+the gate proclaims:<a id='r420' /><a href='#f420' class='c009'><sup>[420]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΘΗ Η</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΘΕΟΣΟΣΤΟΣ ΠΥΛΗ ΑΥΤΗ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΗΣ ΖΩΟΔΟΧΟΥ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΔΙΑ</div>
+      <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ ΜΑ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΟΥΗΛ ΒΡΥΕΝΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΛΕ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΟΝΤΑΡΙ ΕΠΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ (or ΕΥΣΕΒΩΝ) ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΙΑΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΩΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΜΗΝΙ ΜΑΙ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ Μ (or Α) (6946 or 6941).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“This God-protected gate of the Life-giving Spring was restored with
+the co-operation and at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, in the
+reign of the most pious sovereigns John and Maria Palæologi; in the
+month of May, in the year 1438 (or 1433).”</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp107b'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp107b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp107b.jpg' alt='Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The Empress Maria who is mentioned in the inscription was
+the daughter of Alexius, Emperor of Trebizond, and the third
+wife of John VII. Palæologus, from 1427-1440.<a id='r421' /><a href='#f421' class='c009'><sup>[421]</sup></a> Manuel Bryennius
+Leontari was probably the Bryennius Leontari who defended
+the Gate of Charisius in the siege of 1453.<a id='r422' /><a href='#f422' class='c009'><sup>[422]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the same reign, probably, belonged the work recorded on
+a tower between the Gate of Charisius and Tekfour Serai. The
+inscription was fragmentary, consisting of the letters ΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η
+ΚΟ, evidently ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ<a id='r423' /><a href='#f423' class='c009'><sup>[423]</sup></a> (“The curtain-wall
+was restored”). The lettering and the form of expression resembled
+the style of an unmutilated inscription on the walls near
+the Sea of Marmora, commemorating repairs on that side of the
+city, in 1448, by George, Despot of Servia;<a id='r424' /><a href='#f424' class='c009'><sup>[424]</sup></a> and in view of this
+resemblance, it is safe to conclude that a part of the money
+sent by the Servian king to fortify Constantinople against the
+common enemy was spent upon the land wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the period of John VII. Palæologus, probably, must be
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>assigned the inscription which stands on the fifth tower north of
+the Gate of Charisius:<a id='r425' /><a href='#f425' class='c009'><sup>[425]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ ΑΓΑΛΟΝΟΣ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of Nicholas Agalon, Cabalarius.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>(16) On the first outer tower north of the Golden Gate, and
+on the outer tower opposite the Gate of the Pempton, the name
+Manuel Igari was found, placed a little below the inscriptions
+on those towers in honour of John VII. Palæologus.<a id='r426' /><a href='#f426' class='c009'><sup>[426]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At first it might be supposed that we have here the name of
+the officer who superintended the repair of the fortifications in
+the reign of that emperor. But, according to Leonard of Scio,<a id='r427' /><a href='#f427' class='c009'><sup>[427]</sup></a>
+Manuel Iagari, along with a certain monk, Neophytus of Rhodes,
+had charge of such work immediately before the final siege,
+while Constantine Dragoses, the last of the Byzantine emperors,
+was making pathetic efforts to avert inevitable doom. Leonard
+accuses Manuel and Neophytus of having, even at that crisis,
+when the fate of the city hung in the balance, embezzled a large
+part of the funds devoted to the restoration of the walls, thereby
+leaving the fortifications in a state which made a successful
+defence impossible: “Idcirco urbs prædonum incuria, in tanta
+tempesta periit.” It is said that after the capture of the city
+the Turks discovered a considerable portion of the stolen money
+concealed in a jar.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp109'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp109-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp109.jpg' alt='Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>
+  <h2 id='chap07' class='c006'>CHAPTER VII. <br /> THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The ruined Byzantine palace, commonly styled Tekfour Serai,
+beside the Porta Xylokerkou was the Imperial residence, known
+as the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (τὰ βασίλεια τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου:
+οἱ τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου οἶκοι),<a id='r428' /><a href='#f428' class='c009'><sup>[428]</sup></a> and formed an annex
+to the great Palace of Blachernæ, which stood lower down the
+hill.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is true, Gyllius supposed it to be the Palace of the Hebdomon,
+and his opinion, though contrary to all the evidence on
+the subject, has been generally accepted as correct. But the
+proof that the suburb of the Hebdomon was situated at Makrikeui,
+upon the Sea of Marmora, is overwhelming, and consequently
+the Palace of the Hebdomon must be sought in that
+neighbourhood.<a id='r429' /><a href='#f429' class='c009'><sup>[429]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The evidence for the proper Byzantine name of Tekfour Serai<a id='r430' /><a href='#f430' class='c009'><sup>[430]</sup></a>
+occurs in the passage in which Critobolus describes the positions
+occupied by the various divisions of the Turkish army, during
+the siege of 1453. According to that authority, the Turkish left
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>wing extended from the Xylo Porta (beside the Golden Horn)<a id='r431' /><a href='#f431' class='c009'><sup>[431]</sup></a>
+to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, which was situated upon a
+slope, and thence to the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).<a id='r432' /><a href='#f432' class='c009'><sup>[432]</sup></a>
+The site thus assigned to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+corresponds exactly to that of Tekfour Serai, which stands on
+the steep ascent leading from Egri Kapou to the Gate of
+Adrianople.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp110a'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp110a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp110a.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>All other references to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus are
+in accord with this conclusion, so far, at least, as they imply
+the proximity of that residence to the Palace of Blachernæ.
+When, for instance, Andronicus III., in 1328, entered Constantinople
+by the Gate of St. Romanus to wrest the government
+from the feeble hands of his grandfather Andronicus II.,
+he took up his quarters, we are told, in the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus, to be near the palace occupied by the
+elder sovereign.<a id='r433' /><a href='#f433' class='c009'><sup>[433]</sup></a> That Andronicus II. was at the Palace of
+Blachernæ is manifest from the fact that the peasants who witnessed
+the entrance of the rebel grandson into the city ran and
+reported the event to the guards stationed at the Gate Gyrolimnè,<a id='r434' /><a href='#f434' class='c009'><sup>[434]</sup></a>
+a gate leading directly to the Palace of Blachernæ.<a id='r435' /><a href='#f435' class='c009'><sup>[435]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp110b'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp110b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp110b.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Again, the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was occupied by
+John Cantacuzene, in 1347, while negotiating with the Dowager-Empress
+Anna of Savoy to be acknowledged the colleague of her
+son, John Palæologus.<a id='r436' /><a href='#f436' class='c009'><sup>[436]</sup></a> Upon taking possession of that residence
+he issued strict injunctions that no attack should be made upon
+the palace in which the empress and her son were then living.
+But the followers of Cantacuzene, hearing that Anna hesitated
+to come to terms, disobeyed his orders and seized the fort at
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>Blachernæ, named the Castelion, which guarded that palace.<a id='r437' /><a href='#f437' class='c009'><sup>[437]</sup></a>
+Evidently the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+stood near each other. Seven years later, John
+Palæologus himself, upon his capture of the city, made the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus his headquarters while arranging
+for the abdication of Cantacuzene.<a id='r438' /><a href='#f438' class='c009'><sup>[438]</sup></a> And from the narrative
+of the events on that occasion it is, again, manifest that the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was in the neighbourhood of the
+Castelion and the Palace of Blachernæ.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>By this identification, a flood of light is shed upon the
+incidents of Byzantine history to which allusion has just been
+made.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The palace, an oblong building in three stories, stands
+between the two parallel walls which descend from the Porta
+Xylokerkou for a short distance, towards the Golden Horn.
+Its long sides, facing respectively north and south, are transverse
+to the walls, while its short western and eastern sides rest, at the
+level of the second story, upon the summit of the walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Its roof and two upper floors have disappeared, and nothing
+remains but an empty shell. The northern façade was supported
+by pillars and piers, and its whole surface was decorated with
+beautiful and varied patterns in mosaic, formed of small pieces of
+brick and stone. The numerous windows of the building were
+framed in marble, and, with the graceful balconies on the
+east and south, looked out upon the superb views which the
+lofty position of the palace commanded. The western façade,
+being the most exposed to hostile missiles, was screened by a large
+tower built on the west side of the Porta Xylokerkou, to the
+injury, however, of the gate, which was thus partially blocked up.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A transverse wall erected at some distance to the north made
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>the area between the two walls, upon which the palace rests, a
+spacious court, communicating by a gate at its north-eastern
+corner with the city, while a gate in the western wall led to the
+parateichion.<a id='r439' /><a href='#f439' class='c009'><sup>[439]</sup></a> The latter entrance is, probably, the one known as
+the Postern of the Porphyrogenitus, by which forty-two partisans
+of John Cantacuzene made good their escape from the city in
+1341.<a id='r440' /><a href='#f440' class='c009'><sup>[440]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig112'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<img src='images/fig112.jpg' alt='Monogram Of The Palæologi.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Monogram Of The Palæologi.<a id='r441' /><a href='#f441' class='c009'><sup>[441]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Salzenberg, the palace belongs to the earlier half
+of the ninth century, and was the work of the Emperor Theophilus.<a id='r442' /><a href='#f442' class='c009'><sup>[442]</sup></a>
+But the name of the building is in favour of the view
+that we have here an erection of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
+and consequently a monument of the Art of the
+tenth century. Constantine Porphyrogenitus was noted for the
+number of palaces he erected.<a id='r443' /><a href='#f443' class='c009'><sup>[443]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp112a'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>
+<a href='images/fig_fp112a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp112a.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>At the north-western end of the court stood another
+residence, the western façade of which, pierced by spacious
+windows, still surmounts the outer wall of the court. Over the
+second window (from the south) was inscribed the monogram of
+the legend on the arms of the Palæologi;<a id='r444' /><a href='#f444' class='c009'><sup>[444]</sup></a> Βασιλεὺς Βασιλέων
+Βασιλεύων Βασιλεύουσι.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r445' /><a href='#f445' class='c009'><sup>[445]</sup></a> regarded this building as the Monastery of the
+Seven Orders of the Angels, mentioned by Cantacuzene;<a id='r446' /><a href='#f446' class='c009'><sup>[446]</sup></a> but
+that monastery, and the gate named after it, were at Thessalonica,
+and not at Constantinople. The building formed part
+of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Bullialdus, the annotator of Ducas,<a id='r447' /><a href='#f447' class='c009'><sup>[447]</sup></a> speaking of the palace,
+says that the double-headed eagle of the Palæologi was to be
+seen on the lintel of one of the doors; that the capitals of the
+pillars in the building bore the lilies of France; and that
+several armorial shields were found there with the monogram—</p>
+
+<div id='fig113'  class='figcenter id006'>
+<img src='images/fig113.jpg' alt='Monogram.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Monogram.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>These ornaments may be indications of repairs made by
+different occupants of the palace.<a id='r448' /><a href='#f448' class='c009'><sup>[448]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp115'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp115-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp115.jpg' alt='Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining walls.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining walls.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>
+  <h2 id='chap08' class='c006'>CHAPTER VIII. <br /> THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE THE SEVENTH CENTURY.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>At the Gate of the Xylokerkus, or the Kerko Porta, the
+Theodosian Walls come to an abrupt termination, and the line
+of defence from that point to the Golden Horn is continued by
+fortifications which, for the most part, did not exist before the
+seventh century. Along the greater portion of their course these
+bulwarks consisted of a single wall, without a moat; but at a
+short distance from the water, where they stand on level ground,
+they formed a double wall, which was at one time protected by
+a moat and constituted a citadel at the north-western angle of
+the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the exception of that citadel’s outer wall, erected by
+Leo the Armenian, the defences from the Kerko Porta to
+the Golden Horn have usually been ascribed to the Emperor
+Heraclius.<a id='r449' /><a href='#f449' class='c009'><sup>[449]</sup></a> But this opinion is at variance both with history,
+and with the striking diversity in construction exhibited by the
+various portions of the works. As a matter of fact, the fortifications
+extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn
+comprise walls that belong to, at least, three periods: the Wall
+of Heraclius, the Wall of Leo, and the Wall of Manuel
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>Comnenus.<a id='r450' /><a href='#f450' class='c009'><sup>[450]</sup></a> Curiously enough, the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,
+though latest in time, stands first in order of position, for it
+intervenes between the Theodosian Walls, on the one hand,
+and the Heraclian and Leonine Walls, on the other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, therefore, a question presents itself which must be
+answered before proceeding to the study of the walls just
+mentioned. If the various portions of the fortifications between
+the Kerko Porta and the Golden Horn did not come, respectively,
+into existence until the seventh, ninth, and eleventh
+centuries, how was the north-western side of the city defended
+previous to the erection of those walls?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two answers have been given to this important and very
+difficult question. Both agree in maintaining that the city was
+defended on the north-west by the prolongation of the Theodosian
+Walls; but they differ as regards the precise direction in
+which the walls were carried down to the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One view is that the Theodosian Walls upon leaving the
+Kerko Porta turned north-eastwards, to follow the <i>eastern</i> spur
+of the Sixth Hill,<a id='r451' /><a href='#f451' class='c009'><sup>[451]</sup></a> along a line terminating somewhere in the
+vicinity of Balat Kapoussi.<a id='r452' /><a href='#f452' class='c009'><sup>[452]</sup></a> According to this view, the quarter
+of Blachernæ, which until 627 lay outside the city limits,<a id='r453' /><a href='#f453' class='c009'><sup>[453]</sup></a> was
+the territory situated between the spur just mentioned and the
+line occupied eventually by the Walls of Comnenus and Heraclius.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The second view on the subject is that the two Theodosian
+Walls were carried northwards along the <i>western</i> spur of the
+Sixth Hill, and enclosed it on every side. On this supposition,
+the suburb of Blachernæ, with its celebrated Church of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>Theotokos, without the fortifications, was the plain extending
+from the foot of the western spur of the Sixth Hill to the Golden
+Horn, the plain occupied now by the quarter of Aivan Serai.<a id='r454' /><a href='#f454' class='c009'><sup>[454]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In support of the first opinion, there is the undoubted fact
+that the Theodosian Walls, as they approach the Kerko Porta,
+bend north-eastwards, so that if continued in that direction
+they would reach the Golden Horn near the Greek Church of
+St. Demetrius, to the west of Balat Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The opinion that the Theodosian Walls were carried to the
+foot of the western spur of the Sixth Hill rests upon the
+fact that traces of old fortifications enclosing that spur are still
+distinctly visible; while the Theodosian Moat is, moreover, continued
+towards Aivan Serai, until it is stopped by the Wall of
+Manuel, which runs transversely to it.<a id='r455' /><a href='#f455' class='c009'><sup>[455]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The fortifications referred to are found mostly to the rear of
+the Comnenian Wall, but portions of them are seen also to the
+north of it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One line of the fortifications proceeded from the Kerko Porta
+along the western flank of the spur, and joined the city walls a
+little to the south of the “Tower of Isaac Angelus;” another
+line ran from that gate along the eastern side of the spur to
+the fountain Tsinar Tchesmè in the quarter of Londja, a short
+distance to the south-east of the Holy Well which marks the
+site of the Church of Blachernæ; while a third wall, facing the
+Golden Horn, defended the northern side of the spur, and
+abutted against the city walls, very near the southern end of
+the Wall of Heraclius.<a id='r456' /><a href='#f456' class='c009'><sup>[456]</sup></a> Within the acropolis formed by these
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>works of defence, the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus were in due time erected.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Both answers to the question before us have much in their
+favour, and possibly the truth on the subject is to be found in
+their combination. Their respective values as rival theories will,
+perhaps, be more easily estimated, if we begin with the consideration
+of the second answer.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp118a'  class='figcenter id008'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp118a.jpg' alt='Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the western spur of the Sixth Hill was a fortified
+position early in the history of the city can scarcely be disputed.
+It must have been so, to commence at the lowest date, before
+the erection of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel in the twelfth
+century; for it was to get clear of the fortifications on that spur
+that the Comnenian Wall describes the remarkable detour it
+makes in proceeding from the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+towards the Golden Horn, running out westwards for a
+considerable distance before taking a northerly course in the
+direction of the harbour. Then, there is reason to believe that
+the spur was fortified as early as the seventh century. This is
+implied in the accounts we have of the siege of Constantinople
+by the Avars in 627, when we hear of fortifications, named the
+Wall of Blachernæ,<a id='r457' /><a href='#f457' class='c009'><sup>[457]</sup></a> the Pteron<a id='r458' /><a href='#f458' class='c009'><sup>[458]</sup></a> or Proteichisma,<a id='r459' /><a href='#f459' class='c009'><sup>[459]</sup></a> outside of which
+stood the Church of Blachernæ and the Church of St. Nicholas.<a id='r460' /><a href='#f460' class='c009'><sup>[460]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp118b'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp118b.jpg' alt='Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>For these sanctuaries were situated precisely at the foot of
+the western spur of the Sixth Hill, the site of the former being
+marked by the Holy Well of Blachernæ at Aivan Serai, that of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>the latter by the Holy Well in the ground between the Wall of
+Heraclius and the Wall of Leo.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is also in favour of the presence of fortifications on the
+spur in the seventh century to find that the historians of the
+Avar siege are silent as to any danger incurred by the Palace
+of Blachernæ, which stood on the spur, when the Church of
+St. Nicholas was burnt down, and when the Church of Blachernæ
+narrowly escaped the same fate. A similar silence is observed
+as to any advantage derived by the palace from the erection
+of the Wall of Heraclius, at the close of the war.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the age of these fortifications may be carried back to a
+still earlier date than the seventh century; for, according to the
+<i>Notitia</i>, the Fourteenth Region of the city, which stood on the
+Sixth Hill, was defended by a wall of its own, <i>proprio muro
+vallata</i>, so as to appear a distinct town.<a id='r461' /><a href='#f461' class='c009'><sup>[461]</sup></a> The fortifications
+on the Sixth Hill may therefore claim to have originally constituted
+the defences of that Region, and therefore to be as
+old, at least, as the reign of Theodosius II.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But although the origin of the fortifications around the
+western spur of the Sixth Hill may thus be carried so far back,
+it is a mistake to regard them as a structural prolongation of the
+Theodosian Walls. On the contrary, they are distinct and
+independent constructions. They proceed northwards, while the
+latter make for the north-east; so that the Wall of Anthemius,
+if produced, would stand to the east of the former, while the
+Wall of the Prefect Constantine under similar circumstances
+would cut them transversely. Furthermore, the outer wall,
+north of the Kerko Porta, is built almost at right angles
+against the wall of the Prefect Constantine, with a distinct line
+of junction, and stands so close to the Kerko Porta that the gate,
+what with the wall on one side and the tower screening the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>western façade of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus<a id='r462' /><a href='#f462' class='c009'><sup>[462]</sup></a> upon the other,
+is almost crushed between them. Such a situation could never
+have been assigned to the gate, if the walls on either hand
+belonged to the same construction. It should also be added
+that the masonry of the walls around the spur is different from
+that in the Walls of Theodosius.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>How the non-Theodosian character of the walls to the north
+of the Kerko Porta is to be accounted for admits of more than
+one explanation. It may be due to changes in works of
+Theodosian origin, or to the fact that they are works of an
+earlier period,<a id='r463' /><a href='#f463' class='c009'><sup>[463]</sup></a> or to the fact that they are works of a later age.
+On the supposition that these fortifications defended originally
+the Fourteenth Region, the second explanation is the most
+probable, for the division of the city into Regions was anterior
+to Theodosius II., and there is every reason to believe that the
+isolated Fourteenth Region was a fortified suburb from the
+earliest period of its history.<a id='r464' /><a href='#f464' class='c009'><sup>[464]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the second answer to the question how the
+north-western side of the city was defended before the erection
+of the Walls of Heraclius, Leo, and Manuel Comnenus, would
+have more in its favour if it maintained that the defence was
+effected by the junction of the Theodosian Walls with pre-existing
+fortifications around the western spur of the Sixth Hill.<a id='r465' /><a href='#f465' class='c009'><sup>[465]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The chief difficulty attending this view is that the <i>Notitia</i>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>speaks of the Fourteenth Region as still an isolated suburb
+in the reign of Theodosius II.<a id='r466' /><a href='#f466' class='c009'><sup>[466]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As regards the opinion that the Theodosian Walls proceeded
+from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn in a north-eastern
+course and reached the water between the Church of St. Demetrius
+and Balat Kapoussi, it has upon its side the patent fact that
+those walls, if produced according to their trend at the Kerko
+Porta, would certainly follow the line indicated. On this view,
+the walls around the western spur of the Sixth Hill were either
+the fortifications of the Fourteenth Region (modified), or walls
+built expressly to defend the Palace of Blachernæ, after the
+fifth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The trend of the walls at the Kerko Porta affords, unquestionably,
+a very strong argument for this view of the case. But
+the view is open to objections. The absence of all traces of the
+walls along the line indicated should, perhaps, not be pressed,
+as such works are apt to disappear when superseded. A more
+serious objection is that the Theodosian Moat does not follow
+the north-eastern course of the walls, but proceeds northwards,
+for a short distance, in the direction of Aivan Serai.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Furthermore, if the western spur of the Sixth Hill was
+already fortified when the Theodosian Walls were built, it is
+reasonable to suppose that the land defences of the city were
+completed by the simple expedient of uniting the new works
+with the old. Any other proceeding appears cumbrous and
+superfluous.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Still, after all is said, the information we have is so meagre,
+the changes made in the walls beside the Kerko Porta have
+manifestly been so numerous, that a decided judgment upon the
+point at issue does not seem warranted by the evidence at our
+command.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>
+  <h2 id='chap09' class='c006'>CHAPTER IX. <br /> THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>According to Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r467' /><a href='#f467' class='c009'><sup>[467]</sup></a> a portion of the city fortifications
+was erected by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp122'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp122-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp122.jpg' alt='Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The historian alludes to that work when describing the site
+upon which the Crusaders established their camp in 1203, and
+from his account of the matter there can be no doubt regarding
+the portion intended. The Latin camp, says Nicetas,<a id='r468' /><a href='#f468' class='c009'><sup>[468]</sup></a> was
+pitched on the hill which faced the western front of the Palace of
+Blachernæ, and which was separated from the city walls by a
+strip of level ground, extending from the Golden Horn, on the
+north, to the wall built by the Emperor Manuel, on the south.
+This is an unmistakable description of the hill which stands
+to the west of the fortifications between the Golden Horn and
+Egri Kapou, and which is separated from those fortifications by
+a narrow plain, as by a trench or gorge. Consequently, the wall
+erected by the Emperor Manuel must be sought at the plain’s
+southern extremity; and there, precisely, commences a line of
+wall which displays, as far as the north-western corner of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, a style of workmanship
+perfectly distinct from any found elsewhere in the bulwarks
+of the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The object of building this wall was to add to the security of
+the Palace of Blachernæ, which became the favourite residence
+of the Imperial Court in the reign of Alexius Comnenus,<a id='r469' /><a href='#f469' class='c009'><sup>[469]</sup></a>
+and which Manuel himself enlarged and beautified.<a id='r470' /><a href='#f470' class='c009'><sup>[470]</sup></a> The
+new wall was not only stronger than the earlier defences of
+the palace, but had also the advantage of removing the point
+of attack against this part of the city to a greater distance from
+the Imperial residence. At the same time, the older fortifications
+were allowed to remain as a second line of defence.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In construction the wall is a series of lofty arches closed on
+the outer face, and built of larger blocks of stone<a id='r471' /><a href='#f471' class='c009'><sup>[471]</sup></a> than those
+generally employed in the Walls of Theodosius. On account of
+the steepness of the slope on which it, for the most part, stands,
+it was unprotected by a moat, but to compensate for this lack
+the wall was more massive, and flanked by stronger towers
+than other portions of the fortifications. At the summit the
+wall measured fifteen feet in thickness. Of its nine towers, the
+first six, commencing from the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,
+are alternately round and octagonal; the seventh and
+eighth are octagonal; the last is square.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The wall was provided with a public gate and, apparently,
+two posterns.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One postern, opening on the Theodosian parateicheion, was
+in the curtain<a id='r472' /><a href='#f472' class='c009'><sup>[472]</sup></a> extending from the outer wall of the court of
+the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus to the first tower of Manuel’s
+Wall. The other postern stood between the second and third
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>towers, and is remarkable for being the only entrance in the city
+walls furnished with a drip-stone. Dr. Paspates<a id='r473' /><a href='#f473' class='c009'><sup>[473]</sup></a> identified it
+with the Paraportion of St. Kallinikus; but the postern of that
+name is mentioned in history before the erection of Manuel’s Wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between the sixth and seventh towers was the Public Gate,
+now styled Egri Kapou. By some authorities, as already stated,<a id='r474' /><a href='#f474' class='c009'><sup>[474]</sup></a>
+it has been identified with the Porta Charisiou, but it is, beyond
+question, the Porta Kaligaria, so conspicuous in the last siege of
+the city.<a id='r475' /><a href='#f475' class='c009'><sup>[475]</sup></a> This is clear from the following circumstances: The
+Porta Kaligaria pierced the wall which protected the quarter
+known, owing to the manufacture of military shoes (caliga) there,
+as the Kaligaria (ἐν τοῖς Καλιγαρίοις). That wall stood near the
+palace of the emperor; it was a single line of fortifications, distinguished
+for its strength, but without a moat.<a id='r476' /><a href='#f476' class='c009'><sup>[476]</sup></a> It occupied,
+moreover, such a position that from one of its towers the Emperor
+Constantine Dragoses and his friend the historian Phrantzes
+were able to reconnoitre, early in the morning of the fatal 29th
+of May, the operations of the Turkish army before the Theodosian
+Walls, and hear the ominous sounds of the preparations for
+the last assault.<a id='r477' /><a href='#f477' class='c009'><sup>[477]</sup></a> All these particulars hold true only of the wall
+in which Egri Kapou is situated; and hence that gate must be
+the Porta Kaligaria.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The only inscription found on the Wall of Manuel consists
+of the two words, ΥΠΕΡ ΕΥΧΗΣ, on a stone built into the left
+side of the entrance which leads from within the city into the
+square tower above mentioned.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453, this wall, on account of its proximity to
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>the Palace of Blachernæ, was the object of special attack; but
+all the attempts of the Turkish gunners and miners failed to
+open a breach in it.<a id='r478' /><a href='#f478' class='c009'><sup>[478]</sup></a> A battery of three cannon, one of them
+the huge piece cast by Orban, played against these bulwarks
+with such little effect that the Sultan ordered the guns to be
+transferred to the battery before the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r479' /><a href='#f479' class='c009'><sup>[479]</sup></a>
+The skilled miners who were brought from the district around
+Novobrodo, in Servia, to undermine the wall succeeded in
+shaking down only part of an old tower, and all the mines they
+opened were countermined by John Grant, a German engineer in
+the service of the Greeks.<a id='r480' /><a href='#f480' class='c009'><sup>[480]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The tower from which the emperor and Phrantzes reconnoitred
+the Turkish movements was, Dr. Paspates thinks, the
+noble tower which stands at the point where the wall bends to
+descend the slope towards the Golden Horn.<a id='r481' /><a href='#f481' class='c009'><sup>[481]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The portion of the fortifications, some 453 feet in length,
+extending from the square tower in the wall just described to
+the fourth tower to the north (the tower bearing an inscription in
+honour of Isaac Angelus),<a id='r482' /><a href='#f482' class='c009'><sup>[482]</sup></a> is considered by one authority to be
+also a part of the Wall of Manuel Comnenus.<a id='r483' /><a href='#f483' class='c009'><sup>[483]</sup></a> If so, it must
+have undergone great alterations since that emperor’s time, for
+in its construction and general appearance it is very different
+from the Comnenian ramparts. It is built of smaller blocks of
+stone; its bricks are much slighter in make; its arches less filled
+with masonry; its four towers are all square, and glaringly
+inferior to the splendid towers in Manuel’s undoubted work;
+while, immediately to the south of the square tower above
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>mentioned one can see, from within the city, a line of junction
+between the wall to the south and the wall to the north of that
+tower, indicating in the plainest possible manner the juxtaposition
+of two perfectly distinct structures. And in point of fact,
+three inscriptions recording repairs are found on the latter wall.
+One inscription, on the fourth tower, belongs to the reign of Isaac
+Angelus<a id='r484' /><a href='#f484' class='c009'><sup>[484]</sup></a> and bears the date 1188. Another is seen among the
+Turkish repairs executed on the city side of the second tower
+of the wall, and records the date, “In the year 6824 (1317),
+November 4;” the year, as we have seen, in which Irene, the
+empress of Andronicus II., died, leaving large sums of money,
+which that emperor devoted, mainly, to the restoration of the
+bulwarks of the capital.<a id='r485' /><a href='#f485' class='c009'><sup>[485]</sup></a> The third inscription stands on the
+curtain between the third and fourth towers of the wall, immediately
+below the parapet, and commemorates repairs executed
+in 1441 by John VII. Palæologus, who was concerned in the
+reconstruction of the Outer Theodosian Wall. It reads:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΤΩ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΘΩ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ΤΗ Δ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ ϚϠΜΘ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6949).</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“John Palæologus, faithful King and Emperor of the Romans, in Christ,
+God; on the second of the month of August of the year 1441.”</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp126a'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp126a.jpg' alt='Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>To the north of the second tower in the wall before us is a
+gateway which answers to the description of the Gate of Gyrolimnè
+(πύλη τῆς Γυρολίμνης); for the Gate of Gyrolimnè, like
+this entrance, stood in the immediate vicinity of the Palace of
+Blachernæ, and was so near the hill on which the Crusaders
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>encamped in 1203 that the Greeks stationed at the gate and
+the enemy on the hill were almost within speaking distance.<a id='r486' /><a href='#f486' class='c009'><sup>[486]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp126b'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp126b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp126b.jpg' alt='The Gate of Gyrolimnè.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The Gate of Gyrolimnè.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gate derived its name from a sheet of water called the
+Silver Lake (Ἀργυρὰ Λίμνη), at the head of the Golden Horn,
+and beside which was an Imperial palace.<a id='r487' /><a href='#f487' class='c009'><sup>[487]</sup></a> The gate was at the
+service of the Palace of Blachernæ, a fact which, doubtless, explains
+the decoration of the arch of the entrance with three
+Imperial busts.<a id='r488' /><a href='#f488' class='c009'><sup>[488]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Several historical reminiscences are attached to the gate.
+Through it, probably, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade went to
+and fro in carrying on their negotiations with Isaac Angelus.<a id='r489' /><a href='#f489' class='c009'><sup>[489]</sup></a>
+By it Andronicus the Younger went forth in hunter’s garb, with
+his dogs and falcons, as if to follow the chase, but in reality to
+join his adherents and raise the standard of revolt against his
+grandfather.<a id='r490' /><a href='#f490' class='c009'><sup>[490]</sup></a> Hither that prince came thrice in the course of his
+rebellion, and held parley with the officials of the palace, as they
+stood upon the walls, regarding terms of peace;<a id='r491' /><a href='#f491' class='c009'><sup>[491]</sup></a> and here the
+intelligence that he had entered the city was brought by the
+peasants who had seen him admitted early in the morning
+through the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r492' /><a href='#f492' class='c009'><sup>[492]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To this gate Cantacuzene also came at the head of his troops
+in 1343, to sound the disposition of the capital during his contest
+with Apocaucus and the Empress Anna.<a id='r493' /><a href='#f493' class='c009'><sup>[493]</sup></a></p>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>
+  <h2 class='c014'>The Palace of Blachernæ. <br /> Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις Βασίλειον, Παλάτιον.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Until the site of the Palace of Blachernæ is excavated, little
+can be added to the information which Du Cange<a id='r494' /><a href='#f494' class='c009'><sup>[494]</sup></a> and Paspates<a id='r495' /><a href='#f495' class='c009'><sup>[495]</sup></a>
+have collected respecting that Imperial residence, from the statements
+made on the subject by writers during the Byzantine
+period. If the quarter of Egri Kapou, on the western spur of
+the Sixth Hill, was included in the Fourteenth Region of the
+city, the Palace of Blachernæ appears first as the palace which,
+according to the <i>Notitia</i>, adorned that Region.<a id='r496' /><a href='#f496' class='c009'><sup>[496]</sup></a> In the reign of
+Anastasius I. the residence was enlarged by the addition of the
+Triclinus Anastasiacus (Τρίκλινος Ἀναστασιακὸς),<a id='r497' /><a href='#f497' class='c009'><sup>[497]</sup></a> and in the
+tenth century<a id='r498' /><a href='#f498' class='c009'><sup>[498]</sup></a> it boasted, moreover, of the Triclinus of the Holy
+Shrine (Τρίκλινος τῆς ἁγίας σοροῦ), named so in honour of the
+shrine in which the robe and mantle of the Theotokos were kept
+in the Church of Blachernæ; the Triclinus Danubius (Τρίκλινος
+Δανουβιὸς); and the Portico Josephiacus (τὸν Πόρτικα Ἰωσηφιακὸν).
+Under Alexius I. Comnenus it was frequently occupied by the
+Court, and there the emperor received the leaders of the First
+Crusade, Peter the Hermit, Godfrey of Bouillon, Bohemond, and
+others.<a id='r499' /><a href='#f499' class='c009'><sup>[499]</sup></a> By Manuel Comnenus it was repaired and embellished<a id='r500' /><a href='#f500' class='c009'><sup>[500]</sup></a>
+to an extent which obtained for it the name of the New Palace,<a id='r501' /><a href='#f501' class='c009'><sup>[501]</sup></a>
+and it was one of the sights of the capital with which he entertained
+Amaury, King of Jerusalem.<a id='r502' /><a href='#f502' class='c009'><sup>[502]</sup></a> The lofty building named
+after the Empress Irene,<a id='r503' /><a href='#f503' class='c009'><sup>[503]</sup></a> and, probably, the Domus Polytimos,<a id='r504' /><a href='#f504' class='c009'><sup>[504]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>were the work of Manuel Comnenus. He also increased, as
+we have seen, the security of the palace by the erection of
+new bulwarks; to which Isaac Angelus added a tower.<a id='r505' /><a href='#f505' class='c009'><sup>[505]</sup></a> In 1203
+the palace was the scene of the negotiations between the
+latter emperor and the envoys of Baldwin of Flanders and
+Henrico Dandolo, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r506' /><a href='#f506' class='c009'><sup>[506]</sup></a> In 1204,
+upon the capture of the city by the Crusaders, it surrendered to
+Henry, the brother of Baldwin,<a id='r507' /><a href='#f507' class='c009'><sup>[507]</sup></a> but the Latin emperors seem to
+have preferred the Palace of the Bucoleon for their residence.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp128'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp128-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp128.jpg' alt='General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Baldwin II., however, resided in the Palace of Blachernæ, and
+left it in such a filthy condition that when taken possession of
+by the Greeks in 1261, Michael Palæologus could not occupy it
+until it had been thoroughly cleaned and renovated.<a id='r508' /><a href='#f508' class='c009'><sup>[508]</sup></a> It was the
+usual residence of the Byzantine Court during the period of the
+Palæologi,<a id='r509' /><a href='#f509' class='c009'><sup>[509]</sup></a> and from this palace the last emperor who sat upon
+the throne of Constantinople went forth to die “in the winding-sheet
+of his empire.”<a id='r510' /><a href='#f510' class='c009'><sup>[510]</sup></a> All descriptions of the palace agree in
+representing it as of extraordinary splendour.<a id='r511' /><a href='#f511' class='c009'><sup>[511]</sup></a> Foreign visitors
+could not find words in which to give an idea of its magnificence
+and wealth. According to them, its exterior appearance was
+incomparable in beauty, while within it was decorated with gold,
+and mosaics, and colours, and marbles, and columns, and jewels,
+at a cost hard to estimate, and with a skill that could be found
+nowhere else in the world.<a id='r512' /><a href='#f512' class='c009'><sup>[512]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The hill on which the palace stood was partly artificial,
+to furnish a suitable platform or terrace for the group of
+buildings which composed the residence, and to afford wide
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>views over the harbour, the city, and the country beyond the
+walls—“triplicem habitantibus jucunditatem offerens,” as Odo
+de Dogilo aptly remarks, “mare, campus, urbemque, alterius
+despicit.” The palace derived much of its importance from its
+proximity to the venerated shrine of the Theotokos of Blachernæ.
+And the ease with which the country could be reached from it,
+to enjoy the pleasures of the chase, must not be overlooked in
+explaining the favour with which the palace was regarded.<a id='r513' /><a href='#f513' class='c009'><sup>[513]</sup></a> It
+should be added that the palace stood within the fortified enclosure<a id='r514' /><a href='#f514' class='c009'><sup>[514]</sup></a>
+around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, the Castelion
+of  Blachernæ (Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις φρούριον, μέρος καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦ περὶ
+τὰ βασίλεια φρουρίου ὂν Καστέλιον προσαγορευόμενον).<a id='r515' /><a href='#f515' class='c009'><sup>[515]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp131'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp131-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp131.jpg' alt='Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>
+  <h2 id='chap10' class='c006'>CHAPTER X. <br /> THE TOWER OF ANEMAS—THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The next portion of the walls to be considered, beginning at
+the tower marked with an inscription in honour of Isaac
+Angelus,<a id='r516' /><a href='#f516' class='c009'><sup>[516]</sup></a> and terminating at the junction of the Wall of
+Heraclius with the Wall of Leo, has undergone many changes
+in the course of its history, and, consequently, presents problems
+which cannot be solved in the actual state of our knowledge.
+After all is said on the subject, there will be room for wide
+difference of opinion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Originally, it would seem, this portion of the walls formed
+part of the defences around the outlying Fourteenth Region of
+the city; later, it constituted the north-western front of the
+enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is remarkable for its dimensions, rising in some places
+68 feet above the exterior ground-level, with a thickness varying
+from 33-¼ to 61-½ feet. Inside the city the ground reaches the
+level of the parapet-walk.
+The wall is flanked by three towers, the second and third
+being built side by side, with one of their walls in common.
+In the body of the wall behind the twin towers, and for some
+distance to the north of them, were three stories of twelve
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>chambers, presenting in their ruin the most impressive spectacle
+to be found in the circuit of the fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first<a id='r517' /><a href='#f517' class='c009'><sup>[517]</sup></a> of the three towers stands at the south-western
+angle of the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ, where
+the fortifications around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, to
+the rear of the Wall of Manuel, join the wall now under consideration;
+the tower’s upper chamber being on the level of the
+palace area. Upon the tower is the following inscription, in
+honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΠΡΟΣΤΑΞΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΝΓΕΛΟΥ ΙΑΣΑΑΚΙΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΚ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΕΩΣ ΔΙΜΕΗΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΕΤ</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>ϚϠΧΙ (6696).<a id='r518' /><a href='#f518' class='c009'><sup>[518]</sup></a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Tower, by command of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, under the superintendence
+of Basil ... (?) in the year 1188.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>The twin towers rise to a great height, and are supported
+along their base by a massive buttress or counter-fort, 1 G1 G2 G3 G4,
+that stands 23 feet above the present ground-level, and projects
+from 19-½ to 26 feet beyond the towers.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The tower N, an irregular quadrilateral building in two
+stories, measures 48 feet by 43 feet; the tower S, also quadrilateral,
+is 36 feet by 47 feet. But although closely associated,
+the two buildings differ greatly in style of construction. The
+masonry of N is irregular, having a large number of pillars
+inserted into it; often partially, so that many of them project
+like mock artillery. On the other hand, the tower S is carefully
+put together with the usual alternate courses of stone and
+brickwork, and is, moreover, ornamented with a string-course.
+A similar diversity of style is observable in the counter-fort.
+The portion about the tower N is built of small stones roughly
+joined, whereas the portion about the tower S consists of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>splendid large blocks, regularly hewn, and carefully fitted.
+Manifestly the towers are not the work of the same period.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The tower N is commonly regarded as the tower of Isaac
+Angelus; while the tower S has been considered, since Dr.
+Paspates propounded the opinion, to be the Tower of Anemas,<a id='r519' /><a href='#f519' class='c009'><sup>[519]</sup></a>
+which stood in the vicinity of the Palace of Blachernæ, and is
+famous in the annals of Constantinople as a prison for political
+offenders of high rank. The chambers in the body of the wall,
+behind and to the north of the towers, Dr. Paspates thinks, were
+the cells of that celebrated prison.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>How far these views are correct can be determined only
+after the towers and the chambers in the adjoining wall have
+been carefully surveyed. The plan attached to this chapter
+will render the survey easier and clearer.<a id='r520' /><a href='#f520' class='c009'><sup>[520]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At <i>x</i> was a small arched postern, by which one entered the
+vaulted tunnel Z, that led through the counter-fort G´ to the
+gateway <i>l</i> in the north-eastern side of the tower S. The sill
+of the postern <i>x</i> is now nearly 10 feet above the exterior
+ground-level, but originally it was higher, so that persons could
+pass in and out only by means of a ladder that could be withdrawn
+at pleasure. The postern <i>x</i>, the tunnel Z, and the gateway
+<i>l</i> are now built up with solid masonry to the spring of the
+vault, obliging the explorer to make his way on his hands
+and knees in a most uncomfortable manner.<a id='r521' /><a href='#f521' class='c009'><sup>[521]</sup></a> Judging from the
+carefulness of the work, the passage was blocked before the
+Turkish Conquest.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>By the gateway <i>l</i> one enters the lofty vestibule <i>b</i>, now in
+total darkness, so that all further exploration requires the aid of
+artificial light. The original floor of the vestibule is buried
+below a mass of earth which stands at the present level of Z
+and <i>l</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the wall to the right is a low arched niche, <i>i</i>; in the wall
+<i>g</i>, directly in front of the explorer, a wide breach opens into E;
+while in the wall to the left is a loophole O, now on the level
+of the present floor of <i>b</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Crawling first through O, one finds one’s self in a spacious
+vaulted hall, some 200 feet long, and from 29 to 40 feet wide.
+The lower portion of the hall is filled with <i>débris</i> and earth,
+piled unevenly upon the floor, in great mounds and deep
+hollows, which add indeed to the weirdness of the scene, but,
+unfortunately, render a complete exploration of the interior
+impossible.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thirteen buttress-walls, pierced by three arches superposed,
+run transversely across the hall, from the wall AA to the
+wall BB, and divide the interior into fourteen compartments,
+which average nearly 10 feet in breadth, and vary in length
+from about 27 to 40 feet; the walls AA and BB standing
+further apart, as they proceed from south-west to north-east.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>These compartments, excepting the first and last, were
+divided, as the cavities for fixing joists in the buttresses prove,
+into three stories of twelve chambers, the superposed arches
+affording continuous communication between the chambers on the
+different floors. The chambers on the ground floor, so far as
+appears, were totally dark, but those on the two upper stories
+received light and air through the large loophole in the wall BB,
+with which each of them was provided. The compartment C´
+led to the chamber in the second story of the tower N, and at
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>the same time communicated at v with the terrace on which
+the Palace of Blachernæ stood, and where the Mosque of Aivas
+Effendi is now erected.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The face of the wall AA is pierced by two tiers of loopholes,
+which are openings in two superposed corridors or
+galleries constructed in the body of the wall AA. These
+loopholes occur at irregular distances from the buttress-walls,
+and some of them are partially closed by the latter, while others
+are completely so.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As the galleries in AA are blocked with earth at various
+points, they cannot be explored thoroughly. At the north-eastern
+end, the upper gallery opens on the garden of a Turkish
+house near the Heraclian Wall. Whether the south-western
+end communicated with the court of the Palace of Blachernæ
+cannot be determined.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Returning to the vestibule <i>b</i>, and crawling next through the
+opening at <i>i</i>, the explorer finds himself in F, a vaulted
+chamber over 29 feet long, and about 17 feet wide. What
+the original height of the apartment was cannot be ascertained,
+the floor being covered with a deep bed of fine dark loam,
+but the ceiling is still some 23 feet high. Below a line
+nearly 14 feet from the ceiling, as a sloping ledge at that
+elevation makes evident, the north-eastern and north-western
+walls of the apartment are much thicker than above that
+point. Over the ledge in the north-eastern wall is a loophole.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The south-eastern wall is strengthened with two arches;
+while the ceiling is pierced by a circular hole, which communicates
+with the room on the higher story of the tower.
+When first explored by Dr. Paspates, a well nearly 18 feet
+deep was found sunk in the floor.<a id='r522' /><a href='#f522' class='c009'><sup>[522]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>Before leaving the chamber the explorer should notice
+the shaft of a pillar which protrudes from the south-western
+wall, like the shafts of the pillars built into the open sides of
+the tower N.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Returning once more to the vestibule <i>b</i>, we proceed to the
+breach in the wall <i>g</i>, and enter E. That the breach was made
+on a systematic plan is clear from the half-arch <i>f</i>, which was
+constructed to support the building after the wall <i>g</i> had been
+weakened by the opening made in it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>E was a stairway-turret, in which an inclined plane, without
+steps, winded about the newel, <i>e</i>, upwards and downwards.
+The turret is filled with earth to the present level of the
+vestibule <i>b</i>, so that one cannot descend the stairway below
+that point; but there can be no doubt whatever that the stairway
+conducted to the original floor of the vestibule <i>b</i>, and to the
+gateway <i>l</i>, and thence to the tunnel and postern in the counter-fort.
+Whether it led also to an entrance to the chambers C C C
+cannot be discovered under existing circumstances. The object
+of the breach in <i>g</i> was to establish communication between the
+stairway, the vestibule <i>b</i>, and the tunnel Z, after the original
+means of communication between them had been blocked by
+raising the floors of the tunnel and the vestibule to their present
+level, in the manner already described.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The stairway winds thirteen times about its newel, and
+ascends to within a short distance of the summit of the turret.
+The summit was open, and stood on the level of the court of
+the Palace of Blachernæ; but the opening could be reached
+from the stairway only by means of a ladder removable at the
+pleasure of the guardians of the palace, and was, doubtless,
+closed with an iron door for the sake of greater security.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The walls of the turret were pierced by four loop-holes;
+two, placed one above the other, looking towards the north-west,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>and two, similarly arranged, facing the north-east. Those on
+the lower level are closed, but the two higher ones have
+been enlarged, and admit to the fine <b>L</b>-shaped chamber in
+the upper story of the tower, the chamber above F and the
+vestibule <i>b</i>.</p>
+
+<div id='fig137'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig137.jpg' alt='The L-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower S.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>The <b>L</b>-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower <b>S</b>.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The chamber measures some 39 feet by 33 feet, and was
+lighted by a large square window in the north-western wall.
+A circular aperture in the floor communicated with F; and a
+corresponding aperture in the vaulted ceiling opened on the roof
+of the tower. The walls are furnished with numerous air-passages,
+to prevent dampness, and are covered with a thin
+coating of plaster. The vault of the ceiling, if we may judge
+from the small cavities for joists below the spring of the arch,
+was concealed by woodwork. Indeed, a portion of one of the
+cross-beams is still in its place.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>The stairway communicated, moreover, with the tower N,
+through narrow vaulted passages that pierce the north-eastern
+wall of the tower at three points; first, at the original level of
+the vestibule <i>b</i>, and then at the level of the two tiers of loopholes.
+These passages are choked with earth, but by the partial
+excavation of the lowest one of them access was obtained to
+the small chamber D. It had no windows, but a round aperture
+in the ceiling connected it with some unexplored part of the
+tower.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From this survey of the buildings before us some satisfactory
+inferences may certainly be drawn regarding their history and
+character; although several points must remain obscure until
+the removal of the earth accumulated within the ruins renders
+a complete exploration possible.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the first place, the character of these walls and towers
+can be understood only in the light of the fact that whatever
+other function belonged to them, they were intended to support
+the terraced hill on which the Palace of Blachernæ, to their
+rear, was constructed. The unusual height and thickness of
+the walls, the extent to which buttresses are here employed,
+were not demanded by purely military considerations. Such
+features are explicable only upon the view that the fortifications
+of the city at this point served also as a retaining wall,
+whereby the Imperial residence could be built upon an
+elevation beyond the reach of escalade, and where it would
+command a wide prospect of the city and surrounding country.
+In fact, the buildings before us resemble the immense substructures
+raised on the Palatine hill by Septimius Severus
+and Caracalla to support the platform on which the Ædes
+Severianæ were erected.<a id='r523' /><a href='#f523' class='c009'><sup>[523]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp138'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp138-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp138.jpg' alt='“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From The South-West).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From The South-West).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the next place, there are at several points in these
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>buildings so many alterations; there is so much undoing of
+work done, either rendering it useless or diverting it from its
+original purpose, that these various constructions cannot be
+treated as parts of an edifice built on a single systematic
+plan, but as an agglomeration of different erections, put up at
+various periods to serve new requirements arising from time
+to time. For instance, the loopholes in the wall AA have no
+symmetrical relation to the buttress-walls that divide the compartments
+C; some of them, as already stated, are partially
+closed by the buttresses; others are entirely so, their
+existence being discoverable only from the interior of the
+galleries in the body of that wall. It is hard to believe that
+such inconsistent arrangements can be the work of one mind
+and hand.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Again: the tower S and the tower N block the windows in
+four of the compartments C. Surely the same builder would
+not thus go back upon his work. Once more; the loopholes
+in the stairway-turret afford no light in their present position,
+the lower pair being closed, the upper pair forming entrances
+to the <b>L</b>-shaped chamber. This is not an original arrangement.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In view of such peculiarities, the following conclusions
+regarding these buildings seem the most reasonable, in the
+present state of our knowledge:</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(1) The wall AA was at one time the only erection here;
+and the two galleries, constructed in the thickness of the wall
+formed with their loopholes two tiers of batteries, so to speak,
+for the discharge of missiles upon an enemy attacking this
+quarter of the city. A similar system of defence was employed
+for the protection of the smaller residence forming part
+of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r524' /><a href='#f524' class='c009'><sup>[524]</sup></a> and for the protection
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>of the Palace of the Bucoleon, situated on the city walls near
+Tchatlady Kapou.<a id='r525' /><a href='#f525' class='c009'><sup>[525]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>When precisely the wall AA was erected cannot be determined;
+but, judging from its height, and the manner in which
+it was equipped for defence, the probable opinion is that this
+was done after the Palace of Blachernæ had assumed considerable
+importance. Possibly, the work belongs to the reign
+of Anastasius I.<a id='r526' /><a href='#f526' class='c009'><sup>[526]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(2) At some later period the wall BB, equipped with
+buttresses within and without, was erected to support the
+wall AA. The demand for such support was doubtless occasioned
+by additions to the Palace of Blachernæ, which already in the
+tenth century comprised several edifices on the hill behind
+the wall AA.<a id='r527' /><a href='#f527' class='c009'><sup>[527]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As BB superseded the original function of the galleries in
+AA, it was a matter of little moment how many of the loopholes
+in the latter were more or less masked by the buttresses built
+transversely between the two walls. It would be enough to
+retain a few loopholes to light the galleries. At the same
+time, advantage was taken of the buttresses to construct, in
+the space between AA and BB, three stories of chambers, for
+such purpose as the authorities of the palace might decide.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(3) The manner in which the towers S and N block the
+windows in four of the compartments C is evidence that these
+towers were additions made later than the age of BB. This
+view is corroborated by the marked difference between the
+masonry of the towers and the masonry of the wall BB, against
+which they are built.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(4) The towers S and N are so different in their respective
+styles of construction that they cannot be contemporaneous
+buildings.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>(5) The tower S is later than the tower N, for their common
+wall, H, is strictly the north-eastern side of the tower N, as the
+similarity of the masonry of H to that of the other sides of N
+makes perfectly plain. This similarity is manifest not only in
+the general features of the work, but also in the insertion of
+marble shafts into the wall H; in one instance partially, after
+the odd fashion adopted so extensively in the open sides of the
+tower N. Furthermore, the manner in which the walls of the
+chamber F and the L-shaped chamber in the tower S impinge
+upon the wall H shows that the former were built against the
+latter, and that they are posterior in age.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(6) The stairway-turret E, as the loopholes in its sides prove,
+stood, at one time, in the open light and air. If so, it must be
+older than the apartments <i>b</i>, F, L, in the tower S, which enclose it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(7) The passages communicating between the stairway and
+the chambers in the tower N render it almost certain that the
+stairway-turret was constructed at the same time as that tower.
+Thus, also, a short and private way from the Palace of Blachernæ
+to the country beyond the city bounds was provided; for it may
+be confidently assumed that at the foot of the stairway there was
+a small gate, corresponding to the gate <i>l</i>, and the postern <i>x</i> at the
+mouth of the tunnel Z.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(8) When the stairway-turret was enclosed by the vestibule <i>b</i>,
+the chamber F, and the <b>L</b>-shaped chamber, the lower loopholes
+of the turret were built up as superfluous, while the upper ones
+were widened to form entrances to the L-shaped chamber.
+Accordingly, the tower S is an old stairway-turret enclosed
+within later constructions.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(9) In view of some great danger, access to the tower S from
+without the city was blocked by building up the postern <i>x</i>,
+the tunnel Z, the gate <i>l</i>, and the vestibule <i>b</i>, to their actual level.
+The portion of the passage still left open was too narrow to be
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>forced by an enemy, and yet was convenient to be retained
+for the sake of ventilation, or as a way in and out in some
+emergency. At the same time, a breach was made in the wall
+<i>g</i> to place the elevated floor of the vestibule into communication
+with the stairway-turret E.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>(10) What precise object the chambers C in the body of the
+city wall were intended to serve is open to discussion. In the
+opinion of Dr. Paspates, who was the first to explore them, they
+were prison-cells. Possibly the lowest series of these chambers
+may have been employed for that purpose; but, taken as a whole,
+the suite of apartments between AA and BB do not convey the
+impression of being places of confinement. Their spaciousness,
+their number, the free communication between them, the size of
+the windows in the two upper stories, the proximity of the
+windows to the floor, are not the characteristics of dungeons.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is not impossible that these chambers were store-rooms or
+barracks,<a id='r528' /><a href='#f528' class='c009'><sup>[528]</sup></a> and that through the loopholes in the wall BB the
+palace was defended as, previously, through the openings in AA.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Communication between the three stories must have been
+maintained by means of wooden stairs or ladders. In the north-eastern
+wall of C’—the chamber which gave access from the
+court of the Palace of Blachernæ at <i>v</i> to the second story of the
+tower N—there was an archway, now filled up, opening upon the
+level of the highest series of chambers C. When the archway
+was closed, communication was held through a breach at <i>h</i>.
+Possibly the same series of chambers was entered from the north-eastern
+end of the upper gallery in AA. Contrary to what
+might be supposed, there was no access to the two upper series
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>of chambers from the stairway-turret. Whether the lowest
+series could be reached by a door at the foot of the stairway
+cannot be ascertained, on account of the earth in which the
+lower portion of the stairway lies buried. But it is extremely
+improbable that such was the case, for the stairway-turret
+belongs, we have seen, to a later age than the chambers in the
+body of the adjoining wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With these points made clear, we are in a position to consider
+how far the identification of the towers N and S, respectively,
+with the historical towers of Isaac Angelus and Anemas can be
+established.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Nicetas Choniates, the Tower of Isaac Angelus
+stood at the Palace of Blachernæ, and was built by that emperor
+to buttress and to defend the palace, and to form, at the same
+time, a residence for his personal use.<a id='r529' /><a href='#f529' class='c009'><sup>[529]</sup></a> It was constructed with
+materials taken from ruined churches on the neighbouring seashore,
+and from various public buildings in the city, ruthlessly
+torn down for the purpose.<a id='r530' /><a href='#f530' class='c009'><sup>[530]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This account makes it certain, in the first place, that the
+Tower of Isaac Angelus was one of the three towers which flank
+the portion of the city walls now under consideration, the portion
+which forms the north-western side of the enclosure around the
+Palace of Blachernæ; for these towers, and they only, at once
+defended and supported the terrace upon which that palace
+stood.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This being the case, it is natural to suppose that the Tower
+of Isaac Angelus is the tower which bears the inscription in
+his honour.<a id='r531' /><a href='#f531' class='c009'><sup>[531]</sup></a> But this opinion is attended with difficulties. For
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>the tower in question does not differ in any marked manner
+from an ordinary tower in the fortifications of the city. It
+is not specially fitted for a residence, nor does it possess features
+which render it worthy to have a place in history among the
+notable buildings erected by a sovereign. Furthermore, it is
+not constructed, to any striking degree, with materials drawn
+from other edifices.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To all this it is possible to reply that we do not see the tower
+in its original condition; that its upper story, which stood on the
+level of the palace area to the rear, is gone; that the tower, as it
+stands, consists largely of Turkish repairs; that the extent to
+which, in its original state, it resembled, or failed to resemble, the
+description of the Tower of Isaac Angelus as given by Nicetas,
+cannot be accurately known, and that, consequently, the question
+regarding the identity of the tower must be decided by the
+inscription found upon the building. There is force in this rejoinder;
+and it is the conclusion we must adopt, if there are not
+stronger reasons for identifying the Tower of Isaac Angelus with
+one or other of the two adjoining towers, N and S.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp144'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp144-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp144.jpg' alt='“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From the North-West).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From the North-West).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The claims of the tower N to be the Tower of Isaac Angelus
+rest upon its strong resemblance to the description which Nicetas
+has given of the latter building. His description seems a photograph
+of that tower. Like the Tower of Isaac Angelus, the tower
+N, besides defending and supporting the Palace of Blachernæ,
+was pre-eminently a residential tower; and the numerous pillars
+employed in its construction betray clearly the fact that it was
+built with materials taken from other edifices, some of which may
+well have been churches. The upper story, which was reached
+from the court of the palace behind it, formed a spacious apartment
+22-¼ by 27-½ feet, and about 18 feet high. Its north-western
+wall was pierced by three large round-headed windows, opening,
+as pillars placed below them for supports indicate, upon a balcony
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>which commanded a beautiful view of the country about the
+head of the Golden Horn. Another window led to a small balcony
+on the south-western side of the tower, while a fifth looked
+towards the Golden Horn and the hills beyond. The apartment
+might well be styled the Belvedere of the Palace of Blachernæ.
+The lower story of the tower, which was reached by a short
+flight of steps descending from the palace court to the vestibule
+C1, cannot be explored, being filled with earth; but, judging from
+its arched entrance and the large square window in the north-western
+wall, it was a commodious room, with the advantage of
+affording more privacy than the apartment above it. What was
+the object of the dark rooms situated below these two stories, at
+different levels of the tower, and reached from the stairway-turret
+outside it, is open to discussion. The stairway, as already intimated,
+led also to the surrounding country. Taking all these
+features of the tower N into consideration, a very strong case
+can be made in favour of the opinion that it is the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>How this conclusion should affect our views regarding the
+inscription in honour of that emperor found on the tower L is a
+point about which minds may differ. The inscription may be in
+its proper place, and thereby prove that the tower it marks was
+also an erection of Isaac Angelus, although not the one to which
+Nicetas refers. And some countenance is lent to this view by
+a certain similarity in the Byzantine masonry of the towers L
+and N. But, on the hypothesis that L and N were both erected
+by Isaac Angelus, it is extremely strange that the inscription in
+his honour should have been placed upon the inferior tower, and
+not upon the one which formed his residence and had some
+architectural pretensions.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This objection can be met, indeed, either by assuming
+that another inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus stood on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>the tower N, but has disappeared; or, with Dr. Paspates,<a id='r532' /><a href='#f532' class='c009'><sup>[532]</sup></a>
+it may be maintained that the inscription is not in its proper
+place, but belonged originally to the counter-fort supporting the
+tower N, and was transferred thence to the tower L when the
+latter was repaired.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In favour of this alternative it may be urged that the tower
+L has, manifestly, undergone repair; that some of the materials
+used for that purpose may have been taken from the counter-fort
+G4, which has been to a great extent stripped of its facing;
+and that the inscription on the tower L is not in a symmetrical
+position, being too much to the left, and somewhat too high for
+the size of its lettering. But to all this there is the serious objection
+that the inscribed slab is found in the Byzantine portion
+of the tower; while the idea that the counter-fort G4 was
+defaced in Byzantine days for the sake of repairing the tower
+L is against all probability.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We pass next to the identification of the Tower of Anemas
+with the tower S. The Tower of Anemas is first mentioned by
+Anna Comnena in the twelfth century, as the prison in which a
+certain Anemas was confined for having taken a leading part in
+a conspiracy to assassinate her father, the Emperor Alexius
+Comnenus. According to the Imperial authoress, it was a tower
+in the city walls in the neighbourhood of the Palace of Blachernæ,
+and owed its name to the circumstance that Anemas was the
+first prisoner who occupied it.<a id='r533' /><a href='#f533' class='c009'><sup>[533]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another indication of the situation of the tower is given by
+Leonard of Scio,<a id='r534' /><a href='#f534' class='c009'><sup>[534]</sup></a> when he states that the towers “Avenides”
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>stood near the Xylo Porta, the gate at the extremity of the land-walls
+beside the Golden Horn. To this should be added the
+indication that the tower was one of a group, for Phrantzes<a id='r535' /><a href='#f535' class='c009'><sup>[535]</sup></a>
+and Leonard of Scio employ the plural form, “the Anemas
+Towers.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Whether the tower was an erection of Alexius Comnenus or
+an earlier building is not recorded; but in either case it was in
+existence in the reign of that emperor, and, consequently, was
+older than any work belonging to the time of Isaac Angelus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With these indications as the basis for a decision, can the
+claim that the tower S is the Tower of Anemas be maintained?
+The tower answers to the description of Anna Comnena in
+being a tower in the city walls close to the Palace of Blachernæ.
+Nor is its situation at variance with the statement of Leonard
+of Scio that it stood in the neighbourhood of the Xylo Porta,
+although there are three towers between it and that gate. Furthermore,
+it is one of a pair of towers that might be designated
+the Towers of Anemas.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The main reason, however, which induced Dr. Paspates to
+identify the tower S with the prison of Anemas was the
+proximity of the tower to the chambers C in the adjoining wall,
+which he regarded as prison-cells. This view of the character of
+those chambers is, for reasons already intimated, extremely
+doubtful. But even if prison-cells, that fact alone would not
+be conclusive proof that they were the prison of Anemas.
+For the prison of Anemas is always described as a tower; and
+by no stretch of language can that designation be applied
+to the chambers in the body of the wall.<a id='r536' /><a href='#f536' class='c009'><sup>[536]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>The force of this objection would, indeed, be met if proof
+were forthcoming that the tower S gave access to the chambers
+C, and formed an integral part of a common system. But
+the evidence is all on the other side. From the manner in
+which the tower S blocks the windows of some of the chambers,
+it is clear, as already observed, that the tower S and the adjoining
+chambers belong to different periods, and were built without
+regard to each other. There is no trace of any means of
+communication between the tower and the two upper series of
+chambers, and we have no reason to think, but the reverse, that
+the lowest series of chambers could be reached from it. So
+far as the chambers are concerned, the tower S is an independent
+building, upon whose identity they throw no light.
+Whether it was the prison of Anemas must be determined
+by its own character. Was it suitable for a prison? Above all,
+is its age compatible with the view that it was the prison of
+Anemas?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In answer to the former question, it cannot be denied that
+the tower S could be used as a place of confinement. The
+chamber F, which is supposed to have been a cistern, may
+have been a dungeon. The <b>L</b>-shaped chamber in the second
+story may have served for the detention of great personages
+placed under arrest. Still, on the whole, the tower S seems
+rather an extension of the residential tower N than a dungeon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the point of most importance in the whole discussion is
+the comparative ages of the towers N and S. As a building in
+existence when Alexius Comnenus occupied the throne of Constantinople,
+the Tower of Anemas was, at least, seventy years
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>older than the Tower of Isaac Angelus. Hence, if the tower S
+is the former, it must be older than the tower N, which Dr.
+Paspates identifies with the Tower of Isaac Angelus. But the
+evidence which has been submitted goes to prove that the tower
+S is more recent than the tower N. These towers, therefore,
+cannot be, respectively, the Tower of Anemas and the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus. Nothing can prove that the tower S is the
+Tower of Anemas, until S is shown to be earlier than N, or
+the identification of the tower N with the Tower of Isaac Angelus
+is abandoned as erroneous.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates,<a id='r537' /><a href='#f537' class='c009'><sup>[537]</sup></a> indeed, assigned the tower S to the reign of
+Theophilus in the ninth century, on the ground that a block of stone
+upon which some letters of that emperor’s name are inscribed is
+built into the tower’s north-western face. But a little attention
+to the way in which that stone is fitted into the masonry will
+make it perfectly evident that the stone has not been placed
+there to bear part of an inscription, but as ordinary material of
+construction, obtained from some other edifice. Consequently,
+it throws no light upon the age of the tower.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Where, then, was the Tower of Anemas? Perhaps, in our
+present state of knowledge, no answer which will commend itself
+as perfectly satisfactory can be given to the question.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The simplest solution of the difficult problem is that the
+tower L, which bears the inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus,
+is, after all, the tower erected by that emperor, though greatly
+altered by injuries and repairs; and that the towers N and S
+together constituted the prison-tower of Anemas, S being a later
+addition.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Others may prefer to hold the view that the tower N is the
+Tower of Anemas, and the tower S that of Isaac Angelus,
+pointing in support of this opinion to the cells in the tower N,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>reached from the stairway by narrow vaulted passages. This
+would mean, practically, that the Tower of Isaac Angelus was
+the Tower of Anemas renovated and enlarged.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Possibly, others may be disposed, notwithstanding the inscription
+of Isaac Angelus upon it, to regard the tower L as the
+Tower of Anemas, and the tower N, with the later addition of
+S, as that of Isaac Angelus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>If none of these views is acceptable, we must fall back upon
+the opinion which prevailed before Dr. Paspates discovered the
+chambers adjoining the tower N and S, viz. that the towers N
+and S together formed the Tower of Isaac Angelus, and that
+the Tower of Anemas was one of the three towers in the
+Heraclian Wall.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This was the view of the Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r538' /><a href='#f538' class='c009'><sup>[538]</sup></a> who writes:
+“The Tower of Anemas still exists. On its side facing the Holy
+Well of Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one
+above.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This opinion prevailed in Constantinople also in the sixteenth
+century, for Leunclavius was informed by Zygomales that the
+Towers of Anemas were the Towers of the Pentapyrgion,<a id='r539' /><a href='#f539' class='c009'><sup>[539]</sup></a> the
+name given to the citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and
+Leo.</p>
+
+<p class='c013'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—For the illustrations facing respectively pp. <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, and for the lower
+illustration facing p. <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, I am indebted to the kindness of my colleague, Professor
+W. Ormiston. The photographs were taken on the 10th of July, 1894, shortly before
+the occurrence of the severe earthquake which has made that day memorable in
+Constantinople. Our situation in the chambers at such a time was not enviable.
+But we learned that day what an earthquake meant in the old history of the walls of
+the city.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp150'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp150-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp150.jpg' alt='View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of Blachernæ).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of Blachernæ).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>There is nothing in this view opposed to the fact that the
+Tower of Anemas stood in the city walls near the Palace of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>Blachernæ; and a strong argument in its favour may be based
+upon the association of the tower with the Xylo Porta by
+Leonard of Scio, when he relates to Pope Nicholas how
+Jerome from Italy, and Leonardo de Langasco from Genoa,
+at the head of their companions-in-arms, guarded the Xylo
+Porta and the towers named Avenides (clearly Anemades):
+“Hieronymus Italianus, Leonardus de Langasco, Genovensis,
+cum multis sociis, Xylo Portam et turres quos Avenides vocant,
+impensis cardinalis reparatas, spectabant.”<a id='r540' /><a href='#f540' class='c009'><sup>[540]</sup></a> This statement is
+repeated by Zorzo Dolfin.<a id='r541' /><a href='#f541' class='c009'><sup>[541]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Xylo Porta, without question, was at Aivan Serai
+Kapoussi, to the north of the Wall of Heraclius, and immediately
+beside the Golden Horn;<a id='r542' /><a href='#f542' class='c009'><sup>[542]</sup></a> and the towers which would
+most appropriately be entrusted to soldiers defending that
+entrance are the towers nearest to it, <i>viz.</i> the three towers of
+the Heraclian Wall. At all events, the designation, “turres
+Avenides,” as used by Leonard of Scio, must include them,
+even if it comprised others also.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One thing is certain; the commonly accepted view that the
+towers N and S represent, respectively, the historical Towers
+of Isaac Angelus and of Anemas must, in one way or another,
+be corrected.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>NOTE.</h3>
+<p class='c015'>Two or three additional passages which bear upon the question under discussion
+may be noticed, notwithstanding their vagueness.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>The statement of Phrantzes (p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>), among others, that in the siege of 1453 the
+charge of the palace and all about it was entrusted to Minotto, the Baillus of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>Venetian colony, might be employed in favour of the view that the “turres Avenides”
+which Leonard of Scio associates with the Xylo Porta, and assigns to Jerome and
+Leonardus de Langasco, could not be the towers S and N, but the towers of the
+Heraclian Wall. For the towers S and N, being attached to the Palace of Blachernæ,
+would fall under the care of Minotto. There is force in the argument. But it is
+weakened by statements of Pusculus (iv. 173) and Zorzo Dolfin (s. 55), which imply
+that the palace defended by Minotto was the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus. For
+both of these writers place the Gate of the Palace (see above, p. 47) between the
+Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) and the Gate of the Kaligaria (Egri Kapou), and
+Pusculus describes the palace concerned as “Regia celsa,” an apt description of a
+building seated, like Tekfour Serai, upon the walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>The references made to the Tower of Anemas, though not under its name, by the
+Spanish ambassador Clavijo, who visited the Byzantine Court in 1403, should not
+be overlooked (see <i>Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques</i>, translated into
+French by Ph. Bruun, Odessa). Speaking of the Church of Blachernæ (p. 15), he
+describes it as “située dans la ville près d’un châteaufort, servant de demeure aux
+empereurs; ce fort a été démoli par un empereur, parce qu’il y avait été enfermé par
+son fils.” The fact that Clavijo identifies the Church of Blachernæ by its vicinity to
+the Tower of Anemas may be pressed into the service of the opinion that the tower in
+question stood in the Wall of Heraclius. For there is no more appropriate way of
+indicating the situation of that church than by saying that it stands a little to the rear
+of the Heraclian Wall. So appropriate is that mode of identification, that the
+Patriarch Constantius has recourse to it when, conversely, he indicates the situation of
+the Tower of Anemas (which he considered to be the southernmost Heraclian tower):
+“The Tower of Anemas still exists,” he says. “On its side facing the Holy Well of
+Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one above” (see above, p. <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>).
+But, unfortunately, to describe one building as “near” another is often the most
+tantalizing aid to its discovery that can be offered. The towers S and N cannot be
+said to be far from the Church of Blachernæ. Perhaps some injury to one of the
+Heraclian towers might explain the statement of Clavijo, that the Tower of Anemas
+had been destroyed; but could he have mistaken the citadel formed by the Walls of
+Heraclius and Leo for an Imperial residence? Such language suggests rather the
+towers S and N.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>Again, the declaration of the Spanish envoy that the tower (“une prison très
+profonde et obscure”) had been demolished by the Emperor John VI. Palæologus
+(“<i>L’empereur s’empressa de démolir la tour où il avait été enferme</i>,” pp. 19, 20)
+might seem to imply that the tower has disappeared, and thus to relieve us from
+all the labour involved in the effort to identify it. But the statement of Leonard of
+Scio that the “turres Avenides” were repaired by Cardinal Isidore (“impensis cardinalis
+reparatas”), while it confirms the declaration of Clavijo to some extent, is opposed
+to the idea of the total destruction and disappearance of the famous prison-tower.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>Or, the statement that the Tower of Anemas was demolished, when combined
+with the statement that it was repaired, might seem to open a way out of the difficulties
+involved in regarding the tower S as the Tower of Anemas, although more recent
+than the tower N. May not the tower S be, in its present form, a reconstruction,
+after the reign of Isaac Angelus, of a tower originally older than that emperor’s day,
+and be thus at once more ancient and more modern than the tower N? But this
+solution of the puzzle cannot be allowed; there is the fatal objection that the common
+wall II belonged first to the tower N.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>Finally, in the Venetian account of the attempt made by Carlo Zen to liberate
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>John VI. Palæologus from the Tower of Anemas, Zen is represented as reaching the
+foot of the tower in a boat, and clambering up to the window of the prison by means
+of a rope. This would exclude the claim of a Heraclian tower to be the Tower of
+Anemas, for that wall could not be reached by boat. One might approach the towers
+S and N in that way, if the moat before Leo’s Wall extended from the Golden Horn
+to the Wall of Manuel Comnenus, and was full of water. But this is an extremely
+improbable supposition, when we hear nothing of the sort in the history of the attack
+upon this side of the city by the Crusaders in 1203, notwithstanding the minute
+description of the territory from the pen of Nicetas Choniates and other historians of
+that time. Nor is such a thing mentioned in the history of the last siege, when the
+moat before the Wall of Leo was reconstructed. The whole story of Carlo Zen’s
+efforts to deliver John Palæologus savours too much of romance to have any topographical
+value. The story may be read in Le Beau’s <i>Histoire du Bas-Empire</i>,
+vol. xii. pp. 174-179.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>
+  <h2 id='chap11' class='c006'>CHAPTER XI. <br /> INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Michael Anemas, the first to occupy the prison, and from
+whom it obtained its name,<a id='r543' /><a href='#f543' class='c009'><sup>[543]</sup></a> was a descendant of Emir Abd-el-Aziz
+ben Omar ben Choaib, known in Byzantine history as
+Courapas, and famous as the defender of Crete, when Nicephoras
+Phocas wrested that island from the Saracens, in the reign of
+Romanus II.<a id='r544' /><a href='#f544' class='c009'><sup>[544]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon the return of the victorious troops to the capital, the
+Emir and his family were carried to Constantinople to grace the
+triumph with which the success of Nicephorus was celebrated.
+And as the vanquished chief, his wives, his eldest son Anemas,
+and other members of his family, all clothed in long white robes,
+passed along the triumphal way in chains, the dignity of their
+demeanour attracted universal attention, and produced a most
+favourable impression. To the credit of the conquerors, be it
+said, the Emir was, thereafter, treated with all due regard and
+generosity. He received a large estate in the neighbourhood
+of the capital, and was allowed to end his days in peace,
+surrounded by his friends, and unmolested on account of his
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>faith. Had he seen his way to renounce the creed of his fathers
+he would have been created a senator.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>His son Anemas embraced Christianity, entered the army
+of the Empire, and took part in the war against the Russians
+during the reign of Zimisces, when he distinguished himself
+by his bravery, and fell in battle in personal encounter with
+Swiatoslaf, the Russian king.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A martial spirit continued to characterize the family in subsequent
+generations, and was not least conspicuous in Michael
+Anemas and his three brothers, the representatives of the race
+under Alexius Comnenus. But they allowed themselves to
+become involved in a conspiracy against that emperor, and upon
+the discovery of the plot were condemned to imprisonment and
+the loss of their eyes.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To accompany the infliction of punishment with every circumstance
+that could humiliate the criminal, and excite popular
+contempt and derision was after the heart of those times.
+Accordingly, Michael Anemas and his companions, attired in
+sacking, with their beards plucked out, their heads shorn and
+crowned with the horns and the intestines of oxen and sheep,
+were led forth, mounted sideways on oxen, and in this guise,
+conducted first around the court of the Great Palace, and then
+along the Mesè of the city, crowded with excited spectators.
+But the appearance of the guilty men excited commiseration
+rather than ridicule. The agony of Michael, as he implored to
+be put to death rather than to suffer blindness, touched all
+hearts. Even Anna Comnena, who witnessed the scene, and
+whose filial sentiments might have hardened her heart against
+the conspirators, was so deeply affected that she determined to
+do all in her power to save Michael from the cruel loss of his
+eyes. Finding her mother, Anna brought her to the harrowing
+spectacle, certain it would have the desired effect. The empress
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>was overwhelmed to tears, and hastening back to the palace,
+prevailed upon Alexius to spare the prisoners’ sight. By this
+time the unhappy men were approaching the Amastrianon, a
+public place where stood an arch on which was a bas-relief representing
+two hands pierced by a spear. Once a criminal on his
+way to execution passed that point he was beyond the reach of
+the Imperial clemency. A few moments more, and the messenger
+of mercy sent by Alexius would have been too late. But just
+before the doomed men reached the fatal point, the order for the
+mitigation of their sentence was delivered, and Anemas was
+simply imprisoned in the tower which was to perpetuate his
+name. There he remained for a considerable period; but at
+length was pardoned and set free.<a id='r545' /><a href='#f545' class='c009'><sup>[545]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Before Anemas was released, another notable personage was
+committed to the tower, Georgius, Duke of Trebizond, who
+attempted, in 1107, to establish the independence of his
+province; as though to anticipate the creation of the Empire
+of Trebizond in the thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>He proved a refractory prisoner, venting his rage in unceasing
+imprecations upon the head of his Imperial master.
+With the hope of conciliating the rebel, he was repeatedly visited
+by his old friend, the Cæsar Nicephorus Bryennius, the husband
+of Anna Comnena. For a long time, however, all friendly
+overtures proved unavailing. But at last the tedium of protracted
+confinement broke the prisoner’s spirit, and induced
+him to submit; upon which he was liberated, and loaded with
+wealth and honours.<a id='r546' /><a href='#f546' class='c009'><sup>[546]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp156'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp156-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp156.jpg' alt='Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next inmate of the tower was the Emperor Andronicus
+Comnenus, of infamous memory, upon his capture after his flight
+from the insurrection which his vices and tyranny had provoked
+in the capital, in 1185. To Andronicus imprisonment was no
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>new experience, for already, during the reign of Manuel Comnenus,
+he had been imprisoned twice elsewhere. On both these
+occasions, however, he had succeeded in effecting his escape.
+But the prison of Anemas was to prove his last, and he quitted
+it, only to die at the hands of his infuriated subjects. On the
+eve of his execution he was bound with chains about the neck
+and feet, like some wild animal, and dragged into the presence
+of his successor, Isaac Angelus, to be subjected to every indignity.
+He was reviled, beaten, struck on the mouth; he had his
+hair and beard plucked, his teeth knocked out, his right hand
+struck off with an axe, and then was sent back to his cell, and
+left there without food or water or attention of any kind for
+several days. When brought forth for execution, he was
+dressed like a slave, blinded of one eye, mounted upon a
+mangy camel, and led in mock triumph through the streets of
+the city to the Hippodrome, amidst a storm of hatred and insult,
+seldom, if ever, witnessed under similar circumstances in a
+civilized community. At the Hippodrome he was hung by the
+feet on the architrave of two short columns which stood beside
+the figures of a wolf and a hyena, his natural associates. But
+neither his pitiable condition, nor his quiet endurance of pain,
+nor his pathetic cry, “Kyrie Eleison, Why dost Thou break the
+bruised reed?” excited the slightest commiseration. Additional
+and indescribable insults were heaped upon the fallen tyrant, until
+his agony was brought to an end by three men who plunged their
+swords into his body, to exhibit their dexterity in the use of arms.<a id='r547' /><a href='#f547' class='c009'><sup>[547]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the course of the following century a different personage
+figured in the history of the prison. This was Veccus, Chartophylax
+of St. Sophia at the time of his confinement, and subsequently
+Patriarch of Constantinople.<a id='r548' /><a href='#f548' class='c009'><sup>[548]</sup></a> He incurred the
+displeasure of Michael Palæologus by opposing the union of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>the Eastern and Western Churches, through which the emperor
+hoped to secure the goodwill and assistance of the Pope in
+maintaining the newly recovered throne of Constantinople.
+Before an assembly convened to discuss the question in the
+presence of Michael, Veccus, who had been appointed the
+spokesman of the opponents of the Imperial policy on account
+of his abilities, denounced the Latins as heretics with whom
+ecclesiastical communion was simply impossible. The emperor
+resented the affront, but, unwilling to make it the official
+ground of proceedings against the popular champion of orthodoxy,
+sought other reasons for punishing him. Accordingly,
+he accused Veccus of having thwarted the marriage which had
+been arranged between the Princess Anna and the second
+son of the Kral of Servia; another of Michael’s measures
+to make his position secure.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The charge had some foundation. For upon the completion
+of the negotiations for the marriage, the bride-elect had started
+for her destined home under the care of Veccus and of the
+Patriarch of Constantinople. But when the party reached
+Berœa, Veccus, acting on the private instructions of the empress,
+left Anna and the patriarch, and pushed forward to investigate
+the character and manners of the people among whom the
+princess was to cast her lot. The primitive and boorish
+ways of the Servian Court did not commend themselves
+to Veccus, as a suitable environment for a lady brought up in
+the palaces of Constantinople. The splendour of the tent which
+Veccus occupied was lost upon the Kral; while the eunuchs in
+the household of the Byzantine princess shocked the sovereign’s
+unsophisticated mind. Pointing to the wife of his elder son,
+simply attired, and busy spinning wool, the rough monarch
+exclaimed, “That is how we treat our brides!” Nor was Veccus
+more favourably impressed by other experiences. The embassy
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>which the Kral sent to welcome the bride-elect was robbed on
+the journey by brigands; and the Byzantine envoys awoke one
+morning to find that all their fine horses had been stolen during
+the night. Under these circumstances, Veccus thought the
+wisest course was to conduct Anna back to Constantinople;<a id='r549' /><a href='#f549' class='c009'><sup>[549]</sup></a>
+and for this action Michael now saw fit to prosecute him.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the court which was appointed to try Veccus declined
+to judge a priest in the service of the patriarch without that prelate’s
+orders; and as such orders were not forthcoming, the trial
+could not proceed. At this juncture, Veccus had an interview
+with the emperor and proposed, for the sake of peace, to resign
+office and emoluments, and to go into exile. Michael did not
+condescend a reply. Whereupon the Chartophylax, fearing the
+worst, sought asylum in the Church of St. Sophia, and there
+awaited the Imperial decision. He was soon summoned to
+appear again before the emperor, the order being written in
+vermilion ink, as a mark of esteem and a pledge of personal
+safety. But on the road to the palace he was treacherously
+arrested, and carried off to the prison of Anemas under charge
+of the Varangian guards.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With Veccus out of the way, Michael pushed the matter of
+the union of the churches more hopefully, and in furtherance of
+the Imperial policy caused a list of passages favourable to the
+orthodox character of the Latin Church to be compiled from
+the writings of theologians of repute, and submitted to the
+patriarch and his clergy for consideration. The patriarch
+replied by presenting a list of counter passages, and the situation
+remained what it had been before Veccus was imprisoned.
+Thereupon the suggestion was made that the first list should
+be forwarded to the cell of the Chartophylax. Such a man,
+it was urged, would never alter his views unless convinced by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>reason. The suggestion was adopted, and after reading the
+extracts, Veccus acknowledged that the argument for the union
+of the Churches was stronger than he had hitherto believed.
+His mind, however, he added, could not be satisfied on the
+point at issue by the perusal of isolated passages, torn from
+their connection, and he therefore begged permission to study
+the works from which the extracts submitted to him had been
+taken, pleading as an excuse that he was more versed in the
+writings of classic authors than in patristic learning. Upon this
+he was released, and provided with the books necessary for the
+full prosecution of his inquiries.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The result was that, ere long, he found himself in agreement
+with the emperor, and the scheme for the union of the Churches
+was pursued with renewed ardour. Delegates proceeded from
+Constantinople to the Council assembled at Lyons, and there on
+June 29, 1274, the two great divisions of Christendom were
+formally united. On the second day of June in the following
+year Veccus was elevated to the patriarchal throne.<a id='r550' /><a href='#f550' class='c009'><sup>[550]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is natural to suspect that the prison of Anemas had a share
+in the conversion of Veccus. But the historian Pachymeres
+ascribes the change to candour of judgment and sincere love of
+the truth. Certain it is that Veccus suffered for the views he
+adopted, and died twenty-five years later in the prison of the
+Castle of St. Gregorius, near Helenopolis (Yalova), a martyr to
+his convictions.<a id='r551' /><a href='#f551' class='c009'><sup>[551]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Tower of Anemas was probably also the prison to which
+the Despot Michael was committed by Andronicus II. on the
+charge of treason. He had been created Despot by Michael
+Palæologus, and was married to the Princess Anna, above
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>mentioned, after the failure of the Servian marriage to which
+reference has been made. Upon her death, he fell into
+disgrace at the Court for marrying a daughter of the Bulgarian
+king Terter, the repudiated wife of the King of Servia. To this
+he added treasonable offences, and was, therefore, confined with
+his wife and children in the prison attached to the Great Palace.
+On attempting to escape, he was removed to the prison at
+Blachernæ<a id='r552' /><a href='#f552' class='c009'><sup>[552]</sup></a> for greater security.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Another inmate of the prison of Anemas was Syrghiannes,
+a political adventurer conspicuous for his intrigues during the
+struggle between Andronicus II. and Andronicus III., taking
+sometimes the one side and sometimes the other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>He had been immured elsewhere for five years on the
+charge of conspiracy to assassinate the elder emperor, but
+in 1322, at the instance of John Cantacuzene, then Grand
+Domestic, he was transferred to the Tower of Anemas as a
+more tolerable place of confinement, in the hope of conciliating
+him; and there he was permitted to receive visits from his
+mother, and even to have his wife and children with him.<a id='r553' /><a href='#f553' class='c009'><sup>[553]</sup></a>
+Ultimately he was released, but the old spirit was too strong to
+be vanquished by suffering or by kindness. He returned to
+a life of intrigue and rebellion, and his career was closed by
+the hands of assassins.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Later in the century, members of the Imperial family were
+once more imprisoned in the Tower of Anemas, under circumstances
+which afford a vivid picture of an empire weakened by
+domestic feuds, and distracted by the rival ambitions of foreign
+powers that were awaiting its dissolution, and ready to appropriate
+its territories.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>There John VI. Palæologus imprisoned his eldest son
+Andronicus, and there, upon the escape of the latter, he was
+himself imprisoned with his two younger sons, Manuel and
+Theodore.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Andronicus had been excluded from the succession to the
+throne, on account, it is said, of his indifference to the financial
+straits of his father, when the latter was detained at Venice for
+inability to meet the demands of creditors. The disinherited
+prince, seeking an opportunity for revenge, found a kindred
+spirit in a son of Amurath I., Saoudji, who was jealous of his
+younger brother Bajazet, because he was the Sultan’s favourite child.
+The two princes, bound by a common grievance, joined forces to
+supplant their respective parents on the throne, and raised the
+standard of revolt. Amurath crushed the rebellion with remorseless
+severity, and after putting out the eyes of his own son, called
+upon the emperor to punish Andronicus in the same manner.
+Andronicus was consequently committed to the Tower of Anemas,
+along with his wife and his son John, a child only five years old,
+and there he and his little boy underwent the operation of being
+blinded. The cruel deed was, however, performed so imperfectly
+that Andronicus recovered the use of one eye, while his son
+suffered only from a squint. Two years were thus passed in the
+tower, after which the prisoners were released, either through the
+intervention of the Genoese, at the price of the concession to
+them of the island of Tenedos, or in compliance with the
+demand of Bajazet.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp162a'  class='figcenter id006'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp162a.jpg' alt='Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.” (For this view I am indebted to the late Dr. Ledyard.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Free to act, Andronicus made terms both with the Sultan
+and the Genoese, and relying upon their favour, suddenly
+appeared before the capital. As the emperor and his son Manuel
+happened to be staying at the Palace of the Pegè, outside the
+walls, they were easily captured, and upon the surrender of the
+city they were, in their turn, sent, along with Theodore, to the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>Tower of Anemas, “as Zeus cast his father Chronos and his
+brothers Pluto and Poseidon into the nether world.”</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp162b'  class='figcenter id003'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp162b.jpg' alt='Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West).' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West). (<i>See Plan facing page <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.</i>)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Bajazet advised Andronicus to establish his position by
+putting the prisoners to death, but to that depth of inhumanity
+the rebellious son would not descend. Matters remained in this
+condition for two years, and then the captives managed to
+escape. Precisely how they found their way out of the tower is
+a question upon which authorities differ. According to Phrantzes,
+it was by some deception practised on their Bulgarian guards.
+Ducas ascribes the escape to the skill of a certain Angelus, surnamed
+Diabolus, and known by the soubriquet of Diabol-angelus;
+but whether the deliverance was effected through the angelic
+power or the satanic cunning of the man, the historian is unable
+to decide. Chalcocondylas says that the Imperial captives
+broke through the walls of their dungeon with an iron tool,
+furnished by the servant who brought their food. According
+to Venetian authorities, two ineffectual attempts to save the
+emperor were made by Carlo Zen, on the condition that the
+island of Tenedos would be granted to the Republic of Venice,
+thus rescinding the concession of the island to the Genoese by
+Andronicus. The first attempt, it is said, failed because the
+emperor refused to escape without his sons; the second, owing
+to the detection of the plot to deliver him.<a id='r554' /><a href='#f554' class='c009'><sup>[554]</sup></a> Once out of prison,
+John Palæologus and his son Manuel repaired to the Court
+of Bajazet, prevailed upon him to espouse their cause, and so
+compelled Andronicus to surrender the throne.<a id='r555' /><a href='#f555' class='c009'><sup>[555]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thus the history of the Tower of Anemas reflects the civil
+broils, the tyranny, the ecclesiastical dissensions, the political
+feebleness, and the inability to withstand foreign aggression,
+which marked the decline and fall of the Byzantine Empire.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>
+  <h2 id='chap12' class='c006'>CHAPTER XII. <br /> THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE ARMENIAN.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The fortifications extending from the north-western angle of the
+enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ to the Golden Horn
+consist of two parallel lines, connected by transverse walls, so as
+to form a citadel beside the Golden Horn. The inner wall
+belongs to the reign of Heraclius; the outer is an erection of
+Leo V., the Armenian.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Heraclian Wall was constructed in 627, under the following
+circumstances:—<a id='r556' /><a href='#f556' class='c009'><sup>[556]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Until that year the quarter of Blachernæ, at the foot of
+the Sixth Hill, was a suburb immediately outside the fortifications.<a id='r557' /><a href='#f557' class='c009'><sup>[557]</sup></a>
+The fact that the suburb and its celebrated Church of
+the Theotokos, containing, it was believed, the girdle of the
+Blessed Virgin, were thus exposed to the attacks of an enemy
+did not occasion serious concern. In the opinion of the devout
+citizens of Constantinople, the shrine, so far from needing protection,
+formed one of the strongest bulwarks of the capital.
+At the worst, when danger threatened, the treasures of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>sanctuary could be readily transported into the city, as was done
+in the reign of Justinian the Great.<a id='r558' /><a href='#f558' class='c009'><sup>[558]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But in 627, Constantinople learned what a siege really meant.
+Persia and the Empire were then at war with each other; and
+while Heraclius was carrying the campaign into the enemy’s
+country, a Persian army had encamped at Chalcedon for the
+purpose of joining the Avars in laying siege to the capital.<a id='r559' /><a href='#f559' class='c009'><sup>[559]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As the Byzantine fleet, however, commanded the Bosporus,
+the allies could not unite their forces, and the Avars were left
+to act alone. The undertaking proved too difficult for the barbarians,
+notwithstanding the vigour with which it was conducted,
+and the siege was raised. But before retiring, a troop of Avaric
+horse set itself to devastate the suburbs, and having fired the
+Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, and the Church of St.
+Nicholas, dashed into the open ground beside the Church of
+Blachernæ, intent upon devoting also that sacred edifice to the
+flames. For some reason, that purpose was not carried into
+effect, and the church escaped all injury. This marvellous
+deliverance enhanced, indeed, the reputation of the Theotokos,
+but it likewise aroused a sense of the danger to which her
+shrine was liable, and so the Government of the day ordered
+the immediate erection of a wall along the western side of the
+Blachernæ quarter, to place the church beyond the reach of
+hostile attack in future. The wall was known, until the erection
+of the Wall of Leo, as the Single Wall of Blachernæ (Μονοτείχος
+Βλαχερνῶν:<a id='r560' /><a href='#f560' class='c009'><sup>[560]</sup></a> τεῖχος τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).<a id='r561' /><a href='#f561' class='c009'><sup>[561]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The wall is flanked by three fine hexagonal towers, built
+towards their summit in brick, perhaps, as Dr. Paspates<a id='r562' /><a href='#f562' class='c009'><sup>[562]</sup></a> suggests,
+in order to lighten the weight of constructions erected on marshy
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>ground. They are among the finest towers in the circuit of
+the fortifications. The interior of the southernmost tower, the
+only one which can be safely examined, measures 32-½ by about
+19 feet, and was in three stories. Upon the face of the tower
+is an inscription, in letters formed with pieces of marble, in
+honour of the Emperor Michael, probably Michael II.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between the first and second towers is a gate, named the
+Gate of Blachernæ (πόρτα τοῦ Μονοτείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),<a id='r563' /><a href='#f563' class='c009'><sup>[563]</sup></a>
+after the quarter before which it stood.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp166'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp166-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp166.jpg' alt='General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>It has been generally supposed that the Wall of Heraclius
+comprised not only the portion of the city walls just indicated,
+but the whole line of fortifications extending from the Kerko
+Porta to the Golden Horn.<a id='r564' /><a href='#f564' class='c009'><sup>[564]</sup></a> The evidence on the subject is,
+however, in favour of the opinion that the Wall of Heraclius was
+only the portion of the fortifications before us. It is the extent
+implied in the description of the Heraclian Wall, as a wall erected
+to bring the Church of Blachernæ within the line of the city
+bulwarks.<a id='r565' /><a href='#f565' class='c009'><sup>[565]</sup></a> That is an apt description of a wall extending from the
+foot of the Sixth Hill to the Golden Horn; it is a very inadequate
+description of a line of bulwarks from the Kerko Porta to the
+harbour. In the next place, more extensive fortifications were not
+required to protect the church, seeing it was well defended on
+the south by the acropolis on the western spur of the Sixth
+Hill. All that was necessary for the further security of the
+church was a wall on the west side of the plain on which it
+stood. Furthermore, the fortifications extending from the
+Kerko Porta to the foot of the Sixth Hill, commonly ascribed to
+Heraclius, have been proved to be the work of other hands, the
+greater part being the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,<a id='r566' /><a href='#f566' class='c009'><sup>[566]</sup></a> while the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>remainder formed, originally, the defences of the Fourteenth
+Region.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Wall of Leo the Armenian was erected in 813 to
+strengthen the defence of this part of the capital, in view of the
+preparations which the Bulgarians under Crum were making for
+a second attack upon Constantinople.<a id='r567' /><a href='#f567' class='c009'><sup>[567]</sup></a> Crum had retired from
+his first assault upon the city, resolved not only to retrieve
+the defeat he had sustained, but also to punish the treacherous
+attempt upon his life, when he was proceeding to negotiate terms
+of peace with the emperor.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Arrangements had been made for holding a conference
+between the two sovereigns at a short distance to the west of the
+Heraclian Wall, on the explicit understanding that all persons
+present were to attend unarmed; so little confidence had the
+two parties in each other. But in flagrant breach of this
+agreement, Leo placed three bowmen in ambush near the place
+of meeting, with orders to shoot at the Bulgarian king, upon a
+preconcerted signal. In due time Crum arrived; but he had
+scarcely dismounted from his horse when his suspicions of a plot
+were aroused, and, springing into his saddle, he galloped back
+towards his camp. The arrows of the soldiers in ambush flew
+after him, wounding him although he escaped with his life.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Byzantine historian who records the incident explains
+the failure of the plot as a Divine punishment upon the sins of
+his countrymen.<a id='r568' /><a href='#f568' class='c009'><sup>[568]</sup></a> Crum saw the dastardly act in a different
+light, and, vowing vengeance, withdrew to Bulgaria to prepare
+for another war. He died before he could carry out his intention,
+but meanwhile Leo had put himself in readiness for the expected
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>attack by constructing a new wall and a broad moat in front of
+the Wall of Heraclius.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Wall of Leo stands 77 feet to the west of the Wall of
+Heraclius, running parallel to it for some 260 feet, after which it
+turns to join the walls along the Golden Horn. Its parapet-walk
+was supported upon arches, which served at the same time
+to buttress the wall itself, a comparatively slight structure about
+8 feet thick. With the view of increasing the wall’s capacity for
+defence, it was flanked by four small towers, while its lower
+portion was pierced by numerous loopholes. Two of the towers
+were on the side facing the Golden Horn, and the other two
+guarded the extremities of the side looking towards the country
+on the west. The latter towers projected inwards from the rear
+of the wall, and between them was a gateway corresponding to
+the Heraclian Gate of Blachernæ.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo was
+designated the Brachionion of Blachernæ (τὸ Βραχιόνιον τῶν
+Βλαχερνῶν).<a id='r569' /><a href='#f569' class='c009'><sup>[569]</sup></a> Subsequent to the Turkish Conquest it was named
+after the five more conspicuous towers which guarded the
+enclosure, the Pentapyrgion,<a id='r570' /><a href='#f570' class='c009'><sup>[570]</sup></a> on the analogy of the Heptapyrgion,
+or Castle of Severn Towers (Yedi Koulè) at the southern
+end of the land walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Near the southern end of the wall, where it has evidently
+undergone repair, two inscriptions are found. One is in honour
+of Michael II. and Theophilus, the great Emperors:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΜΕΤΑ ... Ν ΒΑΣΙ....</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>The other gives the date †ϚΤΛ† (822), which belonged to the
+sole reign of the former emperor. These repairs were probably
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>made when Thomas, the rival of Michael for the throne, attacked
+the fortifications in this quarter. It was precisely in the year
+822 that the rebel general encamped beside the Monastery of
+SS. Cosmas and Damianus (above Eyoub), and then, armed with
+battering-rams and scaling-ladders, advanced to the assault of the
+towers of Blachernæ, behind which the standard of Michael
+floated over the Church of the Theotokos.<a id='r571' /><a href='#f571' class='c009'><sup>[571]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The tower at the north-western corner of the enclosure was
+reconstructed by the Emperor Romanus, as an inscription upon
+it proclaims:</p>
+
+<div id='fig169'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig169.jpg' alt='“The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>To which of the four emperors named Romanus the work
+should be assigned is not easy to decide. The tower must have
+derived its name from the Church of S. Nicholas in this vicinity,
+for the site of that church is marked by the Holy Well which
+still flows amid the graves and trees of the Turkish cemetery
+within the Brachionion of Blachernæ, an object of veneration
+alike to Moslems and orthodox Greeks. The grounds on which
+the opinion rests are that, previous to the erection of the
+Heraclian Wall, the church is described as without the city
+bounds, in the district of Blachernæ;<a id='r572' /><a href='#f572' class='c009'><sup>[572]</sup></a> while after the erection
+of Leo’s Wall it is spoken of as within the city limits, and close
+to the gate by which persons proceeded from the Blachernæ
+quarter to the Cosmidion.<a id='r573' /><a href='#f573' class='c009'><sup>[573]</sup></a> This is exactly how a building
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>beside the Holy Well between the two walls, and near the
+Gate of Blachernæ which pierces them, would be described
+under such circumstances.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The proximity of these walls to the Palace of Blachernæ, as
+well as their comparative weakness, combined to make them the
+scene of many historical events.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>While the Wall of Heraclius stood alone, it was through
+the Gate of Blachernæ that Apsimarus was admitted by his
+adherents, in 698, to supplant Leontius;<a id='r574' /><a href='#f574' class='c009'><sup>[574]</sup></a> by the same entrance
+Justinian II., in 705, attempted to force his way into the city
+to dethrone Apsimarus;<a id='r575' /><a href='#f575' class='c009'><sup>[575]</sup></a> and through it, again, Theodosius III.,
+in 716, entered and deposed Anastasius II.<a id='r576' /><a href='#f576' class='c009'><sup>[576]</sup></a> It was before the
+Heraclian Wall that Crum and Leo the Armenian met to confer,
+under the circumstances already narrated.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This portion of the fortifications continued to be a favourite
+point of attack also after the erection of Leo’s Wall. Here, as
+above stated, the rebel Thomas sought to break into the city in
+822;<a id='r577' /><a href='#f577' class='c009'><sup>[577]</sup></a> here, in 924, Simeon of Bulgaria and Romanus Lecapenus
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>met to conclude peace,<a id='r578' /><a href='#f578' class='c009'><sup>[578]</sup></a> taking the greatest precautions against
+the repetition of the treachery which disgraced the former
+meeting of a Bulgarian king with a Byzantine emperor. In
+1047, in the reign of Constantine Monomachus, the rebel general
+Tornikius took up his position before these walls, and having
+routed a company of raw recruits who had sallied forth against
+him by the Gate of Blachernæ, would have rushed into the city
+with the fugitives, had not the difficulty of crossing the moat
+given the defenders of the walls time to close the entrance.<a id='r579' /><a href='#f579' class='c009'><sup>[579]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Through the Gate of Blachernæ the friends of Alexius Comnenus
+sallied from the city, in 1081, to join the standard of
+revolt against Nicephorus Botoniates; and it was at the Imperial
+stables outside the gate that they obtained horses to reach as
+fast as possible the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus,
+baffling pursuit by having taken the precaution to ham-string
+the animals they did not require.<a id='r580' /><a href='#f580' class='c009'><sup>[580]</sup></a> In 1097, Godfrey de Bouillon
+encamped on the hills and plains without these walls. While the
+negotiations with the crafty Alexius Comnenus were proceeding,
+the envoys of the Crusaders were on one occasion detained so long
+by the emperor as to arouse suspicions of treachery on his part;
+whereupon a band of Crusaders rushed from the camp at the
+Cosmidion, and in their attempt to enter the city and rescue
+their comrades set fire to the Gate of Blachernæ.<a id='r581' /><a href='#f581' class='c009'><sup>[581]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1203 these fortifications were attacked by the land forces
+of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r582' /><a href='#f582' class='c009'><sup>[582]</sup></a> The Venetian fleet, bearing the banner
+of St. Mark, occupied the Golden Horn, under the command of
+Dandolo; the army of the expedition under Baldwin held the
+hill immediately to the west of the Palace of Blachernæ. Upon
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>the walls and towers of the citadel stood the Varangian guards,
+composed mainly of Englishmen and Danes, loyal to their
+trust, and the peers of the invaders in courage and strength.
+Alexius III. and his courtiers watched the scene from the
+palace windows. At length, on the 17th of July, the Crusaders
+delivered a grand assault by sea and land; the army attacking
+the fortress formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo; the fleet
+attempting the adjoining fortifications along the harbour.
+With the help of ladders, fifteen knights and sergeants scaled
+the outer Wall, and engaged the defenders on the summit in
+a desperate struggle. It was a bold attempt, but the odds
+were too great, and the assailants, leaving two of their number
+prisoners, were driven off by the swords and battle-axes of the
+Varangians. Many other Crusaders, also, who had advanced
+to support the attack, were wounded, and the day went so hard
+against the Latins at this point that Dandolo, who had captured
+twenty-five towers of the harbour fortifications, was obliged to
+abandon the advantage he had gained, and hastened with his
+ships to protect his worsted allies.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Finally, in 1453, the moat before these walls, which had
+been filled with earth in the course of time, was excavated by
+the crews of the Venetian galleys present at the siege under the
+command of Aluxio Diedo. It was made 200 paces long and
+8 feet wide, the emperor and his courtiers being present at the
+work, while two sentries, stationed on the neighbouring hill,
+watched the Turkish outposts.<a id='r583' /><a href='#f583' class='c009'><sup>[583]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From the northern extremity of the Heraclian Wall, a short
+wall was carried to the water’s edge, across the western end of
+the street that runs along the shore of the Golden Horn, outside
+the Harbour Walls; thus protecting the latter line of fortifications
+from attack by the land forces of an enemy.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>At the same time, for the convenience of traffic, the wall
+was pierced by a gate, named, from its material, the Xylo Porta
+(Ξυλόπορτα, Ξυλίνη), the Wooden Gate.<a id='r584' /><a href='#f584' class='c009'><sup>[584]</sup></a> It was in its place
+as late as 1868, and bore an inscription in honour of Theophilus.<a id='r585' /><a href='#f585' class='c009'><sup>[585]</sup></a>
+Very probably, the wall was erected by that emperor when he
+reconstructed the defences along the harbour. In accordance
+with its situation, the Xylo Porta is described sometimes as
+the gate at the northern extremity of the land fortifications;<a id='r586' /><a href='#f586' class='c009'><sup>[586]</sup></a>
+and sometimes as the gate at the western end of the walls along
+the Golden Horn.<a id='r587' /><a href='#f587' class='c009'><sup>[587]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Du Cange<a id='r588' /><a href='#f588' class='c009'><sup>[588]</sup></a> identified the Porta Xylo Kerkou with this gate.
+But the former was an entrance in the Theodosian lines;<a id='r589' /><a href='#f589' class='c009'><sup>[589]</sup></a> it led
+directly into the city, and was built up in the reign of Isaac
+Angelus<a id='r590' /><a href='#f590' class='c009'><sup>[590]</sup></a>—facts which did not hold true of the Xylo Porta.
+Furthermore, Ducas expressly distinguishes the two entrances.<a id='r591' /><a href='#f591' class='c009'><sup>[591]</sup></a>
+Or the facts in the case may be stated thus: The Gate of the
+Xylokerkus was in existence before the erection of the wall in
+which the Xylo Porta stood; the former entrance being not later
+than the reign of Anastasius I., in the fifth century, the latter
+not earlier than the reign of Heraclius, in the seventh century,
+when the wall on the west of Blachernæ was erected. Therefore
+the two entrances cannot be the same gate under different
+names.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion,<a id='r592' /><a href='#f592' class='c009'><sup>[592]</sup></a> the Postern of Kallinicus (τὸ
+τῆς Καλλινίκου παραπόρτιον), mentioned by Byzantine writers,<a id='r593' /><a href='#f593' class='c009'><sup>[593]</sup></a>
+was the Xylo Porta under an earlier name. And what is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>known regarding that postern lends support to this view. Like
+the Xylo Porta, the Postern of Kallinicus stood near the Church
+of Blachernæ,<a id='r594' /><a href='#f594' class='c009'><sup>[594]</sup></a> and led to the Church of SS. Cosmas and
+Damianus in the Cosmidion,<a id='r595' /><a href='#f595' class='c009'><sup>[595]</sup></a> as well as to the bridge across the
+head of the Golden Horn.<a id='r596' /><a href='#f596' class='c009'><sup>[596]</sup></a> The identity is confirmed by the
+fact that the bridge to which the road issuing from the Xylo
+Porta conducted was sometimes called the Bridge of St. Kallinicus,
+after a church of that dedication in its neighbourhood.<a id='r597' /><a href='#f597' class='c009'><sup>[597]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Bridge across the Golden Horn.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>The earliest mention of a bridge across the Golden Horn is
+found in the <i>Notitia</i>.<a id='r598' /><a href='#f598' class='c009'><sup>[598]</sup></a> It was situated in the Fourteenth Region,
+and, like the bridge across the Tiber, was a wooden structure,
+“pontem sublicium.” This was superseded by a bridge of stone,<a id='r599' /><a href='#f599' class='c009'><sup>[599]</sup></a>
+which Justinian the Great constructed in 528, “so that one might
+pass,” as the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i><a id='r600' /><a href='#f600' class='c009'><sup>[600]</sup></a> expresses it, “from the opposite
+side (ἀπὸ τῆς ἀντι πέραν) to the all-happy city.” The new building
+went by various names in the course of its long history. It
+was known as the Bridge of Justinian (ἡ Ἰουστινιανοῦ γέφυρα),<a id='r601' /><a href='#f601' class='c009'><sup>[601]</sup></a> in
+honour of its constructor; as the Bridge of St. Kallinicus (ἡ γέφυρα
+τοῦ ἁγίου Καλλινίκου),<a id='r602' /><a href='#f602' class='c009'><sup>[602]</sup></a> after a church dedicated to that saint near
+its southern end; as the Bridge of St. Panteleemon (ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου
+Παντελεήμονος γέφυρα),<a id='r603' /><a href='#f603' class='c009'><sup>[603]</sup></a> after a church of that name at its northern
+end; as the Bridge of Camels (ἡ τῆς Καμήλου γέφυρα),<a id='r604' /><a href='#f604' class='c009'><sup>[604]</sup></a> on account,
+probably, of its frequent use by caravans of camels, bringing
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>charcoal to the city; as the Bridge of Blachernæ,<a id='r605' /><a href='#f605' class='c009'><sup>[605]</sup></a> from the
+district in which it stood. Whether it was the bridge of twelve
+arches near St. Mamas mentioned by the Anonymus and
+Codinus<a id='r606' /><a href='#f606' class='c009'><sup>[606]</sup></a> is uncertain, for we cannot be sure that all references
+to the Church of St. Mamas allude to the church of that dedication
+which stood outside the walls of the city, and overlooked
+the head of the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The bridge crossed the Barbyses<a id='r607' /><a href='#f607' class='c009'><sup>[607]</sup></a> (Kiat-haneh Sou, one of
+the streams commonly styled “The Sweet Waters of Europe”),
+where that stream enters the Golden Horn,<a id='r608' /><a href='#f608' class='c009'><sup>[608]</sup></a> in the district of the
+Cosmidion<a id='r609' /><a href='#f609' class='c009'><sup>[609]</sup></a> (Eyoub). When Gyllius visited the city the stone
+piers of an ancient bridge could be seen, in summer, when the
+water was low, standing opposite a point between the northern
+extremity of the land walls and Aivan Serai: “Liquet pontem
+illum fuisse ubi pilæ cernuntur lapideæ antiqui pontis, sed non
+extra aquam eminentes nisi aliquando æstate, sitæe inter angulum
+urbis Blacherneum et suburbium, quod Turci appellant Aibasarium.”<a id='r610' /><a href='#f610' class='c009'><sup>[610]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the siege of 627 the flotilla of log-boats, which the
+Slavonian allies of the Avars brought to take part in the operations,
+was moored behind this bridge, watching for an opportunity
+to descend into the Golden Horn, and harass the northern side
+of the city.<a id='r611' /><a href='#f611' class='c009'><sup>[611]</sup></a> Over it Heraclius came to make his triumphal
+entrance into the city, after his return from the Persian War. It
+was a circuitous road for him to take from the Palace of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>Hiereia (Fener Bagtchèssi, on the Bay of Moda, near Kadikeui),
+which he occupied upon his arrival within sight of the capital.
+His most direct course was to proceed from that palace to the
+Golden Gate by boat across the Sea of Marmora. But the hero
+of seven glorious campaigns was possessed by such an insuperable
+dread of the water that, for a long time, nothing, not even
+a conspiracy against his throne, could induce him to overcome
+his fear and cross to the city. At length the difficulty was met
+in the following manner. A bridge of boats was placed across
+the Bosporus, from the bay of Phedalia (Balta Liman)<a id='r612' /><a href='#f612' class='c009'><sup>[612]</sup></a> to the
+opposite Asiatic shore, the parapets of the bridge being constructed
+of great branches and dense foliage, so as to hide from
+view the water on either hand; and over this roadway the
+emperor was persuaded to pass on horseback, as through a
+thicket on <i>terra firma</i>. Once on the European side of the straits,
+it would have been natural for him to take the road leading
+towards the city along the shore. But rather than keep near the
+water, Heraclius struck inland, for the valley at the head of the
+Golden Horn, to reach the side of the harbour on which the city
+stood, by the bridge over the narrow stream of the Barbyses.<a id='r613' /><a href='#f613' class='c009'><sup>[613]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Near the bridge the Crusaders, under Godfrey de Bouillon,
+encamped in 1096.<a id='r614' /><a href='#f614' class='c009'><sup>[614]</sup></a> Over it the Crusaders, under the Emperor
+Conrad, passed in 1147, to ravage the suburbs on the northern
+side of the harbour.<a id='r615' /><a href='#f615' class='c009'><sup>[615]</sup></a> To it, in 1203, the army of the Fourth
+Crusade marched, from Galata, in battle array, and, finding it
+had been cut down by the Greeks, repaired it, and crossed to
+encamp on the hill fronting the Palace of Blachernæ. “Et là
+(<i>i.e.</i> au bout du port),” to quote the picturesque language of
+Ville-Hardouin,<a id='r616' /><a href='#f616' class='c009'><sup>[616]</sup></a> “il y a un fleuve qui se jette dans la mer, qu’on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>ne peut pas passer sinon par un pont de pierre. Les Grecs
+avaient coupé le pont; et les barons firent travailler l’armée
+tout le jour et toute la nuit pour arranger le pont. Le pont fut
+ainsi arrangé, et les corps de bataille armés au matin; et ils
+chevauchèrent l’un après l’autre, ainsi qu’ils avaient été ordonnés.
+Et ils vout devant la ville.” Twice in 1328, and once in 1345,
+Cantacuzene<a id='r617' /><a href='#f617' class='c009'><sup>[617]</sup></a> encamped his troops on the meadows beside the
+bridge, while he endeavoured to gain the city by parleying with
+its defenders at the Gate of Gyrolimnè.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>
+  <h2 id='chap13' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIII. <br /> THE SEAWARD WALLS.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Owing to the unique maritime position occupied by Constantinople,
+the defence of the shores of the capital was a matter of
+secondary importance. So long as the Empire retained the
+command of the sea, a city accessible by water only through the
+narrow defiles of the Hellespont and the Bosporus had little
+reason to apprehend a naval attack.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This immunity was, it is true, seriously affected when the
+Saracens and the Republics of Italy became great sea-powers.
+Still, even then, the situation of the city rendered an assault with
+ships an extremely difficult operation. The northern shore of
+the city could be put beyond the reach of the enemy by a chain
+extended across the narrow entrance of the Golden Horn;
+while the currents that swept the Marmora shore were ready to
+carry a fleet out to sea, or to hurl it against the rocks. According
+to Ville-Hardouin,<a id='r618' /><a href='#f618' class='c009'><sup>[618]</sup></a> it was the dread of those currents that, in
+1204, deterred the Venetian fleet, under Dandolo, from attacking
+the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, after the failure of the
+attempt upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>Other natural allies to withstand a naval attack were, moreover,
+found in the violent storms to which the waters around the
+city are liable. Such a storm discomfited the great Saracen
+fleet in the siege of 718.<a id='r619' /><a href='#f619' class='c009'><sup>[619]</sup></a> In 825, a tempest compelled Thomas,
+the rival of Michael II., to withdraw his ships from action;<a id='r620' /><a href='#f620' class='c009'><sup>[620]</sup></a>
+while in 865 a storm destroyed the first Russian flotilla that
+entered the Bosporus.<a id='r621' /><a href='#f621' class='c009'><sup>[621]</sup></a> In the long history of the Byzantine
+Empire there is only one instance of a successful naval assault
+upon Constantinople, the gallant capture of the city in 1204
+by the Venetians. That victory, however, was due as much to
+the feeble spirit exhibited by the defenders, notwithstanding
+the advantages of their position, as to the bravery and skill
+of the assailants.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But though the seaward walls did not possess the military
+consequence of the land walls, they are interesting on account
+of their connection with important political events, and, above all,
+for their intimate association with the commercial activity of the
+greatest emporium of trade during the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The history of the construction of these walls has already
+been noticed incidentally, when tracing the gradual expansion of
+the city.<a id='r622' /><a href='#f622' class='c009'><sup>[622]</sup></a> In the days of Byzantium they proceeded, we have
+seen, from the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the Neorium, on the
+Golden Horn; and to the point subsequently called Topi, on
+the Sea of Marmora. Under Constantine the Great they were
+carried to the Church of St. Antony Harmatius, on the northern
+side of the city; and to the Church of St. Æmilianus, on the
+southern. In 439, Theodosius II. prolonged the lines to meet
+the extremities of the land wall at Blachernæ, on the one hand,
+and the Golden Gate, on the other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The history of the repair of these walls from time to time is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>a long one. For while comparatively secure from injury by
+the accidents of war, they were liable to be rudely shaken by
+earthquakes, like other public buildings of the city, while their
+proximity to the sea exposed them in a special manner to
+damage by damp and storm.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>During the earlier days of the Empire, indeed, when the
+Imperial navy ruled the sea, and no hostile fleet dared approach
+the city, the condition of these fortifications was often neglected;
+but as the sea-power of the Empire decayed, and that of other
+nations grew stronger, the defences along the shores of the city
+assumed greater interest, and their maintenance in proper order
+became one of the principal cares of the State.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The earthquake of 447, so ruinous to the new land wall of
+Anthemius, injured also the seaward walls, especially the portion
+beside the Sea of Marmora. As an inscription over Yeni Kapou<a id='r623' /><a href='#f623' class='c009'><sup>[623]</sup></a>—the
+gate at the eastern end of Vlanga Bostan—proclaimed, the
+damage was repaired by the Prefect Constantine when he restored
+the other fortifications of the city which had suffered from that
+terrible earthquake.<a id='r624' /><a href='#f624' class='c009'><sup>[624]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is no record of repairs for the next two hundred and
+fifty years. But the state of these walls could not have been
+altogether unsatisfactory during that period, for they were
+prepared to withstand two fleets which threatened the southern
+side of the city in the seventh century: first, when the ships of
+Heraclius came, in 610, to overthrow the tyranny of the infamous
+Phocas; and again, when the Saracens besieged Constantinople
+from 673-678.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the accession of Tiberius Apsimarus the shore defences
+entered upon a new era of their history. Admiral of the Imperial
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>fleet in the Ægean when the Saracens marched victoriously
+from the banks of the Nile to the Atlantic, and alive to the
+power of the enemy upon the sea, as well as upon land, he was
+in a position to appreciate the necessity of being ready to repel
+attack at every point. Hence, upon his return to Constantinople,
+he ordered the walls of the capital, which had for some time
+been grossly neglected, to be put into a state of defence.<a id='r625' /><a href='#f625' class='c009'><sup>[625]</sup></a> Some
+eight years later, however, Anastasius II. found it expedient to
+attend to the seaward walls again,<a id='r626' /><a href='#f626' class='c009'><sup>[626]</sup></a> in view of the formidable
+preparations made by the Saracens for their second attack upon
+the capital of Eastern Christendom; and so effective was the
+work done, that, in the great crisis of 718, the city defied a fleet
+of 1200 vessels.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the spring of 764 an unusual occurrence shook the walls
+about the point of the Acropolis. The preceding winter had
+been one of Arctic severity. If the figures of Theophanes may
+be trusted, the sea along the northern and western shores of the
+Euxine was frozen to a distance of one hundred miles from land,
+and to a depth of sixty feet; and upon this foundation of solid ice
+a mass of snow forty-five feet high accumulated. As soon as
+the breath of spring liberated the frost-bound waters, a long
+procession of ice-floes came filing down the Bosporus, on their
+way to the southern seas. They came in such numbers that
+they packed in the narrow channel, and formed an ice-pile at
+the opening into the Sea of Marmora, extending from the
+Palace of Hiereia (Fener Bagtchessi) to the city, and from
+Chrysopolis to Galata, and as far as Mamas at the head of the
+Golden Horn.<a id='r627' /><a href='#f627' class='c009'><sup>[627]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At length the ice divided again, and as its several parts
+swayed in the swollen currents, one huge iceberg came dashing
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>against the pier at the point of the Acropolis. Another, larger,
+followed, and hurled itself against the adjacent wall with a
+violence which shook the whole neighbourhood. The monstrous
+mass was broken by the concussion in three fragments, still
+so large that they overtopped the city bulwarks and invested
+the apex of the promontory from the Mangana to the Port
+Bosporus, overawing the city, and crushing, it would appear, the
+fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Extensive repairs of these walls were commenced in the reign
+of Michael II., and completed by his son Theophilus on a scale
+which amounted to a work of reconstruction.<a id='r628' /><a href='#f628' class='c009'><sup>[628]</sup></a> Under the former
+emperor the rebel Thomas had besieged the city and forced the
+chain across the entrance of the Golden Horn, proving, for the
+first time, that even the fortifications in that quarter might be
+attacked by a bold enemy. The Saracens, moreover, displaying
+new vigour, had taken Sicily and Crete, and in 829 defeated
+the Imperial fleet in the Ægean. Accordingly, it is not strange
+that Theophilus ordered the old ramparts along the shores of the
+city to be replaced by loftier and stronger fortifications, and
+that in the execution of the undertaking he spared no labour or
+expense. “The gold coins of the realm,” says the chronicler,
+“were spent as freely as if worthless pebbles.”<a id='r629' /><a href='#f629' class='c009'><sup>[629]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The satisfaction of Theophilus with the result was displayed
+in the extraordinary number of the inscriptions which he placed
+upon the new walls and towers, to commemorate his work. No
+other emperor has inscribed his name upon the walls so frequently.
+And the fortifications he erected endured, with but
+little change, to the last days of the Empire, and bear his stamp
+even in their ruin.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the inscriptions referred to, the following are found on the
+walls along the Sea of Marmora:</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>On the curtain-wall immediately to the north of Deïrmen
+Kapoussi, in one long line of sixty feet, is the legend:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΣΕ ΧΡΙΣΤΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣΑΡΡ; ΑΓΕ ΣΚΕΚΤΗΜΙΕΝΟΣ
+ΑΝΑΖ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟ ΣΕΥΣΕΒΗ ΣΑΥΤΟ ΚΡΑΤΩΡΗΓΕΙΡΕ
+ΤΟΥΤΟΤΕΙ ΧΟΣΕΚΙΒΑΘΡΩΝΝΕΩΝ· ΟΠΕΡ ΦΥΛΑΤ
+ΤΕΤΩΚΡ ΑΤΕΙΣΟΥΠΑΝ ΤΑΝΑΞΚΔΕΙΞΟ ΝΑΥΤΟΜΕ
+ΧΡΙΣΑΙΩΝΩΝΤΕΛΗΟΣΑΣ ΕΙΣΤΟ ΝΑΚΛΟΝΗΤΟΝΕΣ Τ</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>“Possessing Thee, O Christ, a Wall that cannot be broken, Theophilus, King
+and pious Emperor, erected this wall upon new foundations: which (wall),
+Lord of All, guard with Thy might, and display to the end of time standing
+unshaken and unmoved.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>These words read like a dedication prayer for the preservation
+of the whole line of the fortifications erected by Theophilus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the first tower to the south of Deïrmen Kapoussi are the
+words:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΠΙΣΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Tower of Theophilus, faithful and great King and Emperor in Christ.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>Above the legend is a slab, with the Cross and the battle-cry of
+the Empire, “Jesus Christ conquers.”</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΣ |  ΧΡ</div>
+      <div class='line'>———|—————</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΙ |  ΚΑ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>A similar inscription stands on the second tower south of
+the gate:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ †<a id='r630' /><a href='#f630' class='c009'><sup>[630]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c005'>“Tower of Theophilus, Emperor in Christ.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>Fragmentary inscriptions to the same effect are seen on the
+third, sixth, seventh, and ninth towers south of Deïrmen Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>In addition to these inscriptions, copies of others which have
+disappeared are preserved by Von Hammer, in the appendix to
+his work, <i>Constantinopolis und Bosporos</i>.<a id='r631' /><a href='#f631' class='c009'><sup>[631]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) bore the inscription:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ ... ΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΑΣ ΠΟΛΙΝ.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>“Theophilus ... having renovated the city.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>This inscription was repeated on the wall adjoining the gate.
+And on the two towers which flanked the gate was the customary
+legend which marked the work of Theophilus:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>According to the same author,<a id='r632' /><a href='#f632' class='c009'><sup>[632]</sup></a> a similar inscription was found
+in the vicinity of the Seven Towers, as well as an inscription in
+honour of Theophilus and his son, Michael III., who, though a
+mere child, had been appointed his Imperial colleague.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Aristarki Bey and Canon Curtis,<a id='r633' /><a href='#f633' class='c009'><sup>[633]</sup></a> two other
+inscriptions in honour of Theophilus and Michael occurred also
+on two towers in the immediate vicinity of Top Kapoussi. All
+these inscriptions indicate the great extent of the repairs executed
+by Theophilus; the last three give, moreover, the approximate
+date of one portion of the work, Michael III. being the
+associate of his father from 839-842.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp184'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp184-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp184.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn some twenty
+inscriptions in honour of Theophilus have been noted, similar
+to those found on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora,
+but they have for the most part disappeared in the destruction of
+the walls, from time to time, in carrying out city improvements.
+The most important to recall are the legends in which the name
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>Michael was associated with that of Theophilus. In two
+instances the former name preceded the latter; while in five
+instances the latter name preceded the former. The only satisfactory
+explanation of this variation is that in the first case the
+Michael intended was Michael II., the father of Theophilus; and
+that in the second case the allusion was to Michael III., the son
+of Theophilus. Hence it appears that the restoration of the seaward
+walls was commenced in the reign of Michael II., soon
+after the appointment of Theophilus as his colleague, in 825.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Immediately to the north of the ruins of Indjili Kiosk, beside
+the Sea of Marmora, three inscribed slabs were, until recently,
+found built into the city wall. As the legend was mutilated, its
+full meaning cannot be determined, but it seemed to commemorate
+the restoration of a portion of the wall by Michael III., under
+the superintendence of his maternal uncle, the famous Bardas, the
+commander of the body-guard known as the Scholai (αἱ Σχολαί,
+οἱ Σχολάριοι).</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'><span class='sc'>First Slab.</span></div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΩΝΚΡΑΤΑΙΩΣΔΕΣΠΟΣΑΝΤΩΝΤΟΥΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΠΤΩΣΜΙΧΑΗΛΟΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΣ ΔΙΑΒΑΡ</div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Second Slab.</span></div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΔΕΝΟΣΠΡΟΣΥΠΣΟΣΗΕΥΚΟΣΙΙΙΑΙΙΤΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΩΝΣΧΟ ΩΝΔΩΜΕΣΤΙΚΟΥΗ ΙΡΕΤΕΡ</div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Third Slab.</span></div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΗΘΕΝΕΙΣΓΗΝΤΕΙΧΟΣΕΞΕΓΕΡΚΟΤΟ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΟΝΩΡΑΕΙΣΜΑΤΗΠΟΛΕΙ ☩<a id='r634' /><a href='#f634' class='c009'><sup>[634]</sup></a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>An inscription on a tower at the eastern side of the entrance
+to the old harbour at Koum Kapoussi (Kontoscalion) commemorated
+repairs by Leo the Wise and his brother and colleague
+Alexander:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ Κ ΑΛΕΞΑΝ †</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The first tower west of Ahour Kapoussi was rebuilt by
+Basil II. in 1024, after its overthrow by storms. It bears the
+inscription:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΘΑΛΛΑΣΣΗΣ ΘΡΑΥΣΜΟΣ ΕΝ ΜΑΚΡΩ ΧΡΟΝΩ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΛΥΔΩΝΙ ΠΟΛΛΩ ΚΑΙ ΣΦΟΔΡΩ ΡΗΓΝΥΜΕΝΗΣ ΠΕΣΕΙΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑΝΑΝΚΑΣΕ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΕΚ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΗΓΕΙΡΕΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΕΤΟΥΣ ϚΘΛΒ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“In the year 1024, Basil, the pious Sovereign, erected from the foundations,
+this tower, which the dashing of the sea, shattering it for a long time
+with many and violent waves, compelled to fall.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>One of the most interesting incidents of the siege of 1453,
+reflecting credit both upon the conqueror and the conquered,
+was associated with “the towers of Basil, Leo, and Alexius”
+(τῶν πύργων τῶν λεγομένων Βασιλείου, Λέοντος, καὶ Ἀλεξίου).
+Although the Turkish troops were in command of the city, the
+defenders of those towers—the crew of a ship from Crete—refused
+to surrender, preferring to perish rather than to be
+reduced to slavery. The stand they made was reported to the
+Sultan, and he was so impressed by the heroism of the men
+that he offered, if they would submit, to allow them to leave
+the city with all the honours of war. The generous terms were
+accepted, though with great reluctance, and the brave men
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>returned home in their own vessel, and with all their possessions.<a id='r635' /><a href='#f635' class='c009'><sup>[635]</sup></a>
+Dr. Paspates<a id='r636' /><a href='#f636' class='c009'><sup>[636]</sup></a> suggests that the tower connected with
+this incident was the tower bearing the inscription in honour of
+Leo and Alexander.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The tower at the foot of the landing below Narli Kapoussi
+was repaired, according to the inscription upon it, by Manuel
+Comnenus.</p>
+
+<div id='fig187'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig187.jpg' alt='“Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King, Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>“Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King, Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Cinnamus,<a id='r637' /><a href='#f637' class='c009'><sup>[637]</sup></a> the Emperor Manuel Comnenus
+repaired the city walls, wherever necessary.<a id='r638' /><a href='#f638' class='c009'><sup>[638]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>Upon the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261 the
+condition of the seaward walls became a matter of graver importance
+than it had been at any previous period in the history of
+the city. For, until the rise of the Ottoman power, the enemies
+whom Constantinople had then most reason to fear were the
+maritime States of Western Europe, with their formidable fleets.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The loss of the city by the Latins put a new strain upon the
+relations between the East and the West. It provoked more
+intense political antagonism, keener commercial rivalries, and a
+fanatical religious hatred, which all the attempts to unite the
+Churches of divided Christendom only fanned into fiercer flames.
+Nor was the situation improved when Michael Palæologus
+established the Genoese at Galata. A hostile power was then
+planted at the very gates of the capital; a foreign fleet commanded
+the Golden Horn; occasions for misunderstandings
+were multiplied; and selfish intriguers were at hand to foment
+the domestic quarrels of the Empire, and involve it in disputes
+with the rivals of Genoa. “The Roman Empire,” as Gibbon
+observes, “might soon have sunk into a province of Genoa,
+if the Republic had not been checked by the ruin of her
+freedom and naval power.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The earliest concern of Michael Palæologus, therefore, after
+the recovery of the city, was to put the fortifications in a condition
+to repel the expected attempt of the Latins to regain the
+place.<a id='r639' /><a href='#f639' class='c009'><sup>[639]</sup></a> Having no time to lose, and as lime and stone were
+difficult to procure, the emperor was satisfied, at first, with
+heightening the walls, especially those near the sea, by the
+erection upon the summit, of great wooden screens, covered with
+hide to render them fire-proof. In this way he raised the walls
+some seven feet.<a id='r640' /><a href='#f640' class='c009'><sup>[640]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But later in his reign he conceived the ambitious idea of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>making the walls along the shores of the city, like the land
+walls, a double line of bulwarks.<a id='r641' /><a href='#f641' class='c009'><sup>[641]</sup></a> The new fortifications, however,
+cannot have been a piece of solid work, for no traces of
+them have survived.<a id='r642' /><a href='#f642' class='c009'><sup>[642]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig189'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig189.jpg' alt='Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.<a id='r643' /><a href='#f643' class='c009'><sup>[643]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Repairs were again executed upon the seaward walls when
+Andronicus II. undertook the general restoration of the fortifications
+of the city.<a id='r644' /><a href='#f644' class='c009'><sup>[644]</sup></a> Until recently a slab bearing the
+monogram and coat-of-arms of that emperor, a lion rampant,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>crowned and holding an upright sword, was to be seen on a tower
+of the wall surrounding the ancient harbour at Koum Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So far, at least, as the wall beside the Sea of Marmora was
+concerned, the work of Andronicus II. was soon injured. For
+on the very eve of his death, on the 12th of February, 1332, a
+furious storm from the south burst upon the fortifications beside
+that sea. The waves leaped over the battlements, opened
+breaches in the wall, forced the gates, and rushed in like a
+hostile army to devastate every quarter they could overwhelm.<a id='r645' /><a href='#f645' class='c009'><sup>[645]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Although the fact is not recorded, the damage done on that
+occasion must have been repaired by Andronicus III.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Occasion for attending to the state of the seaward fortifications,
+especially along the Golden Horn, was again given, in the
+course of the conflicts between Cantacuzene and the Genoese of
+Galata.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1348 the latter made a violent assault upon the northern
+side of the city, and, although failing to carry the walls, did much
+harm to the shipping, timber-stores, and houses near the water.<a id='r646' /><a href='#f646' class='c009'><sup>[646]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Matters assumed a more serious aspect in 1351. A powerful
+fleet then sailed from Genoa, under the command of Doria, to
+attack Constantinople in support of certain claims put forth by
+the colony at Galata, and on its way up the Sea of Marmora,
+captured the fortified town of Heraclea. The event caused the
+greatest consternation in the capital, and, in view of the enemy’s
+approach, Cantacuzene promptly set the seaward walls in order,
+repairing them where ruined, raising their height, and ordering
+all houses before them to be removed.<a id='r647' /><a href='#f647' class='c009'><sup>[647]</sup></a> He also carried the
+towers higher, by erecting, in the manner usual on such occasions,
+constructions of timber on their summits. And not
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>satisfied with these precautions, he even excavated a deep
+moat in front of the Harbour Walls, all the way from the Gate
+Xylinè, at Aivan Serai, to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi), near the Seraglio Point.</p>
+
+<div id='fig191'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig191.jpg' alt='Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.<a id='r648' /><a href='#f648' class='c009'><sup>[648]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>A trace of these repairs is found in a slab on the tower
+immediately to the east of the gate Djubali Kapoussi,<a id='r649' /><a href='#f649' class='c009'><sup>[649]</sup></a> bearing a
+lion rampant, and the name of Manuel Phakrasè Catacuzene
+(MANOΥΗA ΦAKRACΗ TOU KATAKOΥSΗNOΥ), who was
+Proto-strator under Cantacuzene, and distinguished himself by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>his conduct in the defence of Selivria, in 1341, and in the siege
+of Galata, ten years later.<a id='r650' /><a href='#f650' class='c009'><sup>[650]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1434 the Harbour Walls called for some slight repair,
+in consequence of another Genoese attack upon them. An expedition
+which had been sent from Genoa to take the town of
+Kaffa, having failed in that object, returned to the Bosporus,
+and sought to compensate for defeat in the Crimea by nothing
+less than the capture of Constantinople itself. The bold attempt
+made with ships carrying 8000 troops, was repulsed, and the
+baffled fleet returned to Italy. But the Genoese of Galata
+determined to continue the struggle; and in the bombardment
+of the walls with cannon, destroyed several warehouses in the
+city, and a tower beside the Gate Basilikè. This attack, likewise,
+ended in failure, and the colony was compelled to pay an
+indemnity of a thousand pieces of gold, to make good the damage
+caused by the bombardment.<a id='r651' /><a href='#f651' class='c009'><sup>[651]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two inscriptions, preserved by Dr. A. D. Mordtmann<a id='r652' /><a href='#f652' class='c009'><sup>[652]</sup></a> in his
+work on the last siege of the city,<a id='r653' /><a href='#f653' class='c009'><sup>[653]</sup></a> are noteworthy as records of
+repairs made on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora,
+when Constantinople trembled before the Ottoman power.
+They are also interesting on account of the personages whom
+they commemorate as restorers of the walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>One stood, somewhere, on the wall between Ahour Kapoussi
+and Tchatlady Kapou, and read:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΛΟΥΚ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΝΟΤΑΡΑΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΟΥ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“Of Luke Notaras, the Interpreter.”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>This was Lucas Notaras, who subsequently became Grand
+Duke, and was the most prominent citizen of Constantinople in
+the catastrophe of 1453. When he executed these repairs he
+held the office of interpreter, or dragoman, under the Emperor
+John VII. Palæologus, in carrying on negotiations with Sultan
+Murad.<a id='r654' /><a href='#f654' class='c009'><sup>[654]</sup></a> The office had, naturally, come into existence owing
+to the frequent diplomatic intercourse between the Byzantine
+Government and foreigners, and was of great importance and
+distinction. In the reign of Manuel Palæeologus it had been held
+by Nicholas Notaras, the father of Lucas Notaras.<a id='r655' /><a href='#f655' class='c009'><sup>[655]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The second inscription stood on a tower between Koum
+Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou. It commemorated repairs executed
+in 1448 at the expense of the celebrated George Brankovitch,
+Despot of Servia.</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΘΗΝ ΟΥΤΟΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>Ο ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΚΑΙ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ Υ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΠΟ ΓΕΩΡΓΙ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΟΥ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΣΕΡΒΙΑΣ ... +</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ ϚϠ ΥϚ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>“This tower and curtain-wall were restored by George, Despot of Servia;
+in the year 6956 (1448).”</p>
+
+<p class='c012'>It will be remembered that some of the funds furnished by
+the Servian king were employed in repairs on the land walls.<a id='r656' /><a href='#f656' class='c009'><sup>[656]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>
+  <h2 id='chap14' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIV. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The Harbour Fortifications guarded the northern side of the
+city, from the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the terminus of the
+land walls at Blachernæ, and, excepting a small portion, consisted
+of a single wall, flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by
+a hundred and ten towers.<a id='r657' /><a href='#f657' class='c009'><sup>[657]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To accommodate the commerce and traffic of the city, the wall
+was built, for the most part, at a short distance from the water;
+but the strip of ground thus left without the fortifications was
+even narrower in ancient times than it is at present, much of the
+land outside the wall having been made by recent deposits
+of earth and rubbish. This explains how the Venetian fleet, in
+1203 and 1204, was able to approach so near the ramparts that
+troops standing on the flying bridges attached to the ships’ yards
+came to close quarters with the defenders on the walls. Indeed,
+in one case, at least, such a bridge spanned the distance between
+ship and tower, and permitted the assailants to cross over and
+seize the latter.<a id='r658' /><a href='#f658' class='c009'><sup>[658]</sup></a> At the actual distance, however, of the wall from
+the water, such a feat would be impossible, except in the vicinity
+of the Seraglio Point, which was not the quarter attacked by the
+Venetians.</p>
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>
+  <h3 class='c010'>Gates.</h3>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>At a short distance to the east of the Xylo Porta a breach
+in the wall marks the site of a gateway named by the Turks
+Kutchuk Aivan Serai Kapoussi—“the Small Gate of Aivan
+Serai.”<a id='r659' /><a href='#f659' class='c009'><sup>[659]</sup></a> It stands at the head of a short street leading southwards
+to the site of the famous Church of the Theotokos of
+Blachernaæ, while to the north is the landing of Aivan Serai
+Iskelessi, which accommodates this quarter of the city. Here,
+probably, was the Porta Kiliomenè (Κοιλιωμένη Πόρτα),<a id='r660' /><a href='#f660' class='c009'><sup>[660]</sup></a> at which
+the emperors—as late, at least, as the beginning of the thirteenth
+century—landed and were received by the Senate, when proceeding
+by water to visit the Church or the Palace of Blachernæ.
+Nowhere else could one disembark so near that sanctuary and
+that palace.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The landing-stage before the gate must, therefore, have been
+the Imperial Pier (Ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως) mentioned by
+Nicetas Choniates. Some authorities, it is true, place that landing
+at Balat Kapoussi. But it could not have been there when
+Nicetas Choniates wrote; for that historian<a id='r661' /><a href='#f661' class='c009'><sup>[661]</sup></a> refers to the Apobathra
+of the Emperor to indicate the position of the Wall of Leo,
+which was attacked by the Latins in 1203. Now, points which
+could thus serve to identify each other must have been in close
+proximity. But Balat Kapoussi and the Wall of Leo are too far
+apart for the former to indicate the site of the latter. On the
+other hand, the Wall of Leo and Aivan Serai Iskelessi are very
+near each other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>Over the northern entrance to the lower chamber in the
+tower west of the gateway were found, until recently, two blocks
+of stone, upon which the name of St. Pantoleon was rudely
+carved between the figures of two peacocks, or phœnixes,
+symbols of the immortality that rose from the fires of martyrdom.
+Possibly, the chamber was a chapel in which persons entering
+or leaving the city could perform their devotions. According to
+Stephen of Novgorod, the relics of St. Pantoleon reposed in
+the adjoining Church of the Theotokos of Blachernæ.<a id='r662' /><a href='#f662' class='c009'><sup>[662]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the street to the rear of the tower is the small Mosque
+Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, formerly, it is supposed, the Church
+of St. Thekla,<a id='r663' /><a href='#f663' class='c009'><sup>[663]</sup></a> in the quarter of Blachernæ.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the east side of the street leading from the Porta
+Kiliomenè to the Church of Blachernæ remains are found of
+a large two-storied Byzantine edifice, with three aisles. Its
+original destination cannot be determined with any degree of
+certainty. By some authorities<a id='r664' /><a href='#f664' class='c009'><sup>[664]</sup></a> the building is supposed to
+have been the Porticus Cariana (Καριανὸν Ἔμβολον), which the
+Emperor Maurice erected, and upon the walls of which scenes
+in his life, from his childhood until his accession to the throne,
+were pourtrayed.<a id='r665' /><a href='#f665' class='c009'><sup>[665]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Bay of Aivan Serai was called the Bay of Blachernæ
+(ὁ πρὸς Βλαχέρνας κόλπος), and had a dockyard known as the
+Neorion at Blachernæ (τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις νεώριον).<a id='r666' /><a href='#f666' class='c009'><sup>[666]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Proceeding eastwards, a few paces bring us to a breach in
+the wall leading to the Mosque Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>supposed to be the Byzantine Church of SS. Peter and Mark,
+which was erected in 458 by two patricians, Galbius and
+Candidus, upon the shore of the Golden Horn, in the quarter
+of Blachernæ. The sanctuary claimed the honour of having
+enshrined “the Girdle of the Blessed Virgin,” before that
+relic was placed in the church specially dedicated to the
+Theotokos in this part of the city.<a id='r667' /><a href='#f667' class='c009'><sup>[667]</sup></a> In the street to the west
+of the mosque lies the marble baptismal font of the church,
+cruciform, and having three steps within it leading to the
+bottom.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In a chrysoboullon of John Palæologus dated 1342, mention
+is made of the Gate of St. Anastasia (Πύλη τῆς ἁγίας Ἀναστασίας)
+in this part of the city.<a id='r668' /><a href='#f668' class='c009'><sup>[668]</sup></a> The Russian pilgrim, who
+visited Constantinople in the fifteenth century (1424-1453),
+speaks of a chapel containing the relics of St. Anastasia near
+the Church of Blachernæ.<a id='r669' /><a href='#f669' class='c009'><sup>[669]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Considerable interest is attached to the Church of St.
+Demetrius, situated within the walls a few paces to the east of
+Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi; for although the present edifice
+dates only from the beginning of the eighteenth century, the
+original building was a Byzantine foundation, adorned with
+mosaics and surmounted by a dome. Its full style was the
+Church of St. Demetrius of Kanabus (τοῦ Καναβοῦ), and may,
+as the Patriarch Constantius suggests,<a id='r670' /><a href='#f670' class='c009'><sup>[670]</sup></a> have been erected by a
+member of the family of the Nicholas Kanabus who became
+emperor for a few days, in the interval between the overthrow
+of the Angeli and the usurpation of Murtzuphlus, during the
+troublous times of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r671' /><a href='#f671' class='c009'><sup>[671]</sup></a> In 1334, the church
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>was the property of George Pepagomenos, a relative of Andronicus
+III.<a id='r672' /><a href='#f672' class='c009'><sup>[672]</sup></a> After the Turkish Conquest the church became,
+from 1597 to 1601, the cathedral of the Greek Patriarch, when he
+was deprived of the use of the Church of the Pammakaristos
+(Fethiyeh Djamissi).<a id='r673' /><a href='#f673' class='c009'><sup>[673]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Soon after leaving the Church of St. Demetrius, and before
+reaching the gate now styled Balat Kapoussi, the city wall was
+pierced by three large archways, 45 to 55 paces apart, and
+alternating with three towers. Balat Kapoussi being only 55
+paces beyond the easternmost archway, here stood four entrances
+into the city, in most unusual proximity to one another. The
+first, or westernmost archway was, at one time, adorned with a
+bas-relief on either side. Tafferner, chaplain to Count Walter
+of Leslie, ambassador from the German Emperor Leopold I. to
+the Ottoman Court in the seventeenth century, describes the
+archway as follows: “In decensu clivi defluentis in Euxini
+brachium, porta perampla et obstructa muro conspicitur. Fama
+fert limitum hunc fuisse aulæ magni Constantini. Ad dextrum
+portæ latus adstat Angelus a candido et eleganti marmore effigiatus,
+statura celsior, ac virilem præ se ferens, et inserto muro.
+Ad lævam, Deipara visitur, proportione priore consimilis, atque
+ab Angelo consulatuta.”<a id='r674' /><a href='#f674' class='c009'><sup>[674]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp198'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp198-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp198.jpg' alt='Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Only the bas-relief which stood on the eastern side of the
+archway has survived to our time.<a id='r675' /><a href='#f675' class='c009'><sup>[675]</sup></a> It represents a winged
+female figure, attired in a flowing robe, and holding in her left
+hand a palm leaf—beyond all controversy a Nikè, not, as
+Tafferner imagined, the Angel of the Annunciation, nor, as the
+Patriarch Constantius supposed, the Archangel Michael.<a id='r676' /><a href='#f676' class='c009'><sup>[676]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>Regarding the precise object of these four entrances, and the
+names to be attached to them, a serious difference of opinion prevails.
+Most authorities maintain that the archway adorned with
+the bas-relief was the Gate of the Kynegos, of the Hunter (τοῦ
+Κυνηγοῦ, τῶν Κυνηγῶν), so frequently mentioned in the later days
+of the Empire; and that Balat Kapoussi was the Pylè Basilikè
+(Πύλη Βασιλικὴ) referred to by writers of the same period. On
+the other hand, Gyllius identified Balat Kapoussi with the Gate
+of the Kynegos, and regarded the three archways above mentioned
+as entrances to a small artificial port within the line of the
+fortifications. His reason for the latter opinion was the existence
+of a great depression in the ground to the rear of the archways,
+which was occupied, in his day, by market-gardens, but which
+seemed to him the basin of an old harbour: “Ultra Portam
+Palatinam”—to give his own words—“progressus circiter centum
+viginti passus, animadverti tres magnus arcus, astructos urbis
+muro, et substructos, per quos olim Imperatores subducebant
+triremes in portum opere factum, nunc exiccatus et conversus in
+hortos concavos, præ se gerentes speciem portus obruti.”<a id='r677' /><a href='#f677' class='c009'><sup>[677]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As appears from the passage just quoted, Gyllius styled Balat
+Kapoussi not only the Gate of the Hunter, but also the Porta
+Palatina. Whether in doing so he meant to identify the Gate of
+the Kynegos with the Basilikè Pylè, or simply gave the Latin
+rendering of the name by which Balat Kapoussi was popularly
+known when he visited the city, is not perfectly clear. The
+latter supposition is, however, more in harmony with that author’s
+usage in the case of other gates.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Stephen Gerlach and Leunclavius agree with Gyllius in regarding
+Balat Kapoussi as the Gate of the Kynegos, but place the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>Basilikè Pylè near the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls,
+Gerlach<a id='r678' /><a href='#f678' class='c009'><sup>[678]</sup></a> identifying it with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, Leunclavius<a id='r679' /><a href='#f679' class='c009'><sup>[679]</sup></a>
+with Bagtchè Kapoussi. Neither Gerlach nor Leunclavius
+refers to the three arches on the west of Balat Kapoussi. The
+latter, however, speaks of the hollow ground to their rear,
+describing it in the following terms: “Locus depressus et concavus,
+ubi Patriarchion erat meæ peregrinationis tempore,”
+and supposed it to have been the arena of a theatre for the
+exhibition of wild animals. From that theatre, he thought, the
+Gate of the Kynegos obtained its name.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The question to which gates the names Gate of the Kynegos
+and Basilikè Pylè respectively belonged is the most difficult
+problem connected with the history of the harbour fortifications.
+To discuss it satisfactorily at this stage of our inquiries is, however,
+impossible; for the opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was not at
+Balat Kapoussi, but near the eastern extremity of the Harbour
+Walls, is a point which can be determined only after all the facts
+relative to the gates near that end of the fortifications are
+before us. The full discussion of the subject must therefore be
+deferred,<a id='r680' /><a href='#f680' class='c009'><sup>[680]</sup></a> and, meantime, little more can be done than to state
+the conclusions which appear to have most evidence in their
+favour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There can be no doubt, in the first place, that the Gate of the
+Kynegos was in this vicinity, and was either Balat Kapoussi or
+the archway adorned with the bas-relief. This is established
+by all the indications in regard to the situation of the entrance.
+The Gate of the Kynegos stood, according to Phrantzes,<a id='r681' /><a href='#f681' class='c009'><sup>[681]</sup></a> between
+the Xylo Porta and the Petrion; according to Pusculus,<a id='r682' /><a href='#f682' class='c009'><sup>[682]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>between the Xylo Porta and the Porta Phani (Fener Kapoussi),
+and not far from the former. It was in the neighbourhood of
+the emperor’s palace,<a id='r683' /><a href='#f683' class='c009'><sup>[683]</sup></a> and the point at which persons approaching
+that palace from the Golden Horn disembarked and took
+horses to reach the Imperial residence.<a id='r684' /><a href='#f684' class='c009'><sup>[684]</sup></a> Both Balat Kapoussi
+and the adjoining archways answer to this description, and they
+are the only entrances which can pretend to be city gates in
+the portion of the walls between the Xylo Porta and the Gate of
+the Phanar. Therefore, one or other of them was the Gate
+of the Kynegos.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is a corroboration of this conclusion to find that the
+district named after the Gate of the Kynegos occupied the level
+tract beside the Golden Horn within and without the line of the
+walls in the vicinity of these entrances. The Church of St.
+Demetrius, for instance, which stood a short distance to the west
+of Balat Kapoussi and the adjoining archways, is described as
+near a gate in the quarter of the Kynegon.<a id='r685' /><a href='#f685' class='c009'><sup>[685]</sup></a> The bridge which
+the Turks threw out into the harbour from Haskeui, to carry a
+battery with which to bombard this part of the fortifications, was
+in front of the Kynegon.<a id='r686' /><a href='#f686' class='c009'><sup>[686]</sup></a> Nicholas Barbaro<a id='r687' /><a href='#f687' class='c009'><sup>[687]</sup></a> applies the
+name even to the territory near the Xylo Porta; for, according
+to him, the land walls extended from the Golden Gate to
+the Kynegon: “Le mure de tera, che jera mia sie, che sun de
+la Cresca per fina al Chinigo.” With this agrees also the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>statement of the same author that the Kynegon was the point
+where Diedo and Gabriel of Treviso landed the crews of their
+galleys, to excavate the moat which the emperor asked to be
+constructed before the land walls protecting his palace.<a id='r688' /><a href='#f688' class='c009'><sup>[688]</sup></a> The
+quarter of the Kynegon thus comprised the modern quarters
+of Balata and Aivan Serai.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the second place, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the
+archway with the Nikè, to which the name Gate of the Kynegos
+is commonly ascribed, was, after all, a city gate in the ordinary
+sense of the term. It does not stand alone, but is one
+of three archways which pierce, respectively, the curtain-walls
+between three towers. And these three openings were in
+close proximity to a gate (Balat Kapoussi), amply sufficient for
+the requirements of public traffic in this quarter of the capital.
+Such facts do not accord with the idea that any one of these
+archways was a gateway. Furthermore, when their real destination
+could be more accurately ascertained than at present,
+Gyllius found that they formed the entrances to an artificial harbour
+within the line of the fortifications. This explanation of
+their presence in the wall is perfectly satisfactory, and any other
+is superfluous. But if Balat Kapoussi was the only gate in this
+vicinity, it must have been the Gate of the Kynegos, which
+certainly stood in this part of the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is nothing strange in the existence of a harbour within
+the line of the fortifications in the quarter of the Kynegon. It is
+what might be expected when we remember how closely the
+quarter was connected with the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+and the Palace of Blachernæ, and how necessary such a harbour
+was for the accommodation and protection of the boats and galleys
+at the service of the Court. That the harbour behind the three
+archways near Balat Kapoussi was the Neorion of Blachernæ is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>unlikely; the most probable situation of that Neorion being at
+Aivan Serai Iskelessi. But it may very well have been the
+harbour on the shore of the Kynegon at which, during the period
+of the Palæologi, the emperor and visitors to the palaces in the
+vicinity embarked or disembarked in moving to and fro by water.
+The landing at which the Spanish ambassadors to the Byzantine
+Court were received is described as near the Gate of the Kynegos:
+“Près de la porte de Quinigo.”<a id='r689' /><a href='#f689' class='c009'><sup>[689]</sup></a> The galleys sent by the
+Council of Basle to convey John VII. Palæologus to the West,
+and which reached Constantinople fifteen days after the arrival
+of four Papal galleys on a similar errand, were detained for one
+day at Psamathia, until the rival parties had been prevailed upon
+to keep the peace, and then came and moored at the Kynegon
+(εἰς τὸν Κυνηγὸν). There the emperor embarked for Italy,
+under the escort of the Papal galleys; there the galley having on
+board the patriarch, who was to accompany the emperor, joined
+the Imperial squadron; and there the emperor disembarked
+upon his return from the Councils of Ferrara and Florence.<a id='r690' /><a href='#f690' class='c009'><sup>[690]</sup></a>
+During the siege of 1453 a fire-ship, with forty young men on
+board, proceeded from the Gate of the Kynegos to burn the
+Turkish vessels which had been conveyed over the hills into
+the Golden Horn.<a id='r691' /><a href='#f691' class='c009'><sup>[691]</sup></a> All this implies the existence of a port
+somewhere on the shore of the quarter of the Kynegon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the third place, all discussion in regard to the proper application
+of the names Basilikè Pylè, and Gate of the Kynegos must
+proceed upon the indisputable fact that the epithet “Imperial,”
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>belonged to an entrance at the eastern extremity of the
+Harbour Walls. In proof of this, it is enough to cite, meantime,
+the statement of Phrantzes<a id='r692' /><a href='#f692' class='c009'><sup>[692]</sup></a> that Gabriel of Treviso was entrusted
+with the defence of a tower which guarded the entrance of the
+Golden Horn, and which stood opposite the Basilikè Pylè.
+Unless, therefore, it can be shown that there was more than one
+Basilikè Pylè in the fortifications beside the Golden Horn, the
+claim of Balat Kapoussi to the Imperial epithet falls to the
+ground. If the existence of two Imperial gates in the Harbour
+Walls can be established, then Balat Kapoussi has the best right
+to be regarded as the second entrance bearing that designation.
+In that case, however, the conclusion most in harmony with the
+facts involved in the matter is that the second Basilikè Pylè was
+only the Gate of the Kynegos under another name.<a id='r693' /><a href='#f693' class='c009'><sup>[693]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Why, precisely, the entrance was styled the Gate of the
+Hunter is a matter of conjecture. Some explain the name as
+derived from a Kynegion, or theatre for the exhibition of wild
+animals,<a id='r694' /><a href='#f694' class='c009'><sup>[694]</sup></a> such as existed on the side of the city facing Scutari;
+and in favour of this opinion is the term “Kynegesion” (τοῦ
+Κυνηγεσίου), employed by Phrantzes<a id='r695' /><a href='#f695' class='c009'><sup>[695]</sup></a> to designate the quarter
+adjoining the entrance. But the ordinary style of the name
+lends more countenance to the view that the gate was in some
+way connected with the huntsmen attached to the Byzantine
+Court, hunting being always a favourite pastime of the emperors
+of Constantinople. Their head huntsman (ὁ πρωτοκυνηγὸς) was an
+official of some importance. Besides directing his subordinates,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>it was his prerogative to hold the stirrup when the emperor
+mounted horse, and the Imperial hunting-suit was his perquisite,
+if stained with blood in the course of the chase.<a id='r696' /><a href='#f696' class='c009'><sup>[696]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A gate, known as the Gate of St. John the Forerunner
+and Baptist (Πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ), was also
+situated in the quarter of the Kynegon, and near the Church
+of St. Demetrius.<a id='r697' /><a href='#f697' class='c009'><sup>[697]</sup></a> That name might readily be given to a
+gate in this vicinity, either in honour of the great Church and
+Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Petra, on the heights above
+Balat Kapoussi, or in honour of the church of the same dedication,
+which, there is reason to think, stood on the site of the
+Church of St. John the Baptist, found, at present, on the shore
+to the north-east of that entrance. Whether the Gate of St.
+John has disappeared, or was the Gate of the Kynegos under
+another name, is a point upon which there may be a difference
+of opinion. Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r698' /><a href='#f698' class='c009'><sup>[698]</sup></a> identifies it with the Gate of the
+Kynegos, which, according to him, was the archway adorned with
+the Nikè. It may be identified with the Gate of the Kynegos,
+even on the view that the latter was Balat Kapoussi. That a
+Church of St. John stood in the neighbourhood of the Gate of
+the Kynegos is also intimated by Pachymeres, who records a
+fire which, in 1308, burnt down the quarter extending from that
+gate to the Monastery of the Forerunner.<a id='r699' /><a href='#f699' class='c009'><sup>[699]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>The gate next in order, as its Turkish name, Fener Kapoussi,
+proves, is the entrance which the foreign historians of the last
+siege style Porta Phani, Porta del Pharo.<a id='r700' /><a href='#f700' class='c009'><sup>[700]</sup></a> This designation was,
+doubtless, the rendering of the Byzantine name of the gate, for
+the adjoining quarter, as appears first in a document dated 1351,
+went by its present name, Phanari (τοποθεσία τοῦ φανάρι),<a id='r701' /><a href='#f701' class='c009'><sup>[701]</sup></a> also
+before the Turkish Conquest. A beacon light must have stood
+at this point of the harbour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From the Porta Phani eastwards to Petri Kapoussi, the
+next gate, the fortifications consisted of two lines of wall which
+enclosed a considerable territory, the inner wall describing a
+great curve on the steep northern front of the Fifth Hill. The
+enclosure was called the Castron of the Petrion<a id='r702' /><a href='#f702' class='c009'><sup>[702]</sup></a> (τὸ κάστρον τῶν
+Πετρίων), after Petrus, Master of the Offices in the reign of
+Justinian the Great;<a id='r703' /><a href='#f703' class='c009'><sup>[703]</sup></a> and the surrounding district was named
+the Petrion (Πετρίον, τὰ Πετρία,<a id='r704' /><a href='#f704' class='c009'><sup>[704]</sup></a> “Regio Petri Patricii”).<a id='r705' /><a href='#f705' class='c009'><sup>[705]</sup></a> It
+must be carefully distinguished from the district of Petra (Πέτρα),
+at Kesmè Kaya, above Balat Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the angle formed by the junction of the two walls, a little
+to the west of the Porta Phani, was a small gate, Diplophanarion,<a id='r706' /><a href='#f706' class='c009'><sup>[706]</sup></a>
+which led from the Castron into the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Petri Kapoussi, at the eastern extremity of the Castron, and
+in the outer wall, communicated with the street skirting the
+Golden Horn, and retains the ancient name of the district.<a id='r707' /><a href='#f707' class='c009'><sup>[707]</sup></a>
+Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r708' /><a href='#f708' class='c009'><sup>[708]</sup></a> identifies it with the Porta Sidhera (Σιδηρᾶ
+Πίλη), near the Convent of the Petrion.<a id='r709' /><a href='#f709' class='c009'><sup>[709]</sup></a> That the Petrion was
+not confined to the Castron, but included territory on either
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>side of the enclosure, is manifest from the fact that whereas the
+wall between the Porta Phani and the Porta Petri is without a
+single tower, mention is yet made of towers in the Petrion.<a id='r710' /><a href='#f710' class='c009'><sup>[710]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the churches in this quarter, St. Stephen of the Romans,
+St. Julianè, St. Elias, and St. Euphemia, the two last were the
+most important. The Church of St. Euphemia claimed to be an
+older foundation than Constantinople itself, being attributed to
+Castinus, Bishop of Byzantium, 230-237. It was restored by
+Basil I., and his daughters entered the convent attached to the
+church.<a id='r711' /><a href='#f711' class='c009'><sup>[711]</sup></a> The Convent of Petrion, as it was called, must have
+been of considerable importance, for it was on several occasions
+selected as the place in which ladies of high rank, who had
+become politically inconvenient, were interned; as, for instance,
+Zoe, the dowager-empress of Leo the Wise, for conspiracy
+against Romanus Lecapenus;<a id='r712' /><a href='#f712' class='c009'><sup>[712]</sup></a> Theodora, by her sister the
+Empress Zoe;<a id='r713' /><a href='#f713' class='c009'><sup>[713]</sup></a> and Delassaina, the mother of the Comneni,
+with her daughters and daughters-in-law, by Nicephorus
+Botoniates.<a id='r714' /><a href='#f714' class='c009'><sup>[714]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the assaults made by foreign fleets upon the Harbour
+Walls, the Petrion, or Phanar, occupied a conspicuous place.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was before the Petrion<a id='r715' /><a href='#f715' class='c009'><sup>[715]</sup></a> that the Venetian galleys under
+Dandolo stood, July 17, 1203, and established the free end of
+their flying bridges upon the summit of the walls, whereby
+twenty-five towers were captured, and the city was recovered for
+Isaac Angelus. The Petrion was again prominent in the assault
+which the Crusaders delivered on April 12, 1204, when Constantinople
+passed into their hands and became the seat of a
+Latin Empire. Here the flying bridge of the ship <i>Pelerine</i>
+lodged itself on a tower, and allowed a bold Venetian and a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>French knight, André d’Urboise, to rush across, seize the tower,
+and clear a way for their comrades to follow. Here ladders were
+then landed, the walls scaled, three gates forced, and the city
+thrown open to the whole host of the invaders.<a id='r716' /><a href='#f716' class='c009'><sup>[716]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453, early on the morning of the 29th of
+May, the Phanar was fiercely attacked by the Turkish ships in
+the Golden Horn.<a id='r717' /><a href='#f717' class='c009'><sup>[717]</sup></a> The attack was repulsed, and the Greeks
+remained masters of the situation, until the occupation of
+the city by the enemy’s land forces made further resistance
+impossible. The memory of the struggle is said to be preserved
+in the quarter by the name of the street Sandjakdar Youcousou
+(the Ascent of the Standard-bearer) and by the Turkish name
+for the Church of St. Mary Mougouliotissa, Kan Klissè (the
+Church of Blood).<a id='r718' /><a href='#f718' class='c009'><sup>[718]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The succeeding gate, Yeni Aya Kapou, was opened, it would
+seem, in Turkish times, being first mentioned by Evlia Tchelebi.
+There is, however, one circumstance in favour of regarding it as
+a small Byzantine entrance, enlarged after the Conquest. On the
+right of the gate, within the line of the walls, are the remains of
+a large Byzantine edifice, which could hardly have dispensed
+with a postern.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Aya Kapou, the next entrance, as its Turkish name intimates,
+and the order of Pusculus requires, is the Porta Divæ Theodosiæ
+(Πύλη τῆς Ἁγίας Θεοδοσίας),<a id='r719' /><a href='#f719' class='c009'><sup>[719]</sup></a> so named in honour of the adjoining
+Church of St. Theodosia (now Gul Djamissi), the first martyr
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>in the cause of Icons, under Leo the Isaurian. The gate was
+also known by the name Porta Dexiocrates, after the district of
+Dexiocrates in which it stood.<a id='r720' /><a href='#f720' class='c009'><sup>[720]</sup></a> This identification rests upon
+the fact that while Pachymeres<a id='r721' /><a href='#f721' class='c009'><sup>[721]</sup></a> affirms that the body of St.
+Theodosia lay in the church dedicated to her memory, the
+<i>Synaxaristes</i> declares that she was buried in the Monastery of
+Dexiocrates.<a id='r722' /><a href='#f722' class='c009'><sup>[722]</sup></a> Only by the supposition that the Church of St.
+Theodosia stood in the district of Dexiocrates can these statements
+be reconciled. The church is first mentioned by Antony
+of Novgorod.<a id='r723' /><a href='#f723' class='c009'><sup>[723]</sup></a> The festival of the saint, falling on May 29th,
+coincided with the day on which, in 1453. the city was captured
+by the Turks. As usual, a large crowd of worshippers, many
+of them ladies, filled the sacred edifice, little thinking of the
+tragedy which would interrupt their devotions, when suddenly
+Turkish troops burst into the church and carried the congregation
+off into slavery.<a id='r724' /><a href='#f724' class='c009'><sup>[724]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next gate, Djubali Kapoussi, must be the entrance
+styled Porta Puteæ by Pusculus,<a id='r725' /><a href='#f725' class='c009'><sup>[725]</sup></a> and Porta del Pozzo by Zorzo
+Dolfin;<a id='r726' /><a href='#f726' class='c009'><sup>[726]</sup></a> for it is the only entrance between the Gate of St.
+Theodosia (Aya Kapou) and the Porta Platea (Oun Kapan
+Kapoussi), the gates between which the writers above mentioned
+place the Porta Puteæ. Although no Byzantine author has
+mentioned the Porta Puteæ by its Greek name, there can be no
+doubt that the name in vogue among foreigners was the translation,
+more or less exact, of the native style of the entrance,
+and that consequently the gate marks the point designated
+Ispigas (εἰς Πηγὰς) by the Chronista Novgorodensis, in his account
+of the operations of the Venetian fleet against the harbour fortifications
+on the 12th of April, 1204. The ships of the Crusaders,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>says that authority, were then drawn up before the walls, in a
+line extending from the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor and
+Ispigas, on the east, to Blachernæ, on the west: “Cum solis ortu
+steterunt, in conspectu ecclesiæ Sancti Redemptoris, quæ dicitur
+τοῦ Εὐεργέτου, et Ispigarum, Blachernis tenus.”<a id='r727' /><a href='#f727' class='c009'><sup>[727]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The name of the gate alluded to the suburb of Pegæ (Πηγαὶ),
+situated directly opposite, on the northern shore of the harbour,
+and noted for its numerous springs of water. Dionysius Byzantius,
+in his <i>Anaplus of the Golden Horn and the Bosporus</i>,<a id='r728' /><a href='#f728' class='c009'><sup>[728]</sup></a>
+describes the locality at length, naming it Krenides (Κρηνίδες).
+on account of its flowing springs (πηγαίων), which gave the
+district the character of marshy ground. The suburb appears
+under the name Pegæ in the history of the siege of the city by
+the Avars, when the Imperial fleet formed a cordon across the
+harbour, from the Church of St. Nicholas at Blachernæ to
+the Church of St. Conon and the suburb of Pegæ, to prevent
+the enemy’s flotilla of boats in the streams at the head of the
+Golden Horn from descending into the harbour.<a id='r729' /><a href='#f729' class='c009'><sup>[729]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Antony of Novgorod, the suburb was situated
+to the west of St. Irene of Galata; it contained several churches,
+and was largely inhabited by Jews.<a id='r730' /><a href='#f730' class='c009'><sup>[730]</sup></a> It appears again in the
+old Records of the Genoese colony of Galata in the fourteenth
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>century, under the name Spiga, or De Spiga, to the west of
+that town.<a id='r731' /><a href='#f731' class='c009'><sup>[731]</sup></a> Critobulus calls it the Cold Waters (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα),
+placing it on the bay into which Sultan Mehemet brought
+his ships over the hills from the Bosporus.<a id='r732' /><a href='#f732' class='c009'><sup>[732]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As appears from the passage of the Chronista Novgorodensis,
+cited above, near the Porta Puteæ stood the Monastery of Christ
+the Benefactor, interesting as a conspicuous landmark in the
+scenes associated with the Latin Conquest of the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The fire which the Venetians set near the portion of the
+Harbour Walls captured in 1203, reduced to ashes the quarters
+extending from Blachernæ as far east as that monastery.<a id='r733' /><a href='#f733' class='c009'><sup>[733]</sup></a>
+The monastery marked also the eastern extremity of the
+line of battle in which the ships of the Crusaders delivered the
+final attack upon the walls on April 12, 1204;<a id='r734' /><a href='#f734' class='c009'><sup>[734]</sup></a> while the fire
+which illuminated the victory of that day started in the neighbourhood
+of that religious house, and raged eastwards to the
+quarter of Drungarius.<a id='r735' /><a href='#f735' class='c009'><sup>[735]</sup></a> During the Latin occupation the Venetians
+established a dockyard on the shore in the vicinity of the
+monastery;<a id='r736' /><a href='#f736' class='c009'><sup>[736]</sup></a> the adjoining district, including the Church of
+Pantocrator<a id='r737' /><a href='#f737' class='c009'><sup>[737]</sup></a> (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi) and the Church of
+Pantopoptes<a id='r738' /><a href='#f738' class='c009'><sup>[738]</sup></a> (now Eski Imaret Mesdjidi), on the Fourth Hill,
+being their head-quarters.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>
+  <h2 id='chap15' class='c006'>CHAPTER XV. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—<i>continued</i>.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The next gate on the list of Pusculus and Dolfin is the Porta
+Platea, or Porta ala Piazza,<a id='r739' /><a href='#f739' class='c009'><sup>[739]</sup></a> evidently the Porta of the Platea
+(Πόρτα τῆς Πλατέας) mentioned by Ducas.<a id='r740' /><a href='#f740' class='c009'><sup>[740]</sup></a> The entrance, judging
+by its name, was situated beside a wide tract of level ground,
+and is, consequently, represented by Oun Kapan Kapoussi, which
+stands on the plain near the Inner Bridge, at the head of the
+important street running across the city from sea to sea, through
+the valley between the Fourth and Fifth Hills. The district
+beside the gate was known as the Plateia (Πλατεῖα),<a id='r741' /><a href='#f741' class='c009'><sup>[741]</sup></a> and contained
+the churches dedicated respectively to St. Laurentius and the
+Prophet Isaiah.<a id='r742' /><a href='#f742' class='c009'><sup>[742]</sup></a> The blockade of the Harbour Walls in 1453 by
+the Turkish ships in the Golden Horn extended from the Xylo
+Porta to the Gate of the Platea.<a id='r743' /><a href='#f743' class='c009'><sup>[743]</sup></a> If the legend on Bondelmontius’
+map may be trusted, this gate bore also the name
+Mesè, the Central Gate, a suitable designation for an entrance
+at the middle point in the line of the harbour fortifications.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The succeeding gate, Ayasma Kapoussi, was opened, it would
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>seem, after the Turkish Conquest. It is not mentioned by
+Gyllius, or Leunclavius, or Gerlach. The conjecture that it
+represents a gate in the Wall of Constantine, styled Porta
+Basilikè, situated near the Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (τὸν
+ἅγιον Ἀκάκιον, τὴν Καρυὰν, ἐν τῇ Βασιλικῇ Πόρτα)<a id='r744' /><a href='#f744' class='c009'><sup>[744]</sup></a> does not appear
+very probable. The Church of St. Acacius, situated in the
+Tenth Region,<a id='r745' /><a href='#f745' class='c009'><sup>[745]</sup></a> was the sanctuary to which Macedonius, the bishop
+of the city, removed the sarcophagus of Constantine the Great,
+from the Church of the Holy Apostles on the summit of the
+Fourth Hill, when the latter edifice threatened to fall and crush
+the Imperial tomb.<a id='r746' /><a href='#f746' class='c009'><sup>[746]</sup></a> The bishop’s action encountered the
+violent opposition of a large class of the citizens, and led to a
+riot in which much blood was shed. Under these circumstances,
+it is difficult to believe that the sarcophagus of Constantine was
+transported from its original resting-place to a point so distant
+as the neighbourhood of Ayasma Kapoussi, especially when the
+removal was a temporary arrangement, made until the repairs on
+the Church of the Holy Apostles should be completed. It is
+more probable that St. Acacius was near the Church of the Holy
+Apostles. Furthermore, we cannot be sure that the Porta Basilikè
+was a gate in the Wall of Constantine. The Church of St. Acacius
+stood near a palace erected by that emperor (πλησίον τῶν
+οἰκημάτων τοῦ μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου):<a id='r747' /><a href='#f747' class='c009'><sup>[747]</sup></a> or, as described elsewhere,
+was a small chapel (οἰκίσκον εὐκτήριον) near a palace named
+Karya, because close to a walnut-tree on which the saint
+was supposed to have suffered martyrdom by hanging.<a id='r748' /><a href='#f748' class='c009'><sup>[748]</sup></a> The
+Porta Basilikè may have been a gate leading into the court of
+that palace.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The three succeeding gates, Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, Zindan
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>Kapoussi, Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, bore respectively the names
+Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων); Gate of the Forerunner
+(Porta juxta parvum templum Precursoris, known also as St.
+Johannes de Cornibus); Gate of the Perama or Ferry (τοῦ
+Περάματος). They can be identified, perhaps, most readily and
+clearly by the following line of argument:—</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The three Byzantine gates just named were situated in the
+quarter assigned to the Venetians in Constantinople by successive
+Imperial grants from the time of Alexius Comnenus to the
+close of the Empire. The Gate of the Drungarii marked the
+western extremity of the quarter;<a id='r749' /><a href='#f749' class='c009'><sup>[749]</sup></a> the Gate of the Perama,
+its eastern extremity;<a id='r750' /><a href='#f750' class='c009'><sup>[750]</sup></a> while the gate beside the Church of
+the Forerunner was between the two points. Where the Gate
+of the Perama stood admits of no doubt. All students of the
+topography of the city are agreed in the opinion that the
+entrance so named was at Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi. Consequently,
+the two other gates in the Venetian quarter lay to
+the west of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, in the portion of the
+fortifications between that entrance and the Gate of the
+Platea, all gates further west being out of the question. But
+as the only two gates in that portion of the walls are Zindan
+Kapoussi and Oun Kapan Kapoussi, they must represent,
+respectively, the Gate of the Forerunner and the Gate of the
+Drungarii.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων) derived its
+name from the term “Drungarius,” a title given to various officials
+in the Byzantine service;<a id='r751' /><a href='#f751' class='c009'><sup>[751]</sup></a> as, for example, to the admiral of the
+fleet (μέγας δρουγγάριος τοῦ θεοσώστου στόλου), and to the head of
+the city police, the Drungarius Vigiliæ. (ὁ τῆς Βίγλας δρουγγάριος).
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>In this particular case the reference was to the latter officer, for
+in the neighbourhood of the gate stood an important Vigla, or
+police-station, which is sometimes mentioned instead of the
+Gate of the Drungarii, as the western limit of the Venetian
+quarter.<a id='r752' /><a href='#f752' class='c009'><sup>[752]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The street running eastwards, outside the city wall, was
+known as the Via Drungariou (De Longario),<a id='r753' /><a href='#f753' class='c009'><sup>[753]</sup></a> and the pier in
+front of the next gate bore the name Scala de Drongario.<a id='r754' /><a href='#f754' class='c009'><sup>[754]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The practice of storing timber on the shore without the gate
+has come down from an early period in the history of the city.
+One of the questions put to Justinian the Great by the Greens,
+during the altercation between him and the Factions in the
+Hippodrome, on the eve of the Nika riot was, “Who murdered
+the timber-merchant at the Zeugma?”<a id='r755' /><a href='#f755' class='c009'><sup>[755]</sup></a>—another name for this
+part of the shore. An inscription on the gate reminded the
+passing crowd that to remember death is profitable to life (Μνῆμη
+θανάτου χρησιμεύει τῷ βίῳ).<a id='r756' /><a href='#f756' class='c009'><sup>[756]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is in favour of the identification of Zindan Kapoussi
+with the Gate near the Church of St. John (Porta juxta parvum
+templum Precursoris) to find only a few yards within the
+entrance a Holy Well, venerated alike by Christian and Moslem,
+beside which stood, until recently, the ruins of a Byzantine chapel
+answering to the small Church of the Forerunner mentioned in
+the Venetian charters.<a id='r757' /><a href='#f757' class='c009'><sup>[757]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Leunclavius found the gate called in his day Porta Caravion,
+because of the large number of ships which were moored
+in front of it.<a id='r758' /><a href='#f758' class='c009'><sup>[758]</sup></a> The landing before the gate, the old Scala de
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>Drongario, now Yemish Iskelessi, in front of the Dried Fruit-Market,
+is one of the most important piers on the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r759' /><a href='#f759' class='c009'><sup>[759]</sup></a> and M. Heyd<a id='r760' /><a href='#f760' class='c009'><sup>[760]</sup></a> identify this entrance with the
+Gate of the Drungarii. But this opinion is inconsistent with
+the fact that whereas the gate near St. John’s stood between the
+Gate of the Drungarii and the Gate of the Perama, no entrance
+which can be identified with the gate near St. John’s intervenes
+between Zindan Kapoussi and Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi (Gate
+of the Perama).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>M. Heyd, moreover, identifies Zindan Kapoussi with the
+Porta Hebraica,<a id='r761' /><a href='#f761' class='c009'><sup>[761]</sup></a> mentioned in the charters granted to the Venetians
+in the thirteenth century. But, as will appear in the
+sequel, the Porta Hebraica of that period was either the Gate
+of the Perama itself, or an entrance a little to the east of it.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Perama (τοῦ Περάματος), as its name implies,
+stood where Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi is found to-day,
+close to the principal ferry between the city and the suburb of
+Galata; communication between the opposite shores being
+maintained in ancient times by boats, for the only bridge
+across the harbour was that near the head of the Golden Horn.
+The Perama is first mentioned by Theophanes,<a id='r762' /><a href='#f762' class='c009'><sup>[762]</sup></a> in recording the
+dedication of the Church of St. Irene at Sycæ (Galata), after the
+reconstruction of that sanctuary by Justinian the Great. Special
+importance attached to the event, as the emperor attributed his
+recovery from an attack of the terrible plague that raged in
+Constantinople, in 542, to the touch of the relics of the Forty
+Martyrs which had been discovered in pulling down the old
+church, and which were to be enshrined in the new building.
+Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Apollinarius, Patriarch
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>of Alexandria—who was then in the capital—were appointed
+to celebrate the service of the day; and the two prelates, seated
+in the Imperial chariot, and bearing upon their knees the sacred
+relics, drove through the city from St. Sophia to the Perama,
+to take boat for Sycæ, where Justinian awaited them. The
+ferry was also styled Trajectus Sycenus;<a id='r763' /><a href='#f763' class='c009'><sup>[763]</sup></a> Transitus Sycarum,
+after the oldest name for Galata. It was, moreover, known as
+Transitus Justinianarum,<a id='r764' /><a href='#f764' class='c009'><sup>[764]</sup></a> from the name Justinianopolis, given
+to the suburb in honour of Justinian, who rebuilt its walls and
+theatre, and conferred upon it the privileges of a city.<a id='r765' /><a href='#f765' class='c009'><sup>[765]</sup></a> The pier
+at the city end of the ferry was known as the Scala Sycena.<a id='r766' /><a href='#f766' class='c009'><sup>[766]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It would seem that there was a spice-market<a id='r767' /><a href='#f767' class='c009'><sup>[767]</sup></a> in the vicinity
+of the Gate of the Perama, like the one which exists to-day to
+the rear of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, the latter being only the
+continuation of the former. According to Bondelmontius, the
+fish-market of Byzantine Constantinople was held before this
+gate, as the practice is at present; for upon his map he names
+the entrance Porta Piscaria. So fixed are the habits of a city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Besides bearing the name Gate of the Perama, the entrance
+was also styled the Porta Hebraica. This appears from the
+employment of the two names as equivalent terms in descriptions
+of the territory occupied by the Venetians in Constantinople.
+For example, according to Anna Comnena,<a id='r768' /><a href='#f768' class='c009'><sup>[768]</sup></a> the quarter
+which her father, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus, conceded to the
+Venetians, extended from the old Hebrew pier to the Vigla. In
+the charter by which the Doge Faletri granted that district to the
+Church of San Georgio Majore of Venice, the quarter is described
+in one passage, as extending from the Vigla to the Porta Perame,
+as far as the Judeca (“ad Portam Perame, usque ad Judecam”);<a id='r769' /><a href='#f769' class='c009'><sup>[769]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>and in a subsequent passage, as proceeding from the Vigla to the
+Judeca (“a comprehenso dicto sacro Viglæ usque ad Judecam”).<a id='r770' /><a href='#f770' class='c009'><sup>[770]</sup></a>
+In the grants made to the Venetians after the Restoration of the
+Greek Empire in 1261, the extreme points of the Venetian
+quarter are named, respectively, the Gate of the Drungarii and
+the Gate of the Perama.<a id='r771' /><a href='#f771' class='c009'><sup>[771]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To this identification of the Porta Hebraica with the Gate
+of the Perama it may be objected that on the map of Bondelmontius
+these names are applied to different gates, and this, it
+may further be urged, accords with the fact that after the Turkish
+Conquest, also, a distinction was maintained between the Gate of
+the Perama and the gate styled Tchifout Kapoussi, the Hebrew
+Gate. But in reply to this objection it must be noted that the
+Tchifout Kapoussi of Turkish days was the gate now known as
+Bagtchè Kapoussi,<a id='r772' /><a href='#f772' class='c009'><sup>[772]</sup></a> beside the Stamboul Custom House, while
+the “Porta Judece” on the map of Bondelmontius stands close
+to the Seraglio Point. Nothing, however, is more certain than
+that the Venetian quarter<a id='r773' /><a href='#f773' class='c009'><sup>[773]</sup></a> did not extend so far east as Bagtchè
+Kapoussi, much less so far in that direction as the neighbourhood
+of the head of the promontory. Bagtchè Kapoussi corresponds
+to the Byzantine Porta Neoriou (the Gate of the Dockyard),
+which had no connection whatever with the quarter
+assigned to the Venetian merchants in the city, but was
+separated from that quarter, on the west, by the quarters which
+the traders from Amalfi and Pisa occupied, while to the east
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>of the gate was the settlement of the Genoese. Consequently,
+the fact that in the age of Bondelmontius and after the Turkish
+Conquest the Porta Hebraica was a different entrance from the
+Gate of the Perama affords no ground for rejecting the evidence
+that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the two names
+designated the same gate. It only proves that the epithet
+“Hebrew” had meantime been transferred from one gate to
+another.<a id='r774' /><a href='#f774' class='c009'><sup>[774]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At the distance of seventy-seven feet to the east of the Porta
+Hebraica, or Gate of the Perama, there stood, according to a
+Venetian document of 1229, an entrance known as the Gate of
+St. Mark (Porta San Marci).<a id='r775' /><a href='#f775' class='c009'><sup>[775]</sup></a> It probably obtained its name
+during the Latin occupation, after the patron saint of Venice,
+but whether it was a gate then opened for the first time, or an
+old gate under a new name, cannot be determined.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Yet further east, at a point 115 pikes before reaching Bagtchè
+Kapoussi, stood an entrance styled the Gate of the Hicanatissa
+(Πόρτα τῆς Ἱκανατίσσης).<a id='r776' /><a href='#f776' class='c009'><sup>[776]</sup></a> The adjoining quarter went by the
+same name, and there probably stood the “Residence of the
+Kanatissa” (τὸν οἶκον τῆς Κανατίσης) mentioned by Codinus.<a id='r777' /><a href='#f777' class='c009'><sup>[777]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>The designation is best explained as derived from the body of
+palace troops known as the Hicanati.<a id='r778' /><a href='#f778' class='c009'><sup>[778]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between the Gate of the Perama and that of the Hicanatissa
+was situated the quarter of the merchants from Amalfi; at the
+latter gate the quarter of the Pisans commenced.<a id='r779' /><a href='#f779' class='c009'><sup>[779]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Neorion (Πόρτα τοῦ Νεωρίου),<a id='r780' /><a href='#f780' class='c009'><sup>[780]</sup></a> the Gate of
+the Dockyard, stood, as its name implies, beside the Dockyard
+on the shore of the bay at Bagtchè Kapoussi, close to
+the site now occupied by the Stamboul Custom House. It is
+first mentioned in a chrysoboullon of Isaac Angelus, confirming
+the right granted to the Pisan merchants by his predecessors,
+Alexius Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus, to reside
+in the neighbourhood of the gate.<a id='r781' /><a href='#f781' class='c009'><sup>[781]</sup></a> While the western limit
+of the quarter thus conceded to Pisans was marked, as
+already intimated, by the Gate Hicanatissa,<a id='r782' /><a href='#f782' class='c009'><sup>[782]</sup></a> the eastern limit
+of the settlement extended to a short distance beyond the
+Gate of the Neorion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Neorion dated from the time of Byzantium, when it
+stood at the western extremity of the Harbour Walls of the city.<a id='r783' /><a href='#f783' class='c009'><sup>[783]</sup></a>
+It was, therefore, distinguished from all other dockyards in
+Constantinople as the Ancient Neorion (τὸ Παλαιὸν Νεώριον),
+or the Ancient Exartesis (Ἐξάρτησις). Nicolo Barbaro calls it
+“l’arsenada de l’imperador.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here the Imperial fleet assembled to refit or to guard the
+entrance of the harbour;<a id='r784' /><a href='#f784' class='c009'><sup>[784]</sup></a> here, until the reign of Justin II.,
+was the Marine Exchange;<a id='r785' /><a href='#f785' class='c009'><sup>[785]</sup></a> and here was a factory of oars
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>(coparia),<a id='r786' /><a href='#f786' class='c009'><sup>[786]</sup></a> in addition to the one mentioned in the Justinian
+Code, which stood elsewhere. As might be expected, several
+destructive fires originated in the Neorion.<a id='r787' /><a href='#f787' class='c009'><sup>[787]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Gyllius,<a id='r788' /><a href='#f788' class='c009'><sup>[788]</sup></a> Gerlach,<a id='r789' /><a href='#f789' class='c009'><sup>[789]</sup></a> and Leunclavius,<a id='r790' /><a href='#f790' class='c009'><sup>[790]</sup></a> this
+entrance was in their day named by the Turks, Tchifout
+Kapoussi, and was regarded by the Greeks as the Πύλη Ὡραία
+(the Beautiful Gate), mentioned by Phrantzes<a id='r791' /><a href='#f791' class='c009'><sup>[791]</sup></a> and Ducas<a id='r792' /><a href='#f792' class='c009'><sup>[792]</sup></a> in the
+history of the last siege. The epithet Horaia is supposed to be
+a corruption of the original name for the entrance (τοῦ Νεωρίου);
+the Turkish designation of the gate being explained by the fact
+that a Jewish community was settled in the neighbourhood of
+the gate.<a id='r793' /><a href='#f793' class='c009'><sup>[793]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As to the transformation of Neorion into Horaia, it seems
+somewhat far-fetched; still, Greeks think it conceivable.<a id='r794' /><a href='#f794' class='c009'><sup>[794]</sup></a> If both
+names, indeed, belonged to the gate, a simpler and more probable
+explanation of the fact would be that the two names had no connection
+with each other, and that the epithet “Beautiful” was
+bestowed upon the entrance, towards the close of the Empire, in
+view of embellishments made in the course of repairs.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The identification of the Gate of the Neorion with the Horaia
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>Pylè involves, however, a difficulty. It makes Ducas contradict
+other historians, as regards the point to which the southern end
+of the chain across the Golden Horn was attached during the
+siege of 1453.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Ducas,<a id='r795' /><a href='#f795' class='c009'><sup>[795]</sup></a> that extremity of the chain was fastened
+to the Beautiful Gate. Critobulus,<a id='r796' /><a href='#f796' class='c009'><sup>[796]</sup></a> on the other hand, affirms
+that it was attached to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi), the gate nearest the head of the promontory, and his
+statement is supported by Phrantzes<a id='r797' /><a href='#f797' class='c009'><sup>[797]</sup></a> and Chalcocondylas,<a id='r798' /><a href='#f798' class='c009'><sup>[798]</sup></a> when
+they, respectively, say that the chain was at the harbour’s mouth,
+and fixed to the wall of the Acropolis. Now, the correctness of
+the position assigned to the chain by the three latter historians
+cannot be called in question. It was the position prescribed for
+the chain by all the rules of strategy. To have placed the chain
+at the Gate of the Neorion would have left a large portion of
+the northern side of the city exposed to the enemy, and permitted
+the Turkish fleet to command the Neorion and the ships
+stationed before it. Hence the accuracy of Ducas can be maintained
+only by the identification of the Beautiful Gate with the
+Gate of Eugenius instead of with the Gate of the Neorion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We are, therefore, confronted with the question whether the
+historian is mistaken as regards the gate to which the city end
+of the chain was attached, or whether the view prevalent in Constantinople
+in the sixteenth century respecting the position of
+the Horaia Pylè should be rejected as unfounded.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In favour of the accuracy of Ducas, it must be admitted
+that his statements concerning the Horaia Pylè, in other passages
+of his work, convey the impression that under that name he refers
+to the entrance nearest the head of the promontory, the Gate
+of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). Speaking of the arrangements
+made for the defence of the sea-board of the city, he
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>describes them as extending, in the first place, from the Xylinè
+Porta, at the western extremity of the Harbour Walls, to the
+Horaia Pylè; and then from the Horaia Pylè to the Golden
+Gate, near the western extremity of the walls along the Sea of
+Marmora.<a id='r799' /><a href='#f799' class='c009'><sup>[799]</sup></a> Again, when he describes the blockade of the shore
+of the city outside the chain by the Sultan’s fleet, he represents
+the blockade as commencing at the Horaia Pylè and proceeding
+thence past the point of the Acropolis, the Church of St. Demetrius,
+the Gate of the Hodegetria, the Great Palace, and the
+harbour (Kontoscalion), as far as Vlanga.<a id='r800' /><a href='#f800' class='c009'><sup>[800]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Now, the gate which would naturally form the pivot, so to
+speak, of these operations was the Gate of Eugenius. There the
+two shores of the city divide; and that was the farthest point
+to which the Turkish fleet outside the chain could advance into
+the Golden Horn. It would be strange if Ducas ascribed the
+strategical importance of the Gate of Eugenius to another gate.
+And yet, it must be also admitted that Ducas can be inaccurate.
+He is inaccurate, for example, in the matter of the gate before
+which the Sultan’s tent was pitched during the siege,<a id='r801' /><a href='#f801' class='c009'><sup>[801]</sup></a> and at
+which the Emperor Constantine fell,<a id='r802' /><a href='#f802' class='c009'><sup>[802]</sup></a> for he associates these
+incidents with the Gate of Charisius, instead of with the Gate
+of St. Romanus; he is inaccurate, as we have seen, in his
+account of the entry of the Turks through the Kerko Porta;<a id='r803' /><a href='#f803' class='c009'><sup>[803]</sup></a>
+and he is inaccurate, again, in saying that the ships which the
+Sultan carried across the hills from the Bosporus to the Golden
+Horn were launched into the harbour at a point opposite the
+Cosmidion (Eyoub),<a id='r804' /><a href='#f804' class='c009'><sup>[804]</sup></a> instead of at Cassim Pasha. Under these
+circumstances it is impossible to maintain his accuracy as to the
+connection of the chain with Horaia Pylè at all hazards, and in
+the face of all difficulties. His credit will depend upon the value
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>attached to the evidence we have, that the Horaia Pylè was
+another name for the Gate of the Neorion during the last days
+of Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The application of both names to the same gate rests upon
+the authority of tradition, upon the use and wont followed in
+the matter by the Greek population of the city in the sixteenth
+century. If this is really the case, no evidence can be more
+decisive on the question at issue. Use and wont in respect to
+the name of a conspicuous public gate, in a much-frequented
+part of the city, constitutes an irrefutable argument, provided
+that use and wont goes far enough back in the history of the
+entrance. In that case, Ducas would be convicted of having
+mistaken the gate to which the chain was attached, and all
+the importance which he ascribes to the Horaia Pylè, in his
+account of the actions of friends and foes along the shores of
+the city, is only the consistent following up of that error. For
+any gate to which the chain was supposed, however erroneously,
+to have been affixed would be represented in the narrative of
+subsequent events as the point about which the assault and the
+defence of the sea-board turned, although the gate was not
+situated where it could, naturally, have sustained that character.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Now, according to Gyllius,<a id='r805' /><a href='#f805' class='c009'><sup>[805]</sup></a> the gate anciently styled the Gate
+of the Neorion was called in his day Tchifout Kapoussi (“Hebrew
+Gate”) by the Turks, and Horaia Pylè by the Greeks, as a
+matter of common practice. The brief statement of Gerlach<a id='r806' /><a href='#f806' class='c009'><sup>[806]</sup></a>
+that the second gate west of the Seraglio Point was named
+at once the Beautiful Gate and the Jewish Gate implies that
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>these were the names of the gate in current use. Leunclavius<a id='r807' /><a href='#f807' class='c009'><sup>[807]</sup></a>
+puts the facts in a somewhat different light. According to
+him, the common designation of the entrance was “Huræa”
+(<i>Ebraia</i>, “Hebrew Gate”), and it was only when the Greeks of
+the city wished to show themselves better acquainted with the
+truth on the subject that they claimed for the gate the epithet
+“Horaia.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This may, perhaps, excite the suspicion that the application
+of the epithet “Horaia” to the Gate of the Neorion, in the
+sixteenth century, was due to the fact that it was then known
+also as the Hebrew Gate (Ebraia). But, on the whole, the more
+probable view is that the epithet was correctly applied, and,
+consequently, that Ducas, who was not present at the siege, is
+mistaken in associating the chain with the Beautiful Gate.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the charters defining the privileges granted to the Genoese
+colony in Constantinople during the twelfth century, mention
+is made of a “Porta Bonu” and a “Porta Veteris Rectoris.”<a id='r808' /><a href='#f808' class='c009'><sup>[808]</sup></a>
+As both were associated with the Scala, or Pier, at the service
+of that colony, they were doubtless the same gate under different
+names; the former appellation designating it by the proper name
+of the officer connected in some way with the entrance, the latter
+by his official title. Nothing is known concerning the Rector
+Bonus; the name and title are at once Byzantine and Italian.
+Now, the Genoese quarter in the twelfth century lay to the east
+of the Gate of the Neorion, and consequently the Porta Bonu,
+or Porta Veteris Rectoris, must be sought in that direction. It
+stood, probably, where Sirkedji Iskelessi is now situated.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Near this gate must have been the Scala Chalcedonensis and
+the Portus Prosphorianus, which the <i>Notitia</i> places in the Fifth
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>Region.<a id='r809' /><a href='#f809' class='c009'><sup>[809]</sup></a> The former, as its name implies, was the pier
+frequented by boats plying between the city and Chalcedon;
+it is mentioned twice, as the point at which relics were landed
+in solemn state to be carried thence to St. Sophia.<a id='r810' /><a href='#f810' class='c009'><sup>[810]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Portus Prosphorianus<a id='r811' /><a href='#f811' class='c009'><sup>[811]</sup></a> was in the bay which once indented
+the shore immediately to the east of the Gate of Bonus, where
+the line of the city walls described a deep curve. The name is
+probably derived from the word Πρόσφορον, and denoted that
+the harbour was the resort of the craft which brought products
+from the country to the markets of the city.<a id='r812' /><a href='#f812' class='c009'><sup>[812]</sup></a> The harbour was also
+called the Phosphorion, as though associated with the sudden
+illumination of the heavens which saved the city from capture
+by Philip of Macedon. But its most common designation was
+τὸ Βοσπόριον, ὁ Βοόσπορος, ὁ Βόσπορος, probably because the
+point to which cattle were ferried across from Asia. The cattle-market
+was held here until the reign of Constantine Copronymus,
+who transferred it to the Forum of Taurus;<a id='r813' /><a href='#f813' class='c009'><sup>[813]</sup></a> here also stood
+warehouses for the storage of oil, and granaries, such as the
+Horrea Olearia, Horrea Troadensia, Horrea Valentiaca and
+Horrea Constantiaca.<a id='r814' /><a href='#f814' class='c009'><sup>[814]</sup></a> The granaries were inspected annually
+by the emperor.<a id='r815' /><a href='#f815' class='c009'><sup>[815]</sup></a> According to Demosthenes, the three statues
+erected by Byzantium and Perinthus in honour of Athens for
+the aid rendered against Philip of Macedon were set up at the
+Bosporus.<a id='r816' /><a href='#f816' class='c009'><sup>[816]</sup></a> But it is not certain whether the great orator used
+the name in a general sense, or with special reference to this
+port. The great fire in the fifth year of Leo I. started in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>market near this harbour, through the carelessness of a woman
+who left a lighted candle on a stall at which she had bought
+some salt fish.<a id='r817' /><a href='#f817' class='c009'><sup>[817]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We reach, next, the last gate in the line of the Harbour
+Walls, the Gate of Eugenius (Πόρτα τοῦ Εὐγενίου), represented
+now by Yali Kiosk Kapoussi. Its identity is established by the
+following indications. It marked the eastern extremity of the
+fortifications along the Golden Horn,<a id='r818' /><a href='#f818' class='c009'><sup>[818]</sup></a> as the Xylo Porta marked
+their western terminus. Hence, the ditch constructed by Cantacuzene
+in front of those fortifications is described as extending
+from the Gate of Eugenius to the Gate Xylinè.<a id='r819' /><a href='#f819' class='c009'><sup>[819]</sup></a> In the next
+place, the gate was close to the head of the promontory, or
+Acropolis, for ships outward bound rounded the promontory
+soon after passing the gate, while incoming ships passed the
+gate soon after rounding the promontory.<a id='r820' /><a href='#f820' class='c009'><sup>[820]</sup></a> Again, the Church
+of St. Paul which stood near the gate is described, as situated
+in the quarter of the Acropolis, at the opening of the harbour.<a id='r821' /><a href='#f821' class='c009'><sup>[821]</sup></a>
+This is consistent with the fact that the gate was at a point from
+which St. Sophia could be easily reached.<a id='r822' /><a href='#f822' class='c009'><sup>[822]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Eugenius, after whom the gate, the adjacent tower, and the
+neighbouring district were named,<a id='r823' /><a href='#f823' class='c009'><sup>[823]</sup></a> was probably a distinguished
+proprietor in this part of the city. The gate bore an inscription
+commemorating repairs executed by a certain Julian;<a id='r824' /><a href='#f824' class='c009'><sup>[824]</sup></a>
+possibly, Julian who was Prefect of the City in the reign of
+Zeno, when Constantinople was shaken by a severe earthquake.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is reason to believe that besides its ordinary designation
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>this gate bore also, at one time, the name Marmora Porta;
+for certain ecclesiastical documents of the year 1399 and the
+year 1441 speak of an entrance in the quarter of Eugenius,
+under the name Marmora Porta, Μαρμαροπόρτα ἐν τῇ ἐνορίᾳ τοῦ
+Εὐγενίου.<a id='r825' /><a href='#f825' class='c009'><sup>[825]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Scala Timasii, so named after Timasius, a celebrated
+general in the reign of Arcadius, was in the Fourth Region,<a id='r826' /><a href='#f826' class='c009'><sup>[826]</sup></a>
+and must therefore have been a pier near the Gate of
+Eugenius.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At this entrance it was customary for the bride-elect of an
+emperor to land, upon reaching the capital by sea; here she was
+received in state by her future consort, and having been invested
+with the Imperial buskins and other insignia of her rank, was
+conducted on horseback to the palace.<a id='r827' /><a href='#f827' class='c009'><sup>[827]</sup></a> But what lends most
+interest to the gate is the fact that beside it rose the tower which
+held the southern end of the chain drawn across the harbour in
+time of war.<a id='r828' /><a href='#f828' class='c009'><sup>[828]</sup></a> Originally, the building, styled Kentenarion
+(Κεντενάριον), was a stately structure, but after its overthrow by
+an earthquake, Theophilus restored it as an ordinary tower.<a id='r829' /><a href='#f829' class='c009'><sup>[829]</sup></a>
+The chain was supported in the water by wooden floats,<a id='r830' /><a href='#f830' class='c009'><sup>[830]</sup></a> and
+its northern end was made fast to a tower in the fortifications
+of Galata, known as the Tower of Galata, “Le Tour de
+Galatas.”<a id='r831' /><a href='#f831' class='c009'><sup>[831]</sup></a> According to Gyllius, the gate near that tower was
+called Porta Catena,<a id='r832' /><a href='#f832' class='c009'><sup>[832]</sup></a> but, unfortunately, he does not indicate
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>its precise position. From the nature of the case, however, it
+must have been near Kiretch Kapoussi, directly opposite the
+Gate of Eugenius.<a id='r833' /><a href='#f833' class='c009'><sup>[833]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp228'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp228.jpg' alt='Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The employment of a chain to bar the entrance of the
+Golden Horn is mentioned for the first time in the famous
+siege of the city by the Saracens in 717-718, when the Emperor
+Leo lowered the chain with the hope of tempting the enemy’s
+ships into the narrow waters of the harbour.<a id='r834' /><a href='#f834' class='c009'><sup>[834]</sup></a> It appears
+next in the reign of Michael II., who thereby endeavoured,
+but in vain, to keep out the fleet with which his rival
+Thomas attacked the city.<a id='r835' /><a href='#f835' class='c009'><sup>[835]</sup></a> It was again employed by Nicephorus
+Phocas, in expectation of a Russian descent into the
+Bosporus.<a id='r836' /><a href='#f836' class='c009'><sup>[836]</sup></a> The Venetians found it obstructing their path when
+they stood before Constantinople in 1203, but removed it after
+capturing the Tower of Galata, to which it was secured.<a id='r837' /><a href='#f837' class='c009'><sup>[837]</sup></a>
+Finally, in 1453, it proved too strong for Sultan Mehemet to
+force, and drove him to devise the expedient of carrying his
+ships into the Golden Horn across the hills to Cassim Pasha.<a id='r838' /><a href='#f838' class='c009'><sup>[838]</sup></a>
+A portion of the chain used on the last occasion is preserved in
+the Church of St. Irene, within the Seraglio grounds.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the district of Eugenius were some of the most noted
+charitable institutions of the city, among which the great
+Orphanage<a id='r839' /><a href='#f839' class='c009'><sup>[839]</sup></a> and the Hospitia,<a id='r840' /><a href='#f840' class='c009'><sup>[840]</sup></a> built on the site of the old
+Stadium of Byzantium by Justinian the Great and Theodora,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>for the free accommodation of poor strangers, were conspicuous.
+There, also, stood the Church of St. Michael and the Church of
+St. Paul.<a id='r841' /><a href='#f841' class='c009'><sup>[841]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Basilikè Pylè.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>Before concluding the study of the Harbour Walls we must
+recur to the question which presented itself at an earlier stage
+of our inquiries, but was reserved for consideration at the close
+of this chapter, as more favourable to an intelligent and thorough
+discussion of the subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Where was the Basilikè Pylè which Byzantine historians,
+after the Restoration of the Empire, associate with this line of
+the city’s bulwarks? Was it, as some authorities maintain, at
+Balat Kapoussi,<a id='r842' /><a href='#f842' class='c009'><sup>[842]</sup></a> or, as others hold, in the neighbourhood of
+the Seraglio Point?<a id='r843' /><a href='#f843' class='c009'><sup>[843]</sup></a> Or is it possible that a gate bearing that
+epithet was found at both points?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In favour of the opinion that the Imperial Gate was near the
+Seraglio Point there is, first, the statement of Phrantzes, already
+cited, to that effect. “To Gabriel of Treviso,” says the historian,<a id='r844' /><a href='#f844' class='c009'><sup>[844]</sup></a>
+“captain of the Venetian triremes, with fifty men under him, was
+entrusted the defence of the tower, in the middle of the current,
+guarding the entrance of the harbour; and he was opposite the
+Imperial Gate.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>What Phrantzes means by the “entrance of the harbour” (τὴν
+εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος) admits of no dispute, for the phrase has only
+one signification. But, as though to render mistake impossible,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>he repeats the expression, in that sense, several times. The
+Greek ships, which were moored beside the chain across the
+mouth of the harbour, and which the Sultan endeavoured to sink
+or drive away by the fire of a battery planted on the hill of St.
+Theodore, to the north-east of Galata, Phrantzes<a id='r845' /><a href='#f845' class='c009'><sup>[845]</sup></a> observes, were
+stationed “at the entrance of the harbour” (ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ
+λιμένος). The object of this bombardment, adds the historian<a id='r846' /><a href='#f846' class='c009'><sup>[846]</sup></a> in
+the next sentence, was not simply to force “the entrance to the
+harbour” (διὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος), but also to injure the
+Genoese shipping at that point, and thus show that the Sultan
+dared to act in any way he pleased, even towards the Italians
+of Galata. Again, Phrantzes<a id='r847' /><a href='#f847' class='c009'><sup>[847]</sup></a> remarks that the ships moored
+along the chain at the mouth of the harbour (ἐν τῶ στόματι
+τοῦ λιμένος) were placed here to render entrance into the
+harbour more difficult to the enemy (ὅπως ἰσχυροτέρως κωλύσωσι
+τὴν εἴσοδον).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Equally decisive is the indication given regarding the tower
+which stood opposite the Imperial Gate. It was “in the middle
+of the current.” This statement carries the mind, at first, to the
+tower which stood on the rock off Scutari (Damalis, Arcla), where
+the lighthouse Kiz Kalehssi has been erected. But the idea that
+Phrantzes had that tower in view cannot be entertained for more
+than a moment; for to have stationed Gabriel there, with the
+Turkish fleet in complete command of the Bosporus and the Sea
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>of Marmora, was not simply useless, but impossible. The current
+intended can be none other than the strong current at the head
+of the Seraglio Point, where it divides in two swift streams,
+which Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r848' /><a href='#f848' class='c009'><sup>[848]</sup></a> compares to Scylla and Charybdis,
+one running up the Golden Horn, the other out into the Sea
+of Marmora. A tower near a point with rushing waters on
+either hand might aptly be described as “in the middle of the
+current.”<a id='r849' /><a href='#f849' class='c009'><sup>[849]</sup></a> Furthermore, Phrantzes<a id='r850' /><a href='#f850' class='c009'><sup>[850]</sup></a> mentions the tower referred
+to, in close connection with what stood, unquestionably, near the
+head of the promontory. He speaks of it immediately after
+the Horaia Pylè, and immediately before the ships which defended
+the chain across the harbour’s mouth, as though in the
+same vicinity.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the second place, the view that the Imperial Gate was
+near the Seraglio Point is supported by the testimony of
+Leonard of Scio, when he makes the statement that Gabriel of
+Treviso fought bravely, with his men, on the portion of the
+walls extending from the Beacon-tower as far as the Imperial
+Gate, at the entrance of the bay (of the Golden Horn):
+“Gabriel Trevsianus cordatissime a Turri Phani usque ad
+Imperialem Portam, ante sinum, decertabat.”<a id='r851' /><a href='#f851' class='c009'><sup>[851]</sup></a> The archbishop’s
+phrase “ante sinum” corresponds to Phrantzes’ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ
+λιμένος.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thirdly, it remains to add, on this side of the question, that
+the order in which Pusculus mentions the gates in the Harbour
+Walls favours the view that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>Kapoussi. Proceeding from west to cast in his account of the
+defence of the fortifications along the Golden Horn, that author
+refers to seven gates in the following order: Xylina, Cynegon,
+Phani, Theodosia, Puteæ, Platea, Basilea,<a id='r852' /><a href='#f852' class='c009'><sup>[852]</sup></a> thus putting the
+Imperial Gate somewhere to the east of Oun Kapan Kapoussi.
+Had the Basilea stood at Balat Kapoussi it should have been
+mentioned immediately after Cynegon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This is the main evidence in support of the opinion that the
+Basilikè Pylè was near the Seraglio Point, and it is difficult to
+conceive of evidence more clear and conclusive.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The argument countenancing the view which identifies the
+Imperial Gate with Balat Kapoussi may be stated, briefly, thus:
+In the first place, when Leonard of Scio declares that Gabriel
+of Treviso defended the walls “a Turri Phani ad Imperialem
+Portam” he associates the Imperial Gate with the quarter of
+the Phanar. Again, when Ducas affirms that the Venetians
+assisted the Greeks in the defence of the walls from the Imperial
+Gate to the Kynegon,<a id='r853' /><a href='#f853' class='c009'><sup>[853]</sup></a> that entrance is associated with
+the district so named. The Imperial Gate, therefore, must
+have stood at a point between the Phanar and the Kynegon.
+But that is exactly the situation of Balat Kapoussi, with the
+quarter of the Phanar on its east, and the Kynegon on its west;
+hence the two gates were one and the same.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the next place, the epithet “Imperial” was eminently
+suitable for an entrance which stood at the foot of a hill surmounted
+by the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, and from which
+the Palace of Blachernæ could be readily reached. How appropriate
+the epithet was is proved by the actual name of the
+gate, Balat Kapoussi (the Gate of the Palace), so similar in
+meaning to Basilikè Pylè.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the third place, on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>stood a Church of St. John the Baptist.<a id='r854' /><a href='#f854' class='c009'><sup>[854]</sup></a> And in keeping with
+this fact, there is a Church of St. John the Baptist (the
+metochion of the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai)
+outside Balat Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>These arguments are, however, open to criticism. So far as
+the statement of Leonard of Scio is concerned, it should be
+noted that he does not speak of the Turris Phani absolutely.
+Had he done so, the presumption would certainly be in favour
+of the view which understands him to refer to the district of
+the Phanar, half-way up the Golden Horn.<a id='r855' /><a href='#f855' class='c009'><sup>[855]</sup></a> But his complete
+statement on the subject is that the Turris Phani of which he
+was speaking stood, with the Imperial Gate beside it, “ante
+sinum,” at the entrance of the bay of the Golden Horn, thus
+making it manifest that he had in mind another beacon-tower
+than the one in the district commonly known as the Phanar.
+That the shore of the Golden Horn was lighted at more than
+one point during the night, and especially at the entrance of the
+harbour, is only what might be expected. Nor is there in the
+assertion of Ducas, that the Venetians and Greeks united their
+forces to defend the fortifications from the Imperial Gate to the
+Kynegon, anything to determine the distance between the two
+points. They might be very near, or they might be as far apart
+as the extremities of the Harbour Walls; for there is no reason
+to think that the Venetians defended only the small portion of
+the walls between Balat Kapoussi and the three archways to the
+west of that gate.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>The remaining arguments under consideration have more
+force, but are by no means decisive. The appropriateness of
+the epithet “Imperial” to an entrance in the situation of Balat
+Kapoussi affords, certainly, a presumption in favour of the view
+that the entrance was so named, although it cannot, alone,
+prove that such was the fact. The name Balat Kapoussi
+appears only after the Turkish Conquest, and may or may not
+be borrowed from the Byzantine designation of the gate.
+The strongest argument on this side of the question is, undoubtedly,
+that drawn from the presence of the Church of St.
+John the Baptist on the shore to the north-east of Balat
+Kapoussi,<a id='r856' /><a href='#f856' class='c009'><sup>[856]</sup></a> the possible representative of the ancient church of
+that dedication “on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.”<a id='r857' /><a href='#f857' class='c009'><sup>[857]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But, in any case, these arguments do not refute the proof
+adduced for the existence of a Basilikè Pylè near the Seraglio
+Point. They leave that fact undisturbed; and can only claim
+to give countenance to the idea that another Basilikè Pylè stood
+at Balat Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two questions, accordingly, are involved in the problem
+before us. Which of the gates near the Seraglio Point was
+styled the Basilikè Pylè? Was that gate the only Imperial
+Gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, or do some statements
+of Byzantine historians on the subject imply the existence of
+a second Basilikè Pylè?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the opinion of Leunclavius, the Imperial Gate is to be
+identified with the Horaia Pylè (the Gate of the Neorion) at
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>Bagtchè Kapoussi.<a id='r858' /><a href='#f858' class='c009'><sup>[858]</sup></a> But if the Horaia Pylè was at Bagtchè
+Kapoussi, the Basilikè Pylè could not be there also. The two
+entrances are unmistakably distinguished by Phrantzes, who
+mentions both in the same connection, the one immediately
+after the other, and states that, in the defence of the fortifications
+along the harbour, the Beautiful Gate was in charge of
+the crew of a vessel from Crete, while the Imperial Gate was
+under the care of Gabriel of Treviso.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But this is an objection which has force only against those
+who adopt the view that the Horaia Pylè stood at Bagtchè
+Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A more general objection to the view of Leunclavius is that
+Bagtchè Kapoussi does not occupy the situation attributed to
+the Imperial Gate by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio. It is not
+opposite a tower guarding the entrance of the harbour; it is
+too far up the Golden Horn to be described as “ante sinum.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This being so there are only two gates with one or other
+of which the Imperial Gate can be identified, if the indications
+furnished on the subject by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio are
+strictly followed. It was either the Gate of Eugenius (Yali
+Kiosk Kapoussi), as Gerlach maintains,<a id='r859' /><a href='#f859' class='c009'><sup>[859]</sup></a> or the Gate of St.
+Barbara (Top Kapoussi), which stands immediately to the south
+of Seraglio Point, and was, therefore, so near the Harbour Walls
+that it might be included in an account of their defence.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The description of the Imperial Gate given by the historians
+above mentioned, applies equally well to both these entrances.
+Both stand near the mouth of the harbour, and opposite a tower
+“in the middle of the current;” both occupy a point of great
+strategical importance, such as the Basilikè Pylè must have
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>occupied, if we may judge from the fact that it was entrusted
+to commanders like Gabriel of Treviso and the Duke Notaras;
+both entrances were, in the course of history, associated with
+the Court<a id='r860' /><a href='#f860' class='c009'><sup>[860]</sup></a> in a way which might have earned for them the
+distinction of the epithet, “Imperial.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is not easy to decide, directly, between conflicting claims
+so nicely balanced. Judgment on the point at issue will
+doubtless be determined, largely, by the views adopted on
+questions indirectly connected with the matter in dispute,
+especially by what view is taken as regards the situation of
+the Horaia Pylè. Any one who upholds the accuracy of Ducas
+regarding the point to which the southern end of the chain was
+attached, and identifies the Beautiful Gate with Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi (the Gate of Eugenius) will, necessarily, identify the
+Imperial Gate with Top Kapoussi. On the other hand, those
+who accept the opinion that the Beautiful Gate stood, as the
+Greeks in the sixteenth century maintained, at Bagtchè
+Kapoussi, may, though still free to place the Imperial Gate at
+Top Kapoussi, nevertheless prefer to place it at Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi, as, on the whole, more in accordance with the indications
+of its position. If at the latter point, one can understand
+more readily why the Imperial Gate should have been
+associated with the Harbour Walls, and why Phrantzes mentions
+it immediately after the Horaia Pylè, and before the chain and
+the ships at the harbour’s mouth.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Having thus indicated which of the gates near the Seraglio
+Point have the strongest claim to be regarded as the Basilikè
+Pylè, it remains to consider the question whether either of those
+gates was the only entrance bearing that epithet, in the Harbour
+Walls.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Are there, in other words, any statements made by Byzantine
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>writers in reference to the Basilikè Pylè which cannot be
+applied to the Gate of Eugenius or to the Gate of St. Barbara,
+and which, therefore, imply the existence of another gate of
+that name? So far as the Gate of St. Barbara is concerned,
+there are several such statements. The narrow quay outside
+Top Kapoussi could not afford room for the Church of St. John,
+the hospitium, and the other buildings, which are described as
+situated on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.<a id='r861' /><a href='#f861' class='c009'><sup>[861]</sup></a> Nor could a
+ship be moored in front of that gate, as the ship of the Catalan
+chief Berenger was moored in front of the Imperial Gate.<a id='r862' /><a href='#f862' class='c009'><sup>[862]</sup></a> Nor
+was it necessary, before that gate could be attacked by the
+Turkish fleet, that the chain across the entrance of the Golden
+Horn should be forced, as we are told was necessary in the case
+of the Basilikè Pylè to which Critobulus alludes.<a id='r863' /><a href='#f863' class='c009'><sup>[863]</sup></a> Hence the
+opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was another name for the Gate
+of St. Barbara involves the view that there were two Imperial
+Gates.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The claim of the Gate of Eugenius to be the sole Basilikè
+Pylè encounters but one serious objection. Critobulus, it
+would appear, distinguishes the two entrances. He refers to
+the former to indicate where the southern end of the chain across
+the harbour was attached;<a id='r864' /><a href='#f864' class='c009'><sup>[864]</sup></a> he speaks of the latter to mark the
+point which the Turkish fleet attacked on the last day of the
+siege, after breaking the chain, and becoming master of the
+Golden Horn.<a id='r865' /><a href='#f865' class='c009'><sup>[865]</sup></a> For as soon as the Turkish admiral perceived
+that the Sultan’s troops had entered the city, and were busily
+engaged in the work of plunder, he made a desperate attempt
+upon the chain, cut it asunder, and forced his way into the
+harbour. Then, having captured or sunk the Greek galleys found
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>in the port, he led his ships to the Imperial Gate (ταῖς βασιλικαῖς
+πόλαις) and landed his sailors in quest of booty. The gate was,
+however, still held by the Greeks, as the Turkish troops had not
+yet reached it from within the city. A fierce struggle therefore
+ensued. But at last the gate was burst open, its brave defenders
+were slain to a man, their blood pouring through it like a
+stream, and the assailants rushed in to share the spoils of
+victory.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>What is here related might hold true of the Gate of
+Eugenius. Such facts as that the Imperial Gate stood within
+the chain, that before attacking it the Greek vessels in the
+harbour had to be disposed of, that it was held for a considerable
+time after the Turkish army had entered the city, are all consistent
+with the idea that the Basilikè Pylè, to which Critobulus
+refers, was the Gate of Eugenius. But, on the other hand, if
+the Gate of Eugenius was both the entrance to which the chain
+was attached and the entrance captured by the Turkish
+admiral after the chain had been broken, it comes very near
+defying all the laws of the association of ideas for the historian
+to speak of the entrance by different names, when the
+matters he records were so closely connected. This is a very
+serious objection to the identification of the Imperial Gate
+which Critobulus had in mind with the Gate of Eugenius. Hence,
+if this objection cannot be removed by saying that he could
+speak of the same gate by different names in different passages
+of his work, it follows that the epithet “Basilikè” did not belong
+exclusively to the Gate of Eugenius (any more than to the Gate
+of St. Barbara), but was bestowed also upon a gate higher up
+the Golden Horn.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This being the case, there can be no hesitation where the
+latter was situated. Balat Kapoussi, by the significance of its
+name, by its proximity to Imperial palaces, and by the presence
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>of a Church of St. John, with room for other buildings, on the
+territory outside the gate, establishes the best claim to be considered
+the second Basilikè Pylè in the line of the harbour
+fortifications.<a id='r866' /><a href='#f866' class='c009'><sup>[866]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Why the Turkish admiral selected it as the point at which
+to land his sailors is explained by the wealthy character of the
+adjoining quarter of the city.<a id='r867' /><a href='#f867' class='c009'><sup>[867]</sup></a></p>
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>
+  <h3 class='c010'>The Route taken in carrying the Turkish Ships across the Hills from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn.</h3>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Owing to the conflicting statements of contemporary historians
+on the subject, the precise route followed in carrying the Sultan’s
+ships, across the hills, from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn,
+is not fully settled. So far, indeed, as the point at which
+the ships reached the Golden Horn is concerned, there can be
+little, if any, room for doubt, though the historians differ even
+on that matter. The most reliable testimony, however, and
+the configuration of the territory on the northern side of the
+harbour, are in favour of the view that the Bay of Cassim Pasha
+was the point in question. Critobulus<a id='r868' /><a href='#f868' class='c009'><sup>[868]</sup></a> names the point the
+Cold Waters,<a id='r869' /><a href='#f869' class='c009'><sup>[869]</sup></a> and describes it as situated at a short distance
+from Galata (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα, μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω τοῦ Γαλατᾶ). Nicolò
+Barbaro<a id='r870' /><a href='#f870' class='c009'><sup>[870]</sup></a> designates it as the Harbour of Pera, or Galata—“Abiando
+tragetà dentro dal porto de Constantinopoli ben fuste
+setantado, e redusele in porto dentro del navarchio de Pera”—and
+explains the possibility of the occupation of a point so near
+Galata by the excellent relations existing between the Turks
+and the Genoese: “E questo perchè lor Turchi avea bona paxe
+con Zenovexi.” At variance with these statements, Ducas<a id='r871' /><a href='#f871' class='c009'><sup>[871]</sup></a>
+says the ships were launched into the harbour opposite Eyoub
+(Cosmidion), but that is contrary to all the probabilities of the
+case. Phrantzes<a id='r872' /><a href='#f872' class='c009'><sup>[872]</sup></a> sheds no light upon the question.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In regard to the starting-point from the Bosporus, there is
+general agreement that it was somewhere on the shore between
+Beshiktash and Top Haneh; Andreossy<a id='r873' /><a href='#f873' class='c009'><sup>[873]</sup></a> being singular in
+supposing that the vessels left the Bosporus at Balta Liman.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>Now, there are four ravines or valleys that run inland from the
+shore between Beshiktash and Top Haneh towards the ridge
+dividing the Bosporus and the Golden Horn: the valleys of
+Beshiktash, Dolma Bagtchè, Sali Bazaar, and Top Haneh,
+which reach the top of the ridge, respectively at Ferikeui,
+the Municipal Gardens, Taxim, and Asmali-Medjid Sokaki.
+And the decision of the question which of these valleys was
+the one actually selected by the Sultan will depend partly upon
+our estimate of the respective merits of the historians whose
+testimony has to be considered, and partly upon the comparative
+suitableness of the various routes to serve the object in view.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Of the four routes indicated above, the two which proceed,
+respectively, by the valley of Top Haneh and the valley of
+Dolma Bagtchè present, both on the ground of history and
+natural fitness, the strongest claims for consideration.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In favour of the Top Haneh route, there is, first, the fact
+that it was the shortest route; and secondly, that its length
+corresponds to that which Critobulus<a id='r874' /><a href='#f874' class='c009'><sup>[874]</sup></a> assigns to the road taken
+by the ships across the hills, viz. eight stadia, or one mile.
+Accordingly, Dr. Dethier<a id='r875' /><a href='#f875' class='c009'><sup>[875]</sup></a> and Dr. Paspates<a id='r876' /><a href='#f876' class='c009'><sup>[876]</sup></a> maintain that the
+Sultan’s ships were transported from the Bosporus to the Golden
+Horn by way of Top Haneh, Koumbaradji Sokaki, Asmali-Medjid
+Sokaki, and the Petits Champs.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the Dolma Bagtchè route has in its
+favour, first, the statement made by several historians, including
+Critobulus himself, that the point on the Bosporus from which
+the ships started to cross the hills was near the Diplokionion,
+the name for Beshiktash in Byzantine times. Ducas<a id='r877' /><a href='#f877' class='c009'><sup>[877]</sup></a> describes
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>that point as situated to the east of Galata, below the Diplokionion.
+Pusculus<a id='r878' /><a href='#f878' class='c009'><sup>[878]</sup></a> speaks of it as not far from the twin
+columns: “Columnis haud longè a geminis, surgunt quæ ad sidera
+rectæ.” Nicolò Barbaro<a id='r879' /><a href='#f879' class='c009'><sup>[879]</sup></a> is, if possible, even more explicit.
+According to him, the levelling of the road across the hill above
+Pera commenced from the shore where the columns, and the
+station of the Turkish fleet, were found: “<i>Siando tuta la sua
+armada sorta a le colone</i>, che sun mia de luntan de la tera, fexe
+che tute le zurme muntasse in tera, e fexe spianar tuto el monte
+che son de sopra a zitade de Pera, <i>comenzando da la marina, zae
+da li da le colone dove che era armada</i>.” Critobulus,<a id='r880' /><a href='#f880' class='c009'><sup>[880]</sup></a> as already
+intimated, styles the starting-point of the expedition the Diplokionion.
+Now, the Diplokionion was not at Top Haneh, but at
+Beshiktash, and the harbour of the Diplokionion must have been
+the bay which formerly occupied the site of Dolma Bagtchè.<a id='r881' /><a href='#f881' class='c009'><sup>[881]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the second place, in the Dolma Bagtchè route we have
+the distance which Nicolò Barbaro<a id='r882' /><a href='#f882' class='c009'><sup>[882]</sup></a> declares was traversed by
+the Turkish ships in their overland passage, <i>i.e.</i> three miles:
+“Comenzando de la marina, zae da li da le colone dove che era
+armada, per infino dentro dal porte de Constantinopoli, <i>che son
+mia tre</i>.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Great weight attaches to the testimony of Barbaro upon this
+point; for Critobulus was not present at the siege, while
+Nicolò Barbaro was surgeon of one of the Venetian galleys
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>which took part in the defence of the chain across the entrance
+to the Golden Horn, kept a diary of the incidents of the siege,
+must have taken particular interest in the movements of the
+Turkish fleet, and was in the way of obtaining the best available
+information on the subject. Certainly, if the transport of the
+Turkish ships started from a point so near the chain and the
+Greek and foreign ships guarding it as the site of Top Haneh,
+Barbaro had every opportunity to know the fact, and it is
+inexplicable how he could have made the mistake of representing
+another locality as the scene of the achievement.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With Barbaro agrees another competent witness, Jacques
+Tedaldi, a Florentine merchant, who took part in the defence
+of the city, and who gives the distance over which the ships
+were carried as from two to three miles: “Fit porter de la mer
+par terre deux ou trois milles, de soixant dix a quatre-vingts
+gallées que aultres fustes armées, dedans le gouffle de Mandraquins
+qui est entre les deux citez, auxquieuls est le port de
+Constantinople.”<a id='r883' /><a href='#f883' class='c009'><sup>[883]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>If, in the next place, we judge between the two routes by
+their comparative fitness to facilitate the accomplishment of the
+Sultan’s design, the Dolma Bagtchè route can claim the superiority
+in that respect. Had the matter of distance been all the Sultan
+required to consider in choosing the road for his ships, the decision
+would necessarily have been in favour of the Top Haneh route.
+But, surely, other matters also had to be taken into account. It
+was desirable, for example, that the route should be situated where
+all the preparations necessary to effect the passage could be readily
+made, where they would be beyond the reach of interference on
+the part of the Greeks, where they would, as the conveyance of
+the ships by night proves was the Sultan’s wish, be screened
+from hostile observation, and result in taking the enemy by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>surprise. All this was impossible at the site now occupied by
+Top Haneh, which stood but a short distance outside the chain
+and its guard-ships. There the Sultan’s preparations—the levelling
+of the ground, the laying down of sleepers and planks along
+which the cradles carrying the ships were to be drawn, the
+gathering of seventy to eighty vessels, the army of men
+collected to draw the ships out of the water and overland,—would
+be too much in the public eye to satisfy the requirements
+of the case.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the other hand, although the Dolma Bagtchè route laboured
+under the disadvantage of being longer than the road from Top
+Haneh, the distance it presented was not excessive, while it
+offered ample compensation for the additional efforts which its
+greater length occasioned. It started from the usual station of
+the Turkish fleet in the Bosporus, where all requisite means for
+executing the Sultan’s purpose could be obtained with the least
+difficulty, where no attack was to be apprehended, where the
+presence of a large number of ships would excite no suspicions,
+and where, it was reasonable to expect, the great secret could
+be kept as long as necessary. From the point of fitness to serve
+the scheme contemplated, the route from Dolma Bagtchè had
+most to recommend it, taking all things into consideration.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Turkish historians do not afford any assistance to solve the
+problem under discussion. Evlia Tchelebi pretends that the
+ships were not brought from the Bosporus, but that some of
+them were constructed at Kiathaneh, the Sweet Waters, at the
+head of the harbour, and others at Levend Tchiflik (probably
+the Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik situated, in old Turkish times,
+high up the longer arm of the Dolma Bagtchè valley, not the
+Levend Tchiflik above the head of the valley of Balta Liman);
+and that the latter portion of the flotilla was carried to the
+Golden Horn by way of the Ok Meidan behind Haskeui,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>and the gardens of the Arsenal (Tersaneh Bagtchessi). Another
+Turkish authority says the ships were transported from Dolma
+Bagtchè to Cassim Pasha.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>NOTE.</h3>
+<p class='c015'>According to Leonard of Scio (p. 920), the distance over which the Turkish ships
+were conveyed was seventy stadia, “ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes.” This
+statement involves so many questions which are difficult, if not impossible, to decide,
+that it affords no assistance in determining where the ships crossed the hills. The
+archbishop’s account of the Sultan’s action is given in the following words: “Quare
+ut coangustaret circumvalleratque magis urbem, jussit invia æquare; exque colle,
+suppositis lenitis vasis lacertorum sex, ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes, quæ ascensu
+gravius sublatæ, posthac ex apice in declivum, in ripam sinus levissime introrsum
+vehebantur.”</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>Now, if the “seventy stadia” in this passage are to be understood in the ordinary
+sense of the words, the route taken by the ships was over eight English miles in
+length. But from no point between Top Haneh and Beshiktash is the distance to
+the Golden Horn, across the hills, so great. Hence the language of Leonard has
+been variously interpreted, in the hope of bringing it into accord with what his commentators
+deemed the real facts in the case. Dethier, in his annotations to Zorzo
+Dolfin (<i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, No. xxii. p. 998), maintains that the numeral seventy
+gives the number of the ships transported over the hills, and not the length of the
+road tranversed: “Non sono 70 stadia, ma 70 galere o fuste.” Charles Müller,
+the editor of Critobulus, referring to the statement of Leonard, expresses the same
+opinion as Dethier, and thinks that the number for the stadia has dropped out of the
+text of Leonard: “Stadiorum numerus excedisse videtur, nam septuaginta vox ad
+navium numerum, quem eundem etiam Chalcocondylas, p. 387, 8 præbet, referenda
+est” (<i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i> p. 87). Another possible view is that the number seventy
+is due to an error in the text. Or, finally, it may be supposed that Leonard employed
+the term “stadium” in a peculiar sense. One presumption in favour of this
+supposition is the fact that elsewhere in his epistle, the measurements of Leonard
+by stadia seem too gross mistakes to be made by such a man as the archbishop, with
+the ordinary idea of a stadium in his mind. The bridge, for example, which the
+Sultan built at Haskeui, to bring his cannon closer to the Harbour Walls, and which
+Phrantzes (p. 252) says was one hundred ortygia long, or one stadium, Leonard
+(p. 931) represents as about thirty stadia in length, <i>i.e.</i>, according to the ordinary
+computation, between three and four miles in length, where the harbour is not half a
+mile wide. Again, Leonard (p. 970) speaks of the Turkish fleet as anchoring at a
+point less than one hundred stadia from the shore of the Propontis: “Minus ad
+stadia centum Propontidis ripa anchoras figunt”—a statement which, if it refers to the
+distance of Beshiktash from the Seraglio Point, would make that part of the Bosporus
+about ten miles broad! It should also be added that Charles Müller thinks that the
+stadium of the later Byzantine writers was one-third less than the Olympic stadium:
+“Adeo ut stadium tertia parte minus quam vetus stadium Olympicum subesse videri
+possit” (<i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 76). Du Cange (<i>Glossarium Med. et Infim.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>Latinitatis</i>) says, respecting the use of the term “stadium” by mediæval writers,
+“Mensuræ species, sed ignota prorsus.”</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>Zorzo Dolfin translates the account which Leonard gives of the ships’ passage
+across the hills, as follows: “Et per coangustar, et circumuallar piu la terra, commando,
+fusse spianato le uie, et sopra i colli messi in terra i uasi a forza de brazze
+... per 70 stadia che sono circa miglia ... introdusse le fuste nel mandrachio, le
+qual per ... miglia con fatica se tiranno in suxo” (Dethier, <i>Siège de Constantinople</i>,
+No. xxii. p. 997). If the number of miles had been given, or had not disappeared,
+how much discussion would have been spared!</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>
+  <h2 id='chap16' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVI. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The fortifications extending along the Sea of Marmora<a id='r884' /><a href='#f884' class='c009'><sup>[884]</sup></a> from
+the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the southern extremity of the
+land walls consisted of a single wall flanked, according to Bondelmontius,
+by 188 towers—a line of defence some five miles in
+length. Almost everywhere along their course these fortifications
+stood close to the water’s edge, making it almost impossible to
+land troops at their foot, and giving them only the comparatively
+easy task of repelling an attack upon them with ships.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp248a'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp248a.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>.</i>)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div id='fig_fp248b'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp248b.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.</i>)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div id='fig_fp248c'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<img src='images/fig_fp248c.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</i>)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>What they had most reason to dread was the open sea upon
+whose margin they stood, its ceaseless, unwearied sap and mine
+of their foundations, and the furious assaults of its angry waves.
+This explains some peculiarities noticeable in their construction.
+The line of their course, for instance, was extremely irregular,
+turning in and out with every bend of the shore, to present
+always as short and sharp a front as possible to the waves that
+dashed against them. They were protected, moreover, by a breakwater
+of loose boulders,<a id='r885' /><a href='#f885' class='c009'><sup>[885]</sup></a> scattered in the sea along their base.
+And the extent to which marble shafts were built, as bonds, into
+the lower courses of the walls and towers was, doubtless, another
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>precaution adopted to maintain the stability of these fortifications.
+A large portion of these walls is built in arches closed
+on their outer face, and seems to be the work of a late age.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The walls had at least thirteen entrances.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first gate, Top Kapoussi, a short distance to the south of
+the apex of the promontory, was known as the Gate of St. Barbara
+(ἡ τῆς μάρτυρος Βαρβάρας καλουμένη Πύλη),<a id='r886' /><a href='#f886' class='c009'><sup>[886]</sup></a> after a church
+of that dedication in the vicinity; the presence of a sanctuary
+consecrated to the patroness of fire-arms at this point being
+explained by the fact that the Mangana, or great military arsenal
+of the city, stood a little to the south of the gate.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The gate was guarded also on the north-west, by the Church
+of St. Demetrius, another military saint, and was therefore sometimes
+styled by the Greeks, after the Turkish Conquest, the Gate
+of St. Demetrius.<a id='r887' /><a href='#f887' class='c009'><sup>[887]</sup></a> It was likewise known as the Eastern Gate,<a id='r888' /><a href='#f888' class='c009'><sup>[888]</sup></a>
+owing to its position on the eastern shore of the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, probably, stood one of the gates of old Byzantium; for
+when the city was occupied by the Greeks under Xenophon, the
+Spartan admiral, Anaxibius, escaped to the Acropolis by taking
+boat in the Golden Horn, and rounding the promontory to
+the side facing Chalcedon.<a id='r889' /><a href='#f889' class='c009'><sup>[889]</sup></a> The pier in front of the gate was
+called the Pier of the Acropolis (ἡ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως σκάλα);<a id='r890' /><a href='#f890' class='c009'><sup>[890]</sup></a> and
+for the convenience of the boatmen and sailors frequenting it,
+a chapel of St. Nicholas, their patron saint, was attached to the
+Church of St. Barbara.<a id='r891' /><a href='#f891' class='c009'><sup>[891]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to the inscriptions<a id='r892' /><a href='#f892' class='c009'><sup>[892]</sup></a> found upon the gate, it was
+included in the repairs of the seaward walls in the reign of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>Theophilus. As became its important position, it was a handsome
+portal, flanked, like the Golden Gate, by two large towers
+of white marble,<a id='r893' /><a href='#f893' class='c009'><sup>[893]</sup></a> and beside it, if not in it, Nicephorus Phocas
+placed the beautiful gates which he carried away from Tarsus
+as trophies of his Cilician campaigns.<a id='r894' /><a href='#f894' class='c009'><sup>[894]</sup></a> On two occasions it
+served as a triumphal entrance into the city, John Comnenus
+using it for that purpose in 1126, to celebrate the capture of
+Castamon;<a id='r895' /><a href='#f895' class='c009'><sup>[895]</sup></a> and Manuel Comnenus in 1168, on his return from
+the Hungarian War.<a id='r896' /><a href='#f896' class='c009'><sup>[896]</sup></a> In 1816 the towers of the gate
+furnished material for the Marble Kiosk which Sultan Mahmoud
+IV. erected in the neighbourhood;<a id='r897' /><a href='#f897' class='c009'><sup>[897]</sup></a> and in 1871 the gate
+disappeared during the construction of the Roumelian railway.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Proceeding southwards from the Gate of St. Barbara, we
+reach the entrance known as Deïrmen Kapoussi. It is clearly
+Byzantine, but its Greek name is lost.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between it and the Gate of St. Barbara must have stood
+the Mangana (τὰ Μάγγανα),<a id='r898' /><a href='#f898' class='c009'><sup>[898]</sup></a> or Arsenal, with its workshops,
+materials of war, and library of books on military art. Its site
+is identified by the statement of Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r899' /><a href='#f899' class='c009'><sup>[899]</sup></a> that it faced
+the rocky islet off the shore of Chrysopolis, on which the beacon
+tower Kiz Kalehssi, or Leander’s Tower, is now built. For,
+according to that historian, Manuel Comnenus, with the view of
+closing the Bosporus against naval attack from the south,
+erected two towers between which he might suspend a chain
+across the entrance of the straits; one of them, named Damalis
+and Arcla (Δάμαλις, Ἄρκλα), being on the rock off Chrysopolis,<a id='r900' /><a href='#f900' class='c009'><sup>[900]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>the other, opposite to it, very close to the Monastery of
+Mangana.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Tower of the Mangana was exceedingly strong, capable
+of withstanding a siege by the whole city.<a id='r901' /><a href='#f901' class='c009'><sup>[901]</sup></a> Hence, in the
+struggle between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene, the former held
+it with great determination.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the rear of Deïrmen Kapoussi a hollow, now occupied by
+market-gardens, indicates the site of the Kynegion, the amphitheatre
+erected by Severus when he restored Byzantium.<a id='r902' /><a href='#f902' class='c009'><sup>[902]</sup></a> A
+combat of wild animals was held here as late as the reign
+of Justinian the Great, in honour of his consulship.<a id='r903' /><a href='#f903' class='c009'><sup>[903]</sup></a> Subsequently,
+the Kynegion became a place of execution for important
+political offenders. There, Justinian II., on his restoration to the
+throne, put his rivals, Leontius and Apsimarus, to death, after
+subjecting them to public humiliation in the Hippodrome, by
+resting his feet upon their necks, while he viewed the games.<a id='r904' /><a href='#f904' class='c009'><sup>[904]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A little to the south of the Kynegion stood the Church and
+Monastery of St. George at the Mangana (Μοναστήριον κατὰ
+τὰ λεγόμενα Μάγγανα, ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τοῦ ἁγίου μεγάλου μάρτυρος
+Γεωργίου). It was an erection of Constantine Monomachus,<a id='r905' /><a href='#f905' class='c009'><sup>[905]</sup></a> and
+one of the most splendid and important monasteries in the
+city. Its site is determined by the following indications; the
+church was opposite Chrysopolis,<a id='r906' /><a href='#f906' class='c009'><sup>[906]</sup></a> and near the Mangana and the
+Kynegion;<a id='r907' /><a href='#f907' class='c009'><sup>[907]</sup></a> it stood in the midst of meadows, and to it were
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>attached gardens and a hospital.<a id='r908' /><a href='#f908' class='c009'><sup>[908]</sup></a> “There was,” says Clavijo,
+the Spanish envoy, “before the entrance (of the church), a wide
+court containing many gardens and houses; the church itself
+stood in the middle of these gardens.”<a id='r909' /><a href='#f909' class='c009'><sup>[909]</sup></a> Now, room for a
+church with such surroundings existed only to the south of the
+Kynegion, where a comparatively extensive plain is found;
+while the territory to the north was contracted, and was, moreover,
+otherwise occupied. This conclusion is corroborated by
+the statement of the Russian pilgrims that the Monastery of
+the Mangana lay to the <i>west</i> of the Church of St. Saviour.<a id='r910' /><a href='#f910' class='c009'><sup>[910]</sup></a>
+That church, we shall find, stood at Indjili Kiosk.<a id='r911' /><a href='#f911' class='c009'><sup>[911]</sup></a> Hence, a
+building to the west of that point would be on the plain above
+indicated.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From the Church of St. George mediæval writers derived the
+name of Braz Saint George for the Sea of Marmora and the
+Hellespont.<a id='r912' /><a href='#f912' class='c009'><sup>[912]</sup></a> The Emperor John Cantacuzene, upon his abdication,
+was for some time a monk in the Monastery of Mangana,
+under the name Joasaph (Ἰωάσαφ), until he withdrew to the deeper
+seclusion of the Monastery of Batopedi, on Mount Athos.<a id='r913' /><a href='#f913' class='c009'><sup>[913]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next gate, Demir Kapoussi, is a Turkish erection that
+may have replaced an older entrance.<a id='r914' /><a href='#f914' class='c009'><sup>[914]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A little further south, arched buttresses, forming the substructures
+on which the villa known as Indjili Kiosk, in the
+Seraglio grounds, once stood, are seen built against the walls.
+Through these buttresses the water of a Holy Spring within
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>the city was, until recently, conducted to the outer side of the
+walls, and thus rendered accessible to the Christians of the Greek
+Orthodox Church, who sought the benefit of its healing virtues.
+This was the Holy Spring of the Church of St. Saviour, celebrated
+as a fountain of health long before the Turkish Conquest.
+“Tout cet endroit ressemble la piscine de Salomon qui est à
+Jérusalem!” exclaims one of the Russian pilgrims, who visited
+the shrine during the period of the Palæologi.<a id='r915' /><a href='#f915' class='c009'><sup>[915]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Its identity cannot be disputed. For the memory of the fact
+that the Church of St. Saviour stood at this point has been
+preserved by the annual pilgrimages made to the spot, on the
+Festival of the Transfiguration, from the time of the Turkish
+Conquest until the year 1821, when the privilege of frequenting
+the spring was withdrawn, on account of the political events of
+the day. Such popular customs afford strong evidence.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first writer who refers to the church and spring after
+1453 is Gyllius,<a id='r916' /><a href='#f916' class='c009'><sup>[916]</sup></a> who, speaking of the water-gates in the walls
+around the Seraglio, describes the position of Demir Kapoussi
+thus: “The fourth gate (counting from Yali Kiosk Kapoussi)
+faces south-east (solis exortum spectat hibernum), and is not far
+from the ruins of the church dedicated to Christ, for the remains
+of which, found built in the wall, the Greeks show much reverence,
+by visiting them in great crowds.” Thevenot<a id='r917' /><a href='#f917' class='c009'><sup>[917]</sup></a> and Grelot<a id='r918' /><a href='#f918' class='c009'><sup>[918]</sup></a>
+give a long account of the animated scene witnessed here on the
+Festival of the Transfiguration, in their day. The Sultan himself
+would sometimes come to Indjili Kiosk to be entertained by
+the spectacle presented on that occasion, particularly by seeing
+sick persons buried up to the neck in the sand on the seashore,
+as a method of cure. Hammer writes to the same effect,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>but supposed the spring to be the Hagiasma of the Virgin, and
+thought it marked the site of the Church of the Theotokos
+Hodegetria, which was in this vicinity, and to which also a
+Holy Spring was attached.<a id='r919' /><a href='#f919' class='c009'><sup>[919]</sup></a> But this opinion, adopted also by
+Labarte,<a id='r920' /><a href='#f920' class='c009'><sup>[920]</sup></a> is opposed to all the evidence upon the subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Finally, there is the testimony of the Patriarch Constantius,
+already alluded to, that from 1453 to 1821 the Hagiasma at
+Indjili Kiosk was annually frequented on the 6th of August,
+as the Holy Well associated with the Church of St. Saviour:
+“The Greeks still revered, until a few years ago, as a matter
+of tradition, the Hagiasma of the Saviour, which was under
+Indjili Kiosk.”<a id='r921' /><a href='#f921' class='c009'><sup>[921]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In striking agreement with this evidence since the Turkish
+Conquest, are the accounts given regarding the Church of St.
+Saviour by writers previous to that event. According to them,
+the church was in the neighbourhood of the Church of St. George
+Mangana, and to the east of that sanctuary; it stood close to the
+sea, immediately behind the city walls; its Holy Spring was
+enclosed within the walls, and yet could be reached from without;
+in front of the walls through which the sacred stream flowed, was
+a beach of sand endowed with healing properties.<a id='r922' /><a href='#f922' class='c009'><sup>[922]</sup></a> Nothing can
+be more conclusive.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This identification is of the greatest importance for the
+topographical reconstruction of the quarters of Byzantine Constantinople
+along the eastern shore of the promontory, for, with
+that church as a fixed point, it becomes comparatively easy to
+determine the positions of other noted buildings in the neighbourhood.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>By means of that landmark, for example, the situation of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>the Church of St. George Mangana can, we have seen, be fixed.<a id='r923' /><a href='#f923' class='c009'><sup>[923]</sup></a>
+It enables us also to settle, without prolonged discussion, the
+question raised by the extensive ruins discovered behind Indjili
+Kiosk, when the ground was cleared, in 1871, for the construction
+of the Roumelian railroad. The walls of an edifice 322 feet long
+by 53 feet wide, were then brought to view, and among the <i>débris</i>
+marble pillars and capitals were found in such numbers, as to
+prove that the building to which they belonged had been one of
+considerable importance.<a id='r924' /><a href='#f924' class='c009'><sup>[924]</sup></a> Because some of the capitals seemed
+ornamented with the heads of bulls and lions, Dr. Paspates
+came to the conclusion that the ruins were the remains of the
+celebrated Palace of the Bucoleon.<a id='r925' /><a href='#f925' class='c009'><sup>[925]</sup></a> On the other hand,
+Dr. Mordtmann thinks that here was the site of the Imperial
+residence, known as the Palace of Mangana,<a id='r926' /><a href='#f926' class='c009'><sup>[926]</sup></a> an erection of
+Basil I.<a id='r927' /><a href='#f927' class='c009'><sup>[927]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the latter opinion is the correct one may be proved by
+means of the fact that the Church of St. Saviour stood at Indjili
+Kiosk. In the first place, the Palace of Mangana was near the
+Church of St. George Mangana—so near that the destruction
+of that palace by Isaac Angelus, to obtain material for edifices
+of his own construction, was viewed as an act of sacrilege committed
+against the property of the great saint.<a id='r928' /><a href='#f928' class='c009'><sup>[928]</sup></a> But the Church
+of St. George Mangana, we have found, lay a short distance to
+the west of the Church of St. Saviour,<a id='r929' /><a href='#f929' class='c009'><sup>[929]</sup></a> near the site of Indjili
+Kiosk. Consequently the remains of a palace near that kiosk
+must be those of the Palace of Mangana. This conclusion
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>agrees, furthermore, with the fact that the Mangana, which gave
+name to the palace, was in this vicinity.<a id='r930' /><a href='#f930' class='c009'><sup>[930]</sup></a> It is also consistent
+with the circumstance that the Palace of Mangana was noted
+for its coolness,<a id='r931' /><a href='#f931' class='c009'><sup>[931]</sup></a> as would be characteristic of a residence in
+the position of Indjili Kiosk, which is exposed to the north wind
+that sweeps down the Bosporus from the Black Sea.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thus, also, the site of the Church of St. Lazarus can be
+approximately determined. From the order in which the
+churches visited by the Deacon Zosimus<a id='r932' /><a href='#f932' class='c009'><sup>[932]</sup></a> between St. Sophia
+and St. George Mangana are mentioned, it is clear that the
+Church of St. Lazarus lay to the south of the Church of St.
+Saviour, and consequently somewhere between Indjili Kiosk and
+the Seraglio Lighthouse. The identification is important; for
+near the Church of St. Lazarus was found the tier of seats,
+known as the Topi, which marked the southern extremity of the
+walls of old Byzantium on the side of the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r933' /><a href='#f933' class='c009'><sup>[933]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thus, also, the eastern limit of the grounds of the palace
+erected by Constantine the Great is determined. “The Triclinia
+erected by Constantine the Great,” says Codinus,<a id='r934' /><a href='#f934' class='c009'><sup>[934]</sup></a> “reached to
+that point,” <i>i.e.</i> the Topi. Furthermore, the Tzycanisterion, or
+polo-ground, attached to the Great Palace, extended, we are told,
+as far as the neighbourhood of the Church of St. Lazarus and
+the Topi.<a id='r935' /><a href='#f935' class='c009'><sup>[935]</sup></a> Dr. Paspates is therefore mistaken in making the
+palace grounds reach to within a short distance of the Seraglio
+Point.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>Near the Topi likewise stood the Thermæ Arcadianæ,<a id='r936' /><a href='#f936' class='c009'><sup>[936]</sup></a> constructed
+by the Emperor Arcadius, and one of the finest ornaments
+of the capital. There, also, was a church dedicated to the Archangel
+Michael, ἐν Ἀρκαδιαναῖς.<a id='r937' /><a href='#f937' class='c009'><sup>[937]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In this neighbourhood, moreover, must have stood the Atrium
+of Justinian the Great,<a id='r938' /><a href='#f938' class='c009'><sup>[938]</sup></a> a favourite public resort towards sunset,
+when the eastern side of the city was in shade, to admire the
+magnificent display of colour then reflected on the Sea of
+Marmora and the Asiatic coast and mountains. It was built of
+white marble and adorned with statuary, among which the
+statue of the Empress Theodora, upon a pillar of porphyry, was
+specially remarkable.<a id='r939' /><a href='#f939' class='c009'><sup>[939]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Still further south of the Church of St. Saviour rose one of
+the most venerated shrines in Constantinople, the Church of the
+Theotokos Hodegetria (τῶν Ὁδηγῶν) founded by the Empress
+Pulcheria, and reconstructed by Michael III.<a id='r940' /><a href='#f940' class='c009'><sup>[940]</sup></a> It boasted of a
+Holy Well famed for marvellous cures,<a id='r941' /><a href='#f941' class='c009'><sup>[941]</sup></a> and of an Icon of the
+Virgin, attributed to St. Luke, which was regarded as the
+palladium of the city and the leader (Ὁδηγητρία) of the hosts of
+the Empire to victory. Generals on leaving the city to engage
+in war paid their devotions at this shrine, and the sacred picture
+had the first place of honour in a triumphal procession, taking
+precedence of the emperor himself.<a id='r942' /><a href='#f942' class='c009'><sup>[942]</sup></a> In view of the siege of the
+city by Branas, in the reign of Isaac Angelus, the Icon was
+carried round the fortifications;<a id='r943' /><a href='#f943' class='c009'><sup>[943]</sup></a> while in 1453 it was placed
+in the Church of the Chora, not far from the Gate of Charisius,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>to support the defence. There, upon the capture of the city,
+it was found by the Turks, and cut to pieces.<a id='r944' /><a href='#f944' class='c009'><sup>[944]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to the Russian pilgrims, the Church of the Hodegetria
+was situated to the south of St. George Mangana, and to
+the east of St. Sophia, on the right of the street conducting
+from the cathedral to the sea.<a id='r945' /><a href='#f945' class='c009'><sup>[945]</sup></a> These indications support the
+opinion of Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r946' /><a href='#f946' class='c009'><sup>[946]</sup></a> that the position of the church is
+marked by a neglected Hagiasma in the large vegetable garden
+at the south-eastern corner of the Seraglio grounds.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two small gates in the city walls were respectively named
+after the two churches just mentioned, one being styled
+the Postern of St. Lazarus (τοῦ αγίου Λαζάρου πυλίς),<a id='r947' /><a href='#f947' class='c009'><sup>[947]</sup></a> the
+other the Small Gate of the Hodegetria (ἡ μίκρα πύλη τῆς
+Ὁδηγητρίας).<a id='r948' /><a href='#f948' class='c009'><sup>[948]</sup></a> They must have stood to the south of Indjili
+Kiosk; and, in fact, at the distance of some 145 paces from
+that point the marble frames of two small gateways are seen
+built in the wall. On the lintel of the one more to the south is
+a cross, and on two slabs built into the inner side of the gateway
+are the words, “Open to me the gates of righteousness, that
+entering into them I may worship the Lord.”<a id='r949' /><a href='#f949' class='c009'><sup>[949]</sup></a> Two similar
+gates are seen still further south, one on either side of the second
+tower beyond Indjili Kiosk. These four entrances must have
+belonged to some of the numerous churches which were situated,
+according to the Russian pilgrims, in this part of the city. One
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>of them, doubtless, represents the Postern of St. Lazarus, while
+another may claim to be the Small Gate of the Hodegetria.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Postern of St. Lazarus is mentioned in history on the
+occasion of the sudden appearance, in 1269, of seventy-five
+Venetian galleys in the offing.<a id='r950' /><a href='#f950' class='c009'><sup>[950]</sup></a> As soon as the fleet was sighted,
+all the gates of the city were closed, with the exception of this
+postern; and from it envoys were despatched in a boat to
+ascertain the object of the expedition. The public anxiety
+was relieved, when it was found that the Venetians had come
+to settle disputes with the Genoese at Galata and not to molest
+the capital.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>According to Ducas<a id='r951' /><a href='#f951' class='c009'><sup>[951]</sup></a> it was through the Gate of the Hodegetria
+that John VI. Palæologus penetrated, in 1355, into the
+city to overthrow John Cantacuzene. The voyage of the
+conspirators from Tenedos had been accomplished in rough
+weather; and it was dark and stormy when they arrived before
+Constantinople. As their force consisted of but two galleys,
+with 2000 men, the assailants could hope to enter the city only by
+stratagem. Approaching, therefore, the Gate of the Hodegetria,
+they proceeded to hurl empty oil-jars against the walls, and to
+rend the air with loud cries of distress. The startled sentinels,
+imagining it was a case of shipwreck, and touched by appeals to
+their humanity and by promises of a share in the rich cargo of
+oil reported to be on board the galleys, opened the gate and
+rushed to the rescue. When they discovered their mistake, it
+was too late. They were promptly overpowered and killed, and
+the Italian adventurers seized the gate, mounted the adjoining
+towers, and raised the cry in favour of Palæologus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was at the Gate of the Hodegetria, probably, that Bardas,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>in 866, embarked to conduct an expedition against the Saracens
+in Crete, after invoking the aid of the Virgin Hodegetria.<a id='r952' /><a href='#f952' class='c009'><sup>[952]</sup></a>
+Here, the troops sent by Alexius III. to suppress the insurrection
+under John the Fat landed to gain the Great Palace, which the
+rebel leader was occupying.<a id='r953' /><a href='#f953' class='c009'><sup>[953]</sup></a> The gate appears in the last siege,
+as a point blockaded by the Turkish fleet which invested the
+walls along the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r954' /><a href='#f954' class='c009'><sup>[954]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the recess of the shore immediately beyond the Seraglio
+Lighthouse, where the coast bends westwards, are two gates,
+known, respectively, as Balouk Haneh Kapoussi and Ahour
+Kapoussi. The former, the Gate of the Fish House, obtained its
+name from the circumstance that it led to the quarters of the
+fishermen in the service of the Turkish Court; the latter was
+styled the Stable Gate, because it conducted to the Sultan’s
+Mews.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Patriarch Constantius<a id='r955' /><a href='#f955' class='c009'><sup>[955]</sup></a> identified Balouk Haneh Kapoussi
+with the Postern of Michael the Protovestarius, mentioned once
+in Byzantine history. That was the gate by which Constantine
+Ducas, in 913, entered the city to join the conspirators who
+sought to place him upon the throne instead of Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus, then a minor under the tutelage of his uncle and
+colleague, Alexander.<a id='r956' /><a href='#f956' class='c009'><sup>[956]</sup></a> The fact that Constantine Ducas reached
+the gate by sea without being immediately discovered, and that
+he was then able to reach the Hippodrome quickly, is in favour
+of the view that the entrance stood upon the Sea of Marmora.
+But if, as seems probable, the entrance at Balouk Haneh Kapoussi
+was within the limits of the Great Palace, it cannot be the
+Parapylis of Michael Protovestarius; for that postern did not
+conduct Ducas into the grounds of the Imperial residence, but
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>to the private house of his father-in-law Gregoras, without the
+palace precincts. Possibly one of the small gates between the
+Lighthouse and Indjili Kiosk represents the postern.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The ancient name of Ahour Kapoussi is not known. The
+Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r957' /><a href='#f957' class='c009'><sup>[957]</sup></a> it is true, identifies it with the Gate of the
+Hodegetria. But the Gate of the Hodegetria was remarkable
+for its small size, and stood outside the enclosure of the Great
+Palace; whereas Ahour Kapoussi was within the palace grounds,
+and is of ordinary dimensions.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Equally erroneous is the view of Labarte<a id='r958' /><a href='#f958' class='c009'><sup>[958]</sup></a> that the recess
+in the shore at this point marks the site of the Port of the
+Bucoleon, the harbour attached to the Imperial palace. Doubtless,
+the small bay before Ahour Kapoussi, as its position implies,
+served the convenience of the Byzantine Court, but it was not
+the Port of Bucoleon strictly so called. That harbour, we shall
+find, lay further west at Tchatlady Kapou, the gate next in order.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The splendid marble stables erected by Michael III. at the
+Tzycanisterion<a id='r959' /><a href='#f959' class='c009'><sup>[959]</sup></a> were in this vicinity. May this gate not have
+been at their service? It would not be strange if the Sultan’s
+Mews were built upon the site of the Mews of his Byzantine
+predecessors.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Passing next to Tchatlady Kapou (the Broken or Cracked
+Gate), we reach the entrance attached, as already intimated, to
+the Imperial Port of the Bucoleon. Its Byzantine name has
+not been preserved, but in the time of Gyllius<a id='r960' /><a href='#f960' class='c009'><sup>[960]</sup></a> it was called the
+Gate of the Lion (Porta Leonis), after the marble figure of a
+lion near the entrance. Upon the maps of Constantinople,
+made in the sixteenth century, it is styled “Porta liona della
+riva.” Leunclavius names it the Gate of the Bears (Πόρτα
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>ταῖς Ἀρκούδαις), a designation derived, doubtless, from the figures
+of bears which once adorned the adjoining quay.<a id='r961' /><a href='#f961' class='c009'><sup>[961]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Some authorities<a id='r962' /><a href='#f962' class='c009'><sup>[962]</sup></a> have identified the entrance with the Sidhera
+Porta (the Iron Gate), which stood on this side of the city. But
+this is a mistake. The Iron Gate opened on the Harbour of
+Sophia,<a id='r963' /><a href='#f963' class='c009'><sup>[963]</sup></a> and was near the Church of St. Thomas Amantiou;<a id='r964' /><a href='#f964' class='c009'><sup>[964]</sup></a>
+and both these points were to the west of Tchatlady Kapou.
+Therefore Tchatlady Kapou itself cannot have been the Iron
+Gate.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the Harbour of Sophia lay in that direction is unquestionable,
+for it stood at Kadriga Limani,<a id='r965' /><a href='#f965' class='c009'><sup>[965]</sup></a> which is to the
+west of Tchatlady Kapou. And that the same was true of the
+Church of St. Thomas is clear from the fact that this sanctuary
+and the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus marked, respectively,
+the western and eastern limits of the ravages made beside the
+Sea of Marmora, by the great fire in the reign of Leo I.<a id='r966' /><a href='#f966' class='c009'><sup>[966]</sup></a> The
+Church of St. Thomas lay, therefore, to the west of SS. Sergius
+and Bacchus, and, consequently, as the latter stands to the west
+of Tchatlady Kapou, the former, also, must have occupied a
+similar position.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp262'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp262-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp262.jpg' alt='Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the city walls, a little to the west of Tchatlady Kapou,
+opposite the beautiful Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, is a
+small postern, opened, doubtless, for the use of the monastery
+attached to that church. Its side-posts are shafts of marble,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>covered with a remarkable inscription, and were evidently
+brought from some other building, when the postern was constructed
+or repaired.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The inscription is a cento of verses, taken, with slight
+modifications, from the Prophet Habakkuk and the Psalter, to
+form a pæan in honour of the triumph of some emperor over
+his foes.</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΕΠΙΒΗΣΙ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΙΠΠΟΥΣ ΣΟΥ Κ. Η ΙΠΠΑΣΙΑ
+ΣΟΥ ΣΩ [ΤΗΡ] ΙΑ :<a id='r967' /><a href='#f967' class='c009'><sup>[967]</sup></a> ΟΤΙ Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΗΜΩΝ ΕΛΠΙΖΙ
+ΕΠΙ ΚΝ. ΕΝ ΤΩ ΕΛΕΙ ΤΟ [Υ ΥΨΙΣΤΟΥ ΟΥ ΜΗ]
+SALEUΘΗ :<a id='r968' /><a href='#f968' class='c009'><sup>[968]</sup></a> ΟΥΚ ΟΦΕΛΗΣΙ ΕΚΘΡΟΣ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ Κ. ΥΙΟΣ
+ΑΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΘΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΚΩΣΙ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ :<a id='r969' /><a href='#f969' class='c009'><sup>[969]</sup></a>
+ΑΙΝΩΝ ΕΠΙΚΑΛΙΣΕΤΟ [ΚΝ.] : ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΕΚΘΡΩΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ
+ΣΩΘΗΣΕΤΕ :<a id='r970' /><a href='#f970' class='c009'><sup>[970]</sup></a> ΕΞΟΥΔΕΝΩΤΕ ΕΝΩΠΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΟΝΗΡΕΥΟΜΕΝΟΣ,
+ΤΟΥΣ ΔΕ ΦΟΒΟΥ [ΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΝ.] ΔΟΞΑΣΙ.<a id='r971' /><a href='#f971' class='c009'><sup>[971]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c012'>The next entrance, the Gate of Sophia (Πόρτα τῶν Σοφιῶν),<a id='r972' /><a href='#f972' class='c009'><sup>[972]</sup></a>
+as its name implies, was attached to the Harbour of Sophia. It
+was known also as the Porta Sidhera (Πόρτα Σιδηρᾶ),<a id='r973' /><a href='#f973' class='c009'><sup>[973]</sup></a> from the
+material of its construction, and after the Turkish Conquest was
+designated Porta Katerga Limani,<a id='r974' /><a href='#f974' class='c009'><sup>[974]</sup></a> the Gate of the Harbour of
+the Galleys, from κάτεργον, the Greek word for a galley.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Porta Kontoscalion (τὸ δὲ λεγόμενον Κοντοσκάλιον ἡ
+Πόρτα)<a id='r975' /><a href='#f975' class='c009'><sup>[975]</sup></a> communicated with the Harbour of the Kontoscalion,<a id='r976' /><a href='#f976' class='c009'><sup>[976]</sup></a>
+and stood at Koum Kapoussi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Next follows the gate Yeni Kapou, in the quarter of Vlanga.
+The Latin inscription which was found over the gate<a id='r977' /><a href='#f977' class='c009'><sup>[977]</sup></a> proves it to
+have been a Byzantine entrance, but its ancient name has not been
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>preserved. The gate was beside the Harbour of Theodosius,
+or Eleutherius<a id='r978' /><a href='#f978' class='c009'><sup>[978]</sup></a> (Vlanga Bostan). Its Turkish name must allude
+to repairs made after 1453.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next gate, Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, immediately to the
+west of Vlanga Bostan, is the Gate of St. Æmilianus (ἡ Πόρτα
+τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ),<a id='r979' /><a href='#f979' class='c009'><sup>[979]</sup></a> named so after a church of that dedication
+in the vicinity. It is identified by its situation. On the one
+hand, the Gate of St. Æmilianus was the westernmost entrance
+in the line of the Constantinian Walls beside the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r980' /><a href='#f980' class='c009'><sup>[980]</sup></a>
+It must, therefore, have been a gate to the west of the
+old harbour at Vlanga Bostan, which, under the name of the
+Harbour of Eleutherius, stood within the city of Constantine.<a id='r981' /><a href='#f981' class='c009'><sup>[981]</sup></a>
+On the other hand, it cannot have been a gate further west than
+Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, for the two gates which pierce the city
+wall in that direction can be identified with other gates, and
+were, moreover, beyond the original bounds of Constantinople.
+Near the Gate of St. Æmilianus stood the Church of St. Mary
+Rhabdou, venerated as the shrine in which the rod of Moses
+was kept.<a id='r982' /><a href='#f982' class='c009'><sup>[982]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The next gate retains its old name, Gate of Psamathia (Πόρτα
+τοῦ Ψαμαθᾶ),<a id='r983' /><a href='#f983' class='c009'><sup>[983]</sup></a> derived from the ancient quarter Psamathia (τοῦ
+Ψαμαθᾶ). The name alludes to the sand thrown up on the
+beach here, as at Koum Kapoussi (the Sand Gate).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Narli Kapoussi (the Pomegranate Gate), the succeeding
+entrance, accommodated the quarter around the celebrated Church
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>and Monastery of St. John the Baptist, known as the Studion,
+because founded, in 463, by Studius, a patrician from Rome.
+The gate is never mentioned by name, but is clearly referred
+to by Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id='r984' /><a href='#f984' class='c009'><sup>[984]</sup></a> in his account of the
+Imperial visit paid, annually, to the Studion on the 29th of
+August, in commemoration of the martyrdom of the Baptist.
+On that occasion it was usual for the emperor to come from the
+Great Palace by water, in his state barge, and to land at this
+gate, where he was received by the abbot and monks of the
+monastery, and conducted to the services of the day.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the cliff outside the gate is an Armenian Chapel of St.
+John the Baptist, which Dr. Paspates<a id='r985' /><a href='#f985' class='c009'><sup>[985]</sup></a> thinks belonged originally
+to the Studion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The excavations made in laying out the public garden beside
+the city walls west of the Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, brought to
+light substructures of an ancient edifice, in the construction of
+which bricks stamped with the monogram of Basil I. and with a
+portion of the name Diomed were employed. The ruins marked,
+undoubtedly, the site of the Church and Monastery of St. Diomed,
+upon whose steps Basil flung himself to sleep the evening he
+entered the city, a poor homeless adventurer from Macedonia,
+in search of fortune. The kindness shown to the stranger by
+the abbot of the House was never forgotten; and when Basil
+reached the throne he rebuilt the church and the monastery on a
+more extensive scale, and enriched them with ample endowments.<a id='r986' /><a href='#f986' class='c009'><sup>[986]</sup></a>
+The large number of pillars strewn upon the adjoining
+beach belonged, probably, to the church.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Somewhere in the neighbourhood was the prison, known as
+the Prison of St. Diomed. In it, Pope Martin I. was detained
+by the Emperor Constans in 654;<a id='r987' /><a href='#f987' class='c009'><sup>[987]</sup></a> and there Maria, the wife of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>Manuel Comnenus and mother of Alexius II., was confined by
+the infamous Andronicus Comnenus.<a id='r988' /><a href='#f988' class='c009'><sup>[988]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The last tower in this line of fortifications, situated on a
+small promontory commanding a wide view of the Sea of Marmora,
+is a very striking and picturesque object. It has four
+stories, and is constructed mostly of large blocks of marble. To
+it was attached a two-storied building, forming, with the tower,
+a small château or castle at this point. Only the foundations
+of the western and northern walls of the building are left,
+but the eastern wall, pierced by two tiers of small windows, and
+ornamented with string-courses, stands almost intact. The castle
+must have been the residence of some superior military officer.
+Here, some think, was the Prison of St. Diomed. In the recess
+of the shore immediately beyond the tower was a small postern
+for the use of the garrison at this point.</p>
+
+<hr class='c016' />
+
+<p class='c008'>One cannot bring this account of the Walls of Constantinople
+to a close without calling to mind, again, the splendid part they
+played in the history of the world. To them the Queen of Cities,
+as her sons loved to call her, owed her long life, and her noble
+opportunity to advance the higher welfare of mankind. How
+great her services in that respect have been, we are coming to
+recognize more clearly, through a better acquaintance with her
+achievements, and a fairer judgment upon her faults. The city
+which preserved Greek learning, maintained Roman justice,
+sounded the depths of religious thought, and gave to Art new
+forms of beauty, was no mean city, and had reason to be proud
+of her record.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp266'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp266-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp266.jpg' alt='Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>But never was she so grand as in her attitude towards the
+barbarous tribes and Oriental peoples which threatened her
+existence, and sought to render European civilization impossible.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>Some of her foes—the Goths and the great Slavic race—she
+not only fought, but also gathered within the pale of civilized
+Christendom. With others, like the Huns, Persians, Saracens,
+Turks, she waged a relentless warfare, often achieving signal
+triumphs, sometimes worsted in the struggle, always contesting
+every inch of her ground, retarding for a thousand years the day
+of her fall, perishing sword in hand, and giving Western Europe,
+meantime, scope to become worthy to take from her dying
+hands the banner of the world’s hope. This is service similar
+to that which has earned for Ancient Greece men’s eternal
+gratitude, and has made Marathon, Thermopylæ, Salamis, Platæa,
+names which will never die.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Among the monuments brought by Constantine from various
+parts of the Empire to adorn his city was the serpent column
+which had stood for eight centuries before the shrine of Delphi,
+inscribed with the names of the Greek States whose valour on
+the field of Platæa hurled the Persian out of Greece. In placing
+that column in the Hippodrome of New Rome, did he divine
+the mission of the new capital? It was Greece transferring to
+the city founded on the banks of the Bosporus the championship
+of the world’s best life. And as we look backwards upon the
+tremendous conflict between barbarism and civilization, which
+forms the very core of Byzantine history, we see that nowhere
+could that venerable monument have been placed more appropriately,
+and that if the name of the City of Constantine
+were inscribed upon it no dishonour would be cast upon the
+names already there, and only justice would be done to the
+Empire which assumed their task and emulated their renown.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the shield of the city in that long heroic contest were
+the Walls whose history we have reviewed.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>
+  <h2 id='chap17' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVII. <br /> THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The number of harbours found, at one time or other, on the
+southern shore of the city formed one of the most striking
+features in the aspect of Byzantine Constantinople. This was
+not due to any natural facilities offered by that shore for the
+purpose. On the contrary, although the outline of the coast is
+very irregular, it presents no bay where ships may be moored
+for the convenience of commerce, or into which they can
+find refuge from storms. The waves, moreover, cast up great
+quantities of sand upon the beach. Hence, all the harbours on
+this side of the city were, to a great measure, artificial extensions
+of some indentation of the coast, and their construction and
+maintenance involved great labour and expense. They ranked,
+in fact, among the principal public works of the capital. But
+the interests of commerce with the regions around the Sea of
+Marmora and with the Mediterranean were so great, and the difficulty
+which vessels coming from those regions often found to
+make the Golden Horn, owing to the prevalence of north winds,
+was so serious as to outweigh all drawbacks or impediments,
+and secured for the accommodation of the shipping frequenting
+this side of the city no less than five harbours. These
+harbours were probably constructed in the following chronological
+order: the Harbour of Eleutherius, known also as the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>Harbour of Theodosius; the Harbour of the Emperor Julian,
+known also as the New Harbour, and as the Harbour of Sophia;
+the Harbour of Kaisarius, the same probably as the Neorion
+at the Heptascalon; the Harbour of the Bucoleon; and the
+Kontoscalion. We shall consider them in the order of their
+position on the shore, proceeding from east to west.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp269'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp269-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp269.jpg' alt='Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of the Bucoleon.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>The Harbour of the Bucoleon was attached to the Great Palace<a id='r989' /><a href='#f989' class='c009'><sup>[989]</sup></a>
+(τὸ τοῦ παλατίου νεώριον ἑν τῷ Βουκολέοντι) for the convenience
+of the emperor, who in a city like Constantinople would have
+frequent occasion to move to and fro by water. Its name was
+derived from a marble group of a Lion and a Bull upon the
+harbour’s quay, the lion being represented with his left foot upon
+a horn of the bull, in the act of twisting his victim’s head round
+to get at the throat.<a id='r990' /><a href='#f990' class='c009'><sup>[990]</sup></a> The harbour, partly artificial, was protected
+by two jetties from the violence of the winds and waves;<a id='r991' /><a href='#f991' class='c009'><sup>[991]</sup></a> and,
+in keeping with its destination, displayed considerable architectural
+splendour. Its quay was paved with marble,<a id='r992' /><a href='#f992' class='c009'><sup>[992]</sup></a> and
+adorned with figures of lions, bulls, bears, and ostriches;<a id='r993' /><a href='#f993' class='c009'><sup>[993]</sup></a> a
+handsome flight of marble steps led to the water;<a id='r994' /><a href='#f994' class='c009'><sup>[994]</sup></a> and upon
+the adjoining city walls rose two Imperial villas, known as the
+Palace of the Bucoleon (τὰ παλάτια τοῦ Βουκολέοντος).<a id='r995' /><a href='#f995' class='c009'><sup>[995]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Strangely enough, the site of a harbour so prominent, and
+so fully described, has been a point concerning which students of
+the topography of the city have widely differed. Dr. Paspates<a id='r996' /><a href='#f996' class='c009'><sup>[996]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>placed the harbour at a distance of 104 feet to the south of
+Indjili Kiosk, consistently with his opinion that the ruins discovered
+behind that Kiosk marked the site of the Palace of
+the Bucoleon.<a id='r997' /><a href='#f997' class='c009'><sup>[997]</sup></a> With much learning and ingenuity, Labarte
+argues that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in the recess of
+the shore at Ahour Kapoussi.<a id='r998' /><a href='#f998' class='c009'><sup>[998]</sup></a> Von Hammer wavered in his
+opinion, placing the harbour at one time at Tchatlady Kapou,
+and at another at Kadriga Limani.<a id='r999' /><a href='#f999' class='c009'><sup>[999]</sup></a> And yet to Von Hammer
+is due the discovery of the evidence that puts an end to all
+uncertainty on the subject, by showing us that the marble group
+of the Lion and the Bull, which gave the harbour its name, stood
+at Tchatlady Kapou.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The evidence on the subject is found in a report which
+Pietro Zen, Venetian envoy to the Turkish Court, sent to his
+Government in 1532, where he describes the monument at
+great length, as he saw it after it had been shaken by an
+earthquake. In quoting this description,<a id='r1000' /><a href='#f1000' class='c009'><sup>[1000]</sup></a> Von Hammer, however,
+not only fails to use it for the settlement of the question
+at issue, but also omits portions of the report which are of the
+utmost importance for determining the exact site of the famous
+group. Dr. Mordtmann, citing Von Hammer, has appreciated
+the significance of the passage referred to, and employs it more
+successfully, but with the same omissions.<a id='r1001' /><a href='#f1001' class='c009'><sup>[1001]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The original manuscript of the report is preserved in the
+Marciana Library, among the unpublished Archives of the
+Venetian Republic,<a id='r1002' /><a href='#f1002' class='c009'><sup>[1002]</sup></a> and the passage with which we are concerned
+reads to the following effect:</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>“At the gate at which animals are slaughtered (near the
+columns of the Hippodrome, on the road below), which in
+Turkish is named Chiachadi Capisso, which in the Frank
+language means ‘Gate of the Crack,’ outside the said water-gate,
+and beneath the three ancient windows which have a lion at
+either end (of the row); there, down beside the shore, on two
+columns, is a marble block upon which is a very large bull,
+much larger than life, attacked at the throat by a lion, which
+has mounted upon the back of the (bull’s) neck, and thrown
+him down, and strikes at a horn of the bull with great force.
+This lion is considerably larger than life, all cut out of one piece
+of stone of very fine quality. These animals used to stand with
+their heads turned towards Asia, but it seems that on that
+night (the night of the catastrophe) they turned themselves
+with their heads towards the city. When this was observed
+next morning, the whole population of the place ran together
+to the spot, full of amazement and stupefaction. And every
+one went about discoursing upon the significance of the event
+according to his own turn of mind; a comet also appearing for
+many nights.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The original is as follows, the words in italics being omitted
+by Von Hammer: “Alla porta dove si amaza animali, acosto
+dile colone dilprodramo, da basso via, <i>e in Turcho si chiama
+chiachadi capisso, e in francho vol dir para di crepido</i>, fuora dila
+dita porta de marina, <i>sotto quelle tre fenestre antiquissime che
+hanno uno lione per banda</i>, li abasso alla marina, sopra due
+colone, e una lastra di marmoro sopra la qual e uno granmo
+tauro, maior bonamente che il vivo, acanatto de uno lione, el
+qual li e montato sopra la schena, et lo ho atterato, et da una
+brancha ad un corno dil tauro in un grandissimo atto; e questo
+leone assai maior del vivo e tutto di una piera de una bona vena
+ouer miner. Questi animali soleano esser con le teste voltate
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>verso Anatolia, et par che quella medema notte i se voltasseno
+con le teste verso Conple., il che la matina veduto tutta questa
+terra li e concorsa et ha fatto stupir e stornir tutta quest terra;
+et ogni uno va discorendo secondo le passione dil animo suo,
+stante una cometa apparsa per molte notte, questa cosa per il
+preditto rispetto ho voluto significar.”<a id='r1003' /><a href='#f1003' class='c009'><sup>[1003]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Nothing can be more explicit or more decisive.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is no room to doubt that the monument described by
+Zen was the group of the Lion and the Bull, described, before
+him, by Anna Comnena and Zonaras.<a id='r1004' /><a href='#f1004' class='c009'><sup>[1004]</sup></a> His description might
+be a translation of the account given of the group by those
+writers. Nor is there any uncertainty as to the locality where
+Zen saw the monument. He indicates the site with a redundancy
+which makes misunderstanding simply impossible,
+and for which he may be pardoned, since minute particularity
+seldom distinguishes the statements of authorities on the topography
+of the city. According to the Venetian envoy, the
+monument stood on the quay outside the water-gate named
+Tchatlady Kapou, which was a gate below the Hippodrome, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>near a slaughter-house. The group stood, he adds, beneath a row
+of three windows, adorned with a lion at either end, belonging
+to a very ancient building.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp272'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp272-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp272.jpg' alt='Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Now, the gate to which the name Tchatlady pertains is a
+matter of public notoriety, and every particular by which Zen
+marks the entrance he had in mind holds good of that gate.
+It is near the Hippodrome, and on the level ground below
+the race-course. On the western headland of the little bay
+in front of it, is an old slaughter-house, by which Leunclavius,
+likewise, identifies the gate Tchatlady Kapou, and from which
+he derived the name of the entrance;<a id='r1005' /><a href='#f1005' class='c009'><sup>[1005]</sup></a> while to the east of
+the gate stood, until recent times, a Byzantine palace, in the
+façade of which was a row of three windows, supported at either
+end by the figure of a lion. The palace is thus described by
+Leunclavius: “This gate (Tchatlady Kapou) has on one side
+of it the marble-framed windows of an ancient building or
+palace, which rests upon the city walls themselves.”<a id='r1006' /><a href='#f1006' class='c009'><sup>[1006]</sup></a> Gyllius
+refers to it in the following terms: “Below the Hippodrome
+towards the south is the Gate of the Marble Lion, which stands
+without the city among the ruins of the Palace of Leo Marcellus.
+The windows of the palace are of ancient workmanship, and
+are in the city wall.”<a id='r1007' /><a href='#f1007' class='c009'><sup>[1007]</sup></a> Choiseul-Gouffier<a id='r1008' /><a href='#f1008' class='c009'><sup>[1008]</sup></a> gives a view of the
+palace as seen in his day, and so does Canon Curtis, in his
+<i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. The façade was torn down in 1871,
+and the lions have been placed at the foot of the steps
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>leading to the Imperial School of Art, within the Seraglio
+enclosure.<a id='r1009' /><a href='#f1009' class='c009'><sup>[1009]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With this evidence as regards the site of the group of the
+Lion and the Bull, it is impossible to doubt that the Harbour
+of the Bucoleon was in the little bay before Tchatlady Kapou.
+And with this conclusion every statement made by Byzantine
+writers regarding the harbour will be found to agree.</p>
+
+<div id='fig274'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig274.jpg' alt='Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.<a id='r1010' /><a href='#f1010' class='c009'><sup>[1010]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the shore of this bay was, like the Harbour of the
+Bucoleon, once richly adorned with monumental buildings, is
+manifest from the beautiful pieces of sculptured marble found
+upon its beach and in the water. Furthermore, the bay stands,
+as the Harbour of the Bucoleon stood, within easy reach of the
+site of the Great Palace. Here also are found the ruins of two
+Imperial villas, situated in the very position ascribed to the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>Palaces of the Bucoleon; namely, upon the city walls, at the
+waters edge, and one of them on a lower level than the other.<a id='r1011' /><a href='#f1011' class='c009'><sup>[1011]</sup></a>
+Such correspondence goes to make the site of the Harbour of
+the Bucoleon one of the best authenticated localities in the
+topography of Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, however, a question arises. How far is this conclusion,
+regarding the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, compatible
+with the received opinion that the palace on the bay before
+Tchatlady Kapou was the Palace of Hormisdas, the residence
+of Justinian the Great while heir-apparent;<a id='r1012' /><a href='#f1012' class='c009'><sup>[1012]</sup></a> and that the bay
+itself was the Harbour of Hormisdas (ὁ λιμὴν τὰ Ὁρμίσδου)?<a id='r1013' /><a href='#f1013' class='c009'><sup>[1013]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the face of all the evidence we have that the Harbour
+and the Palace of the Bucoleon were in the bay to the east of
+Tchatlady Kapou, there is but one answer to the question. We
+must either abandon the view that the Harbour and the Palace
+of Hormisdas had anything to do with that bay, and maintain
+that they stood elsewhere, or we must conclude that they were
+the Harbour and the Palace of the Bucoleon, under an earlier
+designation.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two considerations may be urged in favour of the former
+alternative. First, the Anonymus distinguishes between the
+two palaces in a way which seems to imply that they were
+different buildings. “The Palace of the Bucoleon,” he says,
+“which stands upon the fortifications, was erected by Theodosius
+the Younger;”<a id='r1014' /><a href='#f1014' class='c009'><sup>[1014]</sup></a> while of the Palace of Hormisdas he remarks:
+“The very large buildings near St. Sergius were the residence
+of Justinian when a patrician.”<a id='r1015' /><a href='#f1015' class='c009'><sup>[1015]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the second place, the Anonymus<a id='r1016' /><a href='#f1016' class='c009'><sup>[1016]</sup></a> identifies the Harbour
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>of Hormisdas with that of Julian. “What is called τὰ τοῦ
+Ὁρμίσδου,” observes the former writer, “was a small harbour
+where Justinian the Great built a monastery and called it
+Sergius and Bacchus, and another church, that of the Holy
+Apostles (SS. Peter and Paul), after receiving unction at the
+foot of the seats (of the Hippodrome), because of the massacre
+in the Hippodrome. It was named the Harbour of Julian, from
+its constructor.” Codinus<a id='r1017' /><a href='#f1017' class='c009'><sup>[1017]</sup></a> also identifies the two harbours, and
+adds, that the Harbour of Julian had served for the accommodation
+of ships before the Harbour of the Sophiôn was constructed;
+that it had long been filled up; and that Justinian the Great had
+lived there before his accession to the throne. But if on the
+ground of these statements we identify the Harbour of Hormisdas
+with that of Julian, as Banduri<a id='r1018' /><a href='#f1018' class='c009'><sup>[1018]</sup></a> and Labarte<a id='r1019' /><a href='#f1019' class='c009'><sup>[1019]</sup></a> maintain, then the
+Harbour of Hormisdas was not situated in the bay to the east
+of Tchatlady Kapou, but at Kadriga Limani, the undoubted
+site of the Harbour of Julian, to the west of the gate.<a id='r1020' /><a href='#f1020' class='c009'><sup>[1020]</sup></a> The
+Palace of Hormisdas, also, must then have been in that direction.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the light, however, of all our knowledge on the subject,
+the identity of the two harbours just named cannot be maintained.
+John of Antioch,<a id='r1021' /><a href='#f1021' class='c009'><sup>[1021]</sup></a> a far more reliable authority than the Anonymus
+or Codinus, makes it perfectly clear that the Harbour of Julian
+(which he calls by its later name, the Harbour of Sophia) was
+different from any harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. According
+to him, the troops collected by Phocas for the defence of
+the city against Heraclius occupied three positions—the Harbour
+of Kaisarius, the Harbour of Sophia, and the quarter of
+Hormisdas. At the first two points were placed the Greens,
+while the third position was held by the Blues. From this
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>account of the matter it is evident that the Harbour of Julian
+was not the harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. It is a
+corroboration of this conclusion to find that in the narrative of
+the same events, given in the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>,<a id='r1022' /><a href='#f1022' class='c009'><sup>[1022]</sup></a> while no mention
+is made of the Harbour of Hormisdas, the Harbour of Julian
+is described as situated in another quarter, the quarter of Maurus
+(κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μαύρου).</p>
+
+<div id='fig277'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<img src='images/fig277.jpg' alt='Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.' class='ig001' />
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.<a id='r1023' /><a href='#f1023' class='c009'><sup>[1023]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>In favour of the alternative that the Palace and Harbour of
+Hormisdas were the Palace and Harbour of the Bucoleon under
+another name, may be urged all that goes to show that the former
+stood where the evidence furnished by Pietro Zen has obliged
+us to place the latter. The bay and palace on the east of
+Tchatlady Kapou stand close to what was unquestionably the
+district of Hormisdas; for the Church of SS. Sergius and
+Bacchus (Kutchuk Aya Sophia), a short distance to the west of
+the gate, was in that district.<a id='r1024' /><a href='#f1024' class='c009'><sup>[1024]</sup></a> It would be strange if a palace
+and harbour so near that district were not those known by
+its name.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>The palace at Tchatlady Kapou answers, moreover, to the
+description which Procopius gives of the Palace of Hormisdas,
+the residence of Justinian, as near SS. Sergius and the Great
+Palace.<a id='r1025' /><a href='#f1025' class='c009'><sup>[1025]</sup></a> Its position agrees also with the statement of John
+of Ephesus that the Palace of Hormisdas was below the great
+Imperial residence.<a id='r1026' /><a href='#f1026' class='c009'><sup>[1026]</sup></a> Again, the style of the capitals and other
+pieces of marble, which have fallen from the palace at Tchatlady
+Kapou into the water, resemble the sculptured work in the
+Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, erected by Justinian. And
+lastly, the palace at this point was regarded as the Palace of
+Justinian when Bondelmontius visited the city in 1422. “Beyond
+Condoscali (Koum Kapoussi),” says that traveller, as he proceeds
+eastward, along the Marmora shore of the city, “was the very
+large Palace of Justinian upon the city walls” (“Ultra fuit supra
+mœnia amplissimum Justiniani Palatium”).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>All this being the case, it seems unavoidable to conclude
+that the Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas were the Palace and
+Harbour of the Bucoleon, under an earlier name. The circumstance
+that the palaces are distinguished by the Anonymus
+presents, after all, no serious difficulty, but the reverse; for, as
+a matter of fact, there are two palatial buildings on the bay east
+of Tchatlady Kapou, at a distance of some 110 yards from
+each other, and on different levels. One of the buildings,
+probably the lower, might be the Palace of Hormisdas; the other,
+on higher ground, and nearer the gate—may be the palace to
+which the Anonymus referred as the Bucoleon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It is in keeping with this view of the subject to find that the
+terms “Palace of Hormisdas,” “Port of Hormisdas,” are not
+employed by Byzantine authors to designate an Imperial residence
+or harbour, after the name Bucoleon came into vogue.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The earliest writer who refers to the Harbour of the Bucoleon
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>is the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1027' /><a href='#f1027' class='c009'><sup>[1027]</sup></a> in the tenth
+century. Later writers,<a id='r1028' /><a href='#f1028' class='c009'><sup>[1028]</sup></a> it is true, employ the name when
+speaking of events which occurred in the reign of Michael I.,
+and in that of Theophilus, in the course of the ninth century.
+But whether these writers do so because the name was
+contemporary with the events narrated, or because, when the
+historians wrote, it was the more familiar appellation for the
+scene of those events, is uncertain. Should the former supposition
+be preferred, it was early in the ninth century that the
+term “Bucoleon” first appeared.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the last author who alludes to the Palace
+of Hormisdas is the historian Theophanes, who died in 818.
+The passage in which the allusion is found refers, indeed, to
+matters which transpired in the seventh century, viz. to the
+execution of a certain David, Chartophylax of (the Palace of)
+Hormisdas, in the reign of Phocas. But the historian could
+hardly have described an official position in terms not still
+familiar to his readers.<a id='r1029' /><a href='#f1029' class='c009'><sup>[1029]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the designation “Palace of Hormisdas” disappears
+about the time when the term “Bucoleon” appears,
+and this is consistent with the supposition that the two names
+denoted the same building at different periods of its history.<a id='r1030' /><a href='#f1030' class='c009'><sup>[1030]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Palace of Hormisdas was so named in honour of the
+Persian Prince Hormisdas, who had been deprived of the
+succession to the throne of his country by a conspiracy of
+nobles, and confined in a tower; but who escaped from his prison
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>through the ingenuity of his wife, and fled to New Rome for
+protection at the hands of Constantine the Great. The royal
+fugitive was received with the honour due to his rank, and
+this residence was assigned to him because near the emperor’s
+own palace.<a id='r1031' /><a href='#f1031' class='c009'><sup>[1031]</sup></a> Later, the residence was occupied, as already
+intimated, by Justinian while Crown Prince, with his consort
+Theodora; and after his accession to the throne, was by his
+orders, improved and annexed to the Great Palace.<a id='r1032' /><a href='#f1032' class='c009'><sup>[1032]</sup></a> It appears
+in the reign of Justin II. as the abode of Tiberius, upon
+his being appointed Cæsar.<a id='r1033' /><a href='#f1033' class='c009'><sup>[1033]</sup></a> Under ordinary circumstances,
+Tiberius should have occupied apartments in the Great Palace.
+But the Empress Sophia was bitterly jealous of his wife Ino,
+and forbade her to show herself at Court, on any pretext
+whatever. Obliged, consequently, to find a home elsewhere, the
+Cæsar selected the Palace of Hormisdas, because its proximity
+to the Great Palace would allow him to enjoy the society of his
+family, and attend to his official duties. But the jealousy of the
+empress was not to be allayed so readily. It followed Ino to
+the Palace of Hormisdas with such intensity that the ladies of
+the Court dared not visit her even there; and it compelled her
+at last to leave the capital and retire to Daphnusium.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As already stated, when Heraclius appeared with a fleet, in 610,
+before the city to put an end to the tyranny of Phocas, he found
+the quarter of Hormisdas defended by the Faction of the Blues.<a id='r1034' /><a href='#f1034' class='c009'><sup>[1034]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>During the tenth century, the port and palace, then called
+Bucoleon, received special marks of Imperial favour. Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus, noted for his devotion to the Fine Arts,
+adorned the quay of the harbour with figures of animals, brought
+from various parts of the Empire.<a id='r1035' /><a href='#f1035' class='c009'><sup>[1035]</sup></a> Possibly, the group of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>Lion and the Bull was placed there by him. He also attached
+a fishpond to the palace.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Later, Nicephorus Phocas added a villa, which he made his
+usual place of residence.<a id='r1036' /><a href='#f1036' class='c009'><sup>[1036]</sup></a> It was probably the building with
+the row of three windows, supported by a lion at either end.
+A still more important change was introduced by the same
+emperor. His austere character, and the heavy taxes he imposed
+for the maintenance of the army, made him exceedingly unpopular,
+notwithstanding his eminent services as the conqueror of the
+Saracens. So strong did the hostile feeling against him become,
+that, returning once from a visit to the Holy Spring of the
+Pegè, he was mobbed at the Forum of Constantine, and
+narrowly escaped being stoned to death before he could reach
+the palace.<a id='r1037' /><a href='#f1037' class='c009'><sup>[1037]</sup></a> Rumours of a plot to dethrone and kill him were
+also in circulation. He therefore decided to convert the Great
+Palace into a fortress, and to provision it with everything
+requisite to withstand a siege.<a id='r1038' /><a href='#f1038' class='c009'><sup>[1038]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Accordingly, he surrounded the grounds of the Imperial
+residence with a strong and lofty wall, which described a great
+arc from the neighbourhood of Ahour Kapoussi on the east to
+Tchatlady Kapou on the west, and thus cut off the palace from
+the rest of the city.<a id='r1039' /><a href='#f1039' class='c009'><sup>[1039]</sup></a> Luitprand,<a id='r1040' /><a href='#f1040' class='c009'><sup>[1040]</sup></a> who saw the wall soon after its
+erection, says of it: “The palace at Constantinople surpasses
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>in beauty and strength any fortifications that I have ever
+seen.” Within this wall the Palace of Bucoleon was, of course,
+included.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Labarte<a id='r1041' /><a href='#f1041' class='c009'><sup>[1041]</sup></a> and Schlumberger<a id='r1042' /><a href='#f1042' class='c009'><sup>[1042]</sup></a> maintain, indeed, that Nicephorus
+surrounded the Palace of Bucoleon with special works
+of defence, and constituted it a citadel within the fortifications
+of the Great Palace. But Leo Diaconus, Cedrenus
+and Zonaras, our authorities on the subject, make no such
+statement.<a id='r1043' /><a href='#f1043' class='c009'><sup>[1043]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp282'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp282-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp282.jpg' alt='Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>As might be expected, historical events of considerable importance
+transpired at the Port and the Palace of the Bucoleon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, in 919, Romanus Lecapenus, admiral of the fleet, made
+the naval demonstration which compelled Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus
+to accept him as a colleague, and to surrender the
+administration of affairs into his hands.<a id='r1044' /><a href='#f1044' class='c009'><sup>[1044]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>It was here that the memorable conspiracy against Nicephorus
+Phocas was carried out, in 969, by John Zimisces, with
+the connivance of the Empress Theophano.<a id='r1045' /><a href='#f1045' class='c009'><sup>[1045]</sup></a> Under cover of the
+night, the conspirators embarked at Chalcedon, the residence of
+Zimisces at the time, and in the teeth of a strong north wind, and
+with snow falling heavily, crossed to the Bucoleon. A low whistle
+announced their arrival to their accomplices, who were watching
+on the terrace of the palace; and in response, a basket held
+fast by ropes was stealthily lowered and raised, again and again,
+until one by one all in the boat were lifted to the summit. The
+last to ascend was Zimisces himself. Then the traitors made
+for the apartment in which they expected to find the emperor.
+Nicephorus, who had received some intimation of the plot, was
+not in his usual chamber, and the conspirators, fearing they had
+been betrayed, were about to leap into the sea and make their
+escape, when a eunuch appeared and guided them to the room
+in which the doomed sovereign lay fast asleep on the floor, on a
+leopard’s skin, and covered with a scarlet woollen blanket. Not
+to spare their victim a single pang, they first awakened the
+slumberer, and then assailed him with their swords as he
+prayed, “Lord, have mercy upon me.” As if to add irony to the
+event, Nicephorus met his fate, it is said, on the very day on
+which the fortifications around the palace were completed.
+After this, guards were stationed, at night, on the quay of the
+Harbour of the Bucoleon, to warn off boats that approached
+the shore.<a id='r1046' /><a href='#f1046' class='c009'><sup>[1046]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>From this point, Alexius Comnenus entered the Great
+Palace, after the deposition of Nicephorus Botoniates; leaving
+his young wife and her immediate relatives in the residence
+by the shore, while he himself, with the members of his own
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>family, proceeded to the higher palace (τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον).<a id='r1047' /><a href='#f1047' class='c009'><sup>[1047]</sup></a>
+Here, also, in 1170, Amaury, King of Jerusalem, landed
+on the occasion of his visit to Manuel Comnenus, to seek the
+emperor’s aid against Saladin. Access to the palace by this
+landing, says William of Tyre,<a id='r1048' /><a href='#f1048' class='c009'><sup>[1048]</sup></a> in his account of that visit,
+was reserved, as a rule, for the emperor exclusively. But it
+was granted to Amaury as a special honour, and here he was
+welcomed by the great officers of the palace, and then conducted
+through galleries and halls of wonderful variety of style, to the
+palace on an eminence, where Manuel and the great dignitaries
+of State awaited the arrival of the king.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the course of time, as the prominent position of the
+Palace and the Harbour of Bucoleon rendered natural, the name
+Bucoleon, it would appear, was extended to the whole collection
+of buildings which formed the Great Palace, facing the Sea of
+Marmora. That is certainly the sense in which Ville-Hardouin
+employs the term in his work on the Conquest of Constantinople
+by the Crusaders. He associates “le palais de Bouchelyon”
+with the Palace of Blachernæ, as one of the principal residences
+of the Greek emperors. In the division of the spoils of the city,
+the Palace of “Bouchelyon,” like the Palace of Blachernæ, was
+to belong to the prince whom the Crusaders would elect Emperor
+of Constantinople;<a id='r1049' /><a href='#f1049' class='c009'><sup>[1049]</sup></a> upon the capture of the city, the Marquis
+of Montferrat hastened to seize the Palace of Bucoleon, while
+Henry, the brother of Baldwin, secured the surrender of the
+Palace of Blachernæ;<a id='r1050' /><a href='#f1050' class='c009'><sup>[1050]</sup></a> the treasure found in the former is
+described as equal to that in the latter: “Il n’en faut pas parler;
+car il y en avait tant que c’était sans fin ni mesure.” Indeed,
+the statements of Ville-Hardouin concerning the Palace of Bucoleon
+make the impression that of the two Imperial residences
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>which he names, it was, if anything, the more important.<a id='r1051' /><a href='#f1051' class='c009'><sup>[1051]</sup></a>
+Thither Murtzuphlus fled when his troops were discomfited.<a id='r1052' /><a href='#f1052' class='c009'><sup>[1052]</sup></a>
+There, the Marquis of Montferrat found congregated for safety
+most of the great ladies of the Court, including Agnes of France,
+wife of Alexius II., and Margaret of Hungary, wife of Isaac
+Angelus.<a id='r1053' /><a href='#f1053' class='c009'><sup>[1053]</sup></a> And to the Palace of Bucoleon, the richest in the
+world (“el riche palais de Bochelyon, qui onques plus riches ne fu
+veuz”), the Latin Emperor Baldwin proceeded in great state,
+after his coronation in St. Sophia, to celebrate the festivities
+attending his accession to the throne.<a id='r1054' /><a href='#f1054' class='c009'><sup>[1054]</sup></a> There, also, were held
+the festivities in honour of the marriage of the Emperor Henry
+with Agnes, the daughter of the Marquis of Montferrat.<a id='r1055' /><a href='#f1055' class='c009'><sup>[1055]</sup></a> It
+is not possible that the two comparatively small buildings at
+Tchatlady Kapou could be the palace which Ville-Hardouin
+had in mind in connection with these events. The terms he
+employs, in speaking on the subject, were appropriate only to
+the Great Palace as a whole.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The designation of the Palace of Bucoleon as “Chastel de
+Bouchelyon”<a id='r1056' /><a href='#f1056' class='c009'><sup>[1056]</sup></a> is no evidence that Ville-Hardouin used the
+name in its restricted sense, as Labarte contends. For the
+Great Palace was within a fortified enclosure, and could therefore
+be styled a castle with perfect propriety, just as the same
+historian, for a similar reason, speaks of the Palace of Blachernæ
+as a “chastel.” Nor does the fact that the Marquis of Montferrat
+reached the Palace of Bucoleon by riding along the shore
+(“chevaucha tout le long du rivage, droit vers Bouchelion”)<a id='r1057' /><a href='#f1057' class='c009'><sup>[1057]</sup></a>
+prove that the residence beside Tchatlady Kapou was the one
+he wished specially to secure. For the grounds of the Great
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>Palace were thus accessible by a gate which stood at the eastern
+extremity of the Tzycanisterion, on the plain beside the Sea
+of Marmora, and which communicated with the quarter of the
+city near the head of the promontory.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Two incidents in Byzantine history, cited by Labarte<a id='r1058' /><a href='#f1058' class='c009'><sup>[1058]</sup></a>
+himself, establish the existence of such a gate, beyond contradiction.
+When Stephen and Constantine, the sons of the Emperor
+Romanus Lecapenus, deposed their father, in 944, and sent him
+to a monastery on the island of Proti,<a id='r1059' /><a href='#f1059' class='c009'><sup>[1059]</sup></a> great fears were entertained
+in the city, that a similar, if not a worse, fate had befallen
+his associate upon the throne, the popular Constantine VII.,
+Porphyrogenitus. The people, therefore, crowded about the
+palace to ascertain the truth, and were reassured that their
+favourite was safe by his appearance, with dishevelled hair,
+at the iron bars of the gate which stood at the end of the
+Tzycanisterion (“Ex ea parte qua Zucanistrii magnitudo
+portenditur, Constantinus crines solutus per cancellos caput
+exposuit.”) The existence of a gate at this point is, if possible,
+still clearer from the statement of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1060' /><a href='#f1060' class='c009'><sup>[1060]</sup></a>
+that the Saracen ambassadors, after their audience of the
+emperor, left the palace grounds by descending to the Tzycanisterion,
+and mounting horse there. To approach the palace by
+that entrance evinced, therefore, no particular intention on the
+part of the Marquis of Montferrat to reach the buildings to which
+the name of Bucoleon strictly belonged. On the contrary, by
+that entrance one would reach the principal apartments of the
+Great Palace, sooner than the palaces beside the group of the
+Lion and the Bull, at Tchatlady Kapou.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Bucoleon is mentioned for the last time in Byzantine
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>history, in connection with the events of the final fall of the
+city. “To Peter Guliano, consul of the Catalans, was entrusted,”
+says Phrantzes,<a id='r1061' /><a href='#f1061' class='c009'><sup>[1061]</sup></a> “the defence of the quarter of the
+Bucoleon, and the districts as far as the neighbourhood of the
+Kontoscalion.”</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>
+  <h2 id='chap18' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVIII. <br /> THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—<i>continued</i>.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c015'>The <span class='sc'>New Harbour</span><a id='r1062' /><a href='#f1062' class='c009'><sup>[1062]</sup></a> (Portus Novus), known also as the <span class='sc'>Harbour of
+Julian</span><a id='r1063' /><a href='#f1063' class='c009'><sup>[1063]</sup></a> (Portus Divi Juliani: Λιμὴν τοῦ Ἰουλιανοῦ), and the <span class='sc'>Harbour
+of Sophia</span>,<a id='r1064' /><a href='#f1064' class='c009'><sup>[1064]</sup></a> or the <span class='sc'>Sophias</span><a id='r1065' /><a href='#f1065' class='c009'><sup>[1065]</sup></a> (Λιμὴν τῆς Σοφίας, τῶν Σοφιῶν).</p>
+<p class='c007'>About 327 yards to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus
+traces are found of an ancient harbour extending inland to the
+foot of the steep slope above which the Hippodrome is situated.
+The Turkish name for the locality, Kadriga Limani, “the
+Harbour of the Galleys,” is in itself an indication of the
+presence of an old harbour at that point. When Gyllius visited
+Constantinople, the port was enclosed by walls and almost filled
+in, but still contained a pool of water, in which the women of
+the district washed their clothes, and at the bottom of which,
+it was reported, submerged triremes could sometimes be seen.<a id='r1066' /><a href='#f1066' class='c009'><sup>[1066]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, as we shall immediately find, was the site of the
+harbour known by the three names Portus Novus, the Harbour
+of Julian, the Harbour of Sophia.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The harbour obtained its first name, when newly opened in
+the fourth century, to distinguish it from the earlier harbours of
+the city; while its other names were, respectively, bestowed in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>honour of the Emperor Julian, the constructor of the harbour,
+and of the Empress Sophia, who restored it when fallen into
+decay.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That these three names designated the same harbour can
+be proved, most briefly and directly, by showing first the identity
+of the Portus Novus with the Harbour of Sophia, and then the
+identity of the latter with the Harbour of Julian.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The former point is established by the fact that the Portus
+Novus and the Harbour of Sophia occupied the same position;
+both were situated on the southern side of the city, and at the foot
+of the steep slope descending from the Hippodrome towards the
+Sea of Marmora.<a id='r1067' /><a href='#f1067' class='c009'><sup>[1067]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The evidence for the identity of the Harbour of Sophia with
+that of Julian rests upon express declarations to that effect.
+There is, first, the statement of Leo the Grammarian<a id='r1068' /><a href='#f1068' class='c009'><sup>[1068]</sup></a> that the
+Emperor Justin II. built the Palace of Sophia at the Harbour
+of Julian, and having cleaned the latter, changed its name to
+the Harbour of Sophia. Then, we have two passages in which
+Theophanes<a id='r1069' /><a href='#f1069' class='c009'><sup>[1069]</sup></a> takes particular care to explain that the Harbour
+of Julian went also by the name of Sophia. Furthermore, both
+names are used to designate the scene of the same events, and
+the position of the same buildings. For instance; whereas the
+<i>Paschal Chronicle</i><a id='r1070' /><a href='#f1070' class='c009'><sup>[1070]</sup></a> states that the final action in the struggle
+between Phocas and Heraclius took place in the Harbour of
+Julian, John of Antioch<a id='r1071' /><a href='#f1071' class='c009'><sup>[1071]</sup></a> and Cedrenus<a id='r1072' /><a href='#f1072' class='c009'><sup>[1072]</sup></a> say it occurred at
+the Harbour of Sophia. Again, while some authors<a id='r1073' /><a href='#f1073' class='c009'><sup>[1073]</sup></a> put the
+Residence of Probus, the district of Maurus, and the Palace of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>Sophia, beside the Harbour of Julian, others<a id='r1074' /><a href='#f1074' class='c009'><sup>[1074]</sup></a> place them beside
+the Harbour of Sophia.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That the harbour known under these different names was at
+Kadriga Limani admits of no doubt, seeing the Portus Novus
+and the Harbour of Sophia were, as already intimated, at the
+foot of the steep ascent below the Hippodrome,<a id='r1075' /><a href='#f1075' class='c009'><sup>[1075]</sup></a> where Kadriga
+Limani is found. Or the same conclusion may be reached by
+another line of argument. The Portus Juliani (identical with the
+Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia) was a large harbour
+on the southern side of the city,<a id='r1076' /><a href='#f1076' class='c009'><sup>[1076]</sup></a> and close to the Church of SS.
+Sergius and Bacchus.<a id='r1077' /><a href='#f1077' class='c009'><sup>[1077]</sup></a> It could not, however, have stood to the
+east of that church, for not only are all traces of such a harbour
+wanting in that direction, but no large harbour could possibly
+have been constructed there, on account of the character of the
+coast. The Portus Juliani, therefore, lay to the west of SS.
+Sergius and Bacchus. But it could have been very near that
+church (the other indication of its site), only if at Kadriga
+Limani.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The construction of the harbour was ordered by Julian during
+his stay of ten months in Constantinople, on his way to the
+scene of war in Persia.<a id='r1078' /><a href='#f1078' class='c009'><sup>[1078]</sup></a> He likewise erected beside it, for the
+convenience of merchants and traders frequenting the harbour,
+a fine crescent-shaped portico styled, from its form, the Sigma
+(Σίγμα);<a id='r1079' /><a href='#f1079' class='c009'><sup>[1079]</sup></a> and there, also, his statue stood until 535, when it
+fell in an earthquake, and was replaced by a cross.<a id='r1080' /><a href='#f1080' class='c009'><sup>[1080]</sup></a> In promoting
+such public works, Julian was actuated not only by the
+dictates of enlightened policy, but also by the affection he
+cherished for the city of his birth.<a id='r1081' /><a href='#f1081' class='c009'><sup>[1081]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>After one hundred and fifty years, the harbour was so injured
+by the accumulation of the sand thrown up on this coast
+as to call for extensive repairs; and accordingly, at the order
+of Anastasius I., it was, in 509, dredged, and protected by
+a mole.<a id='r1082' /><a href='#f1082' class='c009'><sup>[1082]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Nevertheless, further restoration was required sixty years later,
+in the reign of Justin II. The work was then executed under the
+superintendence of Narses and the Protovestarius Troilus, at the
+urgent solicitation of the Empress Sophia, whose sympathies had
+been greatly stirred by seeing, from her palace windows, ships in
+distress during a violent storm on the Sea of Marmora. It was in
+recognition of the empress’s interest in the matter that the harbour
+received her name,<a id='r1083' /><a href='#f1083' class='c009'><sup>[1083]</sup></a> and was adorned with her statue, as well as
+with the statues of Justin II., her daughter Arabia, and Narses.<a id='r1084' /><a href='#f1084' class='c009'><sup>[1084]</sup></a>
+Owing to the improvements made on the harbour at this time,
+the Marine Exchange of the city was transferred to it from the
+Neorion on the Golden Horn.<a id='r1085' /><a href='#f1085' class='c009'><sup>[1085]</sup></a> The port continued in use to
+the end of the Empire, and also for some sixty years after the
+Turkish Conquest. The entrance (now closed) was between the
+two large towers immediately to the west of SS. Sergius and
+Bacchus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the harbour the following historical events are associated:
+Here the body of St. Chrysostom was landed, and placed
+for a time in the neighbouring Church of St. Thomas Amantiou,
+when brought from the land of his exile to be entombed in the
+Church of the Holy Apostles.<a id='r1086' /><a href='#f1086' class='c009'><sup>[1086]</sup></a> In the riot of the Nika, the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>Residence of Probus, which stood beside the harbour, was first
+searched for arms, and then set on fire by the Factions.<a id='r1087' /><a href='#f1087' class='c009'><sup>[1087]</sup></a> Here
+Phocas placed a division of the Green Faction, to prevent the
+landing of troops from the fleet of Heraclius;<a id='r1088' /><a href='#f1088' class='c009'><sup>[1088]</sup></a> and hither the
+tyrant himself was dragged from his palace, thrown into a boat,
+and taken to Heraclius, in whose presence he was put to death.<a id='r1089' /><a href='#f1089' class='c009'><sup>[1089]</sup></a>
+Here Leontius, upon his appointment as Governor of the Theme
+of Hellas, embarked to proceed to his post; but, at the instance
+of his friends, landed to head the revolution which overthrew
+Justinian II.<a id='r1090' /><a href='#f1090' class='c009'><sup>[1090]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Several of the great fires to which Constantinople was so
+liable reached this harbour. Among them was the terrible
+conflagration in the reign of Leo the Great, which devastated
+the principal quarters of the city, from the Golden Horn
+to the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r1091' /><a href='#f1091' class='c009'><sup>[1091]</sup></a> The equally destructive fire of
+1203, which started with the burning, by the Crusaders, of
+the Saracen Mosque beside the Golden Horn, near Sirkedji
+Iskelessi, likewise swept across the city to this point.<a id='r1092' /><a href='#f1092' class='c009'><sup>[1092]</sup></a> Other
+fires of minor importance occurred here in 561, 863, 887,
+and 956.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>To the list of the noted buildings and districts near the
+Harbour of Julian, already mentioned, may be added the Residence
+of Bardas, father of Nicephorus Phocas;<a id='r1093' /><a href='#f1093' class='c009'><sup>[1093]</sup></a> the Residence of
+Isaac Sevastocrator, which was converted by Isaac Angelus into
+a khan or hostelry (Pandocheion), with accommodation for one
+hundred men and as many horses;<a id='r1094' /><a href='#f1094' class='c009'><sup>[1094]</sup></a> the Churches of St. Thekla;<a id='r1095' /><a href='#f1095' class='c009'><sup>[1095]</sup></a>
+St. Thomas, Amantiou;<a id='r1096' /><a href='#f1096' class='c009'><sup>[1096]</sup></a> the Archangel Michael, of Adda (τοῦ
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>Ἀδδᾷ);<a id='r1097' /><a href='#f1097' class='c009'><sup>[1097]</sup></a> St. Julian Perdix; and St. John the Forerunner, near
+the Residence of Probus.<a id='r1098' /><a href='#f1098' class='c009'><sup>[1098]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Close to the Harbour of Sophia stood a tower known as the
+Bukanon, or the Trumpet (τὸ Βύκανον).<a id='r1099' /><a href='#f1099' class='c009'><sup>[1099]</sup></a> It was so named,
+according to the Anonymus,<a id='r1100' /><a href='#f1100' class='c009'><sup>[1100]</sup></a> both because trumpets were kept
+there, and because the tower itself, being hollow, resounded
+like a trumpet when struck by the waves. Whenever the
+Imperial fleet, the same writer adds, sailed from the city, it was
+customary for the ships to assemble before this tower and exchange
+musical salutes with it; a legend, which is probably a
+fanciful travesty of the simple fact that the tower was a station
+from which the movements of vessels were directed by trumpet
+signals.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>If the order in which the Anonymus mentions the tower,
+between the SS. Sergius and Bacchus and the Harbour of
+Sophia, indicates its actual position, the Bukanon stood on the
+eastern side of the harbour.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of the Kontoscalion (τὸ Κοντοσκάλιον).</h3>
+<p class='c007'>Another harbour on the Marmora side of the city was the
+Harbour of Kontoscalion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first reference to the Kontoscalion occurs in the
+Anonymus,<a id='r1101' /><a href='#f1101' class='c009'><sup>[1101]</sup></a> in the eleventh century, but the harbour acquired
+its greatest importance after 1261, when it was selected by
+Michael Palæologus to be the dockyard and principal station of
+the Imperial navy. Here the emperor thought his fleet could
+lie more secure from attack, and in a better position to assail an
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>enemy, than in any other haven of the city. For the force of
+the current along this shore would soon oblige hostile ships
+approaching the port to beat a hasty retreat, lest they should be
+driven upon the coast, and consequently expose them, as they
+withdrew, to be taken in the rear by the Imperial vessels that
+would then sally forth in pursuit. Great labour was therefore
+expended upon the old harbour. It was dredged and deepened
+to render it more commodious; and to make it more secure, it
+was surrounded with immense blocks, closed with iron gates, and
+protected by a mole.<a id='r1102' /><a href='#f1102' class='c009'><sup>[1102]</sup></a> Subsequently, as his coat-of-arms on
+the western tower of the harbour indicated, the Kontoscalion
+was repaired by Andronicus II.<a id='r1103' /><a href='#f1103' class='c009'><sup>[1103]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A Russian pilgrim who visited the city about 1350 has drawn
+a vivid picture of the harbour when crowded with triremes on
+account of contrary weather:—</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>“De l’Hippodrome on passe devant Cantoscopie; là est la
+superbe et très grande porte en fer à grillage de la ville. C’est
+par cette porte que la mer pénétre dans la ville. Si la mer est
+agitée, jusqu’a trois cents galères y trouvent place; ces galères
+ont les unes deux cents et les autres trois cents rames. Ces
+vaisseaux sont employés au transport des troupes. Si le vent est
+contraire, ils ne peuvent avancer, et doivent attendre le beau
+temps.”<a id='r1104' /><a href='#f1104' class='c009'><sup>[1104]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Kontoscalion is generally held to have stood in front
+of Koum Kapoussi, where the traces of an old harbour, about
+270 yards wide and some 217 yards long, are still discernible in
+an extensive mole off the shore, and in the great bend described
+by the city walls at that point to enclose an area which, at one
+time, was evidently a basin of water.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is scarcely any room for doubt that this view is correct.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>The adherence of the name Kontoscalion to this quarter, apparently,
+ever since the Turkish Conquest,<a id='r1105' /><a href='#f1105' class='c009'><sup>[1105]</sup></a> is in favour of the
+opinion. So, likewise, is the fact that thus it becomes intelligible
+how Pachymeres<a id='r1106' /><a href='#f1106' class='c009'><sup>[1106]</sup></a> and Bondelmontius<a id='r1107' /><a href='#f1107' class='c009'><sup>[1107]</sup></a> associate the harbour
+with Vlanga, on the one hand, while Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r1108' /><a href='#f1108' class='c009'><sup>[1108]</sup></a>
+associates it with the Hippodrome on the other. It is also a
+corroboration of this view to find on the walls of the harbour
+the coat-of-arms of Andronicus II., who is declared, by one
+authority, to have restored the Kontoscalion.<a id='r1109' /><a href='#f1109' class='c009'><sup>[1109]</sup></a> The only objection
+to this identification is found in the difference between the
+character of the actual enclosure around the harbour at Koum
+Kapoussi and the character of the enclosure which Michael
+Palæologus placed around the Kontoscalion. The former consists
+of the ordinary walls of the city; the latter consisted, according
+to Pachymeres,<a id='r1110' /><a href='#f1110' class='c009'><sup>[1110]</sup></a> of very large blocks of stone: ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν
+μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον. But in reply to this objection
+it may be said, either (though not without some violence to the
+words of the historian) that the great blocks of stone referred
+to were the boulders which form the mole of the harbour; or
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>that the work done under Michael Palæologus was temporary,
+and was superseded by the improvements executed in the reign
+of his son and successor Andronicus II. The objection must
+not be ignored.<a id='r1111' /><a href='#f1111' class='c009'><sup>[1111]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>According to the <i>Notitia</i>,<a id='r1112' /><a href='#f1112' class='c009'><sup>[1112]</sup></a> Constantinople possessed a harbour
+called Portus Theodosianus, in the Twelfth Region of the city.
+As that Region comprised within its limits the shore of the Sea
+of Marmora at the southern base of the Seventh Hill, the
+Harbour of Theodosius must have been found at Vlanga Bostan,
+where the basin of a very ancient harbour, now filled in and
+converted into market-gardens, is distinctly visible.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There can be little doubt that this harbour was also the one
+which went by the name Harbour of Eleutherius<a id='r1113' /><a href='#f1113' class='c009'><sup>[1113]</sup></a> (ὁ λιμὴν τοῦ
+Ἐλευθερίου): for the district of Eleutherius, and the palace of that
+name,<a id='r1114' /><a href='#f1114' class='c009'><sup>[1114]</sup></a> were situated in the valley leading from Vlanga Bostan
+to Ak Serai, and the Et Meidan. The harbour at Vlanga Bostan,
+moreover, corresponds to the description given of the Harbour
+of Eleutherius by the Anonymus,<a id='r1115' /><a href='#f1115' class='c009'><sup>[1115]</sup></a> who speaks of it as a very
+ancient harbour, situated to the west of that of Sophia, and
+abandoned long before his time.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>If this be so, then the name Harbour of Eleutherius was its
+earlier designation, and the port itself was the oldest on the
+side of the city towards the Sea of Marmora, its construction
+being ascribed to a certain Eleutherius, who was present at
+the foundation of Constantinople.<a id='r1116' /><a href='#f1116' class='c009'><sup>[1116]</sup></a> Its antiquity is supported
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>by the aspect of its remains, for the walls enclosing it on the
+north are the oldest portion of the fortifications of the city,
+and possibly belong to the time of Constantine the Great.
+Here the statue of Eleutherius was erected, in the appropriate
+equipment of an excavator, with a spade in his hand and a
+basket on his back.<a id='r1117' /><a href='#f1117' class='c009'><sup>[1117]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig297'  class='figcenter id005'>
+<a href='images/fig297-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig297.jpg' alt='Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.<a id='r1118' /><a href='#f1118' class='c009'><sup>[1118]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>From the fact that the harbour was called Portus Theodosianus,
+it is evident that it was improved by Theodosius I.,
+to whom the city owed so many public works.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>When precisely the harbour was filled in is a question not
+easily settled. The Anonymus declares, indeed, that this was
+done in the reign of Theodosius I., with the earth excavated in
+laying the foundations of the column of that emperor in the
+Forum of Taurus.<a id='r1119' /><a href='#f1119' class='c009'><sup>[1119]</sup></a> But, had that been the case, the <i>Notitia</i>
+would scarcely have mentioned an abandoned harbour among
+the objects for which the Twelfth Region of the city was remarkable.
+What is certain is that the harbour was destroyed
+some time before the eleventh century; probably because the
+earth brought by the stream of the Lycus, which flows into
+the harbour, and the sand cast up by the sea, proved too
+troublesome for the maintenance of a sufficient depth of
+water.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The harbour measured 786 yards from east to west and 218
+yards from south to north. Along its southern side, as well as
+along a portion of its side towards the east, it was protected by
+a mole twelve feet thick, carefully constructed of masonry, and
+extending from the Gate of St. Æmilianus (Daoud Pasha Kapoussi)
+eastwards for about 436 yards, and then northwards
+for 327 yards more.<a id='r1120' /><a href='#f1120' class='c009'><sup>[1120]</sup></a> Upon the greater portion of the mole,
+walls were constructed for the military defence of the
+harbour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The entrance was at the north-eastern end, between the
+head of the mole and the site of the Gate Yeni Kapou, the
+opening through which the Roumelian Railway now runs, and
+was guarded by a tower built at a short distance out in
+the sea.<a id='r1121' /><a href='#f1121' class='c009'><sup>[1121]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig299'  class='figcenter id007'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>
+<a href='images/fig299-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig299.jpg' alt='Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.<a id='r1122' /><a href='#f1122' class='c009'><sup>[1122]</sup></a></p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>As stated already, the adjacent quarter was called the
+quarter of Eleutherius (τὰ τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου). It is mentioned
+under that name in 1203, as the farthest point reached by the
+great fire which then devastated the city through the folly of the
+Crusaders.<a id='r1123' /><a href='#f1123' class='c009'><sup>[1123]</sup></a> The present name of the quarter, Vlanga, appears
+first in the eleventh century, as the designation of the residence
+of Andronicus Comnenus in this part of the city (οἶκος ὅς τοῦ
+Βλάγγα ἐπικέκληται),<a id='r1124' /><a href='#f1124' class='c009'><sup>[1124]</sup></a> and it is the name by which writers
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>subsequent to the Restoration of the Greek Empire refer to
+the district.<a id='r1125' /><a href='#f1125' class='c009'><sup>[1125]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the vicinity stood the Palace of the Empress Irene,<a id='r1126' /><a href='#f1126' class='c009'><sup>[1126]</sup></a> the
+unnatural mother of Constantine VI., in which Basil II. entertained
+the Legates of Pope Hadrian II.<a id='r1127' /><a href='#f1127' class='c009'><sup>[1127]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Church of St. Panteleemon, erected by Theodora the
+wife of Justinian the Great, on the site of her humble dwelling
+when a poor woman earning her bread by spinning wool<a id='r1128' /><a href='#f1128' class='c009'><sup>[1128]</sup></a> and
+the district of Narses (τὰ Ναρσοῦ)<a id='r1129' /><a href='#f1129' class='c009'><sup>[1129]</sup></a> were in this neighbourhood;
+so also was the district of Canicleius (τὰ Κανικλείου), where the
+emperor landed when proceeding to pay his annual visit to that
+church.<a id='r1130' /><a href='#f1130' class='c009'><sup>[1130]</sup></a> The modern Greek church of St. Theodore, to the
+south of Boudroum Djamissi (Myrelaion), marks, Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r1131' /><a href='#f1131' class='c009'><sup>[1131]</sup></a>
+suggests, the district of Claudius (τὰ Κλαυδίου).</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Harbour of the Golden Gate.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>Another harbour on this side of the city was the Harbour
+of the Golden Gate (ὁ λιμὴν τῆς Χρυσῆς),<a id='r1132' /><a href='#f1132' class='c009'><sup>[1132]</sup></a> in the bay to the
+west of the entrance of that name. This is implied in the statement
+of Ducas, that during the siege of 1453 the right wing of
+the Turkish army extended southwards from the Gate of St.
+Romanus to the Harbour of the Golden Gate.<a id='r1133' /><a href='#f1133' class='c009'><sup>[1133]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the occasion of a triumph celebrating a victorious
+campaign in Asia Minor, the harbour presented an animated
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>scene; for the spoils and prisoners which were to figure in
+the procession, were ferried across from Chrysopolis, and landed
+at this point, to be marshalled on the plain before the Golden
+Gate.<a id='r1134' /><a href='#f1134' class='c009'><sup>[1134]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was off this point that the Turkish fleet, in 1453, waited to
+intercept the five gallant ships, which brought provisions to the
+city from the island of Scio, and which forced their way to the
+Golden Horn, notwithstanding all the efforts of 305 vessels of
+the Sultan to capture them.<a id='r1135' /><a href='#f1135' class='c009'><sup>[1135]</sup></a></p>
+<h3 class='c010'>The Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon.</h3>
+<p class='c007'>Before concluding this account of the city harbours on the
+Sea of Marmora, a point of some importance remains to be
+settled.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Byzantine historians speak of the Harbour of Kaisarius, and
+of the Neorion at the Heptascalon, on the southern shore of the
+city. Now, as traces of an additional harbour to those already
+mentioned, on this side of the city, may be disputed, the question
+presents itself: Have the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion
+at the Heptascalon disappeared, or were they one or other of
+the harbours already identified?</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Harbour of Kaisarius (Λιμὴν τοῦ Καισαρείου) is mentioned
+for the first time in the Acts of the Fifth General Council of
+Constantinople,<a id='r1136' /><a href='#f1136' class='c009'><sup>[1136]</sup></a> held in 553, under Justinian the Great. Near
+it, we are there informed, stood the Residence of Germanus:
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>“In domo Germani, prope portum Cæsarii.” The harbour is
+mentioned for the last time by Cedrenus,<a id='r1137' /><a href='#f1137' class='c009'><sup>[1137]</sup></a> in what is manifestly
+a quotation from Theophanes.<a id='r1138' /><a href='#f1138' class='c009'><sup>[1138]</sup></a> Beside it stood a district,<a id='r1139' /><a href='#f1139' class='c009'><sup>[1139]</sup></a>
+and a palace,<a id='r1140' /><a href='#f1140' class='c009'><sup>[1140]</sup></a> known respectively as the District and the Palace
+of Kaisarius (ἐν τοῖς Καισαρείου: κυράτωρ τῶν Καισαρείου); the
+latter being probably the residence of Germanus above mentioned.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>After whom the harbour was named is uncertain. Du Cange<a id='r1141' /><a href='#f1141' class='c009'><sup>[1141]</sup></a>
+suggests three persons from whom the designation may have
+been derived: Kaisarius, Prefect of the City under Valentinian;
+Kaisarius, Prætorian Prefect under Theodosius I.; and Kaisarius,
+a personage of some note in the reign of Leo I. If the choice
+lies between these persons, the preference must be given to the
+last; for the <i>Notitia</i>, which describes the city in the reign of
+Theodosius II., makes no mention of this harbour. In all
+probability, therefore, the Harbour of Kaisarius was constructed
+towards the close of the fifth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>That it stood on the Sea of Marmora is evident; first, from
+its association with the Harbours of Julian and of Hormisdas, as
+one of the points at which the tyrant Phocas placed troops to
+prevent the landing of Heraclius on the southern side of the
+city;<a id='r1142' /><a href='#f1142' class='c009'><sup>[1142]</sup></a> and secondly, from the fact that it was there that Constantine
+Pogonatus, in 673, placed his ships, armed with the
+newly invented tubes for squirting Greek fire, to await the
+Saracen fleet coming up against the city from the Ægean.<a id='r1143' /><a href='#f1143' class='c009'><sup>[1143]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Passing next to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, we find that
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>the term “Heptascalon” is employed by Byzantine writers only
+in two connections: first, and then generally in the corrupt form
+Πασχάλῳ or Πασκάλῳ, it serves to mark the site of a church
+dedicated to St. Acacius; the earliest writer who uses it for that
+purpose being Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1144' /><a href='#f1144' class='c009'><sup>[1144]</sup></a> in his biography of
+Basil I., by whom the church was restored: secondly, Cantacuzene<a id='r1145' /><a href='#f1145' class='c009'><sup>[1145]</sup></a>
+employs the phrase to indicate the situation of the harbour
+now under discussion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In 1351 Cantacuzene<a id='r1146' /><a href='#f1146' class='c009'><sup>[1146]</sup></a> found the harbour in a very unsatisfactory
+condition. Owing to the sand which had accumulated in
+it for many years, it could hardly float a ship laden with cargo;
+and accordingly, in pursuance of his policy to develop the naval
+resources of the Empire, he caused the harbour to be dredged at
+much labour and expense, to the great convenience of public
+business. So extensive was the work of restoration that in one
+passage the harbour is styled the New Neorion.<a id='r1147' /><a href='#f1147' class='c009'><sup>[1147]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Du Cange,<a id='r1148' /><a href='#f1148' class='c009'><sup>[1148]</sup></a> misled by the fact that a Church of St. Acacius was
+found in the Tenth Region—one of the Regions on the northern
+side of the city—has classed the Neorion at the Heptascalon
+among the harbours on the Golden Horn. But to identify a site
+in Byzantine Constantinople by means of a church alone is a
+precarious proceeding, for churches of the same dedication were
+to be found in different quarters of the city. This, Du Cange<a id='r1149' /><a href='#f1149' class='c009'><sup>[1149]</sup></a>
+himself admits, was possible in the case before us; since, besides
+the Church of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, writers speak of a
+Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (Ἐν τῇ Καρύᾳ), and the identity
+of the two sanctuaries cannot be assumed. But the existence of
+a second church dedicated to St. Acacius is not a mere possibility.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>According to Antony of Novgorod,<a id='r1150' /><a href='#f1150' class='c009'><sup>[1150]</sup></a> there was a church of that
+dedication also on the southern side of the city, not far
+from the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. The Neorion
+at the Heptascalon may, therefore, have been on the Sea of
+Marmora.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>And that it was there, as a matter of fact, is evident from
+the statements made regarding that harbour by Cantacuzene and
+Nicephorus Gregoras, in their account of the naval engagement
+fought in the Bosporus in 1351, between a Genoese fleet on the
+one hand, and the Greeks, supported by Venetian and Spanish
+ships, on the other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon coming up from the Ægean to take part in the war,
+the Venetians and the Spaniards, says the former historian,<a id='r1151' /><a href='#f1151' class='c009'><sup>[1151]</sup></a>
+anchored off the Prince’s Island, to rest their crews after the
+hardships of the winter. There they remained three days.
+Then, quitting their moorings, the two allies made for the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon, or, as it is also styled, the Neorion
+of the Byzantines (τὸ Βυζαντίων νεώριον),<a id='r1152' /><a href='#f1152' class='c009'><sup>[1152]</sup></a> to join the Imperial
+fleet which was stationed there, all ready for action, and awaiting
+their arrival. Meanwhile, the Genoese admiral, with seventy ships,
+had taken up his position at Chalcedon (Kadikeui), to watch and
+oppose the movements of the allied squadrons. The wind was
+blowing a gale from the south, and though the Venetians and
+Spaniards had started for the Heptascalon very early in the
+morning, it was with the utmost difficulty, and late in the afternoon,
+that they succeeded in crossing from the island to the city.
+Even at the last moment they narrowly escaped destruction, by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>being dashed to pieces against the boulders scattered along the
+foot of the walls as a breakwater.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Byzantine admiral, encouraged by the arrival of his allies,
+then sallied forth from the Heptascalon, and led the way towards
+the Genoese ships at Chalcedon. The latter, finding it impossible
+to make head against the wind, retired towards Galata, and
+skilfully entrenched themselves among the shoals and rocks
+off Beshiktash, preferring to be attacked in that advantageous
+situation.<a id='r1153' /><a href='#f1153' class='c009'><sup>[1153]</sup></a> The allies came on, and a desperate conflict, partly
+on the water, partly on the rocks, ensued, until night parted the
+combatants without a decisive victory on either side.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With this narrative of Cantacuzene in view, no one familiar
+with the vicinity of Constantinople can doubt for a moment that
+the Neorion at the Heptascalon was upon the Sea of Marmora.
+The single circumstance that the walls in the neighbourhood of
+the harbour were protected by boulders placed in the sea as a
+breakwater is alone sufficient to prove the fact; for only the walls
+bordering the Sea of Marmora were defended in that manner.
+Equally conclusive is the circumstance that the Venetian and
+Spanish ships found it difficult to make the harbour from the
+Prince’s Island with a strong south wind on their left. Such
+a wind would drive them towards the Bosporus with a violence
+that would render it almost impossible for them to put into any
+port on the Marmora shore of the city. Nor is it less decisive
+to find, as the historian’s account makes perfectly clear, that the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>harbour was so situated; that the approach to it, and possible
+shipwrecks at its entrance, could be observed by the Genoese
+admiral stationed off Chalcedon; that an enemy at Chalcedon
+found it hard to advance towards the Heptascalon in a strong
+south wind; and that vessels proceeding from the harbour to
+Galata could, on the way, touch at Chalcedon. These facts hold
+true only of a harbour on the Sea of Marmora.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This conclusion, based on the narrative of Cantacuzene, is
+corroborated by the indications which Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r1154' /><a href='#f1154' class='c009'><sup>[1154]</sup></a>
+furnishes regarding the site of the Neorion. The events which
+transpired, according to the former historian, at the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon, or the Neorion of the Byzantines, took place,
+according to the latter, in the Harbour of the Byzantines, or,
+more definitely, “the Harbour of the Byzantines facing the east”
+(τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων λιμένος, τοῦ πρὸς ἒω βλέποντος).<a id='r1155' /><a href='#f1155' class='c009'><sup>[1155]</sup></a> That the
+expression “facing the east” denoted the shore of the city facing
+the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast is manifest, from the
+use which Nicephorus Gregoras makes of that expression in
+other passages of his work. The Golden Gate, which stands
+near the Sea of Marmora, on what would generally be described
+as the southern shore of the city, stood, according to him, near
+the city’s <i>eastern</i> shore.<a id='r1156' /><a href='#f1156' class='c009'><sup>[1156]</sup></a> Again, the gale from the south, which
+damaged the city fortifications along the Sea of Marmora in the
+year 1341, assailed, he says, the <i>eastern</i> walls of the capital.<a id='r1157' /><a href='#f1157' class='c009'><sup>[1157]</sup></a>
+This way of speaking, if not strictly accurate, is justified by
+the fact that extensive portions of the city beside the Sea of
+Marmora face east or south-east.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Nor is this all. The harbour in question, adds Nicephorus
+Gregoras,<a id='r1158' /><a href='#f1158' class='c009'><sup>[1158]</sup></a> stood where the walls of the city were protected by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>boulders; ships issuing from it, in a south wind, could readily
+make the Bosporus;<a id='r1159' /><a href='#f1159' class='c009'><sup>[1159]</sup></a> while ships proceeding from the Bosporus
+to the harbour passed Chalcedon on the left, and could be
+watched from Chalcedon, upon their arrival at their destination.<a id='r1160' /><a href='#f1160' class='c009'><sup>[1160]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Such facts, we repeat, hold good only of a harbour situated
+on the shore of the city beside the Sea of Marmora.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It being thus proved that the Harbour of Kaisarius and the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon were situated on the Marmora
+side of the city, we return to the question, whether they have
+disappeared, or were different names for one or other of the
+harbours already identified.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So far as room for harbours additional to those already
+identified is concerned, such room could be found only in the
+level ground at the foot of the Third Hill, extending from the
+Kontoscalion at Koum Kapoussi to the Harbour of Theodosius
+at Vlanga, points some 910 yards apart. An additional harbour
+elsewhere was impossible, owing to the character of the coast.
+Accordingly, if the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon cannot be identified with one or other of the
+well-known harbours on the Sea of Marmora, they must have
+been situated between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So far as the Harbour of Kaisarius is concerned, it could
+not have been another name for the Harbour of the Bucoleon,
+or the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Harbour of the
+Golden Gate. For, as John of Antioch<a id='r1161' /><a href='#f1161' class='c009'><sup>[1161]</sup></a> makes perfectly clear
+in his account of the defence of the city by Phocas against
+Heraclius, the Harbour of Kaisarius was situated in the same
+general district as the two former harbours, and to the west
+of them. Nor can the Harbour of Kaisarius be identified
+with the Harbour of Theodosius, inasmuch as the latter had
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>been filled in and abandoned<a id='r1162' /><a href='#f1162' class='c009'><sup>[1162]</sup></a> before the reigns of Phocas and
+Constantine IV., in the seventh century, when the Harbour of
+Kaisarius was still one of the principal ports on the southern
+coast of the city.<a id='r1163' /><a href='#f1163' class='c009'><sup>[1163]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Harbour of Kaisarius must, therefore, have been either
+the Kontoscalion, at Koum Kapoussi, or another harbour between
+that gate and Vlanga. To suppose that it was the Kontoscalion,
+under an earlier name, is possible, since the name Kontoscalion,
+we have seen,<a id='r1164' /><a href='#f1164' class='c009'><sup>[1164]</sup></a> appears for the first time in the eleventh century.
+Still the circumstance that a fire which started beside the
+Harbour of Kaisarius extended to the Forum of the Ox (ἕως τοῦ
+Βοός),<a id='r1165' /><a href='#f1165' class='c009'><sup>[1165]</sup></a> situated at Ak Serai far up the valley that runs northwards
+from Yeni Kapou, suggests a situation nearer Vlanga.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Turning, next, to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, it could,
+obviously, not be the Harbour of the Bucoleon, attached to the
+Imperial Palace; nor the Harbour of the Golden Gate, which
+was beyond the city limits; nor the Harbour of Theodosius,
+which had been filled in long before the reign of Cantacuzene,
+and which in 1400 and 1422, dates respectively not fifty and
+seventy years after that emperor’s reign, is described as a garden.<a id='r1166' /><a href='#f1166' class='c009'><sup>[1166]</sup></a>
+The Neorion at the Heptascalon, therefore, must have been
+either the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Kontoscalion,
+or an additional harbour between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga.
+One objection to the first supposition is that the Harbour of
+Julian and Sophia was so notoriously known under its own
+special name, that reference to it by another designation is extremely
+improbable. Another objection is that the indications
+respecting the site of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, however
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>vague their character, furnish no ground for believing that the
+church stood in the vicinity of the Harbour of Julian and Sophia,
+but support, rather, the opinion that it stood in the neighbourhood
+of Boudroum Djamissi, in the quarter of Laleli Hamam,
+situated to the north-west of Koum Kapoussi.<a id='r1167' /><a href='#f1167' class='c009'><sup>[1167]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The supposition that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was the
+same as the Kontoscalion is open to objections equally, if not
+more, serious. The identity of the two harbours is inconsistent
+with the fact that the two names occur in the writings of the
+same author, Cantacuzene,<a id='r1168' /><a href='#f1168' class='c009'><sup>[1168]</sup></a> in the same section of his work,
+in passages not widely separated and treating of kindred
+matters, without the slightest hint that under the different
+names he refers to the same thing. The natural impression
+made by the use of the two names in such a way is that they
+denote different things. Then, there is an opposition between
+the respective meanings of the two names, which makes their
+application to the same object incompatible; a harbour distinguished
+by a short pier cannot also be a harbour distinguished
+by seven piers. In the next place, the different accounts which
+Cantacuzene gives of the condition of the two harbours in his
+reign imply that he is not speaking of the same port. He refers
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>to the Kontoscalion,<a id='r1169' /><a href='#f1169' class='c009'><sup>[1169]</sup></a> in 1348, without a note of disparagement,
+as a harbour in which he constructed several large triremes for
+the increase of his fleet; while he describes the Neorion at the
+Heptascalon,<a id='r1170' /><a href='#f1170' class='c009'><sup>[1170]</sup></a> only three years later, as a harbour which had
+long been neglected, which was full of silt, and which he restored
+at great expense, for the public advantage, on a scale which
+entitled it to be styled the New Neorion.<a id='r1171' /><a href='#f1171' class='c009'><sup>[1171]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>And just as all that Cantacuzene states regarding the two
+harbours implies that they were different, so does the language
+of Nicephorus Gregoras. When the latter writer alludes to the
+Kontoscalion, he describes it as the harbour near the Hippodrome;<a id='r1172' /><a href='#f1172' class='c009'><sup>[1172]</sup></a>
+when he alludes to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, he
+describes it as the harbour facing the east.<a id='r1173' /><a href='#f1173' class='c009'><sup>[1173]</sup></a> Different marks are
+generally employed to distinguish different objects.<a id='r1174' /><a href='#f1174' class='c009'><sup>[1174]</sup></a> This being
+so, the unavoidable conclusion is that the Neorion at the Heptascalon
+was a harbour situated between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni
+Kapou, the only possible situation for an additional harbour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>We should feel obliged to insist upon this conclusion, even
+in the absence of any remains of a harbour in the situation
+indicated. Our task, however, is not so arduous; for manifest
+traces of such a harbour have been identified. In the first
+place, traces of a harbour in the district above mentioned came
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>to view in 1819, and were then officially noted by so competent
+an authority as the Patriarch Constantius.<a id='r1175' /><a href='#f1175' class='c009'><sup>[1175]</sup></a> In that year a
+great fire burned down a large part of the Turkish quarter near
+Yeni Kapou—Tulbenkdji Djamissi—and brought to light a portion
+of an ancient circular enclosure around that quarter. The
+discovery excited considerable attention, and the patriarch was
+specially instructed by the Turkish Government of the day to
+examine the wall and report the result of his investigations.
+Accompanied by two distinguished members of the Greek community,
+the prelate proceeded to the scene of the conflagration,
+and found a wall built of huge blocks of stone, about seven feet
+long, four and a half feet wide, and over a foot thick. The stones
+were carefully hewn and placed in three tiers; the blocks in the
+two lower tiers being the ordinary limestone found on the banks
+of the Bosporus, while the blocks in the highest row were of
+marble from the Island of Marmora. The territory enclosed by
+the wall presented the appearance of a great hollow which had
+been filled in, since the Turkish Conquest, and raised to afford
+ground for building. All that the patriarch saw convinced him
+that he stood upon the site of one of the ancient harbours of
+the city. The wall has disappeared, as the excellent building
+material it provided rendered natural. But other remains of a
+harbour at this point, the complement of those discovered by the
+patriarch, have been recognized, and can, to some extent, be
+still distinguished.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Off the shore in front of the territory enclosed by the wall
+described above is a mole formed with boulders (marked
+“Molotrümmer” on Stolpe’s map of the city), similar to the
+mole before the old harbour at Koum Kapoussi. At a point
+about half-way between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou,
+there is a wide gap in this mole, dividing it in two unequal
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>parts, and forming a passage through it. The shore<a id='r1176' /><a href='#f1176' class='c009'><sup>[1176]</sup></a> opposite
+the gap was, until the construction of a quay in 1870 for the
+Roumelian railroad, a sandy beach extending back to the foot
+of the city walls. The portion of the walls at the rear of the
+beach was, however, not Byzantine; but a piece of Turkish
+work<a id='r1177' /><a href='#f1177' class='c009'><sup>[1177]</sup></a> inserted between the Byzantine walls on either hand to
+close an opening which gave admittance to the area occupied by
+the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Here, accordingly, we have traces of all that constitutes a
+harbour: its mole, its entrance, its basin and enclosure, indicating
+where the Neorion at the Heptascalon, which the language
+of Cantacuzene and Nicephorus Gregoras obliges us to
+distinguish from the Kontoscalion, was probably situated. At
+this point, it seems reasonable to think, stood also the Harbour
+of Kaisarius, if we may judge from the circumstance that a fire
+which originated at that harbour extended up the valley from
+Vlanga to Ak Serai.<a id='r1178' /><a href='#f1178' class='c009'><sup>[1178]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the opinion of the Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r1179' /><a href='#f1179' class='c009'><sup>[1179]</sup></a> indeed, the
+harbour discovered in 1819 was the Kontoscalion. The statement
+of Pachymeres<a id='r1180' /><a href='#f1180' class='c009'><sup>[1180]</sup></a> and Bondelmontius,<a id='r1181' /><a href='#f1181' class='c009'><sup>[1181]</sup></a> that the Kontoscalion
+was near Vlanga, cannot, perhaps, be held to lend much
+countenance to this supposition, for in view of the short distance
+between Vlanga and Koum Kapoussi, the Kontoscalion might
+be thus described, although situated in front of the latter. But
+what presents a most serious consideration in favour of the
+patriarch’s opinion is the fact that the wall which he examined
+answered exactly to the description of the wall with which
+Michael Palæologus enclosed the Kontoscalion.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>That emperor, according to Pachymeres,<a id='r1182' /><a href='#f1182' class='c009'><sup>[1182]</sup></a> surrounded the
+Kontoscalion with very large stones; and closed the entrance
+in the stones with iron gates (Ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν μεγίσταις πέτραις
+τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον, ... πύλας δ᾽ ἐπιθεῖναι ἀραρυίας ἐκ σιδήρου τῇ
+ἐν ταῖς πέτραις εἰσίθμη ἔξωθεν).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>No language could describe better the enclosure of large
+blocks discovered in 1819; while the expression “the entrance
+in the stones” applies admirably to the gap in the mole which
+protected the harbour. Nothing of the kind is found at the
+harbour before Koum Kapoussi, which lay within a mole and
+a great curve of the ordinary city walls. This, it must be
+admitted, is an exceedingly strong argument in support of the
+patriarch’s contention. On the other hand, we have seen how
+strong also are the arguments in favour of the view that the
+Kontoscalion stood at Koum Kapoussi.<a id='r1183' /><a href='#f1183' class='c009'><sup>[1183]</sup></a> Perhaps the solution
+of the difficulty is found in the supposition that while the name
+Kontoscalion strictly belonged to the harbour at Koum Kapoussi,
+it was sometimes applied also to other harbours in the vicinity,
+because the name of the most important member of the group.</p>
+<h3 class='c010'>Note on the Locality where the Ancient Harbour Wall, discovered in 1819, was found.</h3>
+<p class='c015'>The Patriarch Constantius, our sole informant on the subject, refers to this
+discovery twice; first, in his work on <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i> (Κωνσταντινιὰς
+Παλαιὰ τε καὶ Νεωτέρα), published in 1844; secondly, in a letter, dated
+April 12, 1852, which is found in the collection of his minor works (Συγγραφαὶ
+αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες), and which was addressed to Mr. Scarlatus Byzantius, upon the
+publication of that gentleman’s work on the history and antiquities of the city. In
+that letter the patriarch corrects several mistakes made in his own work on the same
+subject, and gives additional information on other points.</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>The earlier reference to the discovery is brief, and when viewed in the light of the
+later statements, altogether misleading. It occurs in the paragraph upon Koum
+Kapoussi, the ancient Gate of Kontoscalion (English translation, p. 21; Greek
+original, p. 30). After expressing the opinion that the Neorion of the Kontoscalion
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>stood at that gate, and quoting the description which Pachymeres gives of the wall
+around the harbour, the reverend author adds: “A portion of this circular enclosure
+appeared in 1819, consisting of three layers of very large stones placed one upon the
+other” (Ἕν μέρος δὲ τούτου τοῦ κυκλικοῦ περιφράγματος τοῦ λιμένος ἀνεφάνη
+τῷ 1819 ἔτει, συνιστάμενον ἐκ τριῶν θέσεων παμμεγίστων ἀλλεπαλλήλων
+πετρῶν).</p>
+
+<p class='c005'>There can be but one meaning to this language, namely, that the enclosure
+referred to stood beside the harbour at Koum Kapoussi. But the difficulty with
+this language has always been how to make it coincide with the facts in the case.
+For, as already intimated, the enclosure around the harbour at Koum Kapoussi is
+almost intact, and consists of the ordinary walls of the city at their usual elevation.
+There has never been room at that point for another enclosure such as the patriarch
+describes. But his later, and, fortunately, fuller statements (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ
+Ἐλάσσωνες, pp. 443, 444) make the matter clear, although, at the same time, they
+convict the patriarch of inaccuracy in his first statement, so far as the locality of the
+discovery is concerned. According to the patriarch’s letter, the locality in question
+was not at Koum Kapoussi, but between that gate and the gate Yeni Kapou of
+Vlanga, and nearer to the latter entrance than to the former. This fact is confirmed
+by the additional indication that the discovery was made in a Turkish
+quarter; for the only Turkish quarter near the shore between Kadriga Limani, on
+the east of Koum Kapoussi, and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, on the west of Vlanga, is
+the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi near Yeni Kapou. But to render all doubt as
+to the situation of the locality impossible, the route taken to reach it is minutely
+described; the patriarch and his friends passed first through Kadriga Limani and
+the parishes of St. Kyriakè and St. Elpis; then they went beyond Koum Kapoussi
+itself, and, keeping within the line of the walls, proceeded to the neighbourhood
+of the gate of Yeni Kapou at Vlanga, where the wall had come to light. These
+particulars are, indeed, at variance with the statement found in <i>Ancient and Modern
+Constantinople</i>, but as they constitute the patriarch’s clearest and fullest declarations
+on the point at issue, and are made in a letter correcting mistakes in his former work,
+they have been adopted as his most authoritative statements. The subject being
+important and the patriarch’s letter but little known, the passages bearing most
+directly upon the question are here appended: Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Προποντίδα
+λιμένος, περὶ οὗ σημειοῦμεν ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ Συγγράμματι, τοῦ παρὰ Μιχαὴλ
+τοῦ Παλαιολόγου κατασκευασθέντος, αὐτὸς κεῖται ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς Πύλης
+Κοντοσκαλίου (Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ) καὶ τῆς τοῦ Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας, καὶ
+ὑπῆρχε, διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον, ἔνδον τῶν παραλίων τειχῶν κατεσκευασμενος.
+... Ἀλλ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ μέρους, ἐν ᾦ ὁ τοῦ Παλαιολόγου ἔκειτο, κατοικουμενου
+ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν, κατὰ τὸ 1819 ἔτος πυρπολυθέντος, ἀνεφάνη τὸ τοῦ λιμένος
+τούτου κυκλικὸν περίφραγμα, κατὰ τὸν Παχυμέρην, γεγυρωμένον ἐκ τριῶν
+ἀλλεπαλλήλως τεθειμένων μεγάλων πετρῶν, εἰργασμένων ὡς πλακῶν, ἐχουσῶν
+μῆκος μὲν τριῶν πήχεων, εὖρος δὲ δύω, καὶ βάθος ἡμίσειαν, τῶν μὲν δύω
+κάτωθεν ἀλλεπαλλήλων πλακῶν ἐκ πετρῶν τοῦ Βοσπόρου, λευκομελανοχρόων,
+τῆς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τρίτης σειρᾶς καὶ ἀνωτέρας, ἐκ μαρμάρων ἰσομέτρων Προκονησίων.
+He then refers to the order received from the Government to investigate
+the discovery, and mentions the persons who accompanied him on that errand; after
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>which he continues thus: Διήλθομεν δὲ τὸ Κάτεργα-λιμὰν, τὰς ἐνορίας Ἁγίας
+Κυριακῆς καὶ Ἐλπίδος, παρήλθομεν τὸ Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ, καὶ προεχωρήσαμεν
+ἔχοντες ἀριστερόθεν τὰ παράλια τείχη ἔνδοθεν, ἐγγὺς τῆς Πύλης Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ
+τῆς Βλάγκας, ὅπου εἴδομεν τὸ ἐκ πετρῶν καὶ μαρμάρων κυκλοτερὲς περίφραγμα,
+ἐκτεινόμενον ὑποκάτω ἑνὸς τεφρωθέντος Τζαμίου, ἑνὸς μεγάλου Ὀθωμανικοῦ
+οἴκου καὶ περαιτέρω. Καὶ παραυτίκα ἐγνώκαμεν ὅτι τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἐστι, κατὰ
+τὸν Παχυμέρην, τὸ πρὸς τὴν Βλάγκαν νεῦον τοῦ Κοντασκαλίου Νεώριον.
+Ὅλος ὁ τόπος ὁ περιέχων ποτὲ τὸ Νεώριον αὐτὸ, μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐπληρώθη,
+ἐχερσώθη καὶ ὑψώθη τὸ ἔδαφος, κατοικούμενος ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν· αἱ δὲ ἀραρυῖαι
+ἐκ σιδήρου πύλαι, δι᾽ ὦν εἰσέπλεεν ὁ στόλος ἐλλιμενιζόμενος, ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>
+  <h2 id='chap19' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIX. <br /> THE HEBDOMON.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>The Hebdomon (τὸ Ἕβδομον, “Septimum”) was a suburb of
+Constantinople, situated on the Egnatian Road, at the distance of
+seven miles from the centre of the city. It obtained its name, as
+so many villages and towns on the great Roman highways did,<a id='r1184' /><a href='#f1184' class='c009'><sup>[1184]</sup></a>
+from the number of the milestone beside which it stood (ἐν τῷ
+Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ), and holds a noteworthy place in history on
+account of its military associations and its connection with the
+Court of Constantinople. Considerable interest attaches to it
+also on account of the discussions which the question of its site
+has occasioned.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There can be no doubt that the Hebdomon is represented
+by the modern village of Makrikeui, situated on the shore of the
+Sea of Marmora, three miles to the west of the Golden Gate.
+But the opinion which has been generally accepted, and has had
+the greatest names in its favour, is that the suburb stood at the
+northern extremity of the Theodosian Walls, where the Palace
+of the Porphyrogenitus and the quarter of Blachernæ were
+found.</p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp316'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp316-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp316.jpg' alt='Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Now, of all the mistakes committed by students of the
+topography of Byzantine Constantinople, none is so preposterous
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>or inexcusable as this identification. It is a mistake made when
+to err seems impossible, for it is in direct opposition to the
+plainest and most convincing evidence that the famous suburb
+was situated elsewhere. A blind man, Valesius exclaims in his
+indignation at such a baseless opinion, might see the truth in
+the matter.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The blunder started with Gyllius, and was afterwards supported
+with all the immense learning of Du Cange. It was soon
+denounced by Valesius,<a id='r1185' /><a href='#f1185' class='c009'><sup>[1185]</sup></a> and shown to be utterly inconsistent
+with the most obvious facts in the case; but the reputation of
+the great authorities upon its side gave it a vitality which made
+it the commonly received opinion until the most recent times.
+Unger, however, contested the error, once more, in his important
+work entitled <i>Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte</i>,<a id='r1186' /><a href='#f1186' class='c009'><sup>[1186]</sup></a> published
+in 1878, and maintained the correct view, but without
+discussing the question at length. Schlumberger, also, in his
+monograph on the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, has seen the
+facts in their true light.<a id='r1187' /><a href='#f1187' class='c009'><sup>[1187]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Under these circumstances one is strongly tempted to let
+the fallacies with which Gyllius and Du Cange maintained
+their views pass into oblivion, and to be satisfied with
+proving the truth on the subject. But the great authority and
+eminent services of these students of the topography of the
+city, and the tenacity with which the error they countenanced
+has held the field demand some account of the arguments which
+have been employed in support of an untenable position.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Gyllius<a id='r1188' /><a href='#f1188' class='c009'><sup>[1188]</sup></a> entered upon the discussion of the subject with the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>fixed idea that no locality entitled to be regarded as a suburb
+could be seven miles distant from the city to which it belonged.
+With this conviction rooted in his mind, he found himself called
+to interpret the passage in which Sozomon relates how Theodosius
+the Great, upon leaving Constantinople for Italy to suppress
+the rebel Eugenius, stopped at the seventh mile from the city to
+invoke the Divine blessing upon the expedition, in the Church
+of St. John the Baptist which the emperor had erected at that
+point of the road.<a id='r1189' /><a href='#f1189' class='c009'><sup>[1189]</sup></a> Gyllius knew his Greek too well not to
+recognize the obvious meaning of this statement. He acknowledges
+that the passage may be understood to intimate that
+the church above mentioned stood at the seventh milestone
+from Constantinople. But while allowing that this is a possible
+meaning of the historian’s words, he contends that it cannot
+be his actual meaning, because the Hebdomon, being a suburb,
+could not be so distant from the city as seven miles. Hence
+Gyllius separates the numeral adjective “seventh” from the noun
+“mile,” and treating the former as a proper name, construes
+the passage to signify that the Church of St. John the Baptist,
+in the suburb of the Hebdomon, was one mile from the
+capital. The proposed construction is so original that it must
+be given in its author’s own words: “Theodosius egressus unum
+milliare extra Constantinopolim, in æde Divi Joannis Baptistæ,
+quam ipse construxerat in Hebdomo suburbio, a Deo
+precatus est.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Under the guidance of this strange interpretation of
+Sozomon’s statement, the indefatigable explorer of the ancient
+sites of Constantinople set himself to discover the precise
+locality which the Hebdomon had occupied. As the suburb
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>was in existence before the erection of the Theodosian Walls,
+the specified distance of one mile had to be measured from
+the original limits of the city, viz. from the Wall of Constantine.
+This, Gyllius thought, would put the suburb somewhere
+in the neighbourhood of the Walls of Theodosius. Searching
+next for more definite indications, he found the ruins of a
+splendid church dedicated to St. John the Baptist on the Sixth
+Hill, at Bogdan Serai near Kesmè Kaya. But a church of
+St. John the Baptist, as already intimated, adorned the Hebdomon,
+and so Gyllius leaped to the conclusion that the Hebdomon
+was the district on the Sixth Hill: “Suburbium Hebdomon
+appellatum in sexto colle fuisse, qui nunc est intra urbem,
+ostendit ædes Divi Joannis Baptistæ, quam etiam nunc Græci
+vulgo vocant Prodromi.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Having adopted this conclusion, it only remained for Gyllius
+to explain how a suburb only one mile from the city could have
+been styled the Hebdomon. His explanation is that the extramural
+territory along the Wall of Constantine had been occupied,
+before its enclosure within the Theodosian lines, by a series of
+suburbs distinguished from one another by numerals, and that
+the Hebdomon was so named because it was the seventh suburb
+in the series. This explanation he supports by pointing to the
+undoubted fact that one portion of that territory is frequently
+named the Deuteron<a id='r1190' /><a href='#f1190' class='c009'><sup>[1190]</sup></a> by Byzantine writers. And he might have
+added that other portions of the territory were, respectively,
+styled the Triton<a id='r1191' /><a href='#f1191' class='c009'><sup>[1191]</sup></a> and the Pempton.<a id='r1192' /><a href='#f1192' class='c009'><sup>[1192]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Du Cange<a id='r1193' /><a href='#f1193' class='c009'><sup>[1193]</sup></a> was unable to accept Gyllius’s interpretation of
+the phrase, Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ. He insists upon its correct and only
+signification; and admits that the suburb derived its name from
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>its situation near the seventh milestone from the capital. Nevertheless
+he is, impossible though it may seem, in substantial
+agreement with Gyllius.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The fundamental thesis of Du Cange on the subject is that
+the term “Hebdomon” had two meanings. Strictly speaking,
+he grants, it meant the seventh mile; but it was also employed,
+he maintains, as the designation of the whole district extending
+between the Wall of Constantine and the seventh milestone.
+Hence, after the erection of the Theodosian Walls, a considerable
+portion of the suburb was included within the new city
+limits, so that the Hebdomon could very well be where Gyllius
+supposed it stood.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Only, while supporting Gyllius on this point, Du Cange
+considers that the identification of the Church of St. John
+at Kesmè Kaya with the Church of St. John the Baptist at
+the Hebdomon is a mistake. For the latter is described
+by Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id='r1194' /><a href='#f1194' class='c009'><sup>[1194]</sup></a> as without the city walls in
+the tenth century, and therefore never stood, like the Church
+of St. John at Kesmè Kaya, within the Theodosian lines. At
+the same time, Du Cange does not concede that the church of
+that dedication in the Hebdomon was near the seventh milestone.
+In harmony with his view regarding the extent of the
+area to which the term “Hebdomon” was applied, he holds that
+the church, though outside the Walls of Theodosius, was close to
+them. Du Cange differs from Gyllius also in laying great stress
+upon Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon,
+identifying that palace with the Palace of the Magnaura, one of
+the noted buildings of the suburb.<a id='r1195' /><a href='#f1195' class='c009'><sup>[1195]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>What induced Du Cange to maintain the application of
+the term “Hebdomon” to the whole territory extending from
+the seventh mile eastwards to the walls of the city was the
+opinion, that only thus could certain statements regarding the
+suburb become intelligible or credible. The statement, for
+instance, that the plain at the Hebdomon was “adjacent”
+(ἀνακείμενον)<a id='r1196' /><a href='#f1196' class='c009'><sup>[1196]</sup></a> to the city implies, he thinks, that the plain of
+the Hebdomon was contiguous to the city; “quæ (vox) campus
+urbi adjacuisse situ prodit.” So does, he contends, the statement
+that the Avars, upon approaching to lay siege to the city,
+encamped “at what of the city is named the Hebdomon.”<a id='r1197' /><a href='#f1197' class='c009'><sup>[1197]</sup></a>
+For how could an enemy besiege a city without coming close up
+to its walls? The consideration, however, which above everything
+else led Du Cange to attach a wider meaning to the term
+“Hebdomon” than the seventh mile, was the difficulty of believing
+that the great religious processions which, on the occasion of a
+severe earthquake, went on foot from the city to the Campus
+of the Hebdomon to implore Divine Mercy, walked the whole
+distance of seven miles on that pious errand.<a id='r1198' /><a href='#f1198' class='c009'><sup>[1198]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Such a performance seemed to Du Cange, especially when the
+emperor and the patriarch took part in the procession, incredible;
+and since he could not imagine the people going to the Hebdomon,
+in the strict sense of the word, he made the Hebdomon
+come to the people, by extending the signification of the term.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But Du Cange forgets that the processions to which he refers
+were recognized to be extraordinary performances, even in the
+age in which they were undertaken; that they were acts of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>profoundest humiliation in view of a most awful danger; that
+they were deeds of penance, whereby men hoped to move the
+Almighty to spare His people. The distance of seven miles
+is not too great for men to walk in order to escape a terrible
+death.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>At the same time, it is quite possible that the Campus of the
+Hebdomon extended some distance towards the city. The
+plain was not a mathematical point, and a portion of it may
+have been nearer the city than the seventh milestone itself was.
+That must be decided by the nature of the ground, not by
+subjective considerations. But to make the plain reach to the
+city walls for the reason assigned is preposterous.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>This brief account of the arguments with which Gyllius
+and Du Cange upheld their views must suffice. For all the
+evidence at our command goes to prove that the suburb
+occupied the site of the modern village of Makrikeui.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In support of this proposition there are, first, express
+statements to the effect that the Hebdomon, taken as a whole,
+was seven miles distant from the city. That is how Theophylactus
+Simocatta,<a id='r1199' /><a href='#f1199' class='c009'><sup>[1199]</sup></a> for instance, indicates the situation of the
+suburb: “It was a place seven miles from the city”—ἐν τῷ
+λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ (τόπος δὲ οὗτος τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπὸ σημείων ἑπτὰ).
+That is how Idatius, also, describes the suburb’s position,
+when speaking of the inauguration of Valens and of Arcadius
+there: “Levatus est Constantinopoli in Milliario VII.”<a id='r1200' /><a href='#f1200' class='c009'><sup>[1200]</sup></a> And
+it is in the same terms that Marcellinus Comes refers to the
+suburb, when he records the fact that Honorius was created
+Cæsar in it: “Id est, septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” To
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>understand such expressions as denoting the whole territory
+between the walls of the city and the seventh milestone is out
+of the question. As employed by these writers, the term
+“Hebdomon” or “Septimum” means a definite place, reached
+only when a person stood seven miles from the point whence
+distances from Constantinople were measured.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the second place, not only is the Hebdomon, as a whole,
+described as being seven miles from the city, but the particular
+objects found there are similarly identified. The Church of
+St. John the Baptist in that suburb, Sozomon,<a id='r1201' /><a href='#f1201' class='c009'><sup>[1201]</sup></a> Socrates,<a id='r1202' /><a href='#f1202' class='c009'><sup>[1202]</sup></a> and
+John of Antioch<a id='r1203' /><a href='#f1203' class='c009'><sup>[1203]</sup></a> state in express words, was seven miles from
+the city. The Church of St. John the Evangelist, which
+stood in the suburb, is declared by Socrates<a id='r1204' /><a href='#f1204' class='c009'><sup>[1204]</sup></a> to have been
+at the same distance. Thus, also, the Campus of the Hebdomon
+is described by Cedrenus as “the plain in front of
+the city, seven miles distant.”<a id='r1205' /><a href='#f1205' class='c009'><sup>[1205]</sup></a> The Imperial Tribune in that
+Campus was, according to Idatius and Marcellinus Comes,
+at the seventh mile: “In milliario septimo, in Tribunali;”
+“Septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” So, likewise, the palace
+which Justinian the Great built at the Hebdomon<a id='r1206' /><a href='#f1206' class='c009'><sup>[1206]</sup></a> is described,
+in the subscription to several of his laws, as at the seventh
+mile: “Recitata septimo milliario hujus inclytæ civitatis, in
+Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani.”<a id='r1207' /><a href='#f1207' class='c009'><sup>[1207]</sup></a> In all these passages the
+Hebdomon is defined with a precision that renders any vague
+and loose application of the term impossible, if language has
+any meaning. So much for the distance of the Hebdomon from
+the city.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>That the Hebdomon was situated on the shore of the Sea of
+Marmora is placed beyond dispute by the fact that ships
+approaching Constantinople from the south reached the Hebdomon
+before arriving at the city. When, for example, Epiphanius
+came by ship from Cyprus to Constantinople, in 402, to
+attend a synod called to condemn the heresies of Origen, he
+landed at the Hebdomon, and celebrated divine service there in
+the Church of St. John the Baptist, before entering the capital.<a id='r1208' /><a href='#f1208' class='c009'><sup>[1208]</sup></a>
+This order in the stages of the bishop’s journey implies that the
+suburb stood on the shore of the Sea of Marmora. Again, when
+the fleet of Heraclius came up from Carthage to overthrow Phocas,
+in 610, the latter proceeded to the Hebdomon to view the ships
+of the hostile expedition as they stood off the suburb, and there
+he remained until they advanced towards the city, when he
+mounted horse and hurried back to fight for his throne.<a id='r1209' /><a href='#f1209' class='c009'><sup>[1209]</sup></a> Such
+proceedings were possible only if the suburb stood beside the Sea
+of Marmora. Yet again; the Saracen fleets which came against
+Constantinople, in 673 and 717, put into the harbour of the
+Hebdomon on their way to the city. On the first occasion the
+enemy’s vessels anchored, says Theophanes,<a id='r1210' /><a href='#f1210' class='c009'><sup>[1210]</sup></a> “off Thrace, from
+the promontory of the Hebdomon, otherwise named Magnaura,
+to the promontory of the Cyclobion.” The ships of the second
+Saracen expedition, likewise, “anchored between the Magnaura
+and the Cyclobion.” There they waited for two days, and then,
+taking advantage of a south wind, “they sailed alongside the
+city,” some of them making the ports of Anthemius and Eutropius
+(at Kadikeui), others of them reaching the Bosporus, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>dropping anchor between Galata and Klidion (Ortakeui).<a id='r1211' /><a href='#f1211' class='c009'><sup>[1211]</sup></a>
+Manifestly, the Hebdomon lay to the west of the city, upon the
+Sea of Marmora.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Let one more proof of this fact suffice. When Pope Constantine
+visited Constantinople in 708, for the settlement of certain
+disputes between Eastern and Western Christendom, he came all
+the way by sea until he reached the Hebdomon. There the
+Pontiff and his retinue disembarked, and having been welcomed
+with distinguished honour, mounted horses which had been
+sent from the Imperial stables, and rode into the city in great
+state: “A quo loco (the island Cæa) navigantes venerunt a
+Septimo Milliario Constantinopolim, ubi egressus Tiberius
+Imperator, filius Justiniani Augusti (Justinian II.) cum Patriciis,
+cum clero, et populi multitudine, omnes lætantes, et diem festum
+agentes. Pontifex autem et ejus primates, cum sellaribus imperialibus,
+sellis et frenis inauratis, simul et mappulis, ingressi
+sunt civitatem.”<a id='r1212' /><a href='#f1212' class='c009'><sup>[1212]</sup></a> On the view that the Hebdomon was situated
+beside the Sea of Marmora, all this is clear.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The data for determining the situation of the Hebdomon
+therefore are: that the suburb was seven miles from the city;
+that it stood beside the Sea of Marmora; that it had a harbour,
+on the one hand, and a plain of considerable extent, on the
+other.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>There is little room for difference of opinion in regard to the
+point from which the seven miles are to be measured. That point
+could not have been in the Theodosian Walls, as the Hebdomon
+is mentioned before they were in existence. For a similar
+reason, it could not have been in the Wall of Constantine, seeing
+the Egnatian Road which led from Byzantium to Rome was
+marked with the seventh milestone before the foundation of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>Constantinople. It must, therefore, have been the point whence
+distances from old Byzantium were measured under the Roman
+domination. This being so, the choice lies between the Milion
+near St. Sophia, and the gate of Byzantium near the Column
+of Constantine. In favour of the former is the fact that it was
+the point from which distances from Constantinople were afterwards
+measured; for in all probability that usage was the
+continuation of the practice of the older city, any change in
+that respect being not only unnecessary, but exceedingly inconvenient.
+Still, the result will be substantially the same if the
+gate of Byzantium is preferred, since the Milion and that gate
+were at a short distance from each other. Seven miles from
+either point, westwards, to the Sea of Marmora will bring us
+to the modern suburb of Makrikeui.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Between the promontory on which that village stands and the
+promontory of Zeitin Bournou, to the east, is a bay which could
+serve as a harbour; while to the north and north-east spreads a
+magnificent plain. Makrikeui, therefore, satisfies all the indications
+regarding the site of the Hebdomon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>As a corollary from this determination of the real site of the
+Hebdomon there follows the determination of the real site of the
+Cyclobion; and thus the correction of another of the mistakes into
+which students of the topography of Byzantine Constantinople
+have fallen. The prevalent opinion on the subject, since Du
+Cange<a id='r1213' /><a href='#f1213' class='c009'><sup>[1213]</sup></a> propounded the opinion, has been that the Cyclobion
+was a fortress attached to the Golden Gate. But this could not
+have been the case, for the Cyclobion was at the Hebdomon.
+It was a fortification on the eastern headland of the bay which
+formed the Harbour of the Hebdomon,<a id='r1214' /><a href='#f1214' class='c009'><sup>[1214]</sup></a> and, therefore, stood some
+two miles and a half from the Golden Gate. This explains how
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>Theophanes<a id='r1215' /><a href='#f1215' class='c009'><sup>[1215]</sup></a> describes the engagements between the Greeks and
+the Saracens, who landed at the Hebdomon in 673, as taking
+place between the Golden Gate and the Cyclobion. The fortress
+was so closely connected with the suburb that the latter is sometimes
+referred to under the name of the former. The Church of
+St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon, for example, is declared
+by one authority<a id='r1216' /><a href='#f1216' class='c009'><sup>[1216]</sup></a> to have stood in the Cyclobion: “Ad Castrum
+autem Rotundum, in quo est Ecclesia, miræ magnitudinis, Sancti
+Evangelistæ Johannis nomini dicata.” Again, whereas John of
+Antioch<a id='r1217' /><a href='#f1217' class='c009'><sup>[1217]</sup></a> represents the fleet of Heraclius as standing off the
+Hebdomon, the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>,<a id='r1218' /><a href='#f1218' class='c009'><sup>[1218]</sup></a> on the other hand, says the
+fleet was seen off the Round Tower. In all probability, the
+Cyclobion stood at Zeitin Bournou, on the tongue of land
+to the east of Makrikeui. It derived its name, Κυκλόβιον,
+Στρογγύλον Καστέλλιον (Castrum Rotundum), from its circular
+form,<a id='r1219' /><a href='#f1219' class='c009'><sup>[1219]</sup></a> and was a link in the chain of coast fortifications defending
+the approach to the city. It was repaired by Justinian
+the Great, who connected it by a good road with Rhegium<a id='r1220' /><a href='#f1220' class='c009'><sup>[1220]</sup></a>
+(Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), another military post, and drew upon
+its garrison for troops to suppress the riot of the Nika.<a id='r1221' /><a href='#f1221' class='c009'><sup>[1221]</sup></a> There
+Constantine Copronymus died on board the ship on which he
+had hoped to reach the capital from Selivria, when forced by
+his mortal illness to return from an expedition against the
+Bulgarians.<a id='r1222' /><a href='#f1222' class='c009'><sup>[1222]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Whether the Cyclobion was the same as the “Castle of the
+Theodosiani at the Hebdomon,” mentioned by Theophanes,<a id='r1223' /><a href='#f1223' class='c009'><sup>[1223]</sup></a> is
+not certain. On the whole, the fact that the two names are employed
+by the same historian favours the view that they designated
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>different fortifications. The Theodosiani were a body of troops
+named in honour of Theodosius the Great.<a id='r1224' /><a href='#f1224' class='c009'><sup>[1224]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>What gave the Hebdomon its importance and explains its
+history was, primarily, its favourable situation for the establishment
+of a large military camp in the neighbourhood of the capital.
+An extensive plain, with abundance of water, and at a convenient
+distance from the city, furnished a magnificent camping-ground
+for the legions of New Rome. This, in view of the
+military associations of the throne, especially during the earlier
+period of the Empire, brought the emperors frequently to the
+suburb to attend great functions of State, and thus converted it
+also into an Imperial quarter, embellished with the palaces,
+churches, and monuments which spring up around a Court. To
+these political reasons for the prosperity of the suburb were
+added the natural attractions of the place—its pleasant climate,
+its wide prospect over the Sea of Marmora, and the excellent
+sport obtained in the surrounding country.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was on the plain of the Hebdomon that Theodosius
+the Great joined the army which he led against the usurper
+Eugenius in Italy.<a id='r1225' /><a href='#f1225' class='c009'><sup>[1225]</sup></a> There, the Gothic troops which Arcadius
+recalled from the war with Alaric took up their quarters under
+the command of Gainas, and there that emperor, accompanied
+by his minister Rufinus, held the memorable review of those
+troops, in the course of which Rufinus was assassinated in
+the Imperial tribune.<a id='r1226' /><a href='#f1226' class='c009'><sup>[1226]</sup></a> It was at the Hebdomon that Gainas
+gathered the soldiers with which he planned to seize the capital.<a id='r1227' /><a href='#f1227' class='c009'><sup>[1227]</sup></a>
+There Vitalianus encamped with more than sixty thousand men
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>to besiege Constantinople in the reign of Anastasius I.<a id='r1228' /><a href='#f1228' class='c009'><sup>[1228]</sup></a> Thither
+Phocas<a id='r1229' /><a href='#f1229' class='c009'><sup>[1229]</sup></a> and Leo the Armenian<a id='r1230' /><a href='#f1230' class='c009'><sup>[1230]</sup></a> brought the armies that enabled
+them to win the crown. And there Avars, Saracens, Bulgarians,
+and, doubtless, other foes halted to gaze upon the walls and
+towers they hoped to scale, or from which they retired baffled
+and broken.<a id='r1231' /><a href='#f1231' class='c009'><sup>[1231]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The plain at the Hebdomon was used, also, for military
+exercises and athletic sports, and consequently appears under
+the name of the Campus Martius,<a id='r1232' /><a href='#f1232' class='c009'><sup>[1232]</sup></a> as though to give it the
+prestige of the ground devoted to similar purposes on the banks
+of the Tiber. There recruits were drilled and trained in the use
+of arms,<a id='r1233' /><a href='#f1233' class='c009'><sup>[1233]</sup></a> and there the popular game of polo was played.<a id='r1234' /><a href='#f1234' class='c009'><sup>[1234]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Thither, also, on account of the wide and free space afforded
+by the plain the population of the city fled, on the occasion of a
+violent earthquake, to find a temporary abode, or to take part in
+public supplications for the withdrawal of the calamity.<a id='r1235' /><a href='#f1235' class='c009'><sup>[1235]</sup></a> Such
+services were attended by the emperor and the patriarch, and it
+was on such an occasion that the Emperor Maurice, a particularly
+devout man, and the Patriarch Anatolius, proceeded from the
+city to the Campus, on foot.<a id='r1236' /><a href='#f1236' class='c009'><sup>[1236]</sup></a> It was customary, moreover, to
+hold religious services at the Campus on the anniversary of a
+great earthquake, to avert the recurrence of the disaster, or to
+celebrate the fact that it had not been attended with loss of life.<a id='r1237' /><a href='#f1237' class='c009'><sup>[1237]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>There, also, public executions took place,<a id='r1238' /><a href='#f1238' class='c009'><sup>[1238]</sup></a> or the heads of
+persons executed elsewhere were set up for public gaze, as in the
+case of the Emperor Maurice and his five sons.<a id='r1239' /><a href='#f1239' class='c009'><sup>[1239]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the chief interest of the Hebdomon belongs to it on
+account of the many associations of the suburb with the life of
+the Byzantine Court. There, in the early days of the Eastern
+Empire, while old Roman customs prevailed and the army continued
+to be a great political factor, an emperor often assumed the
+purple, in the presence of his legions and a vast concourse of the
+citizens of the capital. At the suburb, also, triumphal processions
+sometimes commenced their march to the Golden Gate and the
+city. And there the emperors had a palace to which they resorted
+for country air, or to escape the turbulence of the Factions,
+or to take part in the State ceremonies performed on the
+adjoining Campus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The earliest reference to the Hebdomon, though not by name,
+is in connection with the inauguration of Valens there, in 364, as
+the colleague of his brother, the Emperor Valentinian: “Valentem,
+in suburbanum, universorum sententiis concinentibus (nec enim
+audebat quisquam refragari) Augustum pronuntiavit; decoreque
+imperatorii cultus ornatum et tempore diademate redimitum in
+eodem vehiculo secum reduxit.”<a id='r1240' /><a href='#f1240' class='c009'><sup>[1240]</sup></a> In commemoration of the event
+Valens erected a tribune, adorned with many statues, for the
+accommodation of the emperors when taking part in State
+functions on the Campus of the suburb.<a id='r1241' /><a href='#f1241' class='c009'><sup>[1241]</sup></a> It was known as the
+Tribune of the Hebdomon (ἐν τῷ Τριβουναλίῳ Ἑβδόμου).<a id='r1242' /><a href='#f1242' class='c009'><sup>[1242]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp330'  class='figcenter id004'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp330-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp330.jpg' alt='Triumphus Theodosii.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Triumphus Theodosii.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>Valens also provided the Harbour of the Hebdomon with a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>quay, and showed his partiality for the suburb otherwise to such an
+extent that Themistius ventured to expostulate with him, and to
+charge him with forgetting to improve and beautify the capital.<a id='r1243' /><a href='#f1243' class='c009'><sup>[1243]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>After Valens, the following ten emperors were invested with
+the purple at the Hebdomon: Arcadius,<a id='r1244' /><a href='#f1244' class='c009'><sup>[1244]</sup></a> by his father Theodosius
+the Great, who also raised Honorius to the rank of Cæsar
+there;<a id='r1245' /><a href='#f1245' class='c009'><sup>[1245]</sup></a> Theodosius II.;<a id='r1246' /><a href='#f1246' class='c009'><sup>[1246]</sup></a> Marcian;<a id='r1247' /><a href='#f1247' class='c009'><sup>[1247]</sup></a> Leo the Great;<a id='r1248' /><a href='#f1248' class='c009'><sup>[1248]</sup></a> Zeno;<a id='r1249' /><a href='#f1249' class='c009'><sup>[1249]</sup></a>
+Basiliscus;<a id='r1250' /><a href='#f1250' class='c009'><sup>[1250]</sup></a> Maurice;<a id='r1251' /><a href='#f1251' class='c009'><sup>[1251]</sup></a> Phocas;<a id='r1252' /><a href='#f1252' class='c009'><sup>[1252]</sup></a> Leo the Armenian;<a id='r1253' /><a href='#f1253' class='c009'><sup>[1253]</sup></a> and
+Nicephorus Phocas.<a id='r1254' /><a href='#f1254' class='c009'><sup>[1254]</sup></a> Doubtless the fatigue involved in celebrating
+the ceremony so far from the heart of the city had much
+to do with transferring the scene of Imperial inaugurations to the
+Hippodrome.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The custom of installing an emperor thus into his office was
+the continuation of an old Roman practice which testified to the
+power acquired by the army in deciding the succession to the
+throne. We have two accounts of the ceremonies observed on
+such an occasion at the Hebdomon, given at great length and
+with minute details by that devoted student and admirer of
+Byzantine Court etiquette, Constantine Porphyrogenitus.<a id='r1255' /><a href='#f1255' class='c009'><sup>[1255]</sup></a> They
+are interesting, both as an exhibition of public life during the
+Later Empire, and as an illustration of the extent to which old
+Roman forms, and even the old Roman spirit, survived the
+profound changes which the Empire underwent after the capital
+was removed to the banks of the Bosporus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>When all interested in the event of the day had assembled,
+the troops present laid their standards prostrate upon the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>ground, to express the desolation of the State bereft of a
+ruler. Meanwhile, from every point of the Campus rose the
+sound of prayer, as the immense multitudes gathered there
+joined in supplications that God would approve the man
+who had been chosen as the new chief of the Empire. “Hear
+us, O God; we beseech Thee to hear us, O God. Grant Leo
+life; let him reign. O God, Lover of mankind, the public
+weal demands Leo; the army demands him; the laws wait for
+him; the palace awaits him. So prays the army, the Senate,
+the people. The world expects Leo; the army waits for
+him. Let Leo, our common glory, come; let Leo, our common
+good, reign. Hear us, O God, we beseech Thee.” At length the
+emperor-elect appeared, and ascended the Imperial tribune. A
+coronet was placed upon his head by one high military officer,
+an armlet upon his right arm by another. And instantly the
+prostrate standards were lifted high, and the air shook with
+acclamations: “Leo, Augustus, thou hast conquered; thou art
+Pius, August. God gave thee, God will guard thee. Ever
+conquer, worshipper of Christ. Long be thy reign. God will
+defend the Christian Empire.”<a id='r1256' /><a href='#f1256' class='c009'><sup>[1256]</sup></a> This was the first act in the
+dramatic spectacle. Next came the solemn investiture of the
+emperor with the Imperial insignia. This took place behind a
+shield held before him by soldiers of the household-troops
+known as the Candidati, and when he had been duly robed,
+crowned, and armed with shield and spear, the screen was
+removed, and the new sovereign stood before the gaze of his
+subjects in all his majesty.<a id='r1257' /><a href='#f1257' class='c009'><sup>[1257]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>The dignitaries of the State now approached, in the order of
+their rank, and did homage to the monarch, while the crowds
+around made the air ring again with every acclamation that
+loyalty or adulation could invent. As soon as this scene terminated,
+the emperor addressed a brief allocation to the soldiers,
+through a herald; claiming to reign by the will of God and their
+suffrage, promising devotion to the welfare of the Empire, and a
+generous donative to each of his faithful companion-in-arms,
+announcements which were greeted with storms of applause.
+Then the sum of money required for the promised largess was
+handed over by the emperor to the officers charged with its
+distribution.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Upon the conclusion of this important part of the day’s
+proceedings, the ceremonies assumed a religious character. The
+emperor now repaired, on foot, to a camp-chapel, a tent of
+many colours, at a short distance from the Imperial tribune,
+and, leaving his crown without, entered to bow before the King
+of kings. It was a simple service conducted by ordinary
+priests, as the patriarch and higher clergy had left the Campus
+for St. Sophia. Upon issuing from the chapel, the emperor
+resumed his crown, and proceeded on a white charger, followed by
+a brilliant escort of dignitaries also on horseback, to the Church
+of St. John the Baptist, the principal sanctuary of the Hebdomon.
+This second service may be described as the Consecration of
+the Crown. For in this case, the crown, upon being again
+removed from the emperor’s head, was not left in the vestry,
+but was carried by a court official up to the altar, and then
+placed by the emperor himself on the sacred table. There it
+remained until the service closed, when the emperor handed
+it to the court official, and, having presented a rich gift to the
+church, returned to the vestry and assumed his diadem once
+more. This brought the coronation ceremonies, so far as they
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>concerned the Hebdomon, to an end. The stream of life now
+poured into the city, the Imperial <i>cortége</i> gathering more
+and more pomp as it passed the Golden Gate, the Helenianæ,<a id='r1258' /><a href='#f1258' class='c009'><sup>[1258]</sup></a>
+the Forum of Constantine, and entered St. Sophia for the
+supreme coronation of the emperor by the patriarch in the Great
+Cathedral of the capital.<a id='r1259' /><a href='#f1259' class='c009'><sup>[1259]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Only one triumphal procession, that of Basil I.,<a id='r1260' /><a href='#f1260' class='c009'><sup>[1260]</sup></a> is expressly
+described as starting from the Hebdomon, but the suburb was in
+all probability<a id='r1261' /><a href='#f1261' class='c009'><sup>[1261]</sup></a> the starting-point also of the processions which
+celebrated the victories of Theodosius the Great, Heraclius, Constantine
+Copronymus, Zimisces, and Basil II., if not of Michael
+Palæologus.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the occasion of the triumph accorded to Basil I., the
+Senate and a vast crowd, representing all classes of the population,
+and carrying wreaths of roses and other flowers, went forth
+from the city to the Hebdomon to welcome the conqueror, who
+had crossed to the suburb from the palace at Hiereia (Fener
+Bagtchè). After the customary salutations had been exchanged,
+the emperor proceeded to the Church of St. John the Baptist
+to pray and light tapers at that venerated shrine. Then having
+put on his “scaramangion triblation,” he and his son Constantine
+mounted horse and took the road towards the Golden
+Gate, the Senate and people leading the way, with banners
+waving in the air. A short halt was made at the monastery of
+the Abramiti (τῶν Ἀβραμιτῶν), which stood between the suburb
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>and the gate, that Basil might offer his devotions in the Church
+of the Theotokos Acheiropoietos (Ἀχειροποίητος), and then the
+procession resumed its march, and entered through the Golden
+Gate into the jubilant capital.<a id='r1262' /><a href='#f1262' class='c009'><sup>[1262]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div id='fig_fp334'  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/fig_fp334-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp334.jpg' alt='Trivmphvs Heraclii.' class='ig001' /></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Trivmphvs Heraclii.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first writer who mentions the Hebdomon by name refers
+to it as an Imperial country retreat which the emperors gladly
+frequented. From the connection in which Rufinus<a id='r1263' /><a href='#f1263' class='c009'><sup>[1263]</sup></a> makes this
+statement, it is evident that a palace stood at the Hebdomon
+before the reign of Theodosius the Great. That residence was
+either rebuilt or enlarged in the reign of Justinian the Great,
+when mention is made of “the New Consistorium of the Palace
+of Justinian, at the seventh mile from this renowned city.”<a id='r1264' /><a href='#f1264' class='c009'><sup>[1264]</sup></a>
+How agreeable a retreat the palace was may be inferred from the
+name bestowed upon it—the Pleasance, Jucundianæ (Ἰουκουνδιαναὶ).<a id='r1265' /><a href='#f1265' class='c009'><sup>[1265]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In front of the palace rose the statue of Justinian, on a
+porphyry column brought for the purpose from the Forum of
+Constantine, where it had borne the silver statue of Theodosius I.<a id='r1266' /><a href='#f1266' class='c009'><sup>[1266]</sup></a>
+Justinian showed his partiality for the suburb, moreover, by
+the erection of porticoes, fora, baths, churches, all built in a
+style worthy of the capital itself, and by having the Harbour of
+the Hebdomon dredged and provided with jetties for the better
+accommodation and safety of the shipping frequenting the coast.<a id='r1267' /><a href='#f1267' class='c009'><sup>[1267]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>In the seventh and eighth centuries the palace of the Hebdomon
+appears under the name of Magnaura;<a id='r1268' /><a href='#f1268' class='c009'><sup>[1268]</sup></a> but whether it
+was the old residence under a different designation, or a new
+building added to the Imperial quarters, in the style of the Hall
+of the Magnaura in the Great Palace beside the Hippodrome,<a id='r1269' /><a href='#f1269' class='c009'><sup>[1269]</sup></a> it
+is impossible to say.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was to the palace of the Hebdomon, probably, that
+Pulcheria retired from the Court of her brother Theodosius II.,
+while the influence of the Empress Eudoxia had the ascendency.<a id='r1270' /><a href='#f1270' class='c009'><sup>[1270]</sup></a>
+Basiliscus withdrew to it from the storm of theological hatred
+which his opposition to the creed of Chalcedon had excited
+in the capital, and thither the pillar-saint of Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui),
+Daniel Stylites, went to rebuke him and foretell the loss
+of the throne which had been usurped and dishonoured.<a id='r1271' /><a href='#f1271' class='c009'><sup>[1271]</sup></a> As
+already intimated, it was a favourite resort of Justinian the
+Great,<a id='r1272' /><a href='#f1272' class='c009'><sup>[1272]</sup></a> and several of his laws were promulgated during his
+residence there. On the occasion of one of his visits, the
+Imperial crown mysteriously disappeared and was not heard of
+again for eight months, when it as strangely reappeared, without
+a single gem missing.<a id='r1273' /><a href='#f1273' class='c009'><sup>[1273]</sup></a> The palace was occupied also by
+Justin II.<a id='r1274' /><a href='#f1274' class='c009'><sup>[1274]</sup></a> and Tiberius II., the latter dying in it.<a id='r1275' /><a href='#f1275' class='c009'><sup>[1275]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Hebdomon enjoyed, moreover, a great religious reputation
+on account of its numerous churches. The oldest sanctuary
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>of the suburb was the Basilica of St. John the Evangelist,<a id='r1276' /><a href='#f1276' class='c009'><sup>[1276]</sup></a>
+which appears first in the reign of Arcadius,<a id='r1277' /><a href='#f1277' class='c009'><sup>[1277]</sup></a> but claimed to be
+a foundation of Constantine the Great. It is described by the
+Legates of Hadrian II., after its restoration under Basil I.,<a id='r1278' /><a href='#f1278' class='c009'><sup>[1278]</sup></a> as
+remarkable for its size, “miræ magnitudinis,”<a id='r1279' /><a href='#f1279' class='c009'><sup>[1279]</sup></a> and continued to
+be a venerated shrine as late as the Comnenian period,<a id='r1280' /><a href='#f1280' class='c009'><sup>[1280]</sup></a> after
+which it was allowed to fall into decay. Basil II. was interred
+in it, according to his dying request,<a id='r1281' /><a href='#f1281' class='c009'><sup>[1281]</sup></a> and his grave was
+discovered among the ruins of the church in the thirteenth
+century, while Michael Palæologus was engaged in the siege
+of Galata, in 1260. Some members of the Imperial household,
+in the course of their exploration of the surrounding country,
+then visited the Hebdomon, and found the church of St. John
+the Evangelist turned into a fold for sheep and cattle. As the
+visitors wandered among the ruins, admiring the traces of the
+building’s former beauty, they stumbled upon the dead body
+of a man. It was naked, but well preserved, and in its mouth
+a vulgar jester had placed a shepherd’s lute by way of
+derision. As the corpse lay near a sarcophagus upon which
+was inscribed an epitaph in honour of Basil II., no doubt could
+be entertained regarding the identity of the body. When
+the discovery was reported to Michael Palæologus, he commanded
+the mortal remains of his predecessor to be conveyed
+in great state to the camp before Galata, to receive once
+more a tribute of respect, and then sent them with solemn
+ceremonial to Selivria,<a id='r1282' /><a href='#f1282' class='c009'><sup>[1282]</sup></a> for interment in the monastery of
+St. Saviour.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>Another of the sanctuaries at the Hebdomon was the church
+erected, in 407, by the Emperor Arcadius to enshrine the reputed
+remains of the Prophet Samuel.<a id='r1283' /><a href='#f1283' class='c009'><sup>[1283]</sup></a> Such importance was attached
+to these relics that their conveyance from Palestine to Constantinople,
+by way of Asia Minor, resembled an Imperial progress
+through the country. One might have supposed the prophet
+himself was moving through the land, so great was the interest
+and devotion displayed by the population along the route.<a id='r1284' /><a href='#f1284' class='c009'><sup>[1284]</sup></a> Nor
+were the relics less honoured upon their arrival at the capital.
+The emperor and the highest dignitaries of Church and State
+did homage to them at the Scala Chalcedonensis and carried
+them in procession to the Church of St. Sophia, where the sacred
+remains rested until the church built for them at the Hebdomon
+was completed.<a id='r1285' /><a href='#f1285' class='c009'><sup>[1285]</sup></a> The church fell in the earthquake which shook
+the city in the thirty-first year of the reign of Justinian the
+Great.<a id='r1286' /><a href='#f1286' class='c009'><sup>[1286]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>But the most venerated church in the suburb was that
+dedicated to St. John the Baptist (τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ
+Ἰωάννου),<a id='r1287' /><a href='#f1287' class='c009'><sup>[1287]</sup></a> a domical edifice, built by Theodosius the Great<a id='r1288' /><a href='#f1288' class='c009'><sup>[1288]</sup></a> for
+the reception of the head, it was supposed, of the heroic
+Forerunner of Christ. The Emperor Valens had already
+sought to obtain the relic. But its possessors, certain monks
+of the sect of Macedonius, who had taken it with them from
+Jerusalem to Cilicia, refused to surrender the treasure, and
+all that Valens succeeded in doing was to bring it as near to
+Constantinople as Panticheion (Pendik), on the opposite shore
+of the Sea of Marmora. There, the mules which drew the car
+conveying the relic refused to proceed any further, and at that
+village, accordingly, in obedience to what appeared to be an
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>indication of the Divine will, the sacred head was allowed to
+remain. When Theodosius the Great endeavoured to acquire
+the relic, its custodians, a woman Matrona and a priest Vicentius,
+did everything in their power to prevent the execution of the
+emperor’s design. But the pressure to make them yield was
+such that at last they gave their reluctant consent. In doing
+so, however, Matrona cherished the secret belief that Theodosius
+would be hindered, like Valens, from carrying out his purpose;
+while Vicentius laid down a condition which he thought could
+never be fulfilled, viz. that the emperor in removing the head
+should walk after the Baptist. Theodosius saw no difficulty in
+the condition. He reverently wrapped the reliquary in his
+Imperial mantle and, holding the sacred contents in front of him,
+took them to the Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon,
+and commenced the erection of a church consecrated
+to the Forerunner’s name as their final shrine. This won
+Vicentius over to the emperor’s side, and he followed the
+head to the Hebdomon. But Matrona, with a true woman’s
+intensity of feeling, maintained her protest, and would never
+come near the suburb which had disappointed her faith, and
+purloined her treasure.<a id='r1289' /><a href='#f1289' class='c009'><sup>[1289]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>It was the possession of this relic that gave the church its
+great religious repute. This explains why, as we have seen,
+Theodosius the Great,<a id='r1290' /><a href='#f1290' class='c009'><sup>[1290]</sup></a> Epiphanius of Cyprus,<a id='r1291' /><a href='#f1291' class='c009'><sup>[1291]</sup></a> Gainas,<a id='r1292' /><a href='#f1292' class='c009'><sup>[1292]</sup></a> at
+important moments in their lives, performed their devotions
+there; and this accounts for the association of the church
+with the ceremonies attending Imperial inaugurations and
+triumphs.<a id='r1293' /><a href='#f1293' class='c009'><sup>[1293]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the course of its history the church was twice restored on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>a magnificent scale; first by Justinian the Great,<a id='r1294' /><a href='#f1294' class='c009'><sup>[1294]</sup></a> and again
+by Basil I.<a id='r1295' /><a href='#f1295' class='c009'><sup>[1295]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Other churches of less note at the Hebdomon were respectively
+dedicated to St. Theodotè (τὸ Θεδότης ἁγίας τέμενος);<a id='r1296' /><a href='#f1296' class='c009'><sup>[1296]</sup></a>
+SS. Menas and Menaius (Μηνᾶς καὶ Μηναίος);<a id='r1297' /><a href='#f1297' class='c009'><sup>[1297]</sup></a> SS. Benjamin
+and Berius (Ἁγίων Βενιαμὶν καὶ Βηρίου);<a id='r1298' /><a href='#f1298' class='c009'><sup>[1298]</sup></a> and the Holy Innocents
+(τῶν Νηπίων).<a id='r1299' /><a href='#f1299' class='c009'><sup>[1299]</sup></a> The first two sanctuaries owed their foundation
+to Justinian the Great, who did so much for the suburb in other
+ways; at the last church, the Senate welcomed an emperor upon
+his return to the capital by land, from the West.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Finally, in days when travellers made the first and last stages
+of a journey short, the Hebdomon enjoyed considerable importance
+as a halting-place for persons leaving or approaching
+Constantinople; its proximity to the city rendering it a
+caravansary, where a traveller could conveniently make his
+final arrangements to start on his way, or to enter the capital
+in a suitable manner. The suburb served that purpose, even in
+the case of the emperors.<a id='r1300' /><a href='#f1300' class='c009'><sup>[1300]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Instances of this use of the suburb, by Theodosius the Great,
+Epiphanius, and Pope Constantine, have already been noticed,
+when referring to other matters connected with the Hebdomon.
+There also the Legates of Pope Hormisdas, in 515,<a id='r1301' /><a href='#f1301' class='c009'><sup>[1301]</sup></a>  and the
+Legates of Pope Hadrian II., in 869,<a id='r1302' /><a href='#f1302' class='c009'><sup>[1302]</sup></a> rested before entering the
+city. There the Emperor Maurice halted, upon leaving Constantinople,
+to join the expedition against the Avars;<a id='r1303' /><a href='#f1303' class='c009'><sup>[1303]</sup></a> and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>there Peter, King of Bulgaria, stopped on his return home, in
+927, with the Princess Maria, the granddaughter of the Emperor
+Romanus Lecapenus, as his bride.<a id='r1304' /><a href='#f1304' class='c009'><sup>[1304]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c008'>On the last occasion, as relatives and friends, doubtless,
+often did under similar circumstances, the parents of the princess
+accompanied her as far as the suburb to take leave of her there.
+The historian has left a vivid picture of the scene. “When
+the moment for their daughter’s departure approached, father
+and mother burst into tears, as is natural for parents about to
+part with the dearest pledge of their love. Then having embraced
+their son-in-law, and entrusted their child to his care,
+they returned to the Imperial city. Maria proceeded on her
+journey to Bulgaria in the king’s charge, with mingled feelings of
+grief and joy—sad, because carried away from beloved parents,
+Imperial palaces, and the society of her relations and friends;
+happy, because her husband was a king, and she was the Despina
+of Bulgaria. She took with her much wealth, and an immense
+quantity of baggage.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In keeping with such practices, when the Icon of St. Demetrius
+was transported from Thessalonica to Constantinople, in the
+reign of Manuel Comnenus, to be placed in the Church of the
+Pantocrator (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, above Oun Kapan
+Kapoussi), members of the Senate and a vast multitude of
+priests, monks, and laymen, went seven miles from the capital
+to receive the sacred picture and escort it with great pomp to its
+destination.<a id='r1305' /><a href='#f1305' class='c009'><sup>[1305]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>
+  <h2 id='chap20' class='c006'>CHAPTER XX. <br /> THE ANASTASIAN WALL.</h2>
+</div>
+<p class='c007'>Some notice, however brief, may here be taken of the wall
+erected by the Emperor Anastasius I. to increase the security of
+the capital, and at the same time to protect from hostile incursions
+the suburbs and a considerable tract of the rich and
+populous country, outside the Theodosian Walls. This additional
+line of defence, consisting of a wall twenty feet thick flanked by
+towers, stood at a distance of forty miles to the west of the city,
+and was carried from the shore of the Sea of Marmora to the
+shore of the Black Sea, across a territory fifty-four miles broad,
+or, as Procopius measures it, what would take two days to
+traverse.<a id='r1306' /><a href='#f1306' class='c009'><sup>[1306]</sup></a> It was known, in view of its length, as the Long Wall
+(Μακρὸν τεῖχος),<a id='r1307' /><a href='#f1307' class='c009'><sup>[1307]</sup></a> the Long Walls (τὰ Μακρὰ τείχη),<a id='r1308' /><a href='#f1308' class='c009'><sup>[1308]</sup></a> and, after
+the emperor by whom it was erected, as the Anastasian Wall (τὸ
+τεῖχος τὸ Ἀναστασιακὸν).<a id='r1309' /><a href='#f1309' class='c009'><sup>[1309]</sup></a> In 559, in the reign of Justinian the
+Great, it demanded extensive repairs on account of injuries due
+to earthquakes, and occasion was then taken to introduce a
+change which, it was hoped, would render the defence of the wall
+an easier task. All tower-gateways permitting communication
+between the towers along the summit of the wall were built up,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>so that a tower could be entered only by the gateway at its base;
+the object of this arrangement being to make every tower an
+independent fort, which could hold out against an enemy even
+after he was in possession of the wall itself.<a id='r1310' /><a href='#f1310' class='c009'><sup>[1310]</sup></a> The Anastasian
+Wall appears in history in connection with the attacks of the
+Huns and Avars, in the reigns of Justinian the Great,<a id='r1311' /><a href='#f1311' class='c009'><sup>[1311]</sup></a> Maurice,<a id='r1312' /><a href='#f1312' class='c009'><sup>[1312]</sup></a>
+and Heraclius.<a id='r1313' /><a href='#f1313' class='c009'><sup>[1313]</sup></a> But it cannot be said to have been of much
+service. The attempt to obstruct the march of the enemy, and
+to join issue with him at a distance from the city, was indeed a
+wise measure. It has been imitated by the recent establishment,
+nearer the city, of a chain of forts across the promontory, from
+Tchataldja to Derkos; a line of defence occupying a position
+which makes Constantinople, in the judgment of a competent
+military authority,<a id='r1314' /><a href='#f1314' class='c009'><sup>[1314]</sup></a> the best-fortified capital in the world. But
+the weakness of the Anastasian Wall was its great length,
+which required for its proper defence a larger garrison than the
+Empire was able to provide for the purpose.<a id='r1315' /><a href='#f1315' class='c009'><sup>[1315]</sup></a> And, of course,
+it was useless against an enemy advancing upon the capital by
+sea.<a id='r1316' /><a href='#f1316' class='c009'><sup>[1316]</sup></a> Traces of the wall are, it is said, visible at Koush Kaya
+and at Karadjakeui.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>
+  <h2 id='emperors' class='c006'>TABLE OF EMPERORS.</h2>
+</div>
+<table class='table0' summary=''>
+<colgroup>
+<col width='68%' />
+<col width='31%' />
+</colgroup>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine I., the Great</td>
+    <td class='c018'>306-337</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantius II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>337-361</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Julian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>361-363</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Jovian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>363-364</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Valens</td>
+    <td class='c018'>364-378</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodosius I., the Great</td>
+    <td class='c018'>378-395</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Arcadius</td>
+    <td class='c018'>395-408</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodosius II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>408-450</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Marcian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>450-457</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Leo I.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>457-474</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Zeno</td>
+    <td class='c018'>474-491</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Anastasius I.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>491-518</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Justin I.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>518-527</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Justinian I., the Great</td>
+    <td class='c018'>527-565</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Justin II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>565-578</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Tiberius II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>578-582</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Maurice</td>
+    <td class='c018'>582-602</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Phocas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>602-610</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Heraclius</td>
+    <td class='c018'>610-641</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Heraclius Constantinus and Heracleonas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>641-642</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constans II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>642-668</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine IV.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>668-685</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Justinian II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>685-695</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>Leontius</td>
+    <td class='c018'>695-697</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Tiberius III. Apsimarus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>697-705</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Justinian II. (restored)</td>
+    <td class='c018'>705-711</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Philippicus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>711-713</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Anastasius II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>713-715</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodosius III.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>715-717</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Leo III., the Isaurian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>717-740</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine V. Copronymus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>740-775</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Leo IV.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>775-779</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine VI.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>779-797</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Irene</td>
+    <td class='c018'>797-802</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Nicephorus I.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>802-811</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Stauricius</td>
+    <td class='c018'>811</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael I. Rhangabe</td>
+    <td class='c018'>811-813</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Leo V., the Armenian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>813-820</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael II., the Amorian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>820-829</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theophilus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>829-842</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael III.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>842-867</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Basil I., the Macedonian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>867-886</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Leo VI., the Wise</td>
+    <td class='c018'>886-912</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>912-958</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexander</td>
+    <td class='c018'>912-913</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Romanus I. Lecapenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>919-945</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine VIII. and Stephanus, sons of Romanus I., reigned five weeks</td>
+    <td class='c018'>944</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Romanus II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>958-963</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Basil II. Bulgaroktonos</td>
+    <td class='c018'>963-1025</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Nicephorus II. Phocas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>963-969</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John I. Zimisces</td>
+    <td class='c018'>969-976</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine IX.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>976-1025</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>Constantine IX.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1025-1028</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Romanus III. Argyrus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1028-1034</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael IV., the Paphlagonian</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1034-1042</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael V.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1042</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Zoe and Theodora</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1042</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine X. Monomachus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1042-1054</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodora (restored)</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1054-1056</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael VI. Stratioticus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1056-1057</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Isaac I. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1057-1059</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine XI. Ducas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1059-1067</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael VII. Ducas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1067-1078</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperor</i>—</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Romanus IV. Diogenes</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1067-1078</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Nicephorus III. Botoniates</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1078-1081</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexius I. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1081-1118</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John II. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1118-1143</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Manuel I. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1143-1180</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexius II. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1180-1183</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Andronicus I. Comnenus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1183-1185</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Isaac II. Angelus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1185-1195</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexius III. Angelus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1195-1203</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Isaac II. (restored)</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1203-1204</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexius IV. Angelus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Nicolas Canabus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1204</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1204</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<h3 class='c010'>Latin Emperors.</h3>
+<table class='table0' summary=''>
+<colgroup>
+<col width='68%' />
+<col width='31%' />
+</colgroup>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Baldwin I.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1204-1205</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Henry</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1205-1216</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Peter</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1217-1219</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>Robert</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1219-1228</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John of Brienne</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1228-1237</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Baldwin II.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1237-1261</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<h3 class='c010'>Nicæan Emperors.</h3>
+<table class='table0' summary=''>
+<colgroup>
+<col width='68%' />
+<col width='31%' />
+</colgroup>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodore I. Lascaris</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1204-1222</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John III. Ducas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1222-1254</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Theodore II. Ducas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1254-1259</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John IV. Ducas</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1259-1260</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<h3 class='c010'>Empire Restored.</h3>
+<table class='table0' summary=''>
+<colgroup>
+<col width='68%' />
+<col width='31%' />
+</colgroup>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael VIII. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1260-1282</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Andronicus II. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1282-1328</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperor</i>—</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Michael IX.</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1295-1320</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Andronicus III. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1328-1341</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John VI. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1341-1391</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td>
+    <td class='c018'>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John V. Cantacuzene</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1342-1355</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Andronicus IV. Palæologus (usurped throne)</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1376-1379</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Manuel II. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1391-1425</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>John VII. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1425-1448</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c017'>Constantine XII. Palæologus</td>
+    <td class='c018'>1448-1453</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>
+  <h2 id='index' class='c006'>INDEX.</h2>
+</div>
+<ul class='index c003'>
+  <li class='c019'>A.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Achilles and Ajax, Shrine of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Achmet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-seraglio-point'>Seraglio Point</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— at Athens, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Adrianople, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ædes Severianæ, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ægean, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Agnes, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Aivan Serai, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Aivan Serai Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ak Serai, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Alaric, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Alexandria, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Alti Mermer, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Amalfi, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Amaury, King of Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Amphitheatre of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Amurath I., Sultan, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anaplus, Arnaout Keui, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anatolius, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anaxibius, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>André d’Urboise, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anemas, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>. See <a href='#index-prison'>Prison</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Angora, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anna, Princess, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>-161.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anna of Savoy, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Anthemius, Prefect, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>-46, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Antony, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Apobathra, Pier of the Emperor, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Apocaucus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Apollinarius, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Aqueduct of Hadrian, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Valens, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Arch of Constantine, at Rome, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Severus, at Rome, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-arch-urbicius'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Urbicius, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>Archways near Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>-202, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Arcla, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Argyra Limnè, Silver Lake, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Arians, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Arsenius, of Crete, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Artavasdes, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Asia, Asia Minor, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Athanaric, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Athens, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Athos, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-athyras'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè), <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Atrium of Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Attila, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Augusta, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Avars, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Avret Bazaar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-arcadius'>Forum of Arcadius</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>B.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bacchatureus, Murus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bajazet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Balata, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Baloukli, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-pege'>Pegè</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Balata Liman, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Barbyses, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bardas, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Basilica, Great Law Courts, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— Senate House, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bas-reliefs at Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Belisarius, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Berenger, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Berœa, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Beshiktash, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-243, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Blachernæ, district of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>  <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Black Sea, Euxine, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>Board of Health, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bodgan Serai, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bohemond, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bonus, Patrician, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— Rector, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bosporus, <i>passim</i>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Brachionion of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Branas, Alexius, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Braz Saint George, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bridge at St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Byzantine, across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>-177.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, inner, across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Brousa, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bucanon, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bucoleon. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>; <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Bulgarian, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>-329.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Buyuk Tchekmedjè. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-athyras'>Athyras</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>-15, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>-251, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Byzas, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>C.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cabatash, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cæa, island of, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Campus, Campus Martius, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Candidati, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Candidus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Canicleius, district of, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Carthage, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-cassim-pasha'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cassim Pasha, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Castamon, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Castinus, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-castle'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Castle—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Blachernæ. <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bohemond, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Cyclobion, Strongylon, Castrum Rotundum, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kalojean, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Gregorius, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li>
+      <li>Seven Towers, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-yedi-koule'>Yedi Koulè</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosiani, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Castron, of the Petrion, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Catalans, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cemetery, Imperial, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chain across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>-224, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>-240.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chalcedon, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>-307, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chalcoprateia, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>Charisius, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chares, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Christocamaron, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Christodoulos, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chrysaphius, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chrysocamaron, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chrysopolis, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chrysotriclinium, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Chrysostom, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-church'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Church—
+    <ul>
+      <li>St. Acacius, in Heptascalon, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Acacius, in Karya, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Æmilianus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Agathonicus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li>
+      <li>All Saints, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Anastasia, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+      <li>Angels, Seven Orders of the, Monastery, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Anna, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Antony, of Harmatius, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li>
+      <li>Holy Apostles, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Barbara, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>Batopedi, on Mount Athos, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Benjamin and Berius, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Conon, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Cosmas and Damianus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li>
+      <li>Prophet Daniel, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Demetrius, near the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Demetrius, of Kanabus, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Demetrius, in the Great Palace, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li>
+      <li>Dexiocrates, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Diomed, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Dius, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li>
+      <li>Prophet Elias, in the Petrion, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Elpis, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Euphemia, in the Petrion, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>Forty Martyrs, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. George, Armenian Church (Soulon Monastir), on site of Church of St. Mary Peribleptos, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. George, near the Gate of Charisius, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. George, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. George, at the Mangana, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>-256, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. George, Patriarchal Church, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li>
+      <li>San Georgio Majore, Venice, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+      <li>Holy Innocents, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Icasia, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>St. Irene, in the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Irene, in Galata, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Isaacius, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>Prophet Isaiah, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, Armenian Chapel of, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, near Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Basilikè Pylè, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>-320, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>-340.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Gate of the Kynegos, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Palaia Porta, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, in Petra, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, near Residence of Probus, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Baptist, of Studius, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John de Cornibus, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. John the Evangelist, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Julian, Perdix, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Julianè, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Kallinicus, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Kyriakè, near Koum Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Kyriakè, near the Lycus, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Laurentius, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Lazarus, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Luke, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li>
+      <li>Manuel, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary Acheiropoietos, of the Abramiti, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>-258, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, of the Mongolians, Kan Klissè, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, Pammacaristos, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, of the Pegè, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, Peribleptos, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, of the Rhabdos, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mary, in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Menas and Menaius, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Metrophanes, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Michael, near the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>St. Michael the Archangel, of Adda, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Michael the Archangel, at Anaplus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Michael the Archangel, in Arcadianais, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mokius, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+      <li>Myrelaion, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Nicholas, at the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Nicholas, between the Walls of Heraclius and Leo V., <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Nicetas, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Notarii, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Panteleemon, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Paul the Apostle, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Paul the Patriarch, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Peter and Mark, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Peter and Paul, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>.</li>
+      <li>Petrion, Convent of, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Priscus, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Romanus, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li>
+      <li>Prophet Samuel, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, of the Chora, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, Euergetes, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, Pantocrator, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, Pantopoptes, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, Philanthropos, near Indjili Kiosk, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-257.</li>
+      <li>St. Saviour, at Selivria, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-church-ss-sergius-bacchus'></a></li>
+      <li>SS. Sergius and Bacchus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>-279, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Sophia, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Stephen, of the Romans, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Stephen, in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Thekla, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Theodore, of Claudius, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Theodore, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Theodore, above Galata, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Theodotè, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Thomas, Amantiou, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Timothy, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cilicia, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Circus Maximus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cistern—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Aspar, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-cistern-basilica'></a></li>
+      <li>Basilica, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mokius, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li>
+      <li>Soulon Monastir, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yeri Batan Serai. <i>See above</i>, <a href='#index-cistern-basilica'>Basilica</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Clari, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Clarissimi, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>Claudius, district of, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cold Waters, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-cassim-pasha'>Cassim Pasha</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-column'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Column—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Outside the Ancient Gate, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li>
+      <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#fig_fp330'>illustration</a> facing p. 330.</li>
+      <li>Burnt Column. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li>
+      <li>Claudius, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-column-constantine'></a></li>
+      <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li>
+      <li>On the Fifth Hill, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justinian the Great, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Porphyry. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li>
+      <li>Serpent Column, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+      <li>Strategion, in the, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tchemberli Tash. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius the Great, in the Forum of Taurus, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius II., in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>Twisted Columns of the Tzycalarii, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Constantine, Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Constantine, Prefect, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>-51, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Constantine Ducas, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Contoscopie, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Convent. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church'>Church</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Coparia, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-cosmidion'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cosmidion, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Council of Basle, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Ferrara, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Fifth General, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Florence, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Count of the Walls, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Courapas, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crete, Cretans, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crimea, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crum, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crusade I., <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crusade II., <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crusade III., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crusade IV., <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Crusaders, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Custom House, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Stamboul, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cyclobion. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-castle'>Castle</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cyprus, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Cyrus, Prefect, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>D.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Damalis, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Dandolo, Henrico, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Daniel Stylites, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Danube, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Daphnusium, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>David, Chartophylax of the Palace of Hormisdas, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Delassaina, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Delphi, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>St. Demetrius, Icon of, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Demosthenes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Derkos, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Deuteron, district of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Dexiocratis, district of, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Diedo, Aluxio, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Diplokionion, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Dolma Bagtchè, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>-246.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Domestic of the Walls, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Domos Politymos, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Domus-Dama, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Domus Gaiana, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Doria, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Dositheos, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Drungarius, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Drungarius, district of, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>E.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Edessa, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Egnatian Road, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Egypt, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Egri Kapou, district of, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eleutherius, district of, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Emperor—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Alexius I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li>
+      <li>Alexius II. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Alexius III. Angelus, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+      <li>Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Alexius, of Trebizond, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li>
+      <li>Anastasius I., <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>.</li>
+      <li>Anastasius II., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li>
+      <li>Andronicus I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li>
+      <li>Andronicus II. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>-296.</li>
+      <li>Andronicus III. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+      <li>Andronicus IV. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>Antoninus, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+      <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+      <li>Baldwin I., <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Baldwin II., <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>.</li>
+      <li>Basil I., <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+      <li>Basil II., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>-102, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+      <li>Basiliscus, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li>Cantacuzene, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>.</li>
+      <li>Caracalla, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li>
+      <li>Charlemagne, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li>
+      <li>Charles V., <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li>
+      <li>Claudius Gothicus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Conrad, German Emperor, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constans II., <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine I., the Great, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine IV., <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine V. Copronymus, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine VI., <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine VII., <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine VIII., <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine IX., <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine X. Monomachus, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine XII. Dragoses, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantius II., <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li>
+      <li>Frederick Barbarossa, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hadrian, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Henry, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Heraclius, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>.</li>
+      <li>Honorius, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li>
+      <li>Isaac Angelus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>John Comnenus, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+      <li>John VI. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li>
+      <li>John VII. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>-108, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li>
+      <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justin I., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justin II., <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>Justinian I., the Great, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>-217, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justinian II., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kanabus, Nicholas, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo I., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo II., <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo III, Isaurian, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo IV., <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo V., the Armenian, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leo VI. the Wise, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leontius, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>Manuel I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+      <li>Manuel II. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+      <li>Marcian, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li>
+      <li>Maurice, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael I., <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael II., <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael III., <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael V., <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael VIII. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>-314, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+      <li>Nicephorus Botoniates, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li>
+      <li>Nicephorus Phocas, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>-67, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li>
+      <li>Phocas, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+      <li>Romanus I., Lecapenus, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+      <li>Romanus II., <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.</li>
+      <li>Romanus III., Argyrus, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li>
+      <li>Romanus, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li>
+      <li>Septimius Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li>
+      <li>Stephen, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius I., the Great, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>-64, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>-340.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius II., <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>-50, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius III., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>Theophilus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>-185, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tiberius II., <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tiberius III., Apsimarus, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+      <li>Valens, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>-332, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+      <li>Valentinian, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zeno, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zimisces, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Epiphanius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Et Meidan, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eubulus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>-229, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Exartesis Palaia, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-exokionion'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Exokionion, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>-20, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Exokionitai, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Eyoub, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-cosmidion'>Cosmidion</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>F.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Faction, Blue, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Green, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-red-faction'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Red, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Factions, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Faletri, Doge, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Fener Bagtchessi, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ferikeui, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ferry of St. Antony, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Fœderati, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Forum—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Amastrianon, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-forum-arcadius'></a>
+    <ul>
+      <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li>
+      <li>Augustaion, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bous, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Strategion, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-forum-taurus'></a></li>
+      <li>Taurus, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tetrastoon, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius the Great, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-taurus'>Forum of Taurus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Xerolophos. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-arcadius'>Forum of Arcadius</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c003'>G.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gabriel, Archangel, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gabriel, of Treviso, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-233, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gainas, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Galata, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Galbius, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span><a id='index-gate'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gate. <i>See</i> also <a href='#index-postern'>Postern</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li>Adrianople, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-st-aemilianus'></a></li>
+      <li>St. Æmilianus, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li>
+      <li>Ahour Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+      <li>Aivan Serai Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Anastasia, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+      <li>Ancient Gate, Porta Antiqua, Palaia Porta of the Forerunner, Antiquissima Pulchra Porta, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li>
+      <li>Asomaton, Seven Orders of Angels, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.</li>
+      <li>Atalus, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li>
+      <li>Aurea, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>-73. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-aya-kapou'></a></li>
+      <li>Aya Kapou, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-theodosia'>Gate of St. Theodosia</a>.</li>
+      <li>Ayasma Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bagtchè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>-220, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>.</li>
+      <li>Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>-202, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>-206, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>-235, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>.</li>
+      <li>Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+      <li>Balouk Haneh Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-st-barbara'></a></li>
+      <li>St. Barbara, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-basilike'></a></li>
+      <li>Basilikè, Imperial Gate, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-240.</li>
+      <li>Bears, of the, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+      <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-bonus'></a></li>
+      <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+      <li>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>-11, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li>
+      <li>Caraviorum, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li>
+      <li>Catena, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-charisius'></a></li>
+      <li>Charisius, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-86, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-92, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+      <li>Chrysè. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li>
+      <li>Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-aemilianus'>Gate of St. Æmilianus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Deïrmen Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Demetrius, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>Demir Kapou, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-deuteron'></a></li>
+      <li>Deuteron, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+      <li>Dexiocrates, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li>
+      <li>Diplophanarion, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li>
+      <li>Djubali Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Gate Ispigas</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-drungarii'></a></li>
+      <li>Drungarii, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>-216, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eastern Gate, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>Edirnè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-charisius'>Gate of Charisius</a>.</li>
+      <li>Egri Kapou, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-eugenius'></a></li>
+      <li>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>-229, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>-239.</li>
+      <li>Fifth Military Gate. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-pempton'>Gate of the Pempton</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>Fourth Military Gate, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-golden-gate'></a></li>
+      <li>Golden Gate, Porta Aurea, Chrysè Pylè, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>-73, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Gyrolimnè, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-hebraica'></a></li>
+      <li>Hebraica, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>-219, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hicanatissa, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>-260, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+      <li>Horaia, Beautiful, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>-225, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>-237.</li>
+      <li>Imperial. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-basilike'>Basilikè</a>.</li>
+      <li>Isa Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-ispigas'></a></li>
+      <li>Ispigas, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>. <i>See</i> Porta Puteæ.</li>
+      <li>St. John, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-st-john-cornibus'></a></li>
+      <li>St. John de Cornibus, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li>
+      <li>Judece, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kaligaria, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li>
+      <li>Katerga Limani, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-kerko-porta'></a></li>
+      <li>Kerko Porta, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>-117, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>-121, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-xylokerkus'>Gate of the Xylokerkus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kiliomenè, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kiretch Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kontoscalion, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-koum-kapoussi'>Koum Kapoussi</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-koum-kapoussi'></a></li>
+      <li>Koum Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>-314.</li>
+      <li>Kynegos, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>-205, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Lazarus, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li>
+      <li>Leonis, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</li>
+      <li>Marina, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mark, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li>
+      <li>Marmora Porta, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-eugenius'>Gate of Eugenius</a>.</li>
+      <li>Melandesia or Melantiados, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mesè, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>Michael Protovestarius, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+      <li>Myriandron, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+      <li>Narli Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+      <li>Neorion, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>-222, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>.</li>
+      <li>Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-drungarii'>Gate Drungarii</a>.</li>
+      <li>Oun Kapan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-platea'>Gate of Platea</a>.</li>
+      <li>Palatina, Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-pege'></a></li>
+      <li>Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>-77, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-pempton'></a></li>
+      <li>Pempton, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li>
+      <li>Perama, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>-220.</li>
+      <li>Petrus, Petri Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+      <li>Phanar, Phani, del Pharo, Fener</li>
+      <li>Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li>
+      <li>Piazza, ala, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>Piscaria, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-platea'></a></li>
+      <li>Platea, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li>
+      <li>Polyandrion, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-charisius'>Gate of Charisius</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span>Precursoris, Porta juxta Parvum Templum. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-john-cornibus'>St. John de Cornibus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+      <li>Puteæ, del Pozzo, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Gate Ispigas</a>.</li>
+      <li>Rectoris Veteris. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-bonus'>Gate of Bonus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Regia, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-rhegium'></a></li>
+      <li>Rhegium, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhousiou'>Porta Rhousiou</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-rhousiou'></a></li>
+      <li>Rhousiou, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhegium'>Gate of Rhegium</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-st-romanus'></a></li>
+      <li>St. Romanus, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-89, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-top-kapoussi'>Top Kapoussi</a>.</li>
+      <li>Saouk Tchesmè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Saturninus, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li>
+      <li>Second Military Gate. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-deuteron'>Gate of the Deuteron</a>.</li>
+      <li>Selivria, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-pege'>Gate of the Pegè</a>.</li>
+      <li>Sidhera, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li>
+      <li>Sixth Military Gate, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li>
+      <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tchatlady Kapou, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>-278, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tchifout Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-hebraica'>Porta Hebraica</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-st-theodosia'></a></li>
+      <li>St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-aya-kapou'>Aya Kapou</a>.</li>
+      <li>Third Military Gate, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-top-kapoussi'></a></li>
+      <li>Top Kapoussi, in Land Walls, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-romanus'>Gate of St. Romanus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Top Kapoussi, at Seraglio Point, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-barbara'>Gate of St. Barbara</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tzycanisterion, Gate at eastern end of the, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+      <li>Veteris Rectoris. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-bonus'>Gate of Bonus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Xylo Porta, Xylinè, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-gate-xylokerkus'></a></li>
+      <li>Xylokerkus, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-94, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-kerko-porta'>Kerko Porta</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-eugenius'>Gate of Eugenius</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yeni Aya Kapou, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yeni Kapou, Vlanga, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>-312, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhegium'>Gate of Rhegium</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zindan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>-216.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Genoa, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Genoese, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>-306.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Georgius, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>Germanicia, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Germanus, residence of, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gerocomion, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Giustiniani, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Godfrey de Bouillon, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Golden Horn, <i>passim</i>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Goths Gothic, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Governor of the Wall, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Grand Bazaar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Grant, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gregoras, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Gritti, Doge, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Guliano, Peter, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>H.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Habakkuk, Prophet, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hadrian II., Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-harbour'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Harbour—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Ancient Neorion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>-222, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>Anthemius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li>
+      <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bosporion. <i>See below</i>, <a href='#index-harbour-prosphorion'>Prosphorion</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>-287, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li>
+      <li>Diplokionion, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-harbour-eleutherius'></a></li>
+      <li>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>-300.</li>
+      <li>Eutropius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li>
+      <li>Galata, or Pera, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>.</li>
+      <li>Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Heptascalon, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>-315.</li>
+      <li>Hormisdas, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>-279, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-harbour-julian'></a></li>
+      <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>-293, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kadriga Limani, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>-315.</li>
+      <li>Kontoscalion, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>-296, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>-315.</li>
+      <li>Latins, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+      <li>New Neorion, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>.</li>
+      <li>Phosphorion. <i>See below</i>, <a href='#index-harbour-prosphorion'>Prosphorion</a>.</li>
+      <li>Portus Novus. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-harbour-prosphorion'></a></li>
+      <li>Prosphorion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+      <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-eleutherius'>Harbour of Eleutherius</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Harmatius, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, district of, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Haskeui, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-hebdomon'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>-341.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Helas, Theme of, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>Helena, Empress, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Helenianæ, District of the, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Helenopolis, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hellespont, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Heptapyrgion, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Heraclea, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hexakionion, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-exokionion'>Exokionion</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hicanati, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hiereia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hills of Constantinople, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hippodrome, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>-273, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>-290, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hippodrome at St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Holy Well of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— at Church of St. Nicholas, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of the Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of the Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>-78, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of St. Saviour, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-254.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, district of, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, Prince, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Horrea, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Hospitia, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Huns, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>I.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Iagari, Manuel, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ibrahim, Sultan, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Icon of Christ, from Edessa, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Illyria, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Indjili Kiosk, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-258, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ino, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Irene, Empress, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Isaac Sevastocrator, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Isa Kapoussi Sokaki, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Isidore, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Italian Hospital, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>J.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Jews, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Joannicus, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>John the Fat, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Joseph, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Judeca, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Julian, Prefect, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Jus Italicus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Justinian Code, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Justinianopolis, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>K.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kadikeui, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>Kaffa, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, district of, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kaligaria. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kanatissa, residence of, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Karadjakeui, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kesmè Kaya, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Khan of the Mongols, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kiathaneh, Sweet Waters of Europe, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kitchens, Imperial, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kiz Kalehssi. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-tower'>Tower</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Klidion, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Koumbaradji Sokaki, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Koush Kaya, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kral of Servia, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Krenides, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-rhegium'>Rhegium</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kynegion, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Kynegon, district of, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>-203, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>L.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Latins, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Leo, brother of Nicephorus Phocas, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Leontari, Manuel Bryennius, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Levend Tchiflik, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Londja, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Lycus, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-83, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>M.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Macedonia, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Macedonius, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Magnaura. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mahmoud IV., Sultan, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Makrikeui, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mamas, St., suburb, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mandrahio, Cassim Pasha, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mangana, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>-251, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Manuel, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Manuel of Liguria, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Manuel Phakrasè, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Marathon, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Marble Kiosk, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Marciana Library, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Margaret of Hungary, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Maria, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Marine Exchange, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Marmora, Island of, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>——, Sea of, <i>passim</i>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Martin I., Pope, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Matrona, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Maurus, district of, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>Mausoleum at the Church of the Holy Apostles, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Maximus, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Megara, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mehemet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>-89, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <i>passim</i>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Melanciada, Melantiada, Melantrada, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Menas, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mesè, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mesoteichion, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>-89, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mews, Imperial, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Michael, Despot, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Milan, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Milion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Minotto, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Moda, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mole of St. Thomas, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Monferrat, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>-286.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Moselè, residence of, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Mosque—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Achmet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>.</li>
+      <li>Aivas Effendi Djamissi, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>.</li>
+      <li>Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, Church of SS. Peter and Mark, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li>
+      <li>Aya Sofia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-sophia'>St. Sophia</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bajazet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li>
+      <li>Boudroum Djamissi, Myrelaion, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eski Imaret Djamissi, Church of the Pantopoptes, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>Fethiyeh Djamissi, Church of the Pammacaristos, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+      <li>Gul Djamissi, Church of St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+      <li>Isa Kapou Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kahriyeh Djamissi, Church of St. Saviour in the Chora, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kefelè Djamissi, Monastery of Manuel, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+      <li>Khadin Ibrahim Pasha, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kutchuk Aya Sofia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church-ss-sergius-bacchus'>Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mehemet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mihrimah Djamissi, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li>
+      <li>Murad Mesdjidi, Sheik, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+      <li>Saracen, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+      <li>Selim, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>-26.</li>
+      <li>Sinan Pasha, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+      <li>Suleiman, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li>
+      <li>Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, Church of St. Thekla, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li>
+      <li>Tulbenkdji Djamissi, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yeni Validè Djamissi, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li>
+      <li>Yol Getchen Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, Church of the Pantocrator, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>Municipal Gardens, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Murad, Sultan, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Museum, Imperial, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>N.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Naples, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Narses, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Nemitzi, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Neophytus of Rhodes, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Neorion. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Nicephorus Bryennius, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Nicholas V., Pope, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Nika, Riot of, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Nikè, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Normans, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Notaras, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Novobrodo, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Numeri, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>O.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Obelisk, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Odeon, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ok Meidan, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Olympus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Orban, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Orphanage, Great, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ortakdjilar, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ortakeui, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>P.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-palace'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Palace—
+    <ul>
+      <li>At the Argyra Limnè, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li>
+      <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>-111, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>-123, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>-127, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>-133, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>-147, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li>
+      <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-palace-bucoleon'></a></li>
+      <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>-287.</li>
+      <li>The Cæsars, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine, Great Palace, Imperial Palace, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>-287, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hiereia, Fener Bagtchè, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hormisdas. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-bucoleon'>Palace of Bucoleon</a>.</li>
+      <li>Irene, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justinian. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-bucoleon'>Palace of Bucoleon</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justinian, Jucundianæ at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li>
+      <li>Karya, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</li>
+      <li>Magnaura, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mangana, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li>
+      <li>Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-palace-porphyrogenitus'></a></li>
+      <li>Porphyrogenitus Tekfour Serai, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>-114, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>-120, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li>
+      <li>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+      <li>Scutarion, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+      <li>Secundianas, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li><a id='index-palace-sophia'></a></li>
+      <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Palatine, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Palestine, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Panteleon, Saint, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Panticheion, Pendik, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Patriarchate, Greek, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Paul, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Paulinus, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pausanias, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pegæ, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-pege'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pegè. <i>See</i> Gate; Holy Well.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pelerine, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pempton, district of the, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pentapyrgion, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pepagomenes, George, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pera, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Perama, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Peridromi of Marcian, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Perinthus, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Persia, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Persians, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pescennius Niger, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Peter the Hermit, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Peter, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Petits Champs, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Petra, Petra Palaia, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Petrion, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>-28, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Petrus, Patrician, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Petty, Mr., <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Phanar, district of the, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>-208, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pharos, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Phedalia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Philip of Macedon, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Philippopolis, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Phœnicia, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pisa, Pisans, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Platæa, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Platea, Plateia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pontus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Portico—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Between Augustaion and Forum of Constantine, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Cariana, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eubulus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Josephiacus, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li>
+      <li>Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>-11.</li>
+      <li>Troadenses, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span><a id='index-postern'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Postern—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Giustiniani, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Kallinicus, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kerko Porta, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.</li>
+      <li>With Monogram of Christ, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.</li>
+      <li>Porphyrogenitus, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>.</li>
+      <li>SS. Sergius and Bacchus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Prince’s Island, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-prison'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Prison—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Anemas, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>. <i>See</i> Chapters <a href='#chap10'>X.</a>, <a href='#chap11'>XI</a>.</li>
+      <li>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li>
+      <li>St. Diomed, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Probus, residence of, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Proteichisma, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Proti, Island of, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pteron, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pulcheria, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Pusæus, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>R.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region IV., <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region V., <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region VII., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region X., <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region XI., <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region XII., <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region XIII., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Region XIV., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>-121, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Regions, Fourteen, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-rhegium'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Rhegium, Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Rhousiou. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-red-faction'>Red Faction</a>; <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Roe, Sir Thomas, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Rome, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Roumelian Railroad, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Rufinus, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Russians, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>S.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Saladin, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Salamis, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sali Bazaar, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>St. Mamas, suburb, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-91, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Salmak Tombruk, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sandakdjar Youkousou, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Saoudji, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Saouk Tchesmè, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Saracen, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>-182, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Saturninus, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Scala—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li>Chalcedonensis, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li>
+      <li>De Drongorio, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>Sycena, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+      <li>Timasii, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Scholarii, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>School of Arts, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Scio, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Scutari, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Selivria, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Senate of Constantinople, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Senate House, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Septimius Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>-14, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Septimum. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Seraglio Grounds, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Seraglio Lighthouse, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Seraglio Plateau, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-seraglio-point'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Seraglio Point, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>-237, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Servia, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Settimo, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sicily, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sigma, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Simeon, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sirkedji Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sirmium, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Smyrna, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sophia, Empress, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Soulou Kaleh. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-tower'>Tower</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Spanish, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sphendonè, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Spigæ, De Spiga, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Ispigas</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Stadium, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Statue—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Apollo, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li>
+      <li>Arabia, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>Atalus, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eudoxia, Empress, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li>
+      <li>Fortune of the City, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li>
+      <li>Helena, Empress, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li>
+      <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justin II., <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li>
+      <li>Muses of Helicon, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+      <li>Narses, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>Pallas of Lindus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+      <li>Sophia, Empress, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius I., <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li>
+      <li>Theodosius II., <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li>
+      <li>Victory, on Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zeus of Dodona, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Stephen, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Strategion. <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Strategopoulos, Alexius, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Studius, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church'>Church</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Suleiman, Sultan, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>Swiatoslaf, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Sycæ, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Syrghiannes, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Syria, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>T.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tamerlane, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tarsus, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Taxim, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tchataldja, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tchemberli Tash. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column'>Column</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tchoukour Bostan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tekfour Serai, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-porphyrogenitus'>Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Templar, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Temple—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Aphroditè, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Apollo, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Artemis, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Demeter, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+      <li>Poseidon, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zeus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Temple Bar, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tenedos, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ten Thousand, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>,</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tephrice, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Terter, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theatre of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— of Dionysius, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theodora, Empress of Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theodora, Empress, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theodore, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theodosiani, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theodota, Empress, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theologus, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Theophano, Empress, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Thermæ—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Achilles, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li>
+      <li>Arcadianæ, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+      <li>Constantianæ, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li>
+      <li>Zeuxippus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Thermopylæ, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Thessalonica, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Thomas, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Thrace, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tiber, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tiberius, son of Justinian II., <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Timasius, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Top Haneh, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-246.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Topi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tornikius, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-tower'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tower—
+    <ul>
+      <li>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li>
+      <li>Anemas. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-prison'>Prison</a>.</li>
+      <li>Baccaturea, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>Belisarius, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li>
+      <li>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li>
+      <li>Fire Signal, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li>
+      <li>Galata, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li>
+      <li>Hercules, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li>
+      <li>Imperial Gate, near, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-232.</li>
+      <li>Isaac Angelus, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>. <i>See</i> Chapter <a href='#chap10'>X.</a>, <i>passim</i>.</li>
+      <li>Kaligaria, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kentenarion, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li>
+      <li>Kiz Kalessi, Leander’s Tower, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li>
+      <li>Mangana, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li>
+      <li>Marble, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li>
+      <li>Pentapyrgion, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.</li>
+      <li>Phani, Turris, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>-234.</li>
+      <li>Seven Towers. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-yedi-koule'>Yedi Koulè</a>.</li>
+      <li>Seven Towers of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li>
+      <li>Soulou Kaleh, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li>
+      <li>Virgioti, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c019'>Transitus Justinianarum, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Transitus Sycenus, Trajectus Sycarum, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Trebizond, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tribunal, Tribune, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Triclinium of Anastasius, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— Danubius, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>—— Holy Shrine, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Triton, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Troilus, Protovestarius, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tsinar Tchesmè, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Turks, Ottoman, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Tzycanisterion, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>U.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Ukooz-Limani, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Uldin, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Urbicius. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-arch-urbicius'>Arch</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>V.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vandal, John the, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vandals, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Varangians, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Veccus, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>-160.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Venetian, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>-163, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>-211, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>-219, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Venice, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vercelli, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>Via Drungariou, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Via Triumphalis, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vicentius, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vigla, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Visigoths, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vitilianus, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vlanga, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Vlanga Bostan, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>W.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>War Office, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>X.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Xenophon, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Xerolophos, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Xylokerkus, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>Y.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Yalova, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'><a id='index-yedi-koule'></a></li>
+  <li class='c019'>Yedi Koulè, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Yemish Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Yeri Batan Serai, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c003'>Z.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Zeitin Bournou, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Zen, Carlo, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Zeugma, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Zeugma of St. Antony, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li>
+  <li class='c019'>Zoe, Empress, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class='c008'>THE END.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.</p>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c1'>
+<div class='nf-center c002'>
+    <div><span class='large'>Footnotes</span></div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Petrus Gyllius, <i>De Topographia Constantinopoleos et De illius Antiquitatibus</i>,
+liber i. c. 4-18.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f2'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 722. All references in this work to the Byzantine Authors, unless otherwise
+stated, are to the Bonn Edition of the <i>Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f3'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, lib. i. p. 20, in Banduri’s <i>Imperium Orientale</i>; Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
+<i>De Cerimoniis Aulæ Byzantinæ</i>, p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f4'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Xenophon, <i>Anabasis</i>, vii. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f5'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Anabasis</i>, vii. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f6'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, p. 103. Mordtmann, <i>Esquisse Topographique
+de Constantinople</i>, p. 5. All references to these writers, unless otherwise stated, are
+to the works here mentioned.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f7'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. p. 2; Codinus, pp. 24, 25. Ἤρχετο δὲ τὸ τεῖχος, καθὰ καὶ νῶν, ἐπὶ τοῦ
+Βύζαντος ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου τῆς Ἀκροπόλεως, καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τὸν τοῦ Εὐγενίου
+πύργον, καὶ ἀνέβαινε μέχρι τοῦ Στρατηγίου, καὶ ἤρχετο εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως
+λουτρόν. Ἡ δὲ ἐκεῖσε ἁψὶς, ἡ λεγομένη τοῦ Οὐρβικίου, πόρτα ἦν χερσαία
+τῶν Βυζαντίων: καὶ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὰ Χαλκοπρατεῖα τὸ τεῖχος ἕως τοῦ
+λεγομένου Μιλίου· ἦν δὲ κἀκεῖσε πόρτα τῶν Βυζαντίων χερσαία: καὶ διήρχετο
+εἰς τοὺς πλεκτοὺς κίονας τῶν Τζυκαλαρίων, καὶ κατέβαινεν εἰς Τόπους, καὶ
+ἀπέκαμπτε πάλιν διὰ τῶν Μαγγάνων καὶ Ἀρκαδιανῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀκρόπολιν.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f8'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f9'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The site of the Strategion may be determined thus: It was in the Fifth Region
+of the city (<i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i>); therefore, either on the northern slope or at the
+foot of the Second Hill. Its character as the ground for military exercises required
+it to be on the plain at the foot of the hill. In the Strategion were found the
+granaries beside the harbour of the Prosphorion (Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cerim</i>,
+p. 699), near Sirkidji Iskelessi. At the same time, these granaries were near the
+Neorion (<i>Bagtchè Kapoussi</i>), for they were destroyed by a fire which started in the
+Neorion (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 582).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f10'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Chalcoprateia was near the Basilica, or Great Law Courts, the site of which
+is marked by the Cistern of Yeri Batan Serai (Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 616; cf. Gyllius,
+<i>De Top. CP.</i>, lib. ii. c. 20, 21). Zonaras, xiv. p. 1212 (Migne Edition), ἐν τῇ
+καλουμένῃ βασιλικῇ ἔγγιστα τῶν Χαλκοπρατείων.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f11'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f12'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, the size of city as given by Dionysius Byzantius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f13'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Anaplus</i> of Dionysius Byzantius. Edition of C. Wescher, Paris, 1874.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f14'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 14; Herodianus, iii. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f15'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r15'>15</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Beside Bagtchè Kapoussi. See below, p. <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f16'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r16'>16</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>I. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f17'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r17'>17</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 96: Καὶ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν εἶχε τὴν πύλην ἐν τῇ συμπληρώσει τῶν
+στοῶν ἅς Σεβῆρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f18'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r18'>18</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 96: Ἀγορὰν δὲ ἐν τῶ τόπῳ καθ᾽ ὅν ἡ πύλη τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἦν
+οἰκοδομήσας, ... ἁψίδας δύο μαρμάρου προικοννησίου μεγίστας ἀλλήλων
+ἀντίας ἀπέτυπωσε, δι᾽ ὧν ἔνεστιν εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰς Σεβῆρου στοὰς, καὶ τῆς
+πάλαι πόλεως ἐξιέναι.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f19'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r19'>19</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 42, speaking of the column, says it was set up ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου
+οὗ ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος τῆς ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἐξιούσης
+πύλης.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f20'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r20'>20</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 49.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f21'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r21'>21</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>I. p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f22'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r22'>22</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 41.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f23'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r23'>23</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>The Church of Sancta Sophia</i>, pp. 5, 9.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f24'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r24'>24</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 96, Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ βορείου λόφου κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον, κατιὸν
+ἄχρι τοῦ λιμένος ὅ καλοῦσι νεώριον, καὶ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι θαλάσσης ἥ κατευθὺ
+κεῖται τοῦ στόματος δι᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἀνάγονται Πόντον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f25'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r25'>25</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, Τὸ δὲ τεῖχος διὰ τοῦ λόφου καθιέμενον ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ δυτικοῦ μέρους
+ἄχρι τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ναοῦ, καὶ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντικρὺ Χρυσόπολεως.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f26'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r26'>26</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f27'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r27'>27</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 345.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f28'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r28'>28</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 292.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f29'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r29'>29</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 149; Codinus, p. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f30'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r30'>30</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i>; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f31'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r31'>31</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f32'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r32'>32</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>As the Sphendonè of the Hippodrome was a construction of Constantine the
+Great, the wall of Severus may, near that point, have stood higher up the hill than
+is indicated on the Map of Byzantine Constantinople, facing page <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f33'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r33'>33</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dionysius Byzantius. See Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, <i>De
+Top. CP.</i>, i. c. 10.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f34'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r34'>34</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 494, 495; cf. Malalas, p. 345; <i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f35'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r35'>35</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Regiones, IV., V., VI.</i> In the first tower south of Saouk Tchesmè
+Kapoussi, in the land wall of the Seraglio, is built a stone, inscribed with archaic
+Greek letters, which probably came from the Stadium. See <i>Proceedings of the Greek
+Literary Syllogos of Constantinople</i>, vol. xvi., 1885, <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, p. 3.
+Ἀπομά(χων) αἰχματ(ᾶν), σταδιοδ(ρόμων), ὁ τόπος ἄ(ρχεται).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f36'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r36'>36</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 76.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f37'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r37'>37</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 149.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f38'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r38'>38</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 619.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f39'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r39'>39</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For buildings, etc., outside the limits of Byzantium, see <i>Anaplus</i> of Dionysius
+Byzantius; Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2, c. 5; Codinus, p. 30; Anonymus,
+iii. p 51.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f40'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r40'>40</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f41'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r41'>41</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f42'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r42'>42</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 96, 97.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f43'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r43'>43</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f44'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r44'>44</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanæ et Laterculi
+Provinciarum</i>, edidit Otto Seeck, p. 243.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The <i>Notitia</i>, so far as Constantinople is concerned, will be found in Gyllius’ <i>De
+Topographia Constantinopoleos</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>“Habet sane longitudo urbis a porta aurea usque ad litus maris directa linea pedum
+quattuordecim milia septuaginta quinque, latitudo autem pedum sex milia centum
+quinquaginta.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f45'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r45'>45</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; Anonymus, i. p. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f46'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r46'>46</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f47'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r47'>47</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f48'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r48'>48</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 20.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f49'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r49'>49</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f50'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r50'>50</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 561; Socrates, v. c. 7.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f51'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r51'>51</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f52'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r52'>52</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Continuatus, p. 196; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 173; Nicetas Chon.
+p. 319.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f53'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r53'>53</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f54'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r54'>54</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On the occasion of his second visit, Gyllius saw the column removed to the
+Mosque of Sultan Suleiman.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f55'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r55'>55</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 10, 72.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f56'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r56'>56</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f57'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r57'>57</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540, Ἄνωθεν τῆς περιβλέπτου μονῆς, ἐν τῷ τοπω τῷ
+καλουμένῳ Σίγματι.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f58'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r58'>58</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 86.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f59'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r59'>59</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 579.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f60'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r60'>60</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vii. c. 5; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 106.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f61'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r61'>61</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, v. p. 81; <i>Synaxaria</i>, May 11.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f62'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r62'>62</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 55, 56.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f63'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r63'>63</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 99; Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 8.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f64'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r64'>64</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. Paspates, p. 362.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f65'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r65'>65</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 122.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f66'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r66'>66</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f67'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r67'>67</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Du Cange, iv. p. 102.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f68'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r68'>68</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Patrologia Græca</i>, vol. clvi. p. 54, Migne.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f69'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r69'>69</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Another copy of the map of Bondelmontius than that forming the Frontispiece
+of this work is found at the beginning of Du Cange’s <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f70'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r70'>70</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For this information I am indebted to Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., of the
+American Board of Missions.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f71'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r71'>71</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. Paspates, pp. 361-363.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f72'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r72'>72</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 154.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f73'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r73'>73</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f74'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r74'>74</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XII.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f75'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r75'>75</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f76'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r76'>76</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 103; <i>Traduits pour la Société de l’Orient Latin</i>,
+par Madame B. de Khitrovo.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f77'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r77'>77</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 123.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f78'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r78'>78</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 593.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f79'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r79'>79</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Continuatus, p. 168.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f80'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r80'>80</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, pp. 304-306.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f81'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r81'>81</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 99.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f82'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r82'>82</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 4.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f83'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r83'>83</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 72, 73.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f84'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r84'>84</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 343.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f85'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r85'>85</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 532.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f86'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r86'>86</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f87'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r87'>87</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., p. 532.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f88'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r88'>88</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 49, Ἐσκέπασεν αὐτὴν κυλινδρικῷ θόλῳ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f89'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r89'>89</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The literary form of the word is Djami’i.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f90'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r90'>90</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel</i>, p. 185.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f91'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r91'>91</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ad Reg. XI.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f92'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r92'>92</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f93'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r93'>93</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, June 17, 20; Anonymus, ii. p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f94'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r94'>94</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 36.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f95'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r95'>95</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 104, 105.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f96'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r96'>96</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, pp. 320-322.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f97'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r97'>97</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 381-383.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f98'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r98'>98</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 494, Τὸ παλαιὸν τεῖχος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τουτέστιν ἀπὸ τοῦ
+καλουμένου Πετρίου ἕως τῆς πόρτας τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, πλησίον τῆς
+καλουμένης Ῥάβδου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f99'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r99'>99</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f100'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r100'>100</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. pp. 39, 40.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f101'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r101'>101</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Bollandists</i>, May 30, p. 238, Ἐν μαρτυρείῳ τῆς ἁγίας Εὐφημίας τῷ ὄντι
+πλησίον τοῦ ἁγίου Λαυρεντίου ἐν τῷ Πετρίῳ.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Under August 10, St. Laurentius is described as ἐν Πουλχεριαναῖς and ἐν
+Πετρίῳ. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f102'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r102'>102</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Emperor Julian, <i>Oratio I.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f103'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r103'>103</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 719.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f104'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r104'>104</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 10, 28. See below, p. <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f105'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r105'>105</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f106'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r106'>106</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f107'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r107'>107</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f108'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r108'>108</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f109'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r109'>109</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, ref. 5.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f110'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r110'>110</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f111'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r111'>111</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ad Reg. XII.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f112'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r112'>112</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; see below, p. <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f113'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r113'>113</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 7, 8. There is no proof for the existence of a Porta Saturnini in the
+Constantinian Wall (<i>Esquisse Top. de CP.</i>). The author of the “Life of St. Isaacius,”
+in the <i>Bollandists</i> (May 31, p. 256, n. 4, p. 259), says that a cell was built for that saint
+by Saturninus: “Suburbanam, nec procul a civitatis muris (Constantinian) remotam
+domum.” The house of Saturninus himself is described as “extra portam Collarida”
+(Xerolophos). But nothing is said regarding a gate named after him. Regarding
+this Basilikè Porta, see below, p. <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f114'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r114'>114</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Callistus, xiv. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f115'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r115'>115</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 488; Agathias, v. c. 5, 3-8.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f116'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r116'>116</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 494.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f117'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r117'>117</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f118'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r118'>118</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 363.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f119'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r119'>119</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 266.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f120'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r120'>120</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Jornandes, <i>De Rebus Get.</i>, c. 21, “Nam et dum famosissimam et Romæ
+æmulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio, qui fœdere
+inito cum imperatore XL. suorum millia illi in solatio contra gentes varias obtulere,
+quorum et numerus et millia usque, in Rep. nominantur Fœderati.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In one brief (<i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. 13, tit. iv. 1) Constantine complains of the dearth
+of architects; in another (<i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. 13, tit. iv. 2) he offers to free from taxes
+thirty-five master artificers if they would bring up their sons in the same professions.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f121'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r121'>121</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f122'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r122'>122</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, lib. v. p. 98.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f123'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r123'>123</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 528; Zosimus, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f124'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r124'>124</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius, <i>Frag. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 154; Anonymus, i. p. 13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f125'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r125'>125</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 529, Αὐγουσταῖον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f126'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r126'>126</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 528.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f127'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r127'>127</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f128'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r128'>128</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 528.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f129'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r129'>129</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eusebius, <i>Life of Constantine</i>, iv. 66.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f130'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r130'>130</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 97.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f131'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r131'>131</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 528, 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f132'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r132'>132</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, pp. 280, 281.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f133'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r133'>133</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eusebius, <i>Life of Constantine</i>, iii. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f134'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r134'>134</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, i. c. 16.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f135'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r135'>135</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eusebius, iv. c. 52-60.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f136'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r136'>136</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eusebius, iv. 60.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f137'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r137'>137</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, p. 154; Theophanes, p. 34; Sozomon,
+ii. c. 3.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f138'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r138'>138</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Life of Constantine</i>, iii. c. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f139'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r139'>139</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, pp. 22, 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f140'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r140'>140</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46. See below, p. <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f141'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r141'>141</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 26. See below, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f142'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r142'>142</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, i. c. 16.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f143'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r143'>143</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 528; Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 266.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f144'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r144'>144</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f145'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r145'>145</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. Tchihatchef, <i>Le Bosphore et Constantinople</i>, chap. ii.; Andreossy, <i>Constantinople
+et le Bosphore de Thrace</i>, Livre Troisième, “Système des Eaux.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f146'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r146'>146</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 5.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f147'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r147'>147</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f148'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r148'>148</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, ii. c. 13; Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f149'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r149'>149</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. xiv. 13; <i>Cod. Justin.</i>, xi. 20.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f150'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r150'>150</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 154; Zosimus, p. 97.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f151'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r151'>151</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, Novella 12.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f152'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r152'>152</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 530. Because of this subordination of Byzantium to
+Heraclea, the bishop of the latter city has still the right to preside at the consecration
+of the patriarch of Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f153'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r153'>153</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Valesian Anonymus, appended to the History of Ammianus Marcellinus. The
+senators of Rome were styled “Clarissimi.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f154'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r154'>154</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Nolitia, ad Regiones.</i> On the delimitation of the Regions, see Gyllius, <i>De
+Topographia Constantinopleos</i>, l. ii. c. 2, 10, 16; l. iii. c. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9; l. iv. c.
+1, 3, 7, 10, 11; and Mordtmann, <i>Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople</i>, pp. 2-10.
+The point on which these authorities differ most widely is regarding the
+situation of the Seventh Region, Gyllius making it occupy the valley of the Grand
+Bazaar, on the northern side of the city; while Mordtmann (pp. 6, 7) places it on
+the southern slope of the Second Hill, from the Forum of Constantine to the Sea
+of Marmora. My view (at present) on the subject is indicated in the Map of
+Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f155'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r155'>155</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxii. 16.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f156'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r156'>156</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Jornandes, xxviii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f157'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r157'>157</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eunapius, quoted by Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. 5.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f158'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r158'>158</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 101.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f159'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r159'>159</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sozomon, ii. c. 3.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f160'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r160'>160</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 680.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f161'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r161'>161</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Oratio</i>, xviii. p. 222. Edition of Petavius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f162'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r162'>162</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>VII. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f163'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r163'>163</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. viii. tit. xxii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f164'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r164'>164</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f165'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r165'>165</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Choisy, <i>L’Art de Bâttir chez les Byzantins</i>, pp. 7-13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f166'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r166'>166</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vii. c. 1; <i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Operibus Publicis,” lex. 51. The law
+refers to the towers of the new wall, and is addressed to Anthemius as Prætorian
+Prefect in 413: “Turres novi muri, qui ad munitionem splendidissimæ urbis extructus
+est, completo opere, præcipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum terram idem murus
+studio ac provisione Tuæ Magnitudinis ex Nostræ Serenitatis arbitrio celebratur.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f167'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r167'>167</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes, “Plurimi urbis Augustæ muri recenti adhuc constructi, cum
+LVII. turribus, corruerunt.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f168'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r168'>168</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“Intra tres menses, Constantino Præfecto Prætorio opere dante, (muri) reædificati
+sunt.” Cf. Inscription on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f169'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r169'>169</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Measuring from the bed of the Moat.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f170'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r170'>170</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It stood on the Outer Wall between the fourth and fifth towers south of the
+Golden Gate (Paspates, p. 58).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f171'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r171'>171</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See illustrations facing pp. <a href='#fig_fp078'>78</a>, <a href='#fig_fp096'>96</a>, <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f172'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r172'>172</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vii. n. 428.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f173'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r173'>173</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f174'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r174'>174</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 148, 149; Leo Gram., pp. 108, 109.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f175'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r175'>175</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, Paspates, Mordtmann, Du Cange.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f176'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r176'>176</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, de 395 à 1057</i>, pp. 54, 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f177'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r177'>177</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 588, 589.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f178'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r178'>178</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 582, 583.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f179'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r179'>179</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 588.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f180'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r180'>180</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Suidas, <i>ad vocem</i> Κύρος.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f181'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r181'>181</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 235.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f182'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r182'>182</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 361, Οὐκ ἀρέσκει μοι τύχη πολλά γελῶσα.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f183'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r183'>183</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 48, quoting Skarlatus Byzantius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f184'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r184'>184</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, Malalas.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f185'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r185'>185</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. vii. c. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f186'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r186'>186</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, p. 476.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f187'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r187'>187</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Gregoras, xiv. p. 711.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f188'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r188'>188</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Philo of Byzantium. See <i>Veterum Mathemat. Opera</i>, s. ix. Edited and Translated
+by MM. de Rochat et Graux, <i>Revue de Philologie</i>, 1879.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f189'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r189'>189</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Choisy, <i>L’Art de Bâtir chez les Byzantins</i>, p. 112.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f190'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r190'>190</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Metatis,” lib. 13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f191'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r191'>191</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Operibus Publicis,” lib. 51.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f192'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r192'>192</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 589; Phrantzes, p. 281.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f193'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r193'>193</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Gregoras, ix. p. 408.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f194'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r194'>194</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 283.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f195'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r195'>195</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 504.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f196'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r196'>196</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, p. 476.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f197'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r197'>197</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus, i. c. 34.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f198'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r198'>198</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Or “Lists, the space between the Inner and the Outer Walls of enceinte or
+enclosure” (<i>Violet-le-Duc on Mediæval Fortifications</i>; translated by Macdermott).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f199'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r199'>199</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Only seventy out of the ninety-six towers in this wall can now be identified.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f200'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r200'>200</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, p. 475.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f201'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r201'>201</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 266, 283, 286; Critobulus, i. c. 34; Leonard of Scio, p. 936,
+thinks this was poor strategy, rendered necessary by the bad condition of the Inner
+Wall. “Operosa autem protegendi vallum et antemurale nostris fuit; quod contra
+animum meum semper fuit, qui suadebam in refugium muros altos non deserendos,
+qui si ob imbres negligentiamque vel scissi, vel inermes propugnaculis essent, qui
+non deserti, præsidium urbi salutis contulisset.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f202'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r202'>202</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f203'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r203'>203</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 266, Ἐν τῇ τάφρῳ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f204'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r204'>204</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, pp. 461, 462.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f205'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r205'>205</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 7-13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f206'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r206'>206</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 40, Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς (τάφροις) ὑδάτων, ὥστε ᾧ μέρει
+μόνον ἐλείπετο, καὶ ταύτῃ δοκεῖν πελαγίαν τὴν πόλιν εἶναι διὰ τούτων.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f207'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r207'>207</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelagi</i>, p. 121. Leipsic, 1824.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f208'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r208'>208</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>IV. 138, 139.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f209'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r209'>209</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dethier, <i>Sièges de Constantinople</i>, ii. p. 1085; cf. Mijatovich, <i>Constantine, Last
+Emperor of the Greeks</i>, pp. 185, 186. Some 24 of these aqueducts or dams can still
+be identified: 2 between the Sea of Marmora and the Golden Gate; 1 between that
+gate and the Gate of the Deuteron; 6 or 7 between the Gate of the Deuteron and the
+Gate of Selivria; 5 between the Gate of Selivria and the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh
+Kapoussi; 5 between Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi and Top Kapoussi; 2 between
+Top Kapoussi and the Gate of the Pempton; 3 between the Gate of the Pempton and
+Edirnè Kapoussi; 2 between Edirnè Kapoussi and the northern end of the Moat.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f210'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r210'>210</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. 137, 138, “Pontes qui ad mœnia ducunt dirumpunt.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f211'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r211'>211</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. 151, “Aurea Porta datur ponto vicina sonanti.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f212'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r212'>212</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, p. 460.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f213'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r213'>213</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 292, 293; Manuel Chrysolaras, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f214'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r214'>214</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores Antiqui</i>, p. 642. London, 1652.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f215'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r215'>215</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See French translation of his work, <i>Constantinople Ancienne et Moderne</i>, 1798,
+vol. i. p. 28, where, quoting the legend, he says, “On y lit encore ces vers.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f216'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r216'>216</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Opera Varia</i>, vol. i., Paris, 1696; Paneg. Maioriani, <i>Carmen V.</i>, 354.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f217'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r217'>217</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, lib. i. p. 52.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f218'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r218'>218</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The brilliant monograph of Dr. Strzygowski on the Golden Gate is found in the
+<i>Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts</i>, Band viii., 1893, Erstes
+Heft.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f219'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r219'>219</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 234.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f220'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r220'>220</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. the inscription on the pedestal of the obelisk—</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Difficilis quondam dominis parere serenis</div>
+      <div class='line'>Jussus, et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis</div>
+      <div class='line'>Omnia Theodosio cedunt,” etc.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f221'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r221'>221</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f222'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r222'>222</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 360, ascribes the decoration of the gate with gold to Theodosius II.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f223'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r223'>223</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f224'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r224'>224</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, p. 59; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 500, 506.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f225'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r225'>225</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 360.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f226'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r226'>226</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f227'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r227'>227</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 675.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f228'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r228'>228</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 173.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f229'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r229'>229</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f230'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r230'>230</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f231'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r231'>231</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 567.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f232'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r232'>232</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 363.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f233'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r233'>233</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 239.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f234'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r234'>234</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Manuel Chrys., p 48; Gyllius, <i>De Top CP.</i>, iv. c. 9; Adolf Michaelis, <i>Ancient
+Marbles in Great Britain</i>, pp. 10-14, translated by C. A. M. Fennell. See Wheler,
+Grelot, Gerlach, Bulliardus, Spon, and Monograph of Dr. Strzygowski.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f235'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r235'>235</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The first two bas-reliefs to the north of the gate, and the first and fourth to the
+south, as superior in workmanship, came very near being removed to England, through
+the efforts of Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador to the Porte from 1621 to 1628,
+and of a certain Mr. Petty, who was sent to the East by the Earl of Arundel to
+procure works of Ancient Art. The finds were to be divided between that nobleman
+and the Duke of Buckingham. The correspondence on the subject will be found in <i>The
+Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte</i>, published in
+London, 1740 (see pp. 386, 387, 444, 445, 495, 512, 534, 535); in Michaelis’ <i>Ancient
+Marbles in Great Britain</i>; and, partially, in Dr. Strzygowski’s <i>Monograph on the
+Golden Gate</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>“Promise to obteyne them,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, in May, 1625, “I cannot,
+because they stand upon the ancient gate, the most conspicuous of the cytte, though
+now mured up, beeing the entrance by the castell called the Seauen Towers, and
+neuer opened since the Greek emperors lost yt: to offer to steale them, no man dares
+to deface the cheefe seate of the grand signor: to procure them by fauour, is more
+impossible, such enuy they bear vnto us. There is only then one way left; by corruption
+of some churchman, to dislike them, as against their law; and vnder that
+pretence to take them downe to be brought into some priuat place; from whence,
+after the matter is cold and unsuspected, they may be conveyed. I haue practised
+for the four, and am offered to haue it done for 600 crownes.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>A year later he had to write, “Those on the Porta Aurea are like to stand, till
+they fall by tyme: I haue vsed all meanes, and once bought them, and deposed,
+3 moneths, 500 dollers. Without authority, the danger and impossibility were alike;
+therefore I dealt with the great treasurer, who in these tymes is greedy of any mony,
+and hee had consented to deliuer them into a boat without any hazard of my part.
+The last weeke hee rode himself to see them, and carried the surueigher of the citty
+walls with him; but the Castellano and the people beganne to mutine, and fell vpon
+a strange conceit; insomuch that hee was forced to retyre, and presently sent for my
+enterpreter, demanding if I had any old booke of prophesy: inferring, that those
+statues were enchanted, and that wee knew, when they should bee taken downe,
+some great alteration should befall this cytty.... In conclusion, hee sent to mee, to
+think, nor mention no more that place, which might cost his life, and bring mee into
+trouble; so that I despair to effect therein your graces seruice: and it is true, though
+I could not gett the stones, yet I allmost raised an insurrection in that part of the
+cytty.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f236'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r236'>236</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f237'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r237'>237</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 414.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f238'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r238'>238</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 186.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f239'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r239'>239</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 693.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f240'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r240'>240</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 784.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f241'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r241'>241</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f242'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r242'>242</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anastasius Bibliothecarius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f243'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r243'>243</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f244'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r244'>244</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Guillelmus Bibliothecarius, <i>in Hadriano II</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f245'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r245'>245</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 432.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f246'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r246'>246</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 234.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f247'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r247'>247</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f248'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r248'>248</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 668.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f249'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r249'>249</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 503, 504.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f250'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r250'>250</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 498.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f251'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r251'>251</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, p. 158.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f252'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r252'>252</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 475.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f253'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r253'>253</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f254'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r254'>254</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Bello Vand.</i>, ii. c. 9; Theophanes, p. 309.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f255'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r255'>255</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 388.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f256'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r256'>256</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, p. 28.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f257'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r257'>257</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f258'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r258'>258</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 309.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f259'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r259'>259</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the descriptions of the triumphs accorded to Basil I. and Theophilus, see
+Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 498-508.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f260'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r260'>260</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 499, Ἐν δὼ τῷ λιβαδίῳ τῷ ἔξω τῆς χρυσῆς
+πόρτας.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f261'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r261'>261</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On the pier to the left of the central archway are painted in red the words,
+ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ; while on the pier to the right are the
+words, Ο ΘΣ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΗΝΕΝΤΕΝ ΣΕ; lingering echoes of the shouts that
+shook the gate on a day of triumph.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f262'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r262'>262</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f263'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r263'>263</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, p. 158.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f264'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r264'>264</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f265'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r265'>265</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., p. 508.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f266'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r266'>266</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Τὸ κατὰ τὴν χρυσῆν καλουμένην φρούριον, Cantacuzene, iv. p. 292. It was
+not, however, the fortress known as the Strongylon, Cyclobion, Castrum Rotundum
+(Procopius, <i>De Aed.</i>, iv. c. 8; Theophanes, p. 541; Anastasius, <i>in Hormisda PP.</i>;
+Guillelmus Biblioth. <i>in Hadriano II.</i>). That fortress stood outside the city, near
+the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), three miles to the west of the Golden Gate (Theophanes,
+pp. 541, 608). See below, p. <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f267'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r267'>267</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 293, 301, 302. The southern tower projects 55 feet 7 inches
+from the wall, and is 60 feet 5 inches broad; the corresponding dimensions of the
+northern tower are 55-½ feet, and 60 feet 4 inches.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f268'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r268'>268</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f269'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r269'>269</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 541.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f270'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r270'>270</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 785.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f271'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r271'>271</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 385.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f272'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r272'>272</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 606, 607.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f273'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r273'>273</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 304.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f274'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r274'>274</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chalcocondylas, p. 62.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f275'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r275'>275</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 47, 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f276'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r276'>276</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 239, “Chateau de l’Empereur Kalojean. Il
+a trois entrées.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f277'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r277'>277</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Muralt, ad annum, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f278'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r278'>278</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 253.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f279'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r279'>279</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f280'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r280'>280</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 13. Above the gate, on the side facing the city, is a slab with
+the figure of the Roman eagle.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f281'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r281'>281</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f282'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r282'>282</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f283'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r283'>283</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f284'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r284'>284</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f285'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r285'>285</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 223.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f286'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r286'>286</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 779.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f287'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r287'>287</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 97.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f288'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r288'>288</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f289'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r289'>289</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sozomon, iv. c. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f290'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r290'>290</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f291'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r291'>291</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f292'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r292'>292</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Octob. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f293'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r293'>293</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f294'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r294'>294</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f295'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r295'>295</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f296'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r296'>296</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, June 10.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f297'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r297'>297</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, April 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f298'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r298'>298</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, April 22.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f299'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r299'>299</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Callistas, xii. c. 14.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f300'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r300'>300</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 253.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f301'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r301'>301</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 109.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f302'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r302'>302</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f303'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r303'>303</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It is still held in great repute, and on the Friday of Greek Easter week is
+visited by immense crowds of devotees, as in the olden time.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f304'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r304'>304</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f305'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r305'>305</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 109.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f306'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r306'>306</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, iv. p. 64.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f307'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r307'>307</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 142; Niceph. Greg., iv. p. 85.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f308'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r308'>308</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f309'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r309'>309</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 184.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f310'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r310'>310</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicolo Barbaro, p. 733.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f311'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r311'>311</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f312'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r312'>312</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f313'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r313'>313</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 47; Mordtmann, p. 15.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f314'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r314'>314</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25. Ἐν τῇ Μελανδησία πόρτῃ, ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Κωνσταντινούπολει,
+τοποθεσίᾳ τοῦ Δευτέρου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f315'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r315'>315</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f316'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r316'>316</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Callistus, xv. c. 25, c. 28.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f317'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r317'>317</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Agathias, v. c. 14, c. 20.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f318'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r318'>318</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes, <i>ad Zenonem</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f319'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r319'>319</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 717.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f320'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r320'>320</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 590.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f321'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r321'>321</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f322'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r322'>322</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Menæa</i>, May 30, as quoted by Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. p. 178.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f323'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r323'>323</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f324'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r324'>324</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, pp. 14, 15.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f325'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r325'>325</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f326'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r326'>326</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f327'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r327'>327</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f328'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r328'>328</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 323.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f329'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r329'>329</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 126.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f330'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r330'>330</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 378-389.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f331'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r331'>331</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f332'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r332'>332</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 355, 358.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f333'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r333'>333</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f334'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r334'>334</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The inscription is found in the C. I. G., No. 8789. Dr. Paspates compares it
+with No. 8788 in that collection. ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ
+ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ
+ΒΕΝΕΤΩΝ (of the Blues) ΕΥΝΩΟΥΝΤΩΝ. See below, p. <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f335'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r335'>335</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f336'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r336'>336</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f337'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r337'>337</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Choiseul-Gouffier, <i>Voyage pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 17,
+speaking of this gate, says, “Sur le cintre de cette porte sont les représentations de
+quelques saints, donc les Turcs ont effacé le visage.” Cf. Paspates, p. 51.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f338'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r338'>338</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 15.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f339'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r339'>339</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f340'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r340'>340</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Constantinopoli Expugnata</i>, p. 462.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f341'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r341'>341</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus, i. c. 23, c. 27 (<i>Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum</i>, vol. v.);
+Phrantzes, p. 237.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f342'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r342'>342</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus; Phrantzes, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f343'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r343'>343</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. Compare lines 165 and 169. Cf. Dolfin, s. 54.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f344'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r344'>344</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 55; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 103.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f345'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r345'>345</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 719.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f346'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r346'>346</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f347'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r347'>347</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>E.g.</i> Dethier, <i>Le Bosphore et Consple.</i>, p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f348'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r348'>348</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f349'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r349'>349</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, lines 371-429; cf. statement ἐγέρθη Γεωργίου δόμος ...
+πρὸς πύλην τὴν Χαρσίαν with statement πύλην ἐάσας ἀνοικτὴν τὴν ποταμοῦ
+πλησίον εἰς ἥν τῆς μάρτυρος ναὸς Κυριακῆς ὁρᾶται. See <i>Byzantinshe
+Analecten</i>, von Hernn Joseph Müller, “Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der
+Wissenshaften Philosoph. Hist.,” Classe B. 9, 1852. Cf. Cananus, p. 462, ἦν γὰρ ὁ
+τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πύργος πλησίον Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ
+ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην, καὶ πλησιέστηρον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμόν
+τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον Λύκον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f350'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r350'>350</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Palladius, <i>Dialogus de Vita J. Chrysostomi</i>, Migne, xlvii. p. 34. In front of
+St. Irene in the Seraglio grounds, is preserved the pedestal on which stood the
+porphyry column bearing the silver statue of the Empress Eudoxia, the occasion of
+Chrysostom’s banishment.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f351'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r351'>351</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 589, Εἰσῆλθεν λεκτικίῳ ἀπὸ Λευκοῦ ποταμοῦ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f352'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r352'>352</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, 497.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f353'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r353'>353</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f354'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r354'>354</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 68.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f355'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r355'>355</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f356'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r356'>356</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Mordtmann was the first to establish the fact. For a full statement of his
+view, see <i>Esquisse Topographique de Consple.</i>, pp. 16-29.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f357'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r357'>357</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f358'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r358'>358</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 497. In 1299, Andronicus II. also entered the
+city by this entrance in great state, after an absence of two years (Pachymeres,
+vol. ii. p. 290).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f359'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r359'>359</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., ii. pp. 124, 129; <i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, 371-429.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f360'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r360'>360</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 105. The church
+possesses two ancient <i>Lectionaries</i>, one containing the Epistles, the other the Gospels.
+The history of the latter is interesting. The MS. was presented to the Church of
+St. Sophia, in 1438, by a monk named Arsenius, of Crete. It was taken, the same
+year, by the Patriarch Joseph to Ferrara, when he proceeded to that city to attend
+the council called to negotiate the union of the Western and Eastern Churches. Upon
+his death in Florence the year following it was returned to St. Sophia. Some
+time after the fall of Constantinople it came into the hands of a certain Manuel, son
+of Constantine, by whom it was given, in 1568, to the church in which it is now
+treasured.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f361'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r361'>361</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 288.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f362'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r362'>362</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 719, 720; cf. Anonymus, i. p. 22, with iii. p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f363'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r363'>363</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In the foundations of one of the towers to the north of the Gate of the Pempton,
+pulled down in 1868 for the sake of building material, a large number of marble
+tombstones were found, some being plain slabs, others bearing inscriptions. Among
+the latter, several were to the memory of persons connected with the body of auxiliary
+troops, styled the Fœderati. Such Gothic names as Walderic, Saphnas, Bertilas,
+Epoktoric, occurred in the epitaphs, <i>e.g.</i>—</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>† ΕΝΘΔΕ ΚΤΑ ... Ι Ο</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΤΗΣ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΕΦΝΑΣ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΔΕΣΠΟΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΦΟΙΔΕΡΑΤΟΣ ΕΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΣΕΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΔΕ ΜΗ ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩ ΚΔ ΗΜΕΡΑ Β</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΙΝΔ Β.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>See Paspates, pp. 33, 34; <i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>,
+vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, pp. 17-23. Some of the stones are in the
+Imperial Museum.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f364'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r364'>364</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus, i. c. 26, c. 31.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f365'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r365'>365</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 253; Critobulus, i. c. 26; Leonard of Scio, “In loco arduo Miliandri,
+quo urbs titubabat.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f366'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r366'>366</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Leonard of Scio</i>, Migne, vol. clix. pp. 929, 940.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f367'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r367'>367</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dolfin, s. 31.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f368'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r368'>368</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 719, 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f369'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r369'>369</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 573.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f370'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r370'>370</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 493.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f371'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r371'>371</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 525.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f372'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r372'>372</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 124.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f373'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r373'>373</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 824.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f374'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r374'>374</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 419, 420.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f375'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r375'>375</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f376'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r376'>376</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, pp. 461, 462.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f377'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r377'>377</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Compare the narratives of Phrantzes, pp. 246, 253; Critobulus, i. c. 23, 27, 31,
+34, 60; Ducas, p. 275; Leonard of Scio (<i>Migne</i>, vol. clix.).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f378'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r378'>378</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus, i. c. 60.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f379'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r379'>379</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 287.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f380'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r380'>380</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558; Theophanes, p. 667.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f381'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r381'>381</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 282. The Circus was known as the Circus of St. Mamas, because
+of its proximity to that church, and appears frequently in Byzantine history.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The district associated with the Church of St. Mamas (Zonaras, xvi. c. 5,
+ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸ Στενὸν τοποθεσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος καλουμένῃ) must have
+occupied the valley which extends from the Golden Horn southwards to the village
+of Ortakdjilar, the territory between Eyoub (Cosmidion) and Aivan Serai at the
+north-western angle of the city. The church itself, with its monastery (Cantacuzene,
+iv. pp. 107, 259), stood, probably, on the high ground near Ortakdjilar.
+Owing to its charming situation, the suburb was a favourite resort, and boasted
+of an Imperial palace, a hippodrome, a portico, a harbour, and, possibly, the
+bridge across the Golden Horn. The indications for the determination of the
+site of the suburb are: (1) it stood nearer the Golden Horn than the Gate
+of Charisius did; for in the military demonstration which Constantine Copronymus
+made before the land walls, against the rebel Artavasdes, by marching up and
+down between the Gate of Charisius and the Golden Gate, the emperor reached
+St. Mamas and encamped there, after passing the former entrance on his march
+northwards (Theophanes, pp. 645, 646). (2) The Hippodrome of St. Mamas
+was in Blachernæ (Ἐν Βλαχέρναις ... ἐν τῷ ἱππικῷ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος—Theophanes,
+p. 667), a term which could be used to designate even the district of the
+Cosmidion (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 725, τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἁγίων Κοσμᾶ καὶ Δαμιανοῦ,
+ἐν Βλαχέρναις). (3) The suburb stood near the Cosmidion; hence the facility
+with which the Bulgarians under Crum were able to ravage St. Mamas from their
+camp near the Church SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Theophanes Cont., pp. 613, 614).
+(4) The suburb was near the water; for it had a harbour (Theophanes, p. 591).
+It is also described as situated on the Propontis (Genesius, p. 102), on the Euxine
+(Theophanes Cont., p. 197), on the Stenon, the Bosporus (Zonaras, <i>ut supra</i>), these
+names being applied in a wide sense. (5) At the same time the Church of St. Mamas
+stood near the walls (Zonaras, xiv. p. 1272, πλησίον τοῦ τείχους), and near the gate
+named Porta Xylokerkou (Cedrenus, i. p. 707). This does not necessarily imply
+that the church was immediately outside the gate, but it intimates that the church
+was at no very great distance from the gate, and could be easily reached from it;
+as, for example, the Church of the Pegè stands related to the Gate of Selivria (see
+above, p. <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>). Such language would be appropriate if a branch road leading to
+St. Mamas and the Golden Horn left the great road, parallel to the walls, at the
+point opposite the Porta Xylokerkou.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The suburb owed much to Leo the Great, who took up his residence there for six
+months, after the terrible conflagration which devastated the city in the twelfth year
+of his reign (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 598). To him are ascribed all the constructions for
+which the suburb was celebrated; the harbour and portico (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>),
+the church, the palace, and the hippodrome (Anonymus, iii. pp. 57, 58; Codinus,
+p. 115). The Church of St. Mamas is, however, ascribed also to an officer in the
+reign of Justinian the Great, and to the sister of the Emperor Maurice (see Du Cange,
+<i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, iv. p. 185). There Maurice and his family were buried,
+after their execution by Phocas (Codinus, p. 121). The palace was frequented by
+Michael III., and there he was murdered by Basil I. (Theophanes Cont., p. 210).
+To it the Empress Irene and her son Constantine VI. retired from the city on the
+occasion of the severe earthquake of 790 (Theophanes, pp. 719, 720), and in it the
+marriage of Constantine VI. with Theodota was celebrated (<i>Ibid.</i> p. 728). It was
+burnt down by Crum of Bulgaria (<i>Ibid.</i> pp. 785, 786), but must have been rebuilt
+soon, for Theophilus took up his quarters there on the eve of his first triumphal
+entrance into the city (Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 504). The hippodrome may
+have been, originally, the one which Constantine the Great constructed of wood,
+outside the city, and in which the adherents of Chrysostom assembled after the
+bishop’s deposition (Sozomon, viii. c. 21, συνήθον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος εἰς τινα χῶρον
+ὅν Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Βασιλεὺς, μήπω τὴν πόλιν συνοικήσας, εἰς ἱπποδρόμου
+θέαν ἐκάθηρε, ξύλοις περιτειχίσας). There Michael III. took part in chariot races
+(Theophanes Cont., p. 197; cf. Theophanes, p. 731). Crum carried away some of
+the works of Art which adorned it (Theophanes, pp. 785, 786). The harbour of
+St. Mamas appears as the station of a fleet in the struggle between Anastasius II.
+and Theodosius III. (Theophanes, pp. 591, 592), and in the struggle between
+Artavasdes and Constantine Copronymus (<i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 645, 646).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f382'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r382'>382</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150, n. 428, ΘΕΥΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ
+ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ
+ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ. The gate appears in the reign of Anastasius I.
+(491-518), when a nun residing near it was mobbed and killed for sharing the
+emperor’s heretical opinions (Zonaras, xiv. c. 3, p. 1220, Migne). This is another
+evidence of its Theodosian origin. It must have stood in the portion of the Theodosian
+Walls that still remain, for it is mentioned in the reign of John Cantacuzene.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f383'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r383'>383</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 282-286. Cf. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f384'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r384'>384</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 528, 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f385'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r385'>385</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f386'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r386'>386</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 282, Παραπόρτιον ἕν πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων ἀσφαλῶς πεφραγμένον,
+ὑπόγαιον, πρὸς τὸ κάτωθεν μέρος τοῦ παλατίου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f387'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r387'>387</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 282-286.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f388'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r388'>388</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 63-67. Dr. Paspates regarded the Kerko Porta and the Porta Xylokerkou
+as different gates. The latter, he held, has disappeared.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f389'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r389'>389</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 27.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f390'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r390'>390</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>I. c. 60.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f391'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r391'>391</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 286.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f392'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r392'>392</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis</i>, p. 41; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 589.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f393'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r393'>393</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 616.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f394'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r394'>394</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 6. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 295, speaks of the τοῦ τειχεώτου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f395'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r395'>395</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 595.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f396'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r396'>396</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 195.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f397'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r397'>397</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 345, 355.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f398'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r398'>398</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 357, 358.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f399'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r399'>399</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 86.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f400'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r400'>400</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>John of Ephesus</i>: translation by R. Payne Smith.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f401'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r401'>401</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <a href='#fig_fp096'>illustration</a> facing p. 96, for copy of the inscription with its errors in
+orthography.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f402'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r402'>402</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 589.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f403'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r403'>403</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 634, 635. The tax was called “dikeraton,” because it was equal
+to two keratia (1<i>s.</i> ½<i>d.</i>), or one-twelfth of a nomisma (12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>). Cf. Finlay,
+<i>History of the Byzantine Empire</i>, i. pp. 37, 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f404'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r404'>404</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The date of her death is not known. Muralt is mistaken in saying that she
+died in 750. The Maria who died in that year was the second wife of Constantine
+Copronymus; not the widow, as Muralt has it, of Leo III. Cf. Nicephorus, Patriarch
+of Consple., p. 73.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f405'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r405'>405</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological
+Supplement</i>, pp. 34, 35.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f406'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r406'>406</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological
+Supplement</i>, p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f407'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r407'>407</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, pp. 175, 176.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f408'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r408'>408</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, pp. 46, 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f409'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r409'>409</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 500, 503, 504.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f410'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r410'>410</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cinnamus, p. 274.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f411'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r411'>411</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 414, 415.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f412'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r412'>412</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f413'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r413'>413</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f414'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r414'>414</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f415'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r415'>415</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., xiv. pp. 694-696.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f416'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r416'>416</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., xiv. p. 711.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f417'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r417'>417</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f418'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r418'>418</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 59.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f419'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r419'>419</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f420'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r420'>420</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Compare Paspates, pp. 54, 55, with Mordtmann, p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f421'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r421'>421</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Du Cange, <i>Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ</i>, p. 246.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f422'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r422'>422</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zorzo Dolfin, s. 54.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f423'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r423'>423</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological
+Supplement</i>, p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f424'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r424'>424</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Du Cange, <i>Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ; Familiæ Sclavonicæ</i>, ix. p. 336.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f425'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r425'>425</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 42.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f426'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r426'>426</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f427'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r427'>427</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Historia Cpolitanæ Urbis a Mahumete II. Captæ, per modum Epistolæ, die
+Augusti, anno 1453, ad Nicolaum V. Rom. Pont.</i>, Migne, vol. clix. p. 936.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f428'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r428'>428</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>Critobolus, i. c. 27; Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f429'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r429'>429</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, <a href='#chap19'>Chap. XIX</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f430'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r430'>430</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Tekfour Serai means Palace of the Sovereign, from a Persian word signifying
+Wearer of the Crown, Crowned Head. Leunclavius (<i>Pandectes Historiæ Turcicæ</i>,
+s. 56, Migne, vol. clix.) says that the Turks, in his day, styled the emperor, Tegguires.
+The derivation of Tekfour from the Greek τοῦ κυρίου is untenable.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f431'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r431'>431</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f432'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r432'>432</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>I. c. 27. Ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλίνης πύλης ἀνιόντι μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων τοῦ
+Πορφυρογεννήτου, καὶ φθάνοντι μέχρι τῆς λεγομένης πύλης τοῦ Χαρισοῦ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f433'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r433'>433</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f434'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r434'>434</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f435'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r435'>435</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f436'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r436'>436</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f437'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r437'>437</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f438'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r438'>438</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f439'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r439'>439</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Tafferner (see below, p. <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, reference 5) speaks of a propylæum supported by
+ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the palace from the city.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f440'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r440'>440</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, Τὴν τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου προσαγορευομένην
+πυλίδα.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f441'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r441'>441</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f442'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r442'>442</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Salzenberg, <i>Altchristliche Bandenkmäler von Constantinopel</i>, p. 125.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f443'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r443'>443</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means settled.
+Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann
+(p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to
+determine.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f444'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r444'>444</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 42.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f445'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r445'>445</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 62, 63.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f446'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r446'>446</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. p. 268.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f447'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r447'>447</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 612.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f448'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r448'>448</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to the
+Ottoman Court (<i>Cæsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom. Imperatore Leopoldi
+I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque Excellentissimus Dominus
+Walterus Comes de Leslie</i>, 1688), gives in his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the
+following description of the palace in his day:—“Præteriri non potuit quin inviseretur
+aula magni Constantini: Regia hæc ad Occidentem mœnibus adhæret; nobilia
+sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus substructionibus moles
+assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore
+inciso elaborata tectum fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. Vastæ et eminentes
+præter sacræ antiquitatis ædilitatem è pario lapide fenestræ liquidò demonstrant,
+cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulæ etiamnum ruinæ sint. Propylæum decem
+columnæ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuæ sustinent: ejus in angulo
+desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus mœret. Pergula è centro prominens universæ
+urbis conspectum explicat. Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color
+viridis extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricæ ornamentis,
+ac fulcris cæteris in Moschèas translata sunt: sola tantæ molis vestigia, atque
+ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo meridiem versùs insertum parieti visitur
+Oratoriolum hominibus recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatæ
+illud pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hæc Imperatorij operis
+majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive cœli injurias, sive immanitatem
+barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus
+cæteris, utcunque floreant, internecionem minatur.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f449'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r449'>449</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f450'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r450'>450</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f451'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r451'>451</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be
+distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f452'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r452'>452</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f453'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r453'>453</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius (<i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of Blachernæ, describes it
+as situated πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, ἐν χώρῳ καλουμένῳ Βλαχέρναις. Cf. <i>Paschal
+Chron.</i>, p. 726.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f454'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r454'>454</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f455'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r455'>455</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued further
+north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f456'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r456'>456</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the spur, the
+area they enclose, and their character. According to him, the wall on the eastern
+side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length, and is in some parts m. 13-14 high;
+the wall along the northern side of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high;
+the wall on the western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining
+walls of the city.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f457'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r457'>457</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 724, τὸ τεῖχος Βλαχερνῶν. This was before the erection
+of the Wall of Heraclius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f458'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r458'>458</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 726, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f459'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r459'>459</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, τὸ Βλαχερνῶν προτείχισμα τὸ καλούμενον
+Πτερόν.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f460'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r460'>460</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>; cf. Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3, c. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f461'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r461'>461</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg.</i> XIV.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f462'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r462'>462</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>. See also illustration facing p. <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f463'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r463'>463</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f464'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r464'>464</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.</i> “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima numeretur,
+tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio vallata alterius quomodo speciem
+civitatis ostendit.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dionysius Byzantius derives the name Blachernæ from a barbarian chieftain who
+was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that the Sixth Hill was fortified,
+to some extent, even before the foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, <i>De Top.
+C.P.</i>, iv. c. 5.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f465'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r465'>465</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from Londja to
+the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the fortifications around the city.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f466'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r466'>466</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f467'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r467'>467</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 719; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f468'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r468'>468</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ut supra</i>, Περὶ τὸ γεώλοφον ἄφ᾽ οὗπερ ὁρατὰ μὲν τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις
+ἀνάκτορα, ὁπόσα νένευκε πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Περὶ δὲ γε τὴν τούτου ὑπόβασιν
+ὑπτιάζει τις αὔλειος, πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος λήγουσα ὅπερ ἔρυμα
+τῶν ἀρχείων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνήγειρε Μανουὴλ, κατὰ δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον τῇ θαλάσσῃ
+ἐγγίζουσα.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f469'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r469'>469</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, <i>et passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f470'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r470'>470</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f471'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r471'>471</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine courses of brick.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f472'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r472'>472</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is found.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f473'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r473'>473</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 62.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f474'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r474'>474</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f475'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r475'>475</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. 177.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f476'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r476'>476</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo de,
+l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio, “Ad partem
+illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali tutebatur, Calegariam
+dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam erat perlatus, fortisque.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f477'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r477'>477</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 280.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f478'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r478'>478</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai
+quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ... lapide
+qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum conterebant.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f479'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r479'>479</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f480'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r480'>480</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f481'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r481'>481</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f482'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r482'>482</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f483'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r483'>483</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f484'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r484'>484</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f485'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r485'>485</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a little above
+the base of the tower.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f486'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r486'>486</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f487'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r487'>487</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of certain
+gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et Continuatus
+(<i>Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades</i>, vol. iii. p. 178) states that Bohemond, who,
+according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61) and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the
+Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned
+quarters—extra civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these
+writers was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who were
+styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the epithet of the
+saints were probably connected.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f488'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r488'>488</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <a href='#figxi'>foot</a> of List of Illustrations.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f489'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r489'>489</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f490'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r490'>490</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f491'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r491'>491</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, i. pp. 255, 289, 290.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f492'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r492'>492</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f493'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r493'>493</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f494'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r494'>494</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. pp. 130-132.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f495'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r495'>495</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chap. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f496'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r496'>496</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg.</i> XIV.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f497'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r497'>497</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Suidas, <i>Ad vocem</i>, <i>Anastasius</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f498'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r498'>498</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 542, 543.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f499'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r499'>499</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f500'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r500'>500</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f501'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r501'>501</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f502'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r502'>502</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>William of Tyre, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f503'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r503'>503</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f504'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r504'>504</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 351.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f505'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r505'>505</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f506'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r506'>506</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f507'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r507'>507</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f508'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r508'>508</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f509'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r509'>509</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420, etc.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f510'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r510'>510</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 280.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f511'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r511'>511</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f512'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r512'>512</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom visited
+the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f513'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r513'>513</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f514'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r514'>514</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f515'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r515'>515</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f516'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r516'>516</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f517'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r517'>517</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See tower L, in Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f518'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r518'>518</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f519'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r519'>519</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his discovery
+and exploration of the chambers.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f520'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r520'>520</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in
+Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred Hamlin, of
+Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson, Architect.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f521'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r521'>521</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and chambers has
+been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening <span class='fss'>V</span>, from the courtyard of the
+Mosque of Aivas Effendi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f522'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r522'>522</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In the opinion of some authorities, <i>e.g.</i> Professor Strzygowski, this apartment
+was a cistern.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f523'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r523'>523</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. Lanciani, <i>The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, pp. 178, 179, 182.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f524'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r524'>524</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. <a href='#fig_fp109'>109</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f525'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r525'>525</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f526'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r526'>526</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f527'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r527'>527</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ut supra.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f528'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r528'>528</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace of the
+Cæsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true idea of the human
+fourmillière of slaves, servants, freed men, and guards, which lived and moved and
+worked in the substrata of the Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in
+darkness” (<i>The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 150).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f529'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r529'>529</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, Προθέμενος δὲ καὶ πύργον τεκτήνασθαι κατὰ
+τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις παλάτιον, ἅμα μὲν εἰς ἔρυμα τῶν ἀνακτόρων, ὡς ἔφασκε, καὶ
+ὑπέρεισμα, ἅμα δὲ καὶ εἰς ἐνοίκησιν ἐαυτῷ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f530'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r530'>530</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid. ut supra.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f531'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r531'>531</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f532'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r532'>532</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 39.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f533'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r533'>533</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ εἱρκτή,
+is described as πύργος δ᾽ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀνακτόρων
+διακειμένων τειχῶν τῆς πόλεως: also p. 161, τὸν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ᾠκοδομημένον
+πύργον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f534'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r534'>534</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f535'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r535'>535</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 51, Ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀδεμανίδες πλησίον Βλαχέρνων.
+The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of a certain
+Bardanius, τὸ ἐπίκλην Ἀνεμᾶν, in the reign of Nicephorus I., 802-811.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f536'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r536'>536</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express terms
+are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455 (ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ
+φρουρὰ); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib. ii. p. 329; Phrantzes,
+p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii. p. 409) speaks of ταῖς κατὰ
+τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταῖς, in which the Despot Michael and his family were
+confined.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f537'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r537'>537</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 31.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f538'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r538'>538</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that the
+Palace of Blachernæ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall of Heraclius
+and the Wall of Leo. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 44.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f539'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r539'>539</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 206.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f540'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r540'>540</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f541'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r541'>541</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum
+molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el cardinal a sue spese
+hauea reparato, diffensaua.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f542'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r542'>542</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f543'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r543'>543</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f544'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r544'>544</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Schlumberger, <i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, chap. ii., for a
+brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas in 962; cf. Leo
+Diaconus, <i>Historia</i>, lib. i. et ii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f545'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r545'>545</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f546'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r546'>546</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 161-164.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f547'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r547'>547</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f548'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r548'>548</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f549'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r549'>549</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 350-355.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f550'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r550'>550</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see Pachymeres,
+vol. i. pp. 374-403.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f551'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r551'>551</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f552'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r552'>552</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is styled ταῖς
+κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταις.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f553'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r553'>553</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f554'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r554'>554</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Langier, <i>Histoire de la République de Venise</i>, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f555'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r555'>555</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found in
+Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46, 51, 60-64.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f556'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r556'>556</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 726, Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος πέριξ τοῦ οἴκον
+τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν τῆς θεοτόκου, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f557'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r557'>557</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, lib. i. c. 3; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 702.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f558'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r558'>558</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f559'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r559'>559</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For account of the siege, see <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>, pp. 715-726; Nicephorus
+Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f560'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r560'>560</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f561'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r561'>561</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 618.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f562'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r562'>562</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 37, 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f563'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r563'>563</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f564'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r564'>564</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f565'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r565'>565</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 726; Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, p. 21.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f566'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r566'>566</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, Chapter <a href='#chap09'>IX</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f567'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r567'>567</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; Συναθροίσας λαὸν πολὺν καὶ τεχνίτας
+ἤρξατο κτίζειν ἕτερον τεῖχος ἔξωθεν τοῦ τείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν, κόψας καὶ
+τὴν σούδαν πλατεῖαν.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f568'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r568'>568</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f569'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r569'>569</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f570'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r570'>570</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a castle with five
+towers, kept in the Great Palace.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f571'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r571'>571</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f572'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r572'>572</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 6; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 724, 725.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f573'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r573'>573</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., x. p. 48; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient.</i>, p. 124. The church
+was dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicholas (Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>). The Holy Well
+is now regarded as that of St. Basil (Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern
+Consple.</i>, p. 44). Whether the church should be identified with the Church of St.
+Nicholas, τὰ Βασιλίδου (Codinus, p. 125, Paspates, p. 34), is doubtful.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Cosmidion, now Eyoub, obtained its name from the celebrated Church and
+Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the district. The church was founded by
+Paulinus, the friend of Theodosius II., and the victim of his jealousy, and is therefore
+sometimes described as ἐν τοῖς Παυλίνου. It stood on the hill at the head of the
+Golden Horn, commanding the most beautiful view of the harbour, and constituted,
+with the walls around it, an acropolis (Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i> i. c. 6). It was restored
+by Justinian the Great, and was famed for miraculous cures. The two saints had
+been what would now be termed “medical missionaries,” and exercised their art
+gratuitously; hence, their epithet Ἀνάργυροι (without money). Owing to the strategical
+position of the monastery, it was frequently seized by assailants of the city, as,
+for example, by the Avars (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 725), and by the rebel Thomas (Theophanes
+Cont., p. 59). It was granted to Bohemond by Alexius Comnenus, and was
+consequently known as the Castle of Bohemond (William of Tyre, ii. pp. 84, 85).
+Andronicus II. Palæologus dismantled the fortress, lest it should be used by the
+Catalans (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 592).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f574'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r574'>574</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 568.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f575'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r575'>575</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 573.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f576'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r576'>576</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 592.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f577'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r577'>577</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f578'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r578'>578</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f579'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r579'>579</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f580'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r580'>580</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f581'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r581'>581</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, x. p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f582'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r582'>582</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, <i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. 35;
+Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in <i>Tafel et Thomas</i>, p. 309.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f583'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r583'>583</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Barbaro, pp. 719-722.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f584'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r584'>584</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f585'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r585'>585</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 61.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f586'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r586'>586</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f587'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r587'>587</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f588'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r588'>588</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f589'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r589'>589</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, lib. vii. p. 150.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f590'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r590'>590</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f591'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r591'>591</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 282.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f592'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r592'>592</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 37.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f593'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r593'>593</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f594'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r594'>594</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f595'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r595'>595</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f596'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r596'>596</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f597'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r597'>597</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f598'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r598'>598</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ad Reg. XIV.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f599'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r599'>599</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f600'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r600'>600</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 618.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f601'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r601'>601</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f602'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r602'>602</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f603'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r603'>603</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Attaliotes, p. 251.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f604'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r604'>604</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f605'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r605'>605</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, <i>ut infra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f606'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r606'>606</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>III. p. 58. Page 30.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f607'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r607'>607</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον:
+Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f608'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r608'>608</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f609'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r609'>609</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the bridge
+stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f610'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r610'>610</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis
+Christiana</i>, iv. p. 179.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f611'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r611'>611</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f612'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r612'>612</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 13.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f613'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r613'>613</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f614'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r614'>614</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., x. p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f615'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r615'>615</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cinnamus, p. 75.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f616'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r616'>616</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chap. 33.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f617'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r617'>617</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f618'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r618'>618</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>La Conquête de Constantinople</i>, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui conseillièrent
+qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les
+Vénitiens, qui connaissaient mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de
+l’eau les emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs vaisseaux.”
+Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f619'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r619'>619</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f620'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r620'>620</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f621'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r621'>621</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Gram., p. 241.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f622'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r622'>622</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <a href='#fig_fp019'>Map</a> of Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f623'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r623'>623</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f624'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r624'>624</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 21. The inscription
+was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on the Porta
+Rhousiou. See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f625'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r625'>625</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f626'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r626'>626</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 589.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f627'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r627'>627</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f628'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r628'>628</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f629'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r629'>629</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Manasses, 4824-4829.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f630'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r630'>630</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f631'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r631'>631</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f632'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r632'>632</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Von Hammer, <i>Constantinopolis und Bosporos</i>, vol. i. appendix, numbers 23,
+24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, <i>Voyage du Levant</i>, lettre xi.
+p. 180.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f633'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r633'>633</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological
+Supplement</i>, p. 31.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f634'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r634'>634</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. <i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885;
+<i>Archæological Supplement</i>, p. 32. The following reading of the inscription has been
+suggested:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>Πολλῶν κραταιῶς δεσποσάντων τοῦ σάλου</div>
+      <div class='line'>Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδενὸς πρὸς ὕψος [εἴκοσιν ποδῶν]</div>
+      <div class='line'>Τὸ βληθὲν εἰς γῆν τεῖχος ἐξηγερκότος</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f635'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r635'>635</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f636'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r636'>636</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not clear.
+Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting of more than one tower
+(p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p. 288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the
+plural number to be understood literally or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated
+by Phrantzes with Leo and Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the
+historian refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the former
+alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the matter, and the name of
+Basil I. must have dropped out of the inscription of Leo and Alexander when the
+tower, as the reversed position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and
+repaired. If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of Basil,
+had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower was defended by the
+Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p. 254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan
+ship as defending the fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see
+below, pp. <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or towers he
+had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p. 238) from Crete were
+present at the siege, Cretans could be found taking part in the defence at different
+points. The tower of Leo and Alexander has disappeared.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f637'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r637'>637</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 274.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f638'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r638'>638</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside the Sea
+of Marmora, may be cited here.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and reads:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΦΗΛΩΧΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΝ</div>
+      <div class='line'>ΕΤΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ ΤΕΣΣΑΡΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΥ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c012'>The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c011'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>ΜΒΑΙΩΝΝΘΟΜ ΤΕΙΧ ΗΝΕΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΦΥΛΑΤΕΙ</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f639'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r639'>639</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f640'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r640'>640</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Three pikes.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f641'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r641'>641</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; <i>Metrical Chronicle</i>,
+pp. 657-661.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f642'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r642'>642</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio enclosure
+to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the opinion that the
+Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the Turkish Conquest, and formed,
+after 1261, part of the domain attached to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the
+statement of Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood
+within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates identified with
+the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point; hence his conclusion that the
+territory about that point was included in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But
+Dr. Paspates must have forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius,
+which formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point, but near
+the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace, buildings placed by Dr.
+Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short distance to the east of the Hippodrome,
+and to the west of the Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace,
+Βυζαντινὰ Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr.
+Metcalfe.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f643'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r643'>643</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f644'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r644'>644</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication of his
+<i>History</i> to Andronicus II.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f645'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r645'>645</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f646'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r646'>646</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f647'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r647'>647</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f648'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r648'>648</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.) The
+bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f649'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r649'>649</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f650'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r650'>650</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See <i>Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos
+of Consple.</i>, 1885; <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, pp. 37, 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f651'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r651'>651</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f652'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r652'>652</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city has
+been so often cited.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f653'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r653'>653</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre</i> 1453,
+note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., <i>Cottascher Verlag</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f654'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r654'>654</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f655'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r655'>655</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, <i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième
+Siècle</i>, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to the Varangian Guard.
+Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who assisted Isaac Angelus in the
+negotiations with the envoys of the Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva,
+et entra en une chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier,
+et son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f656'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r656'>656</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f657'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r657'>657</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelagi.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f658'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r658'>658</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f659'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r659'>659</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or Verandah.
+The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f660'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r660'>660</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition the term
+is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f661'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r661'>661</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα
+τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ... près
+de la mer.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f662'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r662'>662</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 124.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f663'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r663'>663</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn.,
+iii. p. 166.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f664'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r664'>664</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 39.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f665'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r665'>665</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty feet wide.
+The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles fifteen feet. The dividing walls,
+pierced by seven arches, are five feet thick.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f666'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r666'>666</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f667'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r667'>667</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, iv. p. 116.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f668'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r668'>668</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f669'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r669'>669</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 233.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f670'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r670'>670</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f671'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r671'>671</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f672'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r672'>672</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 568.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f673'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r673'>673</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f674'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r674'>674</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cæsarea Legatio</i>, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f675'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r675'>675</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It is now in the Imperial Museum.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f676'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r676'>676</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 15.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f677'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r677'>677</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 4; <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2. This depression was visible
+as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known
+as a Tchoukour Bostan, the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f678'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r678'>678</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David Ungnad</i>,
+p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this Diary of his visit to Constantinople,
+1573-1578.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f679'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r679'>679</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f680'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r680'>680</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-240.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f681'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r681'>681</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 254.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f682'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r682'>682</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>IV. p. 181.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f683'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r683'>683</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>N. Barbaro, p. 789.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f684'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r684'>684</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient (from Pera)
+à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’ où ils devaient trouver le
+sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la
+plus grande partie de la ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople
+et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la cour,
+près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils montèrent à cheval et partirent
+pour visiter une église nommée Sancta Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of
+Blachernæ).”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f685'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r685'>685</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, i. p. 568, year 1334.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f686'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r686'>686</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f687'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r687'>687</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 728.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f688'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r688'>688</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 720.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f689'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r689'>689</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Clavijo, <i>Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques</i>, pp. 14, 15.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f690'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r690'>690</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>History of the Council of Florence</i>, by Sgyropoulos, who attended the
+Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a Latin translation are
+found in <i>Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii
+Florentini</i>. The translation, published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was
+dedicated to Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that
+work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f691'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r691'>691</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Historia Politica</i>, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f692'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r692'>692</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 254, 255.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f693'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r693'>693</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern extremity
+of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of
+the Kynegos, for these names are sometimes employed in a way which renders it
+perfectly evident that they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, <i>ut supra</i>;
+Pusculus, iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f694'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r694'>694</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f695'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r695'>695</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 254.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f696'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r696'>696</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis CP.</i>, p. 39.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f697'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r697'>697</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν οἰκημάτων
+αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ
+κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιβοήτου,
+μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St. John
+mentioned in the <i>Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus</i>, p. 203, cited above on p. <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.
+The latter, also, was a gate near the water, with a considerable territory outside the
+entrance, occupied by numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία
+Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is confirmed
+by the reference in the <i>Chrysoboullon</i> to Kanabus (τοῦ Κανάβη), the eponym of the
+Church of St. Demetrius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f698'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r698'>698</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 40.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f699'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r699'>699</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. ii. p. 582.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f700'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r700'>700</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f701'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r701'>701</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 321.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f702'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r702'>702</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 721.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f703'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r703'>703</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f704'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r704'>704</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 753.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f705'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r705'>705</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Antony of Novgorod, in <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 99.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f706'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r706'>706</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f707'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r707'>707</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, line 259.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f708'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r708'>708</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 41.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f709'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r709'>709</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f710'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r710'>710</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f711'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r711'>711</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 39.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f712'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r712'>712</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f713'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r713'>713</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 537.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f714'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r714'>714</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f715'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r715'>715</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f716'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r716'>716</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f717'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r717'>717</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>N. Barbaro, p. 818.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f718'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r718'>718</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, pp. 85, 86. The church
+was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of Michael Palæologus,
+upon her return to Constantinople, after the death of her husband, the Khan of
+the Mongols. It has remained in the possession of the Greek community, in virtue
+of a firman of Mehemet the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos,
+the architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (<i>Acta Patriarchatus
+CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f719'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r719'>719</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f720'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r720'>720</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, <i>De S. Sophia</i>, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f721'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r721'>721</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f722'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r722'>722</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, May 29.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f723'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r723'>723</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 104.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f724'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r724'>724</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 293.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f725'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r725'>725</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>IV. 191.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f726'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r726'>726</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>S. 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f727'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r727'>727</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Chroniques Græco-Romaines</i>, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that this point
+is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael Palæologus with the Venetians in 1265,
+when that emperor allowed the Venetians to occupy any point from the old Arsenal
+to Pegæ (ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἐξαρτύσις μέχρι καὶ τῶν Πηγῶν). The passage is
+ambiguous, for there was an old arsenal and a suburb Pegæ on the northern side of
+the Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f728'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r728'>728</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f729'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r729'>729</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720, 721.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f730'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r730'>730</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches was the
+Church of St. Conon (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 721), memorable in the Sedition of the
+Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two of the seven rioters condemned
+to death from the hands of the clumsy executioner, and carried them across the
+Golden Horn in a boat to the Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas,
+p. 473).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f731'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r731'>731</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Desimoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f732'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r732'>732</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f733'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r733'>733</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f734'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r734'>734</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 754; <i>Chroniques Græco-Romaines</i>, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f735'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r735'>735</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f736'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r736'>736</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; <i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. p. 284.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f737'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r737'>737</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 46, 348.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f738'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r738'>738</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery of Christ
+the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi,
+to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates, pp. 384, 385). But the prominence
+of the monastery suggests a position nearer the shore. For incidents connected
+with it, see Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the
+monastery (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern
+limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the Monastery of St.
+Giorgio Majore, at Venice (<i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 47-49).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f739'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r739'>739</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f740'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r740'>740</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 282.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f741'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r741'>741</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 39; <i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 461; <i>Itinéraires Russes
+en Orient</i>, pp. 104, 105.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f742'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r742'>742</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi,
+and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f743'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r743'>743</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f744'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r744'>744</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p. <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f745'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r745'>745</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. X.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f746'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r746'>746</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f747'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r747'>747</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Du Cange, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f748'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r748'>748</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, vi. c. xxi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f749'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r749'>749</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Muller</i>, iii. p. 88.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f750'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r750'>750</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f751'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r751'>751</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Du Cange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, <i>ad vocem</i>,
+from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected with the German
+“Gedrung” and the English “throng.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f752'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r752'>752</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in <i>Anna
+Comn.</i>, vol. ii. p. 544.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f753'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r753'>753</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quæ dicitur De Longaria, extra
+murum civitatis CP.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f754'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r754'>754</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f755'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r755'>755</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 281.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f756'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r756'>756</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, <i>Epistolæ Quatuor</i>, p. 88.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f757'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r757'>757</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f758'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r758'>758</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f759'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r759'>759</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Paspates, p. 166.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f760'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r760'>760</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Heyd, <i>Histoire du Commerce du Levant</i>, vol. i. p. 251.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f761'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r761'>761</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 251.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f762'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r762'>762</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. vii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f763'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r763'>763</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. VI.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f764'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r764'>764</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Novella LIX.</i>, c. v.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f765'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r765'>765</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 618.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f766'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r766'>766</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f767'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r767'>767</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ptochoprodromus</i>, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f768'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r768'>768</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>VII. p. 286.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f769'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r769'>769</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, i. p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f770'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r770'>770</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, i. pp. 55-63.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f771'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r771'>771</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f772'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r772'>772</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f773'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r773'>773</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in Byzantine
+Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp. 127-276; Mordtmann, pp.
+46-50; Desmoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, vol. i.; <i>Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli
+nel Secolo XII.</i>; Heyd, <i>Histoire du Commerce du Levant</i>; Sauli, <i>Della Colonia
+del Genovesi in Galata</i>; Pears, <i>Fall of Constantinople</i>, c. 6; Miklosich et Müller,
+<i>Acta et Diplomata Græca</i>; Tafel und Thomas, <i>Urkunden zur Älteren Handels und
+Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f774'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r774'>774</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (<i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 121),
+who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate near the sea, and beside a Church
+of St. Demetrius, named “Portes Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the
+vicinity. From the connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the
+gate stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood of
+Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different gates at different
+periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro (p. 817) confirms the existence of
+a Jewish quarter on the Marmora shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish
+fleet, finding itself unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the
+attempt, and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del Dardanelo”),
+and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntò in tera de la banda
+de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend that the Russian pilgrim referred to
+a gate near the Church of St. Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does
+not affect the argument presented in the text.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f775'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r775'>775</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 4-11.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f776'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r776'>776</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 6.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f777'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r777'>777</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f778'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r778'>778</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 737.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f779'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r779'>779</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 19-21.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f780'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r780'>780</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f781'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r781'>781</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 19, 21.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f782'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r782'>782</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f783'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r783'>783</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f784'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r784'>784</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Patriarcha, <i>CP.</i>, p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes Cont.,
+p. 391.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f785'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r785'>785</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f786'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r786'>786</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at Keurekdjilar,
+in Galata.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f787'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r787'>787</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f788'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r788'>788</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. ii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f789'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r789'>789</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 454.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f790'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r790'>790</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f791'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r791'>791</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 254.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f792'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r792'>792</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who
+mention the Beautiful Gate.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f793'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r793'>793</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The ground on
+which Yeni Validè Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of the Outer Bridge,
+belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to Karaïte Jews, who claimed that the
+territory had been granted to their ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return
+for the seizure of the ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received
+houses at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from
+taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the mosque has had
+to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two piastres.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f794'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r794'>794</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 12.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f795'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r795'>795</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 268.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f796'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r796'>796</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>I. c. 18.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f797'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r797'>797</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 238.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f798'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r798'>798</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 384.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f799'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r799'>799</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 283, 284.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f800'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r800'>800</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 282, 283.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f801'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r801'>801</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 263.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f802'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r802'>802</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 300.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f803'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r803'>803</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f804'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r804'>804</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 270, 271.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f805'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r805'>805</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius’ statement (<i>De Top. CP.</i>, III. c. i.) on the subject is: “Portum, quem
+vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam Græci appellant Oraiam, corruptè quasi
+Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam
+Oraiam, quam Turci appellant Siphont (Tsifout), id est, Judæorum eam accolentium,
+spatium latum ... videre licet.” Cf. <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, II. c. i. “Pro porta
+quam vulgo vocant Oriam corruptè, quasi olim Neorii portam.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f806'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r806'>806</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 454: “Die Prächtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f807'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r807'>807</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200. “Porta quæ Græci quotquot vederi peritores volunt
+Porta Horæa (Ὡραία), vulgo Huræa (Ebraia) dicitur.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f808'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r808'>808</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, vol. i. p. 37:
+<i>Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII.</i>, p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f809'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r809'>809</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f810'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r810'>810</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, ad ann. 406, 415.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f811'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r811'>811</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor.</i>, Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, <i>De Urbibus et
+Populis</i>, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f812'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r812'>812</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mordtmann, p. 49.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f813'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r813'>813</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to be
+ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the Ox-Port.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f814'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r814'>814</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f815'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r815'>815</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 699.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f816'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r816'>816</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Corona</i>, p. 134, Edition Didot.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f817'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r817'>817</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f818'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r818'>818</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f819'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r819'>819</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f820'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r820'>820</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. pp. 76, 232.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f821'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r821'>821</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f822'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r822'>822</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f823'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r823'>823</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; <i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, p. 563.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f824'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r824'>824</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 149.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f825'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r825'>825</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, ii. pp. 467, 564.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f826'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r826'>826</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. IV.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f827'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r827'>827</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis</i>, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f828'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r828'>828</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Critobulus, i. c. 18.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f829'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r829'>829</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the tower
+to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two towers, on the
+opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn, which supported the chain, he
+says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la zilade, zoè una de la banda de Constantinopoli,
+l’altra de la banda de Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f830'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r830'>830</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f831'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r831'>831</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f832'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r832'>832</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. x. “Adhuc Galatæ porta est, quæ appellatur Catena,
+ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes,
+p. 609.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f833'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r833'>833</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Paspates (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἄλωσις τῆς ΚΠ., p. 63) thinks the tower stood
+beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata Bridge and the Galata
+Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the existence of old ruins at that point.
+But the chain would never be placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f834'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r834'>834</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 609.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f835'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r835'>835</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f836'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r836'>836</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, p. 79.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f837'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r837'>837</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f838'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r838'>838</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-247, for the discussion regarding the
+precise route taken by the ships.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f839'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r839'>839</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f840'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r840'>840</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi. R.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f841'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r841'>841</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f842'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r842'>842</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 15. With him agree
+Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f843'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r843'>843</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f844'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r844'>844</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 254, 255, Ἐδόθη φυλάττειν τὸν πύργον τὸν ἐν μέσω τοῦ ῥεύματος,
+τὸν φυλάσσοντα τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἦν ἀντικρὺς τῆς πύλης τῆς
+βασιλικῆς.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f845'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r845'>845</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city (Πολιορκία
+καὶ Ἂλωσις τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, p. 141), represents the Hill of St. Theodore
+and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of Cassim Pasha. This, however, is
+in harmony neither with the statements of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The
+requirements of the case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was
+the ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery stood nearer
+the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso
+el Turcho da disdegno, da i montè orientali de Pera penso a profondar con machine
+e morteri, o trar quelle de la cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal
+occidente” (<i>i.e.</i> aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f846'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r846'>846</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 259.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f847'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r847'>847</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 238.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f848'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r848'>848</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f849'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r849'>849</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited above) understands
+Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower with one which stood,
+until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius
+(Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers
+(see above, p. <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f850'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r850'>850</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 254, 255.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f851'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r851'>851</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f852'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r852'>852</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f853'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r853'>853</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 275.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f854'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r854'>854</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297, 487.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f855'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r855'>855</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden Horn, and
+on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p.
+931) says the bridge was built that the army might advance near the wall, beside the
+“fanum” of the city: “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term
+is ambiguous. Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But
+more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the bridge was not
+exactly opposite to it.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f856'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r856'>856</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to have
+been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was burned down. It was
+then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by fire, after which it was rebuilt at the
+expense of the monastery on Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable
+church of the Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern
+Consple.</i>, pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (<i>Proceedings of
+the Greek Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f857'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r857'>857</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 391.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f858'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r858'>858</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f859'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r859'>859</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point “Die Königliche
+Pforte.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f860'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r860'>860</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>; see below, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f861'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r861'>861</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. pp. 297, 391, 487.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f862'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r862'>862</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f863'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r863'>863</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 65.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f864'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r864'>864</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 18.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f865'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r865'>865</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 65.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f866'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r866'>866</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>If the Basilikè Pylè could be identified with the gate which went by the names
+Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi, all statements concerning
+the Imperial Gate might be applied to that single entrance. But this would be to
+interpret the language of Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely.
+Nor is there any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or for
+regarding that gate important during the last siege.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f867'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r867'>867</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Basilikè Pylè is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following writers:—</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great conflagration,
+in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the city, and caused immense loss of
+houses and merchandise.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship from the
+harbour at Blachernæ, in order to leave Constantinople more readily, as soon as a
+favourable wind sprang up.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate beside the
+shore on which a certain priest had his residence.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St. John the
+Baptist stood upon the seashore.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a hospitium
+on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during the
+siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor Manuel Palæologus,
+who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir),
+allowed his minister Theologus to be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from
+the Turks to betray the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith
+dragged by the Cretans along the street to the Basilikè Pylè, and there had his eyes
+put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after the horrible operation.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower injured
+by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians, and by
+the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As the
+gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke
+Notaras.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which entered
+the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of the harbour.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f868'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r868'>868</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 42.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f869'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r869'>869</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f870'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r870'>870</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 753.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f871'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r871'>871</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 271.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f872'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r872'>872</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 251.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f873'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r873'>873</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinople et le Bosphore</i>, p. 364.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f874'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r874'>874</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 42.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f875'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r875'>875</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Siège de Constantinople</i>; Nicolò Barbaro, <i>Giornale</i>, p. 752.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f876'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r876'>876</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f877'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r877'>877</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 270: Προστάττει τοῦ εὐθυδρομηθῆναι τὰς νάπας τὰς ὄπισθεν κειμένας
+τοῦ Γαλατᾶ, ἀπὸ τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν, κάτωθεν τοῦ διπλοῦ κίονος.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f878'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r878'>878</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>IV. 550-551.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f879'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r879'>879</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 753.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f880'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r880'>880</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. c. 42. Charles Müller thinks the correct reading in the text of Critobulus
+was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f881'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r881'>881</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 7. See
+also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more distinctly shown in the copy of that
+map found in Du Cange and Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work).
+The idea of Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (<i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, p.
+237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns
+and inhabitants together—to Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has
+no foundation whatever.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f882'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r882'>882</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 753.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f883'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r883'>883</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dethier, <i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, No. xviii. p. 893.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f884'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r884'>884</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <a href='#fig_fp019'>Map</a> of Byzantine Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f885'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r885'>885</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169; Cantacuzene,
+iv. p. 221.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f886'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r886'>886</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f887'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r887'>887</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. xxi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f888'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r888'>888</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας πύλης, ἥτις ἀνέῳγε κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν.
+Cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f889'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r889'>889</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f890'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r890'>890</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f891'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r891'>891</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f892'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r892'>892</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f893'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r893'>893</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f894'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r894'>894</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f895'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r895'>895</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 26.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f896'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r896'>896</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 205.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f897'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r897'>897</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f898'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r898'>898</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f899'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r899'>899</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 268, Ὁ ἀντίπορθμος οὖτος πύργος τῆς τῶν Μαγγάνων ἄγχιστα
+δεδομημένος μονῆς.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f900'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r900'>900</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares, admiral
+of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of Macedon, erected a
+pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a monument to the memory of his wife,
+Damalis, who had accompanied him on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis.
+Hence that suburb and the rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the
+Byzantine emperors at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin,
+c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius, <i>De
+Bosporo Thracio</i>, iii. c. ix.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f901'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r901'>901</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f902'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r902'>902</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495; <i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i> See above, p. <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f903'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r903'>903</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f904'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r904'>904</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus,
+see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f905'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r905'>905</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f906'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r906'>906</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 268.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f907'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r907'>907</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zonaras, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f908'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r908'>908</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>M. Attaliota, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f909'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r909'>909</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du XV. Siècle</i>.
+Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f910'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r910'>910</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 162.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f911'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r911'>911</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f912'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r912'>912</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; <i>William of Tyre</i>, lib. xx. c. xxiv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f913'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r913'>913</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f914'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r914'>914</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of the wall
+between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk. One gallery measures
+123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f915'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r915'>915</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 119.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f916'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r916'>916</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. vii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f917'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r917'>917</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant</i>, c. xviii. (1665).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f918'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r918'>918</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople</i>, p. 83 (1670).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f919'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r919'>919</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis und der Bosporos</i>, vol. i. p. 238.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f920'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r920'>920</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Constantinople et ses Abords</i>, p. 99.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f921'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r921'>921</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 181.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f922'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r922'>922</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 119, 202, 231.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f923'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r923'>923</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f924'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r924'>924</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f925'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r925'>925</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 107.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f926'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r926'>926</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals found
+among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann remarks, “explication
+qui n’a point été admise par ses contradicteurs.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f927'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r927'>927</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 337.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f928'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r928'>928</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 581.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f929'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r929'>929</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f930'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r930'>930</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f931'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r931'>931</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f932'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r932'>932</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent
+(Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres, celui de Lazare
+le Ressuscité, où ses reliques et (celles de) sa sœur Marie sont incrustées dans une
+colonne; et secondement celui de Lazare, évêque de Galassie.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f933'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r933'>933</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the theatres
+erected by Severus in Byzantium?</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f934'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r934'>934</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 79.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f935'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r935'>935</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Gram., p. 273, Εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Λάζαρον, εἰς τὸ καταβάσιον τοῦ Τζυκανιστηρίου:
+p. 274, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Τόπους. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 859, 860.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f936'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r936'>936</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f937'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r937'>937</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, <i>ad vocem</i> στήλη.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f938'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r938'>938</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f939'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r939'>939</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f940'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r940'>940</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f941'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r941'>941</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 229.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f942'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r942'>942</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26; Pachymeres,
+<i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f943'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r943'>943</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f944'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r944'>944</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 288.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f945'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r945'>945</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent d’Odigitria, dans
+la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “à l’est de Sainte Sophie, dans la direction de la
+mer, à droite, s’élève un couvent appelé Odigitria.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f946'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r946'>946</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 52.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f947'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r947'>947</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f948'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r948'>948</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f949'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r949'>949</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Psalm cxviii. 19. † ΑΝΥΞΑΤΑΙ ΜΟΙ ΠΥΛΑΣ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΥΝΗΣ
+ΙΝΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΩΝ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΑΙΣ ΕΞΟΜΟΛΟΓΗΣΩΜΑΙ ΤΩ ΚΥΡΙΩ †.
+Cf. <i>Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological
+Supplement</i>, pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f950'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r950'>950</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f951'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r951'>951</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John Palæologus took
+the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon during the night.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f952'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r952'>952</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f953'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r953'>953</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 698.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f954'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r954'>954</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 283.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f955'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r955'>955</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f956'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r956'>956</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Gramm., p. 289.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f957'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r957'>957</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f958'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r958'>958</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 207.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f959'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r959'>959</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f960'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r960'>960</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, ii. c. xv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f961'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r961'>961</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200, Πόρτα ταῖς Ἀρκούδες; Itinéraires Russes en Orient,
+p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent des ours et des aurochs en
+pierre.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f962'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r962'>962</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f963'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r963'>963</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f964'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r964'>964</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (<i>De Leone Basilii Filio</i>, c. i.)
+records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate, which burned the
+Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood near one another.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f965'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r965'>965</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f966'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r966'>966</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f967'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r967'>967</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Habakkuk iii. 8.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f968'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r968'>968</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Psalm xxi. 7.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f969'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r969'>969</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Psalm lxxxix. 22.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f970'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r970'>970</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Psalm xviii. 3</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f971'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r971'>971</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of Justinian
+over the Factions in 532.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f972'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r972'>972</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f973'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r973'>973</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i> <i>ut supra</i>; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f974'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r974'>974</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f975'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r975'>975</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 109.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f976'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r976'>976</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f977'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r977'>977</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f978'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r978'>978</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f979'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r979'>979</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f980'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r980'>980</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f981'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r981'>981</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iii. p. 46; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 49.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f982'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r982'>982</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iii. p. 49; <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 102, 103.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f983'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r983'>983</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms Ψαμάθεα
+(Codinus, p. 109); τῶν Ὕψωμαθίων (Phrantzes, p. 253); τοῦ Ψωμαθέως (Constant.
+Porphyr., <i>De Administratione Imperii</i>, c. 43). The quarter boasted of a palace and
+gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus, <i>ut supra</i>), a monastery (Constant.
+Porphyr., <i>ut supra</i>), and the Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou
+Monastir).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f984'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r984'>984</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 562, 563.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f985'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r985'>985</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 349.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f986'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r986'>986</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 223.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f987'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r987'>987</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth Epistle.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f988'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r988'>988</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 347.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f989'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r989'>989</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f990'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r990'>990</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f991'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r991'>991</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Bondelmontius’ Map.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f992'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r992'>992</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f993'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r993'>993</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; <i>Itinéraires Russes
+en Orient</i>, p. 235.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f994'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r994'>994</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>William of Tyre, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f995'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r995'>995</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f996'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r996'>996</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 118.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f997'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r997'>997</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f998'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r998'>998</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, pp. 201-210.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f999'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r999'>999</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis und der Bosporos</i>, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1000'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1000'>1000</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman</i>, vol. v., note xxxv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1001'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1001'>1001</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 53, 54.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1002'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1002'>1002</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marin Sanuto, <i>Diarii Autographi</i>, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14 Decembrio,
+1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who had been in Constantinople,
+and knew the localities to which allusion was made.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1003'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1003'>1003</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Von Hammer (<i>Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman</i>, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes also
+from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman, who alludes to
+the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam hic propere ad mare, in
+quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille
+hominibus moveri non possit.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his <i>Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi Ottomani,</i>
+adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In Constantinopoli un Leone di
+pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro,
+guardava prima verso Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche,
+era situato sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una coscia
+e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che bevese” (<i>Libro</i>, iv.
+p. 319. Venezia, 1677).</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>With the above compare the statement found in the <i>Spectator</i> of April 20, 1895,
+p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in Southern Austria,
+Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste there was also a good deal
+of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue of the Emperor Charles is reported to have
+twisted round on its pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What
+an omen that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1004'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1004'>1004</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, ref. 2.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1005'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1005'>1005</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione pecudum....
+Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac vetus habet undique circumfluum
+nisi qua terræ jungitur, in quo mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur
+pecudes.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1006'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1006'>1006</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>: “Fenestres habet hæc porta (Tchatlady Kapou) marmoreas
+a latere, cujusdam ædificii vel palatii veteris, quod ipsis, muris urbanis incumbit.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1007'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1007'>1007</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo versus meridiem
+est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli;
+cujus fenestræ antiquo opere laboratæ extant in muro inclusæ.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1008'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1008'>1008</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc.</i>, vol. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1009'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1009'>1009</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some 200 by
+175 feet. See <a href='#fig_fp269'>Map</a> facing p. 269.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1010'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1010'>1010</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1011'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1011'>1011</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a higher
+palace, Ἐν τῷ κάτω παλατίῳ: εἰς τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1012'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1012'>1012</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, <i>Librum Insularum</i>, p. 121.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1013'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1013'>1013</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Labarte, <i>Le Palais Imperial de Consple.</i>, pp. 208-210.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1014'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1014'>1014</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. i. p. 9.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1015'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1015'>1015</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1016'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1016'>1016</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iii. p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1017'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1017'>1017</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 87.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1018'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1018'>1018</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1019'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1019'>1019</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Imperial de Consple.</i>, pp. 208, 209.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1020'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1020'>1020</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1021'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1021'>1021</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 107.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1022'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1022'>1022</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 700.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1023'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1023'>1023</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1024'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1024'>1024</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1025'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1025'>1025</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1026'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1026'>1026</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1027'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1027'>1027</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Cer.</i>, p. 601.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1028'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1028'>1028</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1029'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1029'>1029</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of Du
+Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of SS. Sergius and
+Bacchus?</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1030'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1030'>1030</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the Palace of
+the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the Anonymus on points of
+history is not very great. Or, it may be held, that the palace was founded by
+Theodosius II., and that the name Bucoleon was given to it later.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1031'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1031'>1031</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1032'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1032'>1032</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i> i. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1033'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1033'>1033</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>John of Ephesus</i>, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1034'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1034'>1034</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 107.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1035'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1035'>1035</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 447.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1036'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1036'>1036</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1037'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1037'>1037</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1038'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1038'>1038</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxvi. p. 123.
+The last author describes the work thus: Τῷ νῦν ὁρωμένῳ τείχει τὰ βασίλεια
+ἐστεφάνωσεν. Ἄκροπολιν δ᾽ οἱ πολίται τοῦτο καὶ τυραννεῖον καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν
+γινόμενον ἔκρινον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1039'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1039'>1039</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 64, Περίβολον ἐκ τοῦ θατέρου μέρους τοῦ πρὸς θάλατταν
+ἐπικλινοῦς τῶν ἀνακτόρων τειχίζειν ἀρξάμενος, κατὰ θάτερον πρὸς θάλατταν
+συνεπέρανε, καὶ τεῖχος, τὸ νῦν ὁρώμενον ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὀχυρὸν ἐδομήσατο, καὶ
+τὴν βασίλειον ἑστίαν ὡς ὑπετόπαζεν, ἠσφαλίσατο. Not, as Schlumberger
+supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora, across the promontory
+(<i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, p. 544).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1040'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1040'>1040</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, <i>Patrologia Latina</i>, vol. cxxxvi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1041'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1041'>1041</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 210.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1042'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1042'>1042</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 545.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1043'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1043'>1043</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a special enclosure,
+although the historians do not refer to it particularly.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a portion of a
+Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet high, is found standing. It was
+discovered, when walls and houses in the neighbourhood were demolished for the
+construction of the Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted
+gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns. Gate and
+columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall would join the tower
+at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if produced northwards, the wall would
+abut against the retaining wall of the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet
+and its courtyards are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing <i>east</i>, and
+behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches occurring at
+intervals.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of Marcian (see
+Labarte, <i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 214), attached to the Great Palace. But
+this view of its character is not consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards.
+That fact indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon
+which stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these palaces
+were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall not have turned
+westwards, at its present northern extremity, to protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon
+along the north, and then southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady
+Kapou, and protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the
+southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified enclosure of
+their own.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1044'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1044'>1044</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 393.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1045'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1045'>1045</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1046'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1046'>1046</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1047'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1047'>1047</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1048'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1048'>1048</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xx. c. 23.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1049'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1049'>1049</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. li. E.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1050'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1050'>1050</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1051'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1051'>1051</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. li.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1052'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1052'>1052</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. liii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1053'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1053'>1053</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1054'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1054'>1054</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1055'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1055'>1055</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. cvi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1056'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1056'>1056</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. liii., lv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1057'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1057'>1057</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of
+Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the statements of Ville-Hardouin.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1058'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1058'>1058</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi Antapodosis,
+lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., <i>Mon. Germ. Hist.</i>, t. v. p. 333.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1059'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1059'>1059</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 393.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1060'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1060'>1060</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Cer.</i>, p. 586.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1061'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1061'>1061</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 253.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1062'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1062'>1062</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. III.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1063'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1063'>1063</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theod. Cod., <i>De Calcis Coctor</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1064'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1064'>1064</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 284.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1065'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1065'>1065</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 585.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1066'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1066'>1066</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, ii. c. xv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1067'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1067'>1067</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. III.</i>; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1068'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1068'>1068</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1069'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1069'>1069</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 284, 564, Εἰς τὸν Ἰουλιανοῦ τῆς Σοφίας λεγόμενον λιμένα: ἐν τῷ
+Ἰουλιανισίῳ λιμένι τῆς Σοφίας.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1070'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1070'>1070</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 700.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1071'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1071'>1071</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1072'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1072'>1072</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1073'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1073'>1073</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1074'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1074'>1074</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1075'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1075'>1075</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia ad Reg. III.</i>; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1076'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1076'>1076</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1077'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1077'>1077</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1078'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1078'>1078</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1079'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1079'>1079</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1080'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1080'>1080</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Malalas, p. 479.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1081'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1081'>1081</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Epistle 58.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1082'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1082'>1082</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus cœno effoso
+purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1083'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1083'>1083</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The plural form of the name (τῶν Σοφιῶν) may allude to the two divisions of
+the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration actuelle permet encore de
+distinguer un port intérieur et un port extérieur, séparés par une étroite digne.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1084'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1084'>1084</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1085'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1085'>1085</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, ii. p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1086'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1086'>1086</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Menæa</i>, January 27. This point was known also as ἐν τῷ μούλῳ τοῦ ἁγίου
+Θωμᾶ (Theophanes, p. 673).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1087'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1087'>1087</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 622.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1088'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1088'>1088</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 700.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1089'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1089'>1089</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1090'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1090'>1090</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 564.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1091'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1091'>1091</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1092'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1092'>1092</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1093'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1093'>1093</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1094'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1094'>1094</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 585.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1095'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1095'>1095</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1096'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1096'>1096</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 385.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1097'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1097'>1097</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1098'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1098'>1098</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 105.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1099'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1099'>1099</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, <i>Bibl. Græc. Med. Ævi.</i>,
+vol. v. p. 214).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1100'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1100'>1100</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iii. p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1101'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1101'>1101</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. ii. p. 34.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1102'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1102'>1102</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1103'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1103'>1103</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, note 5.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1104'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1104'>1104</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 120, 121.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1105'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1105'>1105</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200, is the first writer after the Conquest
+who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (<i>i.e.</i> Contoscalion) velut intra sinum quemdam abscedit
+versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in
+mare se porrigentem et muris circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the
+Kontoscalion is strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1106'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1106'>1106</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1107'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1107'>1107</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Liber Insularum Archipelagi</i>, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga) Condoscali
+vel Arsena restat.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1108'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1108'>1108</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1109'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1109'>1109</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth century,
+the copyist, under the heading Περὶ τὸν Σοφιανῶν λιμένα, adds the note that the
+harbour εἰς τὸ Κοντοσκάλον was constructed by Justin, and had been deepened
+and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus
+Palæologus. See Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist
+is at fault in identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was
+a historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the restoration of the
+Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1110'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1110'>1110</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1111'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1111'>1111</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1112'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1112'>1112</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ad Reg. XII.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1113'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1113'>1113</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1114'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1114'>1114</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1115'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1115'>1115</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1116'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1116'>1116</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1117'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1117'>1117</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1118'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1118'>1118</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1119'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1119'>1119</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1120'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1120'>1120</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this authority
+the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being 600 paces long and
+12 feet broad.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1121'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1121'>1121</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius, <i>ut supra</i>. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum æstivum, a quo
+moles extendebatur ad occasum æstivum, supra quam nunc muri adstricti existunt.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>“In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis, etiamnum
+videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquæ ruinarum.”</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>Grelot, in his <i>Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople</i>, pp. 79, 80, refers
+to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English translation of his work by J. Philips,
+London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you
+meet with a square tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from
+the city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it Belisarius
+Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great and famous commander,
+for the recompense of all those signal services which he had done the Emperor
+Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being
+despoyled of all his estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity,
+after he had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and forced
+for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his chamber, and cry to the
+passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing, whom envy and no crime has deprived
+of his eyes.’ Near to the place where stands this tower was formerly the harbour
+where Theodosius, Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1122'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1122'>1122</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1123'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1123'>1123</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1124'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1124'>1124</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicetas Chon., p. 170.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1125'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1125'>1125</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; <i>Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani</i>, year 1400,
+p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old harbour is given: Κῆπος
+περὶ τὸν Βλάγκαν, ἔξω που καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῦ τείχους τῆς πόλεως.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1126'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1126'>1126</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1127'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1127'>1127</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1128'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1128'>1128</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1129'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1129'>1129</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i> p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1130'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1130'>1130</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 560.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1131'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1131'>1131</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 59.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1132'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1132'>1132</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, p. 283.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1133'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1133'>1133</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1134'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1134'>1134</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 438, 499, 504.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1135'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1135'>1135</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place off the
+entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says that the Sultan viewed
+the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle Perensi, fortunæ expectans eventum.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1136'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1136'>1136</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Act II.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1137'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1137'>1137</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. p. 679.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1138'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1138'>1138</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 364.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1139'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1139'>1139</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1140'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1140'>1140</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1141'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1141'>1141</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. p. 169.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1142'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1142'>1142</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. v. p. 38. Ἐπιτρέπει φυλάττεσθαι
+ἐκ τῶν Πρασίνων τὸν λιμένα τοῦ Καισαρείου καὶ τὸν Σοφίας, τοὺς
+δὲ Βενετοὺς τὰ ἐπὶ Ὁρμίσδου. Cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 700.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1143'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1143'>1143</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, Ἐν τῷ Προκλιανισίῳ τῷ Καισαρίου
+λιμένι. What does Προκλιανισίῳ mean?</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1144'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1144'>1144</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 324; <i>Synaxaria</i>, May 7, July 21.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1145'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1145'>1145</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1146'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1146'>1146</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 165.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1147'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1147'>1147</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 290.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1148'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1148'>1148</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1149'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1149'>1149</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 118.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1150'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1150'>1150</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of the Church
+of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la montagne, se trouve l’eglise des
+saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the Latin version given in Riant’s <i>Exuviæ CP.</i>, ii.
+pp. 228, 229, the passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia
+SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1151'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1151'>1151</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1152'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1152'>1152</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 220.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1153'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1153'>1153</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would suppose
+that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs and shoals off the
+shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus says explicitly that the
+conflict took place off the Diplokionion (Beshiktash), ὅπη κίονες διπλοῖ σχῆμα
+τάφου τινὸς ἀνέχοντες ἵστανται. According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore
+between Beshiktash and Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. <i>De Bosporo
+Thracio</i>, ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam eminentibus
+inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore, Beshiktash, Cabatash,
+refer to these rocks.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1154'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1154'>1154</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xxvi. pp. 85-92.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1155'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1155'>1155</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1156'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1156'>1156</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1157'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1157'>1157</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. ix. p. 460.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1158'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1158'>1158</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xxvi. p. 87.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1159'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1159'>1159</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xxvi. p. 87.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1160'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1160'>1160</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 90.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1161'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1161'>1161</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1162'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1162'>1162</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1163'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1163'>1163</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1164'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1164'>1164</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1165'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1165'>1165</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 364.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1166'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1166'>1166</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani</i>, year 1400, p. 394; Bondelmontius,
+“In quibus mœnibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus Vlanga.” See above,
+p. <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, ref. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1167'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1167'>1167</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It was
+ἐν Ἑπτασκάλω (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St. Metrophanes
+(<i>Synaxaria</i>, June 4; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 106); (3) near the Residence of
+Moselè (Μωσηλὲ), and the monument named the Christocamaron (Χριστοκάμαρον),
+after a gilt Icon of Christ upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it
+is supposed, was the same as the Chrysocamaron (Χρυσοκάμαρον: Anonymus, iii.
+p. 48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (<i>Imp. Orient.</i>, ii. p. 688) and Dr.
+Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the rear of the Myrelaion
+(Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was the church, now the Mosque Boudroum
+Djamissi (Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern
+Consple.</i>, p. 75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the rear,
+or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points in this chain of arguments;
+Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the two monuments which are identified
+above, and speaks of two places in Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1168'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1168'>1168</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72, 74; and
+to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1169'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1169'>1169</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Codinus, p. 72.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1170'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1170'>1170</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1171'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1171'>1171</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the subject,
+the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the Heptascalon, implied not only
+that the harbour was no longer its old self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished
+from another and earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during
+the reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1172'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1172'>1172</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xvii. p. 854: Ἐς τὸ περὶ τὸν τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἱππόδρομον νεώριον.
+Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1173'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1173'>1173</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xxvi. p. 90.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1174'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1174'>1174</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Unger (<i>Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte</i>, p. 264), without discussing
+the question at length, holds, as the result of his study of the texts, that the Kontoscalion
+cannot be identified with either the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon.
+Scarlatus Byzantius (Ἡ Κωνσταντινούπολις, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains
+that the three names designated different harbours.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1175'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1175'>1175</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Συγγραφαὶ Ἐλάσσονες, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1176'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1176'>1176</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D.,
+who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many years a resident there.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1177'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1177'>1177</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It is still standing.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1178'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1178'>1178</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1179'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1179'>1179</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ut supra.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1180'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1180'>1180</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, Τὸ πρὸς τὸν Βλάγκα Κοντοσκέλιον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1181'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1181'>1181</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelago</i>, p. 121.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1182'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1182'>1182</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1183'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1183'>1183</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1184'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1184'>1184</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between that city and
+Milan, <i>viâ</i> Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the reminiscence of its ancient
+designation, ad Septimum.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1185'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1185'>1185</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius were
+unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It was startling to
+find, afterwards, that the truth had been established so long ago by substantially the
+same evidence as convinced my own mind, and that truth so well established had
+been ignored. My reasons for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange
+were first published in the <i>Levant Herald</i>, April 12, 1891.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1186'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1186'>1186</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pages 113, 114.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1187'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1187'>1187</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, p. 299.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1188'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1188'>1188</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. i. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1189'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1189'>1189</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., Λέγεται δὲ τότε τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐκδημῶν,
+πρὸς τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ μιλίῳ γενόμενος, προσεύξασθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐη τῇ ἐνθάδε
+ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥν ἐπὶ τιμῇ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ ἐδείματο.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1190'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1190'>1190</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1191'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1191'>1191</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1192'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1192'>1192</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1193'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1193'>1193</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on the
+Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at Venice.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1194'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1194'>1194</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1195'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1195'>1195</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of Constantine,
+and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura at the Hebdomon; but he
+neither identifies the two palaces, nor points to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the
+site of the Hebdomon.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1196'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1196'>1196</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, Τὸ πεδίον τὸ
+ἀνακείμενον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ, ὅν Κάμπον Ῥωμαῖοι κατονομάζουσι.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1197'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1197'>1197</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, pp. 15, 16, Καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅ
+Ἕβδομον καλοῦσι καταλαβόντες ἱδρύσαντο. What the enemy did was to halt
+at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1198'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1198'>1198</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1199'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1199'>1199</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 333; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from the city
+is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives the distance as forty
+stadia.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1200'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1200'>1200</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 556, 562.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1201'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1201'>1201</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, ref. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1202'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1202'>1202</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. vi. c. vi., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1203'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1203'>1203</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 611, Ὅς ζ᾽ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως ἀφειστήκει.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1204'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1204'>1204</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. vi. c. xii., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1205'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1205'>1205</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. i. p. 641, Εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίοv ἑπτὰ σημείοις ἀπέχον.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1206'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1206'>1206</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1207'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1207'>1207</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lib. xxii., <i>De Sacros Eccl.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1208'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1208'>1208</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1209'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1209'>1209</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38; cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 699, 700.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1210'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1210'>1210</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36)
+describes the Hebdomon as παραθαλάσσιον τόπον. In regard to the situation
+of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September 2, the Festival
+of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1211'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1211'>1211</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 608, Ἀπάραντες ἐκεῖθεν παρέπλευσαν τὴν πόλιν.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1212'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1212'>1212</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anastasius Bibliothecarius, <i>De Vitis Pontificum Roman</i>, p. 56. Paris, 1649.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1213'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1213'>1213</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, i. p. 45. See above, p. <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, ref. 1.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1214'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1214'>1214</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 541.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1215'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1215'>1215</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 541.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1216'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1216'>1216</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano II.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1217'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1217'>1217</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1218'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1218'>1218</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 699.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1219'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1219'>1219</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv. c. viii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1220'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1220'>1220</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1221'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1221'>1221</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 622.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1222'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1222'>1222</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 693.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1223'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1223'>1223</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Page 458, Τὸ καστέλλιν τῶν Θεοδοσιανῶν ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1224'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1224'>1224</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Notitia Dignitatum</i>, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du Cange
+thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by Tiberius to protect
+his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus, iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1225'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1225'>1225</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with which
+he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1226'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1226'>1226</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1227'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1227'>1227</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 272, 273.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1228'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1228'>1228</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes, in 513.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1229'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1229'>1229</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1230'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1230'>1230</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 784.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1231'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1231'>1231</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1232'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1232'>1232</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 414, 416.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1233'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1233'>1233</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 458.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1234'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1234'>1234</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 379.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1235'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1235'>1235</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 641;
+<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 702.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1236'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1236'>1236</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 169.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1237'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1237'>1237</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still commemorates
+seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the Byzantine
+period.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1238'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1238'>1238</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 458.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1239'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1239'>1239</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1240'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1240'>1240</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below; <i>Paschal
+Chron.</i> p. 556.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1241'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1241'>1241</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Themistius, <i>Oratio VI.</i>, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1242'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1242'>1242</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of the
+Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ἐν τῷ Κάμπῳ τοῦ Τριβουναλίου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1243'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1243'>1243</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Themistius, <i>Oratio VI.</i>, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1244'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1244'>1244</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 562.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1245'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1245'>1245</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Marcellinus Comes.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1246'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1246'>1246</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 568.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1247'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1247'>1247</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 590.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1248'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1248'>1248</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 592.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1249'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1249'>1249</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Victor Tunnensis.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1250'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1250'>1250</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1251'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1251'>1251</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 388.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1252'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1252'>1252</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 447.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1253'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1253'>1253</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 784.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1254'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1254'>1254</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1255'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1255'>1255</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas in 963.
+See Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 410-417, 433-440.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1256'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1256'>1256</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the Hippodrome.
+See Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 431. Probably that was the rule.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1257'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1257'>1257</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of the proceedings.
+<i>E.g.</i> Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius, Valens (Idatius
+<i>Fasti Consulares</i>); Theodosius II. (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 568); Marcian (<i>Paschal
+Chron.</i>, p. 590).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1258'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1258'>1258</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1259'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1259'>1259</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the patriarch took
+place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon.</p>
+
+<p class='c008'>So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted by Du
+Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra consuetudinem
+coronatur.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1260'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1260'>1260</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 498.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1261'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1261'>1261</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as exceptional,
+and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1262'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1262'>1262</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 498-503.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1263'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1263'>1263</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Rufinus, <i>De Vitis Patrum</i>, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus in Constantinopoli,
+temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem in parva cella foris
+civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de
+civitate, libenter degere.”</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1264'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1264'>1264</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>De Sacro Eccl.</i>, Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytæ civitatis, in Novo
+Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. <i>Novella</i>, 118.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1265'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1265'>1265</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form
+Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope Gregory the
+Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf. Malalas, p. 486).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1266'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1266'>1266</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and
+sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1267'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1267'>1267</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>; Theophanes, p. 353.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1268'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1268'>1268</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1269'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1269'>1269</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Labarte, <i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, pp. 185-195. It was a hall in the
+form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of six columns, with an apse at
+the eastern end, where the emperor’s throne stood on a platform. In it foreign
+princes and ambassadors were received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of
+the State were held.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1270'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1270'>1270</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 152.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1271'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1271'>1271</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Symeon Metaphrastes, <i>Life of Daniel Stylites</i>, p. 1025. Patrol. Græca, Migne.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1272'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1272'>1272</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1273'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1273'>1273</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 351.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1274'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1274'>1274</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eustachius, <i>Vita Eutychii Patriarchæ</i>, as quoted by Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis
+Christiana</i>, iv. p. 177.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1275'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1275'>1275</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 690.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1276'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1276'>1276</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1277'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1277'>1277</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vi. c. vi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1278'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1278'>1278</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1279'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1279'>1279</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano PP.</i></p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1280'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1280'>1280</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anna Comn., p. 149.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1281'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1281'>1281</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1282'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1282'>1282</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri, <i>Imp.
+Orient.</i>, vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:</p>
+
+<p class='c013'>ΙΣΤΙΜΙ ΤΥΜΒΟΝ ΕΝ ΜΕΣΩ ΓΗΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΥ</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1283'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1283'>1283</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 570.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1284'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1284'>1284</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Jerome, <i>Adversus Vigilantium</i>, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1285'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1285'>1285</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 569, 570.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1286'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1286'>1286</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 357.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1287'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1287'>1287</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vi. c. vi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1288'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1288'>1288</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1289'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1289'>1289</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1290'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1290'>1290</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, vii. c. xxiv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1291'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1291'>1291</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, viii. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1292'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1292'>1292</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Socrates, vi. c. xii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1293'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1293'>1293</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 413, 499.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1294'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1294'>1294</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. viii.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1295'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1295'>1295</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon, mentioned
+in history, was probably attached to this church (John Scylitzes, in Cedrenus,
+vol. ii. p. 714).</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1296'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1296'>1296</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1297'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1297'>1297</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. ix.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1298'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1298'>1298</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Menæa</i>, 29 July, πλησίον τῶν παλατίων τοῦ Ἑβδόμου.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1299'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1299'>1299</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 496.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1300'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1300'>1300</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1301'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1301'>1301</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anastasius Biblioth. in <i>Hormisda PP</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1302'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1302'>1302</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano PP</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1303'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1303'>1303</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophylactus Simocat., pp. 236, 237.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1304'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1304'>1304</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1305'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1305'>1305</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Synaxaria</i>, 26 October.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1306'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1306'>1306</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv.
+c. ix.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1307'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1307'>1307</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1308'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1308'>1308</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Agathias, p. 305.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1309'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1309'>1309</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 360.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1310'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1310'>1310</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv. c. ix.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1311'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1311'>1311</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1312'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1312'>1312</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1313'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1313'>1313</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 712.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1314'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1314'>1314</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, <i>The Russian Army
+and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78</i>, p. 362.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1315'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1315'>1315</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>.</p>
+</div>
+<div class='footnote' id='f1316'>
+<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1316'>1316</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Theophanes, p. 460.</p>
+</div>
+<div>
+
+ <ul class='ul_1 c002'>
+    <li>Transcriber’s Notes:
+      <ul  class='ul_2'>
+        <li>Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
+        </li>
+        <li>Typographical errors were silently corrected.
+        </li>
+        <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant
+        form was found in this book.
+        </li>
+        <li>Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of
+        reference.
+        </li>
+      </ul>
+    </li>
+  </ul>
+
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of
+the city and adjoining historical site, by Alexander Van Millingen
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+</pre>
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+  </body>
+  <!-- created with ppgen.py 3.57c (with regex) on 2020-02-21 20:36:06 GMT -->
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