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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 61475 ***
+
+                        BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+[Illustration: Map of Constantinople in 1422.]
+
+
+
+
+                        BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+          THE WALLS OF THE CITY AND ADJOINING HISTORICAL SITES
+
+                                   BY
+
+                     ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN, M.A.
+          PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, ROBERT COLLEGE, CONSTANTINOPLE
+
+
+                  WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+                                 LONDON
+                     JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
+                                  1899
+
+                         _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+
+    Ἐγὼ δὲ ὧς μητέρα φιλῶ καὶ γὰρ ἐγενόμην πὰρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ ἐτράφην ἐκεῖσε,
+    καὶ οὐ δύναμαι περὶ αὐτὴν ἀγνωμονῆσαι.
+
+    EMPEROR JULIAN, _Epistle 58_.
+
+
+
+
+                                PREFACE.
+
+
+In the following pages I venture to take part in the task of identifying
+the historical sites of Byzantine or Roman Constantinople, with the view
+of making the events of which that city was the theatre more
+intelligible and vivid. The new interest now taken in all related to the
+Byzantine world demands a work of this character.
+
+The attention I have devoted, for many years, to the subject has been
+sustained by the conviction that the Empire of which New Rome was the
+capital defended the higher life of mankind against the attacks of
+formidable antagonists, and rendered eminent service to the cause of
+human welfare. This is what gives to the archæological study of the city
+its dignity and importance.
+
+Only a portion of my subject is dealt with in the present volume—the
+walls of the city, which were the bulwarks of civilization for more than
+a thousand years, and the adjoining sites and monuments memorable in
+history.
+
+While availing myself, as the reader will find, of the results obtained
+by my predecessors in this field of research, I have endeavoured to make
+my work a fresh and independent investigation of the subject, by
+constant appeals to the original authorities, and by direct examination
+of the localities concerned. The difficult questions which must be
+decided, in order that our knowledge of the old city may be more
+satisfactory, have been made prominent. Some of them, however, cannot be
+answered once for all, until excavations are permitted.
+
+By the frequent quotations and references which occur in the course of
+the following discussions, the student will find himself placed in a
+position to verify the statements and to weigh the arguments submitted
+to his consideration. All difference of opinion leading nearer to the
+truth in the case will be welcomed.
+
+My best thanks are due to the friends and the photographers who have
+enabled me to provide the book with illustrations, maps, and plans, thus
+making the study of the subject clearer and more interesting. The plan
+of the so-called Prisons of Anemas by Hanford W. Edson, Esq., the
+sketches by Mrs. Walker, the photographs taken by Professor Ormiston,
+and the maps and plans drawn by Arthur E. Henderson, Esq., are
+particularly valuable. I wish to express my gratitude also to the many
+friends who accompanied me on my explorations of the city, thereby
+facilitating the accomplishment of my work, and associating it with
+delightful memories.
+
+ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN.
+
+Robert College,
+Constantinople,
+_September, 1899_.
+
+
+
+
+                                CONTENTS
+
+
+I. THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM 1
+
+II. THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR
+ARRANGEMENT 15
+
+III. THE THEODOSIAN WALLS 40
+
+IV. THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—THE GOLDEN GATE 59
+
+V. THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—_continued_ 74
+
+VI. REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS 95
+
+VII. THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (TEKFOUR SERAI) 109
+
+VIII. THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE
+THE SEVENTH CENTURY 115
+
+IX. THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 122
+
+X. THE TOWER OF ANEMAS: THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS 131
+
+XI. INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS 154
+
+XII. THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE
+ARMENIAN 164
+
+XIII. THE SEAWARD WALLS 178
+
+XIV. THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN 194
+
+XV. THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—_continued_ 212
+
+XVI. THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA 248
+
+XVII. THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA 268
+
+XVIII. THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—_continued_ 288
+
+XIX. THE HEBDOMON 316
+
+XX. THE ANASTASIAN WALL 342
+
+TABLE OF EMPERORS 344
+
+INDEX 349
+
+                         LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
+
+
+MAP OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN 1422. (_By Bondelmontius_) _Frontispiece_
+
+BUST OVER THE GATE OF GYROLIMNÈ xi
+
+INSCRIPTION FROM THE STADIUM OF BYZANTIUM _To face_ 14
+
+MAP OF BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE “ 19
+
+MAP OF THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE “ 41
+
+PORTION OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (BETWEEN THE GATE OF THE DEUTERON AND
+YEDI KOULÈ KAPOUSSI) _To face_ 46
+
+PORTION OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (FROM WITHIN THE CITY) “ 52
+
+AQUEDUCT ACROSS THE MOAT OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS “ 56
+
+COIN OF THE EMPEROR THEODOSIUS II. “ 56
+
+PLAN OF THE GOLDEN GATE “ 60
+
+THE GOLDEN GATE (INNER) “ 64
+
+THE GOLDEN GATE (OUTER) “ 68
+
+YEDI KOULÈ KAPOUSSI “ 72
+
+THE GATE OF THE PEGÈ “ 76
+
+THE GATE OF RHEGIUM “ 78
+
+THE GATE OF ST. ROMANUS 80
+
+THE GATE OF CHARISIUS 80
+
+VIEW ACROSS THE VALLEY OF THE LYCUS (LOOKING NORTH) 86
+
+THE (SO-CALLED) KERKO PORTA 93
+
+INSCRIPTIONS ON THE GATE OF RHEGIUM _To face_ 96
+
+TOWER OF THE THEODOSIAN WALLS (WITH INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE
+EMPERORS LEO III. AND CONSTANTINE V.) _To face_ 98
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPERORS LEO III. AND CONSTANTINE V. 99
+
+MONOGRAMS ON NINTH TOWER, NORTH OF THE GATE OF PEGÈ 100
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPERORS BASIL II. AND CONSTANTINE IX. 101
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE IX. 102
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ROMANUS 102
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INTERIOR OF A TOWER IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS _To
+face_ 102
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR JOHN VII. PALÆOLOGUS 105
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING APPROXIMATE SECTION AND RESTORATION OF THE THEODOSIAN
+WALLS _Facing_ 106
+
+DIAGRAM SHOWING APPROXIMATE ELEVATION AND RESTORATION OF THE THEODOSIAN
+WALLS _Facing_ 107
+
+SKETCH-PLAN OF THE BLACHERNÆ QUARTER _To face_ 115
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (SOUTHERN FAÇADE) _To face_ 110 THE
+PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (NORTHERN FAÇADE) _To face_ 111
+
+MONOGRAM OF THE PALÆOLOGI 112
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (VIEW OF INTERIOR) _To face_ 112
+
+MONOGRAM FOUND IN THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS 113
+
+PLAN OF THE PALACE OF PORPHYROGENITUS, AND ADJOINING WALLS _To face_ 115
+
+THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS (FROM THE WEST) 118
+
+BALCONY IN THE SOUTHERN FAÇADE OF THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS _To
+face_ 118
+
+TOWER OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 122
+
+THE PALÆOLOGIAN WALL, NORTH OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS
+_To face_ 126
+
+THE GATE OF GYROLIMNÈ 126
+
+GENERAL VIEW OF THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 128
+
+PLAN OF THE SO-CALLED PRISON OF ANEMAS 131
+
+THE L-SHAPED CHAMBER IN UPPER STORY OF “THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” 137
+
+“THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” AND “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” (FROM THE
+SOUTH-WEST) _To face_ 138
+
+“THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” AND “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” (FROM THE
+NORTH-WEST) _To face_ 144
+
+VIEW OF THE INTERIOR OF “THE PRISON OF ANEMAS” (BEING THE SUB-STRUCTURES
+WHICH SUPPORTED THE PALACE OF BLACHERNÆ) _To face_ 150
+
+CHAMBER IN “THE PRISON OF ANEMAS” 156
+
+ENTRANCE OF PASSAGE FROM THE STAIRWAY IN “THE TOWER OF ANEMAS” TO
+CHAMBER D IN “THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS” _To face_ 162
+
+CORRIDOR IN THE ORIGINAL WESTERN TERRACE WALL OF THE PALACE OF BLACHERNÆ
+(LOOKING SOUTH-WEST) _To face_ 162
+
+GENERAL VIEW OF THE WALLS OF THE CITY FROM THE HILL ON WHICH THE
+CRUSADERS ENCAMPED IN 1203 _To face_ 166
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ROMANUS 169
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR MICHAEL III. _To face_ 184
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS 187
+
+COAT-OF-ARMS OF ANDRONICUS II. PALÆOLOGUS 189
+
+BAS-RELIEF, ON THE TOWER EAST OF DJUBALI KAPOUSSI, REPRESENTING THE
+THREE HEBREW YOUTHS CAST INTO THE FIERY FURNACE OF BABYLON, AS DESCRIBED
+IN THE BOOK OF DANIEL 191
+
+NIKÈ (FORMERLY NEAR BALAT KAPOUSSI) _To face_ 198
+
+PORTION OF THE CHAIN STRETCHED ACROSS THE ENTRANCE OF THE GOLDEN HORN IN
+1453 _To face_ 228
+
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THEODOSIUS II. AND THE PREFECT CONSTANTINE;_TO
+FACE_ 248 INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR THEOPHILUS; _TO FACE_ 248
+INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR ISAAC ANGELUS _To face_ 248
+
+PORTION OF WALLS BESIDE THE SEA OF MARMORA 262
+
+CHATEAU AND MARBLE TOWER NEAR THE WESTERN EXTREMITY OF THE WALLS BESIDE
+THE SEA OF MARMORA _To face_ 266
+
+MAP OF THE SHORE OF CONSTANTINOPLE BETWEEN THE SERAGLIO LIGHT-HOUSE AND
+DAOUD PASHA KAPOUSSI _To face_ 269
+
+MARBLE FIGURES OF LIONS ATTACHED TO THE BALCONY IN THE PALACE OF THE
+BUCOLEON _To face_ 272
+
+RUINS OF THE PALACE OF THE BUCOLEON 274
+
+PORTION OF THE PALACE OF HORMISDAS 277
+
+RUINS OF THE PALACE OF HORMISDAS _To face_ 282
+
+TOWER GUARDING THE HARBOUR OF ELEUTHERIUS AND THEODOSIUS 297
+
+PORTION OF THE WALL AROUND THE HARBOUR OF ELEUTHERIUS AND THEODOSIUS 299
+
+MAP OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE HEBDOMON AND THE CITY WALLS _To face_
+316
+
+TRIUMPHUS THEODOSII 330
+
+TRIUMPHUS HERACLII 334
+
+[Illustration: Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.]
+
+
+
+
+                       BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE.
+                               CHAPTER I.
+          THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM.
+
+
+Without attempting any elaborate description of the site occupied by
+Constantinople, such as we have in Gyllius’ valuable work on the
+topography of the city,[1] it is necessary to indicate to the reader,
+now invited to wander among the ruins of New Rome, the most salient
+features of the territory he is to explore.
+
+The city is situated at the south-western end of the Bosporus, upon a
+promontory that shoots out from the European shore of the straits, with
+its apex up stream, as though to stem the waters that rush from the
+Black Sea into the Sea of Marmora. To the north, the narrow bay of the
+Golden Horn runs inland, between steep banks, for some six or seven
+miles, and forms one of the finest harbours in the world. The Sea of
+Marmora spreads southwards like a lake, its Asiatic coast bounded by
+hills and mountains, and fringed with islands. Upon the shore of Asia,
+facing the eastern side of the promontory, stand the historic towns of
+Chrysopolis (Scutari) and Chalcedon (Kadikeui). The mainland to the west
+is an undulating plain that soon meets the horizon. It offers little to
+attract the eye in the way of natural beauty, but in the palmy days of
+the city it, doubtless, presented a pleasing landscape of villas and
+gardens.
+
+The promontory, though strictly speaking a trapezium, is commonly
+described as a triangle, on account of the comparative shortness of its
+eastern side. It is about four miles long, and from one to four miles
+wide, with a surface broken up into hills and plains. The higher ground,
+which reaches an elevation of some 250 feet, is massed in two
+divisions—a large isolated hill at the south-western corner of the
+promontory, and a long ridge, divided, more or less completely, by five
+cross valleys into six distinct eminences, overhanging the Golden Horn.
+Thus, New Rome boasted of being enthroned upon as many hills beside the
+Bosporus, as her elder sister beside the Tiber.
+
+The two masses of elevated land just described are separated by a broad
+meadow, through which the stream of the Lycus flows athwart the
+promontory into the Sea of Marmora; and there is, moreover, a
+considerable extent of level land along the shores of the promontory,
+and in the valleys between the northern hills.
+
+Few of the hills of Constantinople were known by special names, and
+accordingly, as a convenient mode of reference, they are usually
+distinguished by numerals.
+
+The First Hill is the one nearest the promontory’s apex, having upon it
+the Seraglio, St. Irene, St. Sophia, and the Hippodrome. The Second
+Hill, divided from the First by the valley descending from St. Sophia to
+the Golden Horn, bears upon its summit the porphyry Column of
+Constantine the Great, popularly known as the Burnt Column and
+Tchemberli Tash. The Third Hill is separated from the preceding by the
+valley of the Grand Bazaar, and is marked by the War Office and adjacent
+Fire-Signal Tower, the Mosque of Sultan Bajazet, and the Mosque of
+Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The Fourth Hill stands farther back
+from the water than the five other hills beside the Golden Horn, and is
+parted from the Third Hill by the valley which descends from the
+aqueduct of Valens to the harbour. It is surmounted by the Mosque of
+Sultan Mehemet the Conqueror. The Fifth Hill is really a long
+precipitous spur of the Fourth Hill, protruding almost to the shore of
+the Golden Horn in the quarter of the Phanar. Its summit is crowned by
+the Mosque of Sultan Selim. Between it and the Third Hill spreads a
+broad plain, bounded by the Fourth Hill on the south, and the Golden
+Horn on the north. The Sixth Hill is divided from the Fifth by the
+valley which ascends southwards from the Golden Horn at Balat Kapoussi
+to the large Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the ridge that
+runs from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Gate of Adrianople. It is
+distinguished by the ruins of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Tekfour
+Serai) and the quarter of Egri Kapou. Nicetas Choniates styles it the
+Hill of Blachernae (βουνὸς τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),[2] and upon it stood the
+famous Imperial residence of that name. The Seventh Hill, occupying the
+south-western angle of the city, was known, on account of its arid soil,
+as the Xerolophos—the Dry Hill.[3] Upon it are found Avret Bazaar, the
+pedestal of the Column of Arcadius, and the quarters of Alti Mermer and
+Psamathia.
+
+Here, then, was a situation where men could build a noble city in the
+midst of some of the fairest scenery on earth.
+
+But the history of Constantinople cannot be understood unless the
+extraordinary character of the geographical position of the place is
+present to the mind. No city owes so much to its site. The vitality and
+power of Constantinople are rooted in a unique location. Nowhere is the
+influence of geography upon history more strikingly marked. Here, to a
+degree that is marvellous, the possibilities of the freest and widest
+intercourse blend with the possibilities of complete isolation. No city
+can be more in the world and out of the world. It is the meeting-point
+of some of the most important highways on the globe, whether by sea or
+land; the centre around which diverse, vast, and wealthy countries lie
+within easy reach, inviting intimate commercial relations, and
+permitting extended political control. Here the peninsula of Asia Minor,
+stretching like a bridge across the seas that sunder Asia and Europe,
+narrows the waters between the two great continents to a stream only
+half a mile across. Hither the Mediterranean ascends, through the
+avenues of the Ægean and the Marmora, from the regions of the south;
+while the Euxine and the Azoff spread a pathway to the regions of the
+north. Here is a harbour within which the largest and richest fleets can
+find a perfect shelter.
+
+But no less remarkable is the facility with which the great world, so
+near at hand, can be excluded. Access to this point by sea is possible
+only through the straits of the Hellespont on the one side, and through
+the straits of the Bosporus on the other—defiles which, when properly
+guarded, no hostile navy could penetrate. These channels, with the Sea
+of Marmora between them, formed, moreover, a natural moat which
+prevented an Asiatic foe from coming within striking distance of the
+city; while the narrow breadth of the promontory on which the city
+stands allowed the erection of fortifications, along the west, which
+could be held against immense armies by a comparatively small force.
+
+As Dean Stanley, alluding to the selection of this site for the new
+capital of the Empire, has observed: “Of all the events of Constantine’s
+life, this choice is the most convincing and enduring proof of his real
+genius.”
+
+Although it does not fall within the scope of this work to discuss the
+topography of Byzantium before the time of Constantine, it will not be
+inappropriate to glance at the circuits of the fortifications which
+successively brought more and more of this historic promontory within
+their widening compass, until the stronghold of a small band of
+colonists from Megara became the most splendid city and the mightiest
+bulwark of the Roman world.
+
+Four such circuits demand notice.
+
+First came the fortifications which constituted the Acropolis of
+Byzantium.[4] They are represented by the walls, partly Byzantine and
+partly Turkish, which cling to the steep sides of the Seraglio plateau
+at the eastern extremity of the First Hill, and support the Imperial
+Museum, the Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, and the Imperial Kitchens.
+
+That the Acropolis occupied this point may be inferred from the natural
+fitness of the rocky eminence at the head of the promontory to form the
+kind of stronghold around which ancient cities gathered as their
+nucleus. And this inference is confirmed by the allusions to the
+Acropolis in Xenophon’s graphic account of the visit of the Ten Thousand
+to Byzantium, on their return from Persia. According to the historian,
+when those troops, after their expulsion from the city, forced their way
+back through the western gates, Anaxibius, the Spartan commander of the
+place, found himself obliged to seek refuge in the Acropolis from the
+fury of the intruders. The soldiers of Xenophon had, however, cut off
+all access to the fortress from within the city, so that Anaxibius was
+compelled to reach it by taking a fishing-boat in the harbour, and
+rowing round the head of the promontory to the side of the city opposite
+Chalcedon. From that point also he sent to Chalcedon for
+reinforcements.[5] These movements imply that the Acropolis was near the
+eastern end of the promontory.
+
+In further support of this conclusion, it may be added that during the
+excavations made in 1871 for the construction of the Roumelian railroad,
+an ancient wall was unearthed at a short distance south of Seraglio
+Point. It ran from east to west, and was built of blocks measuring, in
+some cases, 7 feet in length, 3 feet 9 inches in width, and over 2 feet
+in thickness.[6] Judging from its position and character, the wall
+formed part of the fortifications around the Acropolis.
+
+The second circuit of walls around Byzantium is that described by the
+Anonymus of the eleventh century and his follower Codinus.[7] Starting
+from the Tower of the Acropolis at the apex of the promontory, the wall
+proceeded along the Golden Horn as far west as the Tower of Eugenius,
+which must have stood beside the gate of that name—the modern Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi.[8] There the wall left the shore and made for the Strategion
+and the Thermæ of Achilles. The former was a level tract of ground
+devoted to military exercises—the _Champ de Mars_ of Byzantium—and
+occupied a portion of the plain at the foot of the Second Hill, between
+Yali Kiosk Kapoussi and Sirkedji Iskelessi.[9] The Thermæ of Achilles
+stood near the Strategion; and there also was a gate of the city, known
+in later days as the Arch of Urbicius. The wall then ascended the slope
+of the hill to the Chalcoprateia, or Brass Market, which extended from
+the neighbourhood of the site now occupied by the Sublime Porte to the
+vicinity of Yeri Batan Serai, the ancient Cisterna Basilica.[10]
+
+The ridge of the promontory was reached at the Milion, the milestone
+from which distances from Constantinople were measured. It stood to the
+south-west of St. Sophia, and marked the site of one of the gates of
+Byzantium. Thence the line of the fortifications proceeded to the
+twisted columns of the Tzycalarii, which, judging from the subsequent
+course of the wall, were on the plateau beside St. Irene. Then, the wall
+descended to the Sea of Marmora at Topi,[11] somewhere near the present
+Seraglio Lighthouse, and, turning northwards, ran along the shore to the
+apex of the promontory, past the sites occupied, subsequently, by the
+Thermae of Arcadius and the Mangana.
+
+If we are to believe the Anonymus and Codinus, this was the circuit of
+Byzantium from the foundation of the city by Byzas to the time of
+Constantine the Great. On the latter point, however, these writers were
+certainly mistaken; for the circuit of Byzantium was much larger than
+the one just indicated, not only in the reign of that emperor, but as
+far back as the year 196 of our era, and even before that date.[12] The
+statements of the Anonymus and Codinus can therefore be correct only if
+they refer to the size of the city at a very early period.
+
+One is, indeed, strongly tempted to reject the whole account of this
+wall as legendary, or as a conjecture based upon the idea that the Arch
+of Urbicius and the Arch of the Milion represented gates in an old line
+of bulwarks. But, on the other hand, it is more than probable that
+Byzantium was not as large, originally, as it became during its most
+flourishing days, and accordingly the two arches above mentioned may
+have marked the course of the first walls built beyond the bounds of the
+Acropolis.
+
+We pass next to the third line of walls which guarded the city, the
+walls which made Byzantium one of the great fortresses of the ancient
+world. These fortifications described a circuit of thirty-five
+stadia,[13] which would bring within the compass of the city most of the
+territory occupied by the first two hills of the promontory. Along the
+Golden Horn, the line of the walls extended from the head of the
+promontory to the western side of the bay that fronts the valley between
+the Second and Third Hills, the valley of the Grand Bazaar. Three ports,
+more or less artificial,[14] were found in that bay for the
+accommodation of the shipping that frequented the busy mart of commerce,
+one of them being, unquestionably, at the Neorion.[15]
+
+These bulwarks, renowned in antiquity for their strength, were faced
+with squared blocks of hard stone, bound together with metal clamps, and
+so closely fitted as to seem a wall of solid rock around the city. One
+tower was named the Tower of Hercules, on account of its superior size
+and strength, and seven towers were credited with the ability to echo
+the slightest sound made by the movements of an enemy, and thus secure
+the garrison against surprise. From the style of their construction, one
+would infer that these fortifications were built soon after Pausanias
+followed up his victory on the field of Platæa by the expulsion of the
+Persians from Byzantium.
+
+These splendid ramparts were torn down in 196 by Septimius Severus to
+punish the city for its loyalty to the cause of his rival, Pescennius
+Niger. In their ruin they presented a scene that made Herodianus[16]
+hesitate whether to wonder more at the skill of their constructors, or
+the strength of their destroyers. But the blunder of leaving unguarded
+the water-way, along which barbarous tribes could descend from the
+shores of the Euxine to ravage some of the fairest provinces of the
+Empire, was too glaring not to be speedily recognized and repaired. Even
+the ruthless destroyer of the city perceived his mistake, and ere long,
+at the solicitation of his son Caracalla, ordered the reconstruction of
+the strategic stronghold.
+
+It is with Byzantium as restored by Severus that we are specially
+concerned, for in that form the city was the immediate predecessor of
+Constantinople, and affected the character of the new capital to a
+considerable extent. According to Zosimus, the principal gate in the new
+walls of Severus stood at the extremity of a line of porticoes erected
+by that emperor for the embellishment of the city.[17] There Constantine
+subsequently placed the Forum known by his name, so that from the Forum
+one entered the porticoes in question, and passed beyond the limits of
+Byzantium.[18] Now, the site of the Forum of Constantine is one of the
+points in the topography of the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire
+concerning which there can be no difference of opinion. The porphyry
+column (Burnt Column) which surmounts the Second Hill was the principal
+ornament of that public place. Therefore the gate of Byzantium must have
+stood at a short distance from that column. According to the clearest
+statements on the subject, the gate was to the east of the column, the
+Forum standing immediately beyond the boundary of the old city.[19]
+
+The language of Zosimus, taken alone, suggests, indeed, the idea that
+the gate of Byzantium had occupied a site to the west of the Forum; in
+other words, that the Forum was constructed to the east of the gate,
+within the line of the wall of Severus. For, according to the historian,
+one entered the porticoes of Severus and left the old town, after
+passing through the arches (δι᾽ ὧν) which stood, respectively, at the
+eastern and western extremities of the Forum of Constantine. This was
+possible, however, only if these various structures, in proceeding from
+east to west, came in the following order: Forum of Constantine;
+porticoes of Severus; gate of Byzantium. On this view, the statement
+that the Forum was “at the place where the gate had stood” would be held
+to imply that the porticoes between the Forum and the gate were too
+short to be taken into account in a general indication of the Forum’s
+position. But to interpret Zosimus thus puts him in contradiction,
+first, with Theophanes, as cited above; secondly, with Hesychius
+Milesius,[20] who says that the wall of Byzantium did not go beyond the
+Forum of Constantine (οὐκ ἔξω τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἀγορᾶς τοῦ βασιλέως);
+thirdly, though that is of less moment, with the Anonymus[21] and
+Codinus,[22] who explain the circular shape of the Forum as derived from
+the shape of Constantine’s tent when he besieged the city.
+
+Lethaby and Swainson[23] place the Forum between the porticoes of
+Severus on the east and the gate of Byzantium on the west, putting the
+western arch of the Forum on the site of the latter. They understand the
+statement of Zosimus to mean that a person in the Forum could either
+enter the porticoes _or_ leave the old town according as he proceeded
+eastwards or westwards.
+
+From that gate the wall descended the northern slope of the hill to the
+Neorion, and thence went eastwards to the head of the promontory.[24] In
+descending to the Golden Horn the wall kept, probably, to the eastern
+bank of the valley of the Grand Bazaar, to secure a natural escarpment
+which would render assault more difficult.
+
+Upon the side towards the Sea of Marmora the wall proceeded from the
+main gate of the city to the point occupied by the temple of Aphrodite,
+and to the shore facing Chrysopolis.[25] The temple of the Goddess of
+Beauty was one of the oldest sanctuaries in Byzantium,[26] and did not
+entirely disappear until the reign of Theodosius the Great, by whom it
+was converted into a carriage-house for the Prætorian Prefect.[27] It
+was, consequently, a landmark that would long be remembered. Malalas[28]
+places it within the ancient Acropolis of the city. Other authorities
+likewise put it there, adding that it stood higher up the hill of the
+Acropolis than the neighbouring temple of Poseidon,[29] where it
+overlooked one of the theatres built against the Marmora side of the
+citadel,[30] and faced Chrysopolis.[31] From these indications it is
+clear that the temple lay to the north-east of the site of St. Sophia,
+and therefore not far from the site of St. Irene on the Seraglio
+plateau.
+
+Accordingly, the wall of Severus, upon leaving the western gate of the
+city, did not descend to the shore of the Sea of Marmora, but after
+proceeding in that direction for some distance turned south-eastwards,
+keeping well up the south-western slopes of the First Hill, until the
+Seraglio plateau was reached.[32] As these slopes were for the most part
+very steep, the city, when viewed from the Sea of Marmora, presented the
+appearance of a great Acropolis upon a hill.
+
+Where precisely the wall reached the Sea of Marmora opposite Chrysopolis
+is not stated, but it could not have been far from the point now
+occupied by the Seraglio Lighthouse, for the break in the steep
+declivity of the First Hill above that point offered the easiest line of
+descent from the temple of Aphrodite to the shore. Thus it appears that
+the circuit of the walls erected by Severus followed, substantially, the
+course of the fortifications which he had overthrown. It is a
+corroboration of this conclusion to find that the ground outside the
+wall constructed by Severus—the valley of the Grand Bazaar—answers to
+the description of the ground outside the wall which he destroyed; a
+smooth tract, sloping gently to the water: “Primus post mœnia campus
+erat peninsulæ cervicis sensim descendentis ad litus, et ne urbs esset
+insula prohibentis.”[33]
+
+To this account of the successive circuits of Byzantium until the time
+of Constantine, may be added a rapid survey of the internal arrangements
+and public buildings of the city after its restoration by Severus.[34]
+
+A large portion of the Hippodrome, so famous in the history of
+Constantinople, was erected by Severus, who left the edifice unfinished
+owing to his departure for the West. Between the northern end of the
+Hippodrome and the subsequent site of St. Sophia was the Tetrastoon, a
+public square surrounded by porticoes, having the Thermæ of Zeuxippus
+upon its southern side.
+
+In the Acropolis were placed, as usual, the principal sanctuaries of the
+city; the Temples of Artemis, Aphrodite, Apollo, Zeus, Poseidon, and
+Demeter. Against the steep eastern side of the citadel, Severus
+constructed a theatre and a Kynegion for the exhibition of wild animals,
+as the Theatre of Dionysius and the Odeon were built against the
+Acropolis of Athens.
+
+At a short distance from the apex of the promontory rose the column,
+still found there, bearing the inscription _Fortunæ Reduci ob devictos
+Gothos_, in honour of Claudius Gothicus for his victories over the
+Goths. To the north of the Acropolis was the Stadium;[35] then came the
+ports of the Prosphorion and the Neorion, and in their vicinity the
+Strategion, the public prison,[36] and the shrine of Achilles and
+Ajax.[37] The aqueduct which the Emperor Hadrian erected for Byzantium
+continued to supply the city of Severus.[38]
+
+Nor was the territory without the walls entirely unoccupied. From
+statements found in Dionysius Byzantius, and from allusions which later
+writers make to ruined temples in different quarters of Constantinople,
+it is evident that many hamlets and public edifices existed along the
+shore of the Golden Horn, and in the valleys and on the hills beyond the
+city limits. Blachernæ was already established beside the Sixth Hill;
+Sycæ, famous for its figs, occupied the site of Galata; and the
+Xerolophos was a sacred hill, crowned with a temple of Zeus.[39]
+
+Footnote 1:
+
+  Petrus Gyllius, _De Topographia Constantinopoleos et De illius
+  Antiquitatibus_, liber i. c. 4-18.
+
+Footnote 2:
+
+  Page 722. All references in this work to the Byzantine Authors, unless
+  otherwise stated, are to the Bonn Edition of the _Corpus Scriptorum
+  Historiæ Byzantinæ_.
+
+Footnote 3:
+
+  Anonymus, lib. i. p. 20, in Banduri’s _Imperium Orientale_;
+  Constantine Porphyrogenitus, _De Cerimoniis Aulæ Byzantinæ_, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 4:
+
+  Xenophon, _Anabasis_, vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 5:
+
+  _Anabasis_, vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 6:
+
+  Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, p. 103. Mordtmann, _Esquisse
+  Topographique de Constantinople_, p. 5. All references to these
+  writers, unless otherwise stated, are to the works here mentioned.
+
+Footnote 7:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 2; Codinus, pp. 24, 25. Ἤρχετο δὲ τὸ τεῖχος, καθὰ καὶ νῶν,
+  ἐπὶ τοῦ Βύζαντος ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου τῆς Ἀκροπόλεως, καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τὸν
+  τοῦ Εὐγενίου πύργον, καὶ ἀνέβαινε μέχρι τοῦ Στρατηγίου, καὶ ἤρχετο εἰς
+  τὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως λουτρόν. Ἡ δὲ ἐκεῖσε ἁψὶς, ἡ λεγομένη τοῦ Οὐρβικίου,
+  πόρτα ἦν χερσαία τῶν Βυζαντίων: καὶ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὰ Χαλκοπρατεῖα τὸ
+  τεῖχος ἕως τοῦ λεγομένου Μιλίου· ἦν δὲ κἀκεῖσε πόρτα τῶν Βυζαντίων
+  χερσαία: καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τοὺς πλεκτοὺς κίονας τῶν Τζυκαλαρίων, καὶ
+  κατέβαινεν εἰς Τόπους, καὶ ἀπέκαμπτε πάλιν διὰ τῶν Μαγγάνων καὶ
+  Ἀρκαδιανῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀκρόπολιν.
+
+Footnote 8:
+
+  See below, p. 227.
+
+Footnote 9:
+
+  The site of the Strategion may be determined thus: It was in the Fifth
+  Region of the city (_Notitia, ad Reg. V._); therefore, either on the
+  northern slope or at the foot of the Second Hill. Its character as the
+  ground for military exercises required it to be on the plain at the
+  foot of the hill. In the Strategion were found the granaries beside
+  the harbour of the Prosphorion (Constant. Porphyr., _De Cerim_, p.
+  699), near Sirkidji Iskelessi. At the same time, these granaries were
+  near the Neorion (_Bagtchè Kapoussi_), for they were destroyed by a
+  fire which started in the Neorion (_Paschal Chron._, p. 582).
+
+Footnote 10:
+
+  The Chalcoprateia was near the Basilica, or Great Law Courts, the site
+  of which is marked by the Cistern of Yeri Batan Serai (Cedrenus, vol.
+  i. p. 616; cf. Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, lib. ii. c. 20, 21). Zonaras,
+  xiv. p. 1212 (Migne Edition), ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ βασιλικῇ ἔγγιστα τῶν
+  Χαλκοπρατείων.
+
+Footnote 11:
+
+  See below, p. 256.
+
+Footnote 12:
+
+  See below, the size of city as given by Dionysius Byzantius.
+
+Footnote 13:
+
+  _Anaplus_ of Dionysius Byzantius. Edition of C. Wescher, Paris, 1874.
+
+Footnote 14:
+
+  Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 14; Herodianus, iii. 6.
+
+Footnote 15:
+
+  Beside Bagtchè Kapoussi. See below, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 16:
+
+  I. 1.
+
+Footnote 17:
+
+  Page 96: Καὶ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν εἶχε τὴν πύλην ἐν τῇ συμπληρώσει τῶν στοῶν
+  ἅς Σεβῆρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο.
+
+Footnote 18:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96: Ἀγορὰν δὲ ἐν τῶ τόπῳ καθ᾽ ὅν ἡ πύλη τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἦν
+  οἰκοδομήσας, ... ἁψίδας δύο μαρμάρου προικοννησίου μεγίστας ἀλλήλων
+  ἀντίας ἀπέτυπωσε, δι᾽ ὧν ἔνεστιν εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰς Σεβῆρου στοὰς, καὶ
+  τῆς πάλαι πόλεως ἐξιέναι.
+
+Footnote 19:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 42, speaking of the column, says it was set up ἀπὸ τοῦ
+  τόπου οὗ ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος τῆς ἐπὶ
+  Ῥώμην ἐξιούσης πύλης.
+
+Footnote 20:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 49.
+
+Footnote 21:
+
+  I. p. 14.
+
+Footnote 22:
+
+  Page 41.
+
+Footnote 23:
+
+  _The Church of Sancta Sophia_, pp. 5, 9.
+
+Footnote 24:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96, Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ βορείου λόφου κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον, κατιὸν
+  ἄχρι τοῦ λιμένος ὅ καλοῦσι νεώριον, καὶ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι θαλάσσης ἥ
+  κατευθὺ κεῖται τοῦ στόματος δι᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἀνάγονται Πόντον.
+
+Footnote 25:
+
+  _Ibid._, Τὸ δὲ τεῖχος διὰ τοῦ λόφου καθιέμενον ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ δυτικοῦ
+  μέρους ἄχρι τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ναοῦ, καὶ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντικρὺ
+  Χρυσόπολεως.
+
+Footnote 26:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 495.
+
+Footnote 27:
+
+  Malalas, p. 345.
+
+Footnote 28:
+
+  Page 292.
+
+Footnote 29:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 149; Codinus, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 30:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. II._; _Paschal Chron._, p. 495.
+
+Footnote 31:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 32:
+
+  As the Sphendonè of the Hippodrome was a construction of Constantine
+  the Great, the wall of Severus may, near that point, have stood higher
+  up the hill than is indicated on the Map of Byzantine Constantinople,
+  facing page 19.
+
+Footnote 33:
+
+  Dionysius Byzantius. See Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2; cf.
+  _ibid._, _De Top. CP._, i. c. 10.
+
+Footnote 34:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 494, 495; cf. Malalas, p. 345; _Notitia, ad Reg.
+  II._
+
+Footnote 35:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Regiones, IV., V., VI._ In the first tower south of Saouk
+  Tchesmè Kapoussi, in the land wall of the Seraglio, is built a stone,
+  inscribed with archaic Greek letters, which probably came from the
+  Stadium. See _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of
+  Constantinople_, vol. xvi., 1885, _Archæological Supplement_, p. 3.
+  Ἀπομά(χων) αἰχματ(ᾶν), σταδιοδ(ρόμων), ὁ τόπος ἄ(ρχεται).
+
+Footnote 36:
+
+  Codinus, p. 76.
+
+Footnote 37:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 38:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 619.
+
+Footnote 39:
+
+  For buildings, etc., outside the limits of Byzantium, see _Anaplus_ of
+  Dionysius Byzantius; Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2, c. 5;
+  Codinus, p. 30; Anonymus, iii. p 51.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium. (From _Broken
+Bits of Byzantium_, by kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.
+
+
+In the year 328 of our era, Constantine commenced the transformation of
+Byzantium into New Rome by widening the boundaries of the ancient town
+and erecting new fortifications.
+
+On foot, spear in hand, the emperor traced the limits of the future
+capital in person, and when his courtiers, surprised at the compass of
+the circuit he set himself to describe, inquired how far he would
+proceed, he replied, “Until He stops Who goes before me.”[40] The story
+expresses a sense of the profound import of the work begun on that
+memorable day. It was the inauguration of an epoch.
+
+We shall endeavour to determine the limits assigned to the city of
+Constantine. The data at our command for that purpose are, it is true,
+not everything that can be desired; they are often vague; at other times
+they refer to landmarks which have disappeared, and the sites of which
+it is impossible now to identify; nevertheless, a careful study of these
+indications yields more satisfactory results than might have been
+anticipated under the circumstances.
+
+The new land wall, we shall find, crossed the promontory[41] along a
+line a short distance to the east of the Cistern of Mokius on the
+Seventh Hill, (the Tchoukour Bostan, west of Avret Bazaar), and of the
+Cistern of Aspar at the head of the valley between the Fourth and Sixth
+Hills, (the Tchoukour Bostan on the right of the street leading from the
+Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Adrianople Gate). The southern end of
+the line reached the Sea of Marmora somewhere between the gates known
+respectively, at present, as Daoud Pasha Kapoussi and Psamathia
+Kapoussi, while its northern extremity abutted on the Golden Horn, in
+the neighbourhood of the Stamboul head of the inner bridge. At the same
+time the seaward walls of Byzantium were repaired, and prolonged to meet
+the extremities of the new land wall.
+
+That this outline of the city of Constantine is, substantially, correct,
+will appear from the information which ancient writers have given on the
+subject.
+
+(_a_) According to Zosimus,[42] the land wall of the new capital was
+carried fifteen stadia west of the corresponding wall of Byzantium. The
+position of the latter, we have already seen, is marked, with sufficient
+accuracy for our present purpose by the porphyry Column of Constantine
+which stood close to the main gate of the old Greek town.[43] Proceeding
+from that column fifteen stadia westwards, we come to a line within a
+short distance of the reservoirs above mentioned.
+
+(_b_) In the oldest description of Constantinople—that contained in the
+_Notitia_[44]—the length of the city is put down as 14,075 Roman feet;
+the breadth as 6150 Roman feet. The _Notitia_ belongs to the age of
+Theodosius II., and might therefore be supposed to give the dimensions
+of the city after its enlargement by that emperor. This, however, is not
+the case. The size of Constantinople under Theodosius II. is well known,
+seeing the ancient walls which still surround Stamboul mark, with slight
+modifications, the wider limits of the city in the fifth century. But
+the figures of the _Notitia_ do not correspond to the well-ascertained
+dimensions of the Theodosian city; they fall far short of those
+dimensions, and therefore can refer only to the length and breadth of
+the original city of Constantine. To adhere thus to the original size of
+the capital after it had been outgrown is certainly strange, but may be
+explained as due to the force of habit. When the _Notitia_ was written,
+the enlargement of the city by Theodosius was too recent an event to
+alter old associations of thought and introduce new points of view. “The
+City,” proper, was still what Constantine had made it.
+
+The length of the original city was measured from the Porta Aurea on the
+west to the sea on the east. Unfortunately, a serious difference of
+opinion exists regarding the particular gate intended by the Porta
+Aurea. There can be no doubt, however, that the sea at the eastern end
+of the line of measurement was the sea at the head of the promontory;
+for only by coming to that point could the full length of the city be
+obtained. Consequently, if we take the head of the promontory for our
+starting-point of measurement, and proceed westwards to a distance of
+14,075 feet, we shall discover the extent of the city of Constantine in
+that direction. This course brings us to the same result as the figures
+of Zosimus—to the neighbourhood of the Cisterns of Mokius and Aspar.
+
+Turning next to the breadth of the city, we find that the only portion
+of the promontory across which a line of 6150 feet will stretch from sea
+to sea lies between the district about the gate Daoud Pasha Kapoussi,
+beside the Sea of Marmora on the south, and the district about the
+Stamboul head of the inner bridge on the north; elsewhere the promontory
+is either narrower or broader. Hence the southern and northern
+extremities of the land wall of Constantine terminated respectively, as
+stated above, in these districts.
+
+From these figures we pass to the localities and structures by which
+Byzantine writers have indicated the course of Constantine’s wall.
+
+On the side of the Sea of Marmora the wall extended as far west as the
+Gate of St. Æmilianus (πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ), and the adjoining
+church of St. Mary Rhabdou (τῆς ἁγίας θεοτόκου τῆς Ῥάβδου).[45] That
+gate is represented by Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, which stands immediately to
+the west of Vlanga Bostan.[46]
+
+In crossing from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn, over the
+Seventh, Fourth, and Fifth Hills, the line of the fortifications was
+marked by the Exokionion; the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner; the
+Monastery of St. Dius; the Convent of Icasia; the Cistern of Bonus; the
+Church of SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael; the Church, and the Zeugma, or
+Ferry, of St. Antony in the district of Harmatius, where the
+fortifications reached the harbour.[47] To this list may be added the
+Trojan Porticoes and the Cistern of Aspar.
+
+[Illustration: Map of Byzantine Constantinople.]
+
+(_a_) The Exokionion (τὸ ἐξωκιόνιον)[48] was a district immediately
+outside the Constantinian Wall, and obtained its name from a column in
+the district, bearing the statue of the founder of the city. Owing to a
+corruption of the name, the quarter was commonly known as the
+Hexakionion (τὸ ἑξακιόνιον).[49] It is celebrated in ecclesiastical
+history as the extra-mural suburb in which the Arians were allowed to
+hold their religious services, when Theodosius the Great, the champion
+of orthodoxy, prohibited heretical worship within the city.[50] Hence
+the terms Arians and Exokionitai became synonymous.[51] In later times
+the quarter was one of the fashionable parts of the city, containing
+many fine churches and handsome residences.[52]
+
+Gyllius was disposed to place the Exokionion on the Fifth Hill,[53]
+basing his opinion on the fact that he found, when he first visited the
+city, a noble column standing on that hill, about half a mile to the
+north-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.[54]
+
+Dr. Mordtmann, on the other hand, maintains that the designation was
+applied to the extra-mural territory along the whole line of the
+Constantinian land fortifications.[55]
+
+But the evidence on the subject requires us to place the Exokionion on
+the Seventh Hill, and to restrict the name to that locality.
+
+For in the account of the triumphal entry of Basil I. through the Golden
+Gate of the Theodosian Walls, the Exokionion is placed between the Sigma
+and the Xerolophos.[56] The Sigma appears in the history of the sedition
+which overthrew Michael V., (1042), and is described as situated above
+the Monastery of St. Mary Peribleptos.[57] Now, regarding the position
+of that monastery there is no doubt. The establishment, founded by
+Romanus Argyrus, was one of the most important monastic houses in
+Constantinople. Its church survived the Turkish Conquest, and remained
+in the hands of the Greeks until 1643, when Sultan Ibrahim granted it to
+the Armenian community.[58] Since that time the sacred edifice has twice
+been destroyed by fire, and is now rebuilt under the title of St.
+George. It is popularly known as Soulou Monastir (the Water Monastery),
+after its adjoining ancient cistern, and stands in the quarter of
+Psamathia, low down the southern slope of the Seventh Hill.
+
+The Xerolophos was the name of the Seventh Hill in general,[59] but was
+sometimes applied, as in the case before us, to the Forum of Arcadius
+(Avret Bazaar) upon the hill’s summit.[60]
+
+This being so, the Exokionion, which was situated between the Sigma and
+the Forum of Arcadius, must have occupied the upper western slope of the
+Seventh Hill.
+
+In corroboration of this conclusion two additional facts may be cited.
+First, the Church of St. Mokius, the sanctuary accorded to the Arians
+for their extra-mural services in the Exokionion, stood on the Seventh
+Hill,[61] for it was on the road from the Sigma to the Forum of
+Arcadius,[62] and gave name to the large ancient cistern, the Tchoukour
+Bostan, to the north-west of the Forum.[63]
+
+In the next place, the district on the Seventh Hill to the west of Avret
+Bazaar (Forum of Arcadius) and beside the cistern of Mokius, still
+retains the name Exokionion under a Turkish form, its actual name, Alti
+Mermer, the district of “the Six Columns,” being, evidently, the Turkish
+rendering of Hexakionion, the popular Byzantine alias of Exokionion.[64]
+The Exokionion, therefore, was on the Seventh Hill. Accordingly, the
+Wall of Constantine crossed that hill along a line to the east of the
+quarter of Alti Mermer.
+
+(_b_) The next landmark, the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner (Παλαιὰ
+Πόρτα τοῦ Προδρόμου), elsewhere styled simply the Ancient Gate (Παλαιὰ
+Πόρτα),[65] furnishes the most precise indication we have of the
+position of Constantine’s wall. It was a gate which survived the
+original fortifications of the city, as Temple Bar outlived the wall of
+London, and became known in later days as the Ancient Gate, on account
+of its great antiquity. Its fuller designation, the Ancient Gate of the
+Forerunner,[66] is explained by the fact that a church dedicated to the
+Baptist was built against the adjoining wall. Conversely, the church was
+distinguished as the Church of the Forerunner at the Ancient Gate (τὴν
+Παλαιὰν).[67] Manuel Chrysolaras places the entrance to the west of the
+Forum of Arcadius, and describes it as one of the finest monuments in
+the city.[68] It was so wide and lofty that a tower or a full-rigged
+ship might pass through its portals. Upon the summit was a marble
+portico of dazzling whiteness, and before the entrance rose a column,
+once surmounted by a statue. When Bondelmontius visited the city, in
+1422, the gate was still erect, and is marked on his map of
+Constantinople as Antiquissima Pulchra Porta.[69] It survived the
+Turkish Conquest, when it obtained the name of Isa Kapoussi (the Gate of
+Jesus), and held its place as late as 1508. In that year it was
+overthrown by a great earthquake. “Isa Kapoussi,” says the Turkish
+historian Solak Zadè, who records the occurrence, “near Avret Bazaar,
+which had been in existence for 1900 years (_sic_), fell and was
+levelled to the ground.”[70] But the shadow of the name still lingers
+about the site. A small mosque to the west of Avret Bazaar bears the
+name Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi,[71] while the adjoining street is called Isa
+Kapoussi Sokaki. The mosque is an ancient Christian church, and probably
+bore in its earlier character a name which accounts for its Turkish
+appellation.
+
+From these facts it is clear that the Wall of Constantine, in crossing
+the Seventh Hill, passed very near Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi, a conclusion
+in accordance with the position already assigned to the Exokionion. The
+column outside the Ancient Gate was probably that which gave name to the
+district. Nowhere could a column bearing the statue of the city’s
+founder stand more appropriately than before this splendid entrance.
+
+(_c_) Another landmark of the course of the Constantinian ramparts in
+this part of the city were the Trojan Porticoes (τρῳαδήσιοι
+ἔμβολοι),[72] which stood so near the wall that it was sometimes named
+after them, the Trojan wall (τῶν τειχῶν τῶν Τρῳαδησίων).[73]
+
+From their situation in the Twelfth Region,[74] it is probable that they
+lined the street leading from the Porta Aurea into the city. They were
+evidently of some architectural importance, and are mentioned on more
+than one occasion as having been damaged by fire or earthquake.[75] The
+reason for their name is a matter of conjecture, and no trace of them
+remains.
+
+(_d_) Nothing definite regarding the course of the Constantinian Wall
+can be inferred from the statement that it ran beside the Monastery of
+St. Dius and the Convent of Icasia, seeing the situation of these
+establishments cannot be determined more exactly than that they were
+found near each other, somewhere on the Seventh Hill.
+
+The former, ascribed to the time of Theodosius I., is mentioned by
+Antony of Novgorod in close connection with the Church of St. Mokius and
+the Church of St. Luke.[76] The Convent of Icasia was founded by the
+beautiful and accomplished lady of that name,[77] whom the Emperor
+Theophilus declined to choose for his bride because she disputed the
+correctness of his ungracious remark that women were the source of evil.
+
+(_e_) The Cistern of Aspar, which, according to the _Paschal
+Chronicle_,[78] was situated near the ancient city wall, is the old
+Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the right of the street
+conducting from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the Gate of Adrianople
+in the Theodosian walls. This is clear from the following evidence. The
+cistern in question was a very large one, and stood near the Monastery
+of Manuel,[79] which was founded by the distinguished general of that
+name in the reign of Theophilus. The church of the monastery is now the
+Mosque Kefelè Mesdjidi in the quarter of Salmak Tombruk, and a little to
+the east of it stands the Tchoukour Bostan mentioned above,[80] the only
+large Byzantine reservoir in the neighbourhood.
+
+This conclusion is again in harmony with the figures of Zosimus and the
+_Notitia_, which, it will be remembered, brought the line of the
+Constantinian Wall close to this point.
+
+(_f_) The Cistern of Bonus, the next landmark to be considered, was
+built by the Patrician Bonus, celebrated in Byzantine history for his
+brave defence of the capital in 627 against the Avars and the Persians,
+while the Emperor Heraclius was in Persia carrying war into the enemy’s
+country.[81]
+
+Where this cistern was situated is a matter of dispute which cannot be
+definitely settled in our present state of knowledge. Gyllius identified
+it with a large cistern, three hundred paces in length, which he found
+robbed of its roof and columns, and turned into a vegetable garden, near
+the ruins of the Church of St. John in Petra, on the Sixth Hill.[82] The
+cistern has disappeared since that traveller’s day, but as the Wall of
+Constantine never extended so far west, the identification cannot be
+correct.
+
+In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion, the Cistern of Bonus was the large open
+reservoir to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan Selim, on the Fifth
+Hill,[83] and there is much to be said in favour of this view.
+
+The Cistern of Bonus was, in the first place, situated in one of the
+coolest quarters of the city, and beside it, on that account, the
+Emperor Romanus I. erected a palace,[84] styled the New Palace of
+Bonus,[85] as a residence during the hot season. Nowhere in
+Constantinople could a cooler spot be found in summer than the terrace
+upon which the Mosque of Sultan Selim stands, not to speak of the
+attractions offered by the superb view of the Golden Horn from that
+point. Furthermore, the Cistern of Bonus was within a short distance
+from the Church of the Holy Apostles, seeing that on the eve of the
+annual service celebrated in that church in commemoration of Constantine
+the Great, the Imperial Court usually repaired to the Palace of Bonus,
+in order to be within easy riding distance of the sanctuary on the
+morning of the festival.[86] A palace near the reservoir beside the
+Mosque of Sultan Selim would be conveniently near the Church of the Holy
+Apostles, to suit the emperor on such an occasion. To these
+considerations can be added, first, the fact that on the way from the
+Palace of Bonus to the Church of the Apostles there was an old cistern
+converted into market gardens,[87] which may have been the reservoir
+near the Mosque of Sultan Selim; and, secondly, the fact that the Wall
+of Constantine, on its way from the Cistern of Aspar to the Golden Horn
+passed near the site now occupied by the Mosque of Sultan Selim, and,
+consequently, close to the old cistern adjoining that mosque. But to
+this identification there is a fatal objection: the Cistern of Bonus was
+roofed in,[88] whereas the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim
+appears to have always been open.
+
+Dr. Strzygowski has suggested that the Cistern of Bonus stood near Eski
+Ali Pasha Djamissi,[89] on the northern bank of the valley of the Lycus,
+and to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.[90] No traces of
+a cistern have been found in that locality, but the conjecture satisfies
+the requirements of the case so far as the proximity of that site to the
+line of Constantine’s wall and to the Church of the Holy Apostles is
+concerned. Why that position should have been selected for a summer
+palace is, however, not apparent.
+
+We have said that the Constantinian Wall, upon leaving the Cistern of
+Aspar, turned sharply to the north-east, and made for the shore of the
+Golden Horn by running obliquely across the ridge of the Fifth Hill.
+
+This view of the case is required, first, in order to keep the breadth
+of the city within the limits assigned by the _Notitia_; and, secondly,
+by the statement of the same authority that the Eleventh Region—the
+Region at the north-western angle of the Constantinian city—did not
+extend to the shore of the Golden Horn: “Nulla parte mari sociata
+est.”[91] For this statement implies that the fortifications along the
+northern front of that Region stood at some distance from the water. But
+the northern slope of the Fifth Hill is so precipitous, and approaches
+so close to the Golden Horn that the only available ground for the
+fortifications on that side of the city would be the plateau of the
+Fifth Hill, where the large cistern beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim is
+found.
+
+(_g_) The church dedicated to the three martyr brothers, SS. Manual,
+Sabel, and Ishmael, must likewise have been on the Fifth Hill; for it
+stood where the wall began its descent (κατήρχετο)[92] towards the
+Golden Horn. This agrees with the statement of the _Synaxaria_ that the
+church was situated beside the land wall of Constantine, upon
+precipitous ground, and near the Church of St. Elias at the Petrion.[93]
+
+(_h_) As to the district of Harmatius, named after Harmatius, a
+prominent personage in the reign of Zeno,[94] it must be sought in the
+plain bounded by the Fifth, Fourth, and Third Hills, and the Golden
+Horn, the plain known in later days as the Plateia, (Πλατεῖα). To that
+plain the fortifications of Constantine would necessarily descend from
+the Fifth Hill, in proceeding on their north-eastern course to the
+Golden Horn; and there also the figures of the _Notitia_ require the
+northern end of the walls to terminate. Doubtless in the time of
+Constantine the bay at this point encroached upon the plain more than at
+present.
+
+A church dedicated to St. Antony was found in this part of the city by
+the Archbishop of Novgorod, when he visited Constantinople at the close
+of the eleventh century. He reached it after paying his devotions in the
+Church of St. Theodosia, the Church of St. Isaiah, and the Church of St.
+Laurentius,[95] sanctuaries situated in the plain before us; the first
+being now the Mosque Gul Djami, near Aya Kapou,[96] while the two last
+are represented, it is supposed, respectively, by the Mosque of Sheik
+Mourad and the Mosque of Pour Kouyou, further to the south.[97] The
+Archbishop places the Church of St. Antony on higher ground than the
+Church of St. Laurentius, apparently a short distance up the slope of
+the Fourth Hill, a position which St. Antony of Harmatius may well have
+occupied.
+
+(_i_) The locality known as the Zeugma, or Ferry of St. Antony, stood,
+naturally, beside the shore. If it cannot be identified with Oun-Kapan
+Kapoussi, where one of the principal ferries across the Golden Horn has
+always stood, it must, at all events, have been in that neighbourhood.
+
+(_j_) With the result thus obtained regarding the course of the
+Constantinian Wall, may now be compared the statement of the _Paschal
+Chronicle_ upon the subject. According to that authority the old land
+wall of the city crossed the promontory from the Gate of St. Æmilianus,
+upon the Sea of Marmora, to the district of the Petrion, upon the Golden
+Horn.[98] This statement is of great importance, because made while the
+wall was still standing; and it would on that account have been
+considered sooner, but for certain questions which it raises, and which
+can be answered more readily now than at a previous stage of our
+inquiries. The Chronicler makes the strange mistake of supposing that
+the wall which he saw stretching from sea to sea was the wall built
+originally for the defence of Byzantium by Phedalia, the wife of Byzas.
+Unfortunately, Byzantine archæologists were not always versed in
+history.
+
+Setting aside, therefore, the Chronicler’s historical opinions, and
+attending to the facts under his personal observation, we find him
+entirely agreed with the Anonymus as regards the point at which the
+southern extremity of the Wall of Constantine terminated.
+
+For the Gate of St. Æmilianus, by which the former authority marks that
+extremity, stood close to the Church of St. Mary Rabdou, the indication
+given by the latter.[99]
+
+The case seems otherwise as regards the northern end of the line, for
+the Petrion, mentioned in the _Paschal Chronicle_, was, strictly
+speaking, the district in which the Greek Patriarchate is now situated,
+the name of the district being still retained by the gate (Petri
+Kapoussi) at the eastern end of the enclosure around the Patriarchal
+Church and residence. But this would bring the northern end of the land
+wall considerably more to the west than the point where we have reason
+to believe the Church of St. Antony was found. It would also make the
+city broader than the _Notitia_ allows. The discrepancy can, however, be
+easily removed. For, while the Petrion was pre-eminently the district
+above indicated, the designation was applied also to territory much
+further to the east. The Church of St. Laurentius, for example, near
+which St. Antony’s stood, is at one time described as standing in the
+Plateia,[100] the plain to the east of Petri Kapoussi, while at another
+time it is spoken of as in the Petrion.[101] Hence the statement of the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ does not conflict with what other authorities affirm
+respecting the point at which the Constantinian land fortifications
+reached the Golden Horn.
+
+(_k_) Finally, from the Church of St. Antony the wall proceeded along
+the shore of the Golden Horn to the head of the promontory, thus
+completing the circuit of the fortifications.
+
+It should, however, be noted that this work of surrounding the city with
+bulwarks was not executed entirely in the reign of Constantine. A
+portion of the undertaking—probably the walls defending the shores of
+the city—was left for his son and successor Constantius to
+complete.[102]
+
+The following gates, mentioned in Byzantine history, were found, there
+is reason to believe, in the Constantinian circuit:—
+
+Porta Polyandriou (Πόρτα Πολυανδρίου,[103] the Gate of the Cemetery)
+stood in the portion of the wall near the Church of the Holy Apostles.
+It is true that this was one of the names of the Gate of Adrianople in
+the later Theodosian Walls, but if the name was derived from the
+Imperial Cemetery beside the Church of the Holy Apostles, there is much
+probability in Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion that the designation belonged
+originally to the corresponding gate in the Constantinian
+fortifications, which stood closer to the cemetery.[104]
+
+Another gate was the Porta Atalou (Πόρτα Ἀτάλου).[105] It was adorned
+with the statue of Constantine the Great and the statue of Atalus, after
+whom the gate was named. Both monuments fell in the earthquake of 740.
+The presence of the statue of the founder of the city upon the gate, the
+fact that the damage which the gate sustained in 740 is mentioned in
+close connection with the injuries done at the same time to the Column
+of Arcadius on the Xeropholos,[106] and the lack of any proof that the
+gate stood in the Theodosian Walls, are circumstances which favour the
+view that it was an entrance in the Wall of Constantine. From its
+association with the Xerolophos one would infer that the Gate of Atalus
+was situated on the Seventh Hill, in a position corresponding to one of
+the later Theodosian gates on that eminence.
+
+That the Palaia Porta—Isa Kapoussi, beside the Mosque Isa Kapou
+Mesdjidi—was a Constantinian gate is beyond dispute.[107] But a
+difficult, and at the same time important, question occurs in connection
+with it. Was it the Porta Aurea mentioned in the _Notitia_ as the gate
+from which the length of the city was measured? What renders this a
+difficult question is the fact that the Porta Aurea of the Theodosian
+Walls—the celebrated Golden Gate which appears so frequently in the
+history of the city, and which is now incorporated in the Turkish
+fortress of the Seven Towers (Yedi Koulè), under the name Yedi Koulè
+Kapoussi—was already in existence when the _Notitia_ was written.[108]
+That being the case, the presumption is in favour of the opinion that
+the Golden Gate at Yedi Koulè is the Porta Aurea to which the _Notitia_
+refers; and this opinion has upon its side the great authority of Dr.
+Strzygowski.[109] On the other hand, the distance from the Porta Aurea
+to the sea, as given by the _Notitia_, does not correspond to the
+distance between Yedi Koulè and the head of the promontory, the latter
+distance being much greater. To suppose that this discrepancy is due to
+a mistake which has crept into the figures of the _Notitia_ is possible;
+but the supposition is open to more than one objection. In the first
+place, such a view obliges us to assume a similar mistake in the figures
+which that authority gives for the breadth of the city, seeing they do
+not accord with the breadth of the city along the line of the Theodosian
+Walls. But even if this objection is waived, and the possibility of a
+double error admitted in the abstract, the hypothesis of a mistake in
+the figures before us is attended by another difficulty, which cannot be
+dismissed so easily. How comes it that figures condemned as inaccurate
+because they do not accord with the size of Constantinople under
+Theodosius II., prove perfectly correct when applied to the dimensions
+of the city under its founder? How come these figures to agree
+completely with what we learn regarding the length and breadth of the
+city of Constantine from other data on that subject? This cannot be an
+accident; the only satisfactory explanation is that the figures in
+question belonged to the primitive text of the document in which they
+are found, and never referred to anything else than the original size of
+the city. Hence we are compelled to adopt the view that when the
+_Notitia_ was written, two gates bearing the epithet “Golden” existed in
+Constantinople, one of them in the older circuit of the city, the other
+in the later fortifications of Theodosius, and that the author of the
+_Notitia_ refers to the earlier entrance. There is nothing strange in
+the existence of a Triumphal Gate in the Wall of Constantine, while the
+duplication of such an entrance for a later line of bulwarks was
+perfectly natural.
+
+Why the _Notitia_ overlooks the second Porta Aurea is explained by the
+point of view from which that work was written. Its author was concerned
+with the original city. A gate in the Wall of Theodosius was only the
+vestibule of the corresponding Constantinian entrance.
+
+The existence of a Porta Aurea in the Wall of Constantine being thus
+established, the identification of that gate with the Palaia Porta
+offers little difficulty. The Constantinian Porta Aurea, like the
+Ancient Gate, stood on the Seventh Hill, since the portion of the Via
+Triumphalis leading from the Exokionion to the Forum of Arcadius was on
+that eminence.[110] Like the Ancient Gate, the Porta Aurea was,
+moreover, distinguished by fine architectural features, as its very
+epithet implies, and, as the _Notitia_ declares, when it states that the
+city wall bounding the Twelfth Region, on the Seventh Hill, was
+remarkable for its monumental character—“Quam (regionem) mœnium
+sublimior decorat ornatus.”[111] Gates so similar in their position and
+appearance can scarcely have been different entrances.
+
+Of the Constantinian gates along the seaboard of the city, the only one
+about which anything positive can be affirmed is the Gate of St.
+Æmilianus, near the Church of St. Mary Rabdou, on the Sea of Marmora. It
+is now represented by Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.[112]
+
+Dr. Mordtmann[113] suggests the existence of a gate known as the
+Basilikè Porta beside the Golden Horn, where Ayasma Kapoussi stands; but
+this conjecture is exceedingly doubtful.
+
+The Wall of Constantine formed the boundary and bulwark of the city for
+some eighty years, its great service being the protection of the new
+capital against the Visigoths, who asserted their power in the Balkan
+Peninsula during the latter part of the fourth century and the earlier
+portion of the fifth. After the terrible defeat of the Roman arms at
+Adrianople in 378, the Goths marched upon Constantinople, but soon
+retired, in view of the hopelessness of an attack upon the
+fortifications. The bold Alaric never dared to assail these walls; while
+Gainas, finding he could not carry them by surprise, broke up his camp
+at the Hebdomon, and withdrew to the interior of Thrace.
+
+It is a mistake, however, to suppose that the original bulwarks of the
+capital were demolished as soon as the Theodosian Walls were built.[114]
+On the contrary, the old works continued for a considerable period to
+form an inner line of defence. We hear of them in the reign of Justinian
+the Great, when, together with the Wall of Theodosius, they were injured
+by a violent earthquake.[115] They were in their place also when the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ was written.[116] What their condition precisely was
+in 740, when the Gate of Atalus was overthrown,[117] cannot be
+determined, but evidently they had not completely disappeared.
+Thereafter nothing more is heard of them, and the probability is that
+they were left to waste away gradually. Remains of ancient walls
+survived in the neighbourhood of Isa Kapoussi as late as the early part
+of this century.[118]
+
+
+           Interior Arrangements of the City of Constantine.
+
+
+The work of altering Byzantium to become the seat of government was
+commenced in 328, and occupied some two years, materials and labourers
+for the purpose being gathered from all parts of the Empire. Workmen
+skilled in cutting columns and marble came even from the neighbourhood
+of Naples,[119] and the forty thousand Gothic troops, known as the
+Fœderati, lent their strength to push the work forward.[120]
+
+At length, on the 11th of May, A.D. 330,[121] the city of Constantine,
+destined to rank among the great capitals of the world, and to exert a
+vast influence over the course of human affairs, was dedicated with
+public rejoicings which lasted forty days.[122]
+
+The internal arrangements of the city were determined mainly by the
+configuration of its site, the position of the buildings taken over from
+Byzantium, and the desire to reproduce some of the features of Rome.
+
+The principal new works gathered about two nuclei—the chief Gate of
+Byzantium and the Square of the Tetrastoon.
+
+Immediately without the gate was placed the Forum, named after
+Constantine.[123] It was elliptical in shape, paved with large stones,
+and surrounded by a double tier of porticoes; a lofty marble archway at
+each extremity of its longer axis led into this area, and in the centre
+rose a porphyry column, bearing a statue of Apollo crowned with seven
+rays. The figure represented the founder of the city “shining like the
+sun” upon the scene of his creation. On the northern side of the Forum a
+Senate House was erected.[124]
+
+The Tetrastoon was enlarged and embellished, receiving in its new
+character the name “Augustaion,” in honour of Constantine’s mother
+Helena, who bore the title Augusta, and whose statue, set upon a
+porphyry column, adorned the square.[125]
+
+The Hippodrome was now completed,[126] to become “the axis of the
+Byzantine world,” and there, in addition to other monuments, the Serpent
+Column from Delphi was placed. The adjoining Thermæ of Zeuxippus were
+improved.[127] An Imperial Palace,[128] with its main entrance on the
+southern side of the Augustaion, was built to the east of the
+Hippodrome, where it stood related to the race-course very much as the
+Palace of the Cæsars on the Palatine was related to the Circus Maximus.
+There, at the same time, it commanded the beautiful view presented by
+the Sea of Marmora, the Prince’s Islands, the hilly Asiatic coast, and
+the snow-capped Bythinian Olympus. Eusebius, who saw the palace in its
+glory, describes it as “most magnificent;”[129] while Zosimus speaks of
+it as scarcely inferior to the Imperial Residence in Rome.[130]
+
+On the eastern side of the Augustaion rose the Basilica,[131] where the
+Senate held its principal meetings. It was entered through a porch
+supported by six splendid columns of marble, and the building itself was
+decorated with every possible variety of the same material. There also
+statues of rare workmanship were placed, such as the Group of the Muses
+from Helicon, the statue of Zeus from Dodona, and that of Pallas from
+Lindus.[132]
+
+According to Eusebius, Constantine adorned the city and its suburbs with
+many churches,[133] the most prominent of them being the Church of
+Irene[134] and the Church of the Apostles.[135] The former was situated
+a short distance to the north of the Augustaion, and there, as restored
+first by Justinian the Great, and later by Leo III., it still stands
+within the Seraglio enclosure, now an arsenal of Turkish arms.
+
+The Church of the Apostles, with its roof covered with tiles of gilded
+bronze, crowned the summit of the Fourth Hill, where it has been
+replaced by the Mosque of the Turkish Conqueror of the city.
+
+There, also, Constantine erected for himself a mausoleum, surrounded by
+twelve pillars after the number of the Apostles;[136] and in the
+porticoes and chapels beside the church most of Constantine’s successors
+and their empresses, as well as the patriarchs of the city, found their
+last resting-place in sarcophagi of porphyry or marble. Whether
+Constantine had any part in the erection of St. Sophia is extremely
+uncertain. Eusebius is silent regarding that church; Socrates ascribes
+it to Constantius. Possibly Constantine laid the foundations of the
+famous sanctuary.
+
+Among other churches ascribed to the founder of the city are those
+dedicated, respectively, to St. Mokius, St. Acacius, St. Agathonicus,
+and to Michael the Archangel at Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), on the
+Bosporus.[137] There is no doubt that in the foundation of New Rome,
+Constantine emphasized the alliance of the Empire with the Christian
+Church. “Over the entrance of his palace,” says Eusebius, “he caused a
+rich cross to be erected of gold and precious stones, as a protection
+and a divine charm against the machinations and evil purposes of his
+enemies.”[138]
+
+Three streets running the length of the city formed the great arteries
+of communication.[139]
+
+One started from the south-western end of the palace enclosure, and
+proceeded along the Sea of Marmora to the Church of St. Æmilianus, at
+the southern extremity of the land wall. At that point was the Harbour
+of Eleutherius,[140] on the site of Vlanga Bostan, providing the city
+with what Nature had failed to supply—a harbour of refuge on the
+southern coast of the promontory.
+
+Another street commenced at the south-eastern end of the palace grounds
+(Tzycanisterion), and ran first to the point of the Acropolis along the
+eastern shore of the city, passing on the way the theatre and
+amphitheatre of Byzantium. Near the latter Constantine built the
+Mangana, or Military Arsenal.[141] The street then proceeded westwards
+along the Golden Horn, past the Temples of Zeus and Poseidon, the
+Stadium, the Strategion, and the principal harbours of the city, to the
+Church of St. Antony in the quarter of Harmatius. In the Strategion an
+equestrian statue of Constantine was placed, and a pillar bearing the
+edict which bestowed upon the city the name of New Rome, as well as the
+rights and privileges of the elder capital.[142]
+
+The third street started from the main gate of the palace, and
+proceeded, first, from the Augustaion to the Forum of Constantine. On
+reaching the Third Hill it divided into two branches, one leading to the
+Porta Aurea and the Exokionion, the other to the Church of the Holy
+Apostles and the Gate of the Polyandrion. This was the main artery of
+the city, and was named the Mesè (Μεσὴ) on account of its central
+position. Porticoes built by Eubulus, one of the senators who
+accompanied Constantine from Rome, lined both sides of the Mesè, and one
+side of the two other streets, adding at once to the convenience and
+beauty of the thoroughfares. The porticoes extending from the Augustaion
+to the Forum of Constantine were particularly handsome.[143] Upon the
+summit of all the porticoes walks or terraces were laid out, adorned
+with countless statues, and commanding views of the city and of the
+surrounding hills and waters. Thus, the street scenery of Constantinople
+combined the attractions of Art and Nature.
+
+The water-supply of the new capital was one of the most important
+undertakings of the day.[144] While the water-works of Byzantium, as
+improved by Hadrian, continued to be used, they were extended, to render
+the supply of water more abundant. What exactly was done for that
+purpose is, however, a matter of conjecture.[145]
+
+To the construction of the aqueducts, porticoes, and fortifications of
+New Rome sixty centenaria of gold (£2,500,000) were devoted.[146]
+
+The health of the city was consulted by building sewers far underground,
+and carrying them to the sea.[147]
+
+With the view of drawing population to the new city, Constantine made
+the wheat hitherto sent from Egypt to Rome the appanage of
+Constantinople, and ordered the daily free distribution of eighty
+thousand loaves.[148] The citizens were, moreover, granted the Jus
+Italicus,[149] while, to attract families of distinction the emperor
+erected several mansions for presentation to Roman senators.[150]
+House-building was encouraged by granting estates in Pontus and Asia, on
+the tenure of maintaining a residence in the new capital.[151]
+
+Furthermore, in virtue of its new dignity, the city was relieved from
+its subordination to the town of Heraclea,[152] imposed since the time
+of Septimius Severus, and the members of the public council of New Rome
+were constituted into a Senate, with the right to bear the title of
+Clari.[153]
+
+For municipal purposes the city was divided, like Rome, into Fourteen
+Regions,[154] two of them being outside the circuit of the
+fortifications, viz. the Thirteenth, which comprised Sycæ (Galata), on
+the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the Fourteenth, constituting
+the suburb of Blachernæ, now the quarters of Egri Kapou and Aivan Serai.
+
+Footnote 40:
+
+  Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
+
+Footnote 41:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 42:
+
+  Pages 96, 97.
+
+Footnote 43:
+
+  See above, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 44:
+
+  _Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanæ et
+  Laterculi Provinciarum_, edidit Otto Seeck, p. 243.
+
+  The _Notitia_, so far as Constantinople is concerned, will be found in
+  Gyllius’ _De Topographia Constantinopoleos_.
+
+  “Habet sane longitudo urbis a porta aurea usque ad litus maris directa
+  linea pedum quattuordecim milia septuaginta quinque, latitudo autem
+  pedum sex milia centum quinquaginta.”
+
+Footnote 45:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; Anonymus, i. p. 2.
+
+Footnote 46:
+
+  See below, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 47:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 48:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 20.
+
+Footnote 49:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 50:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 561; Socrates, v. c. 7.
+
+Footnote 51:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 52:
+
+  Theophanes Continuatus, p. 196; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 173; Nicetas
+  Chon. p. 319.
+
+Footnote 53:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 54:
+
+  On the occasion of his second visit, Gyllius saw the column removed to
+  the Mosque of Sultan Suleiman.
+
+Footnote 55:
+
+  Pages 10, 72.
+
+Footnote 56:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 57:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540, Ἄνωθεν τῆς περιβλέπτου μονῆς, ἐν τῷ τοπω τῷ
+  καλουμένῳ Σίγματι.
+
+Footnote 58:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 59:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 579.
+
+Footnote 60:
+
+  Socrates, vii. c. 5; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 106.
+
+Footnote 61:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, v. p. 81; _Synaxaria_, May 11.
+
+Footnote 62:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 55, 56.
+
+Footnote 63:
+
+  Codinus, p. 99; Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 8.
+
+Footnote 64:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, p. 362.
+
+Footnote 65:
+
+  Codinus, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 66:
+
+  Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 67:
+
+  Du Cange, iv. p. 102.
+
+Footnote 68:
+
+  _Patrologia Græca_, vol. clvi. p. 54, Migne.
+
+Footnote 69:
+
+  Another copy of the map of Bondelmontius than that forming the
+  Frontispiece of this work is found at the beginning of Du Cange’s
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_.
+
+Footnote 70:
+
+  For this information I am indebted to Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., of the
+  American Board of Missions.
+
+Footnote 71:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, pp. 361-363.
+
+Footnote 72:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 154.
+
+Footnote 73:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 74:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 75:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 76:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 103; _Traduits pour la Société de
+  l’Orient Latin_, par Madame B. de Khitrovo.
+
+Footnote 77:
+
+  Codinus, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 78:
+
+  Page 593.
+
+Footnote 79:
+
+  Theophanes Continuatus, p. 168.
+
+Footnote 80:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 304-306.
+
+Footnote 81:
+
+  Codinus, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 82:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 4.
+
+Footnote 83:
+
+  Pages 72, 73.
+
+Footnote 84:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+Footnote 85:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 532.
+
+Footnote 86:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra._
+
+Footnote 87:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., p. 532.
+
+Footnote 88:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 49, Ἐσκέπασεν αὐτὴν κυλινδρικῷ θόλῳ.
+
+Footnote 89:
+
+  The literary form of the word is Djami’i.
+
+Footnote 90:
+
+  _Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel_, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 91:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XI._
+
+Footnote 92:
+
+  Codinus, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 93:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, June 17, 20; Anonymus, ii. p. 35.
+
+Footnote 94:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 36.
+
+Footnote 95:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 104, 105.
+
+Footnote 96:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 320-322.
+
+Footnote 97:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 381-383.
+
+Footnote 98:
+
+  Page 494, Τὸ παλαιὸν τεῖχος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τουτέστιν ἀπὸ τοῦ
+  καλουμένου Πετρίου ἕως τῆς πόρτας τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, πλησίον τῆς
+  καλουμένης Ῥάβδου.
+
+Footnote 99:
+
+  See _Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 100:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. pp. 39, 40.
+
+Footnote 101:
+
+  _Bollandists_, May 30, p. 238, Ἐν μαρτυρείῳ τῆς ἁγίας Εὐφημίας τῷ ὄντι
+  πλησίον τοῦ ἁγίου Λαυρεντίου ἐν τῷ Πετρίῳ.
+
+  Under August 10, St. Laurentius is described as ἐν Πουλχεριαναῖς and
+  ἐν Πετρίῳ. See below, pp. 206, 207.
+
+Footnote 102:
+
+  Emperor Julian, _Oratio I._
+
+Footnote 103:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 719.
+
+Footnote 104:
+
+  Pages 10, 28. See below, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 105:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 106:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra._
+
+Footnote 107:
+
+  See above, pp. 21, 22.
+
+Footnote 108:
+
+  See below, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 109:
+
+  See below, p. 61, ref. 5.
+
+Footnote 110:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501.
+
+Footnote 111:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 112:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; see below, p. 264.
+
+Footnote 113:
+
+  Pages 7, 8. There is no proof for the existence of a Porta Saturnini
+  in the Constantinian Wall (_Esquisse Top. de CP._). The author of the
+  “Life of St. Isaacius,” in the _Bollandists_ (May 31, p. 256, n. 4, p.
+  259), says that a cell was built for that saint by Saturninus:
+  “Suburbanam, nec procul a civitatis muris (Constantinian) remotam
+  domum.” The house of Saturninus himself is described as “extra portam
+  Collarida” (Xerolophos). But nothing is said regarding a gate named
+  after him. Regarding this Basilikè Porta, see below, p. 213.
+
+Footnote 114:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistus, xiv. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 115:
+
+  Malalas, p. 488; Agathias, v. c. 5, 3-8.
+
+Footnote 116:
+
+  Page 494.
+
+Footnote 117:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 118:
+
+  Paspates, p. 363.
+
+Footnote 119:
+
+  Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 266.
+
+Footnote 120:
+
+  Jornandes, _De Rebus Get._, c. 21, “Nam et dum famosissimam et Romæ
+  æmulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio,
+  qui fœdere inito cum imperatore XL. suorum millia illi in solatio
+  contra gentes varias obtulere, quorum et numerus et millia usque, in
+  Rep. nominantur Fœderati.”
+
+  In one brief (_Cod. Theod._, lib. 13, tit. iv. 1) Constantine
+  complains of the dearth of architects; in another (_Cod. Theod._, lib.
+  13, tit. iv. 2) he offers to free from taxes thirty-five master
+  artificers if they would bring up their sons in the same professions.
+
+Footnote 121:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 529.
+
+Footnote 122:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, lib. v. p. 98.
+
+Footnote 123:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 528; Zosimus, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 124:
+
+  Hesychius, _Frag. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 154; Anonymus, i. p. 13.
+
+Footnote 125:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 529, Αὐγουσταῖον.
+
+Footnote 126:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 528.
+
+Footnote 127:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 529.
+
+Footnote 128:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 528.
+
+Footnote 129:
+
+  Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_, iv. 66.
+
+Footnote 130:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 131:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 528, 529.
+
+Footnote 132:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 280, 281.
+
+Footnote 133:
+
+  Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_, iii. 47.
+
+Footnote 134:
+
+  Socrates, i. c. 16.
+
+Footnote 135:
+
+  Eusebius, iv. c. 52-60.
+
+Footnote 136:
+
+  Eusebius, iv. 60.
+
+Footnote 137:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, p. 154; Theophanes, p. 34;
+  Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 138:
+
+  _Life of Constantine_, iii. c. 48.
+
+Footnote 139:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, pp. 22, 23.
+
+Footnote 140:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46. See below, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 141:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 26. See below, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 142:
+
+  Socrates, i. c. 16.
+
+Footnote 143:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 528; Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 266.
+
+Footnote 144:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 145:
+
+  Cf. Tchihatchef, _Le Bosphore et Constantinople_, chap. ii.;
+  Andreossy, _Constantinople et le Bosphore de Thrace_, Livre Troisième,
+  “Système des Eaux.”
+
+Footnote 146:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 5.
+
+Footnote 147:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 148:
+
+  Socrates, ii. c. 13; Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
+
+Footnote 149:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, lib. xiv. 13; _Cod. Justin._, xi. 20.
+
+Footnote 150:
+
+  Hesychius Milesius, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 154; Zosimus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 151:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, Novella 12.
+
+Footnote 152:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 530. Because of this subordination of Byzantium
+  to Heraclea, the bishop of the latter city has still the right to
+  preside at the consecration of the patriarch of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 153:
+
+  Valesian Anonymus, appended to the History of Ammianus Marcellinus.
+  The senators of Rome were styled “Clarissimi.”
+
+Footnote 154:
+
+  _Nolitia, ad Regiones._ On the delimitation of the Regions, see
+  Gyllius, _De Topographia Constantinopleos_, l. ii. c. 2, 10, 16; l.
+  iii. c. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9; l. iv. c. 1, 3, 7, 10, 11; and Mordtmann,
+  _Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople_, pp. 2-10. The point on
+  which these authorities differ most widely is regarding the situation
+  of the Seventh Region, Gyllius making it occupy the valley of the
+  Grand Bazaar, on the northern side of the city; while Mordtmann (pp.
+  6, 7) places it on the southern slope of the Second Hill, from the
+  Forum of Constantine to the Sea of Marmora. My view (at present) on
+  the subject is indicated in the Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+                         THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+The enduring character of the political reasons which had called the new
+capital into being, and the commercial advantages which its unique
+position commanded, favoured such an increase of population, that before
+eighty-five years had elapsed, the original limits of Constantinople
+proved too narrow for the crowds gathered within the walls.
+
+So numerous were the inhabitants already in 378, that the Goths, who
+then appeared before the city after the defeat of the Roman arms at
+Adrianople, abandoned all hope of capturing a stronghold which could
+draw upon such multitudes for its defence.[155]
+
+[Illustration: The Land Walls of Constantinople.]
+
+Three years later, Athanaric[156] marvelled at the variety of peoples
+which poured into the city, as they have ever since, like streams from
+different points into a common reservoir. Soon the corn fleets of
+Alexandria, Asia, Syria, and Phœnicia, were unable to provide the city
+with sufficient bread.[157] The houses were packed so closely that the
+citizens, whether at home or abroad, felt confined and oppressed, while
+to walk the streets was dangerous, on account of the number of the
+beasts of burden that crowded the thoroughfares. Building-ground was in
+such demand that portions of the sea along the shores of the city had to
+be filled in, and the erections on that artificial land alone formed a
+considerable town.[158] Sozomon goes so far as to affirm that
+Constantinople had grown more populous than Rome.[159]
+
+This increase of the population is explained, in part, by the
+attractions which a capital, and especially one founded recently,
+offered alike to rich and poor as a place of residence and occupation.
+The ecclesiastical dignity of the city, when elevated to the second rank
+in the hierarchy of the Church, made it, moreover, the religious centre
+of the East, and drew a large body of ecclesiastics and devout persons
+within its bounds. The presence and incursions of the Goths and the Huns
+south of the Danube drove many of the original inhabitants of the
+invaded districts for shelter behind the fortifications of the city, and
+led multitudes of barbarians thither in search of employment or the
+pleasures of civilized life.
+
+Then, it must be remembered that no capital is built in a day.
+
+To make the city worthy of its name involved great labour, and demanded
+an army of workmen of every description. There were many structures
+which Constantine had only commenced; the completion of the
+fortifications of the city had been left to Constantius; Julian found it
+necessary to construct a second harbour on the side of the Sea of
+Marmora; Valens was obliged to improve the water-works of the city by
+the erection of the fine aqueduct which spans the valley between the
+Fourth and Fifth Hills. And how large a number of hands such works
+required appears from the fact that when the aqueduct was repaired, in
+the ninth century, 6000 labourers were brought from the provinces to
+Constantinople for the purpose.[160]
+
+Under the rule of the Theodosian dynasty the improvement of the city
+went forward with leaps and bounds. Most of the public places and
+buildings enumerated by the _Notitia_, were constructed under the
+auspices of that House, and transformed the city. A vivid picture of the
+change is drawn by Themistius,[161] who knew all the phases through
+which Constantinople had passed, from the reign of Constantius to that
+of Theodosius the Great. “No longer,” exclaims the orator, as he viewed
+the altered appearance of things around him, “is the vacant ground in
+the city more extensive than that occupied by buildings; nor are we
+cultivating more territory within our walls than we inhabit; the beauty
+of the city is not, as heretofore, scattered over it in patches, but
+covers its whole area like a robe woven to the very fringe. The city
+gleams with gold and porphyry. It has a (new) Forum, named after the
+emperor; it owns Baths, Porticoes, Gymnasia; and its former extremity is
+now its centre. Were Constantine to see the capital he founded he would
+behold a glorious and splendid scene, not a bare and empty void; he
+would find it fair, not with apparent, but with real beauty.” The
+mansions of the rich, the orator continues, had become larger and more
+sumptuous; the suburbs had expanded; the place “was full of carpenters,
+builders, decorators, and artisans of every description, and might fitly
+be called a work-shop of magnificence.” “Should the zeal of the emperor
+to adorn the city continue,” adds Themistius, in prophetic strain, “a
+wider circuit will be demanded, and the question will arise whether the
+city added to Constantinople by Theodosius is not more splendid than the
+city which Constantine added to Byzantium.”
+
+The growth of the capital went on under Arcadius, with the result that
+early in the reign of his son, the younger Theodosius, the enlargement
+of the city limits, foreseen by Themistius, was carried into effect.
+
+But this extension of the boundaries was not made simply to suit the
+convenience of a large population. It was required also by the need of
+new bulwarks. Constantinople called for more security, as well as for
+more room. The barbarians were giving grave reasons for disquiet; Rome
+had been captured by the Goths; the Huns had crossed the Danube, and
+though repelled, still dreamed of carrying their conquests wherever the
+sun shone. It was, indeed, time for the Empire to gird on its whole
+armour.
+
+Fortunately for the eastern portion of the Roman world, Anthemius, the
+statesman at the head of the Government for six years during the
+minority of Theodosius II., was eminently qualified for his position by
+lofty character, distinguished ability, and long experience in the
+public service. When appointed Prætorian Prefect of the East, in 405, by
+the Emperor Arcadius, Chrysostom remarked that the appointment conferred
+more honour on the office than upon Anthemius himself; and the
+ecclesiastical historian Socrates extols the prefect as “one of the
+wisest men of the age.”[162] Proceeding, therefore, to do all in his
+power to promote the security of the State, Anthemius cleared the Balkan
+Peninsula of the hostile Huns under Uldin, driving them north of the
+Danube. Then, to prevent the return of the enemy, he placed a permanent
+flotilla of 250 vessels on that river, and strengthened the
+fortifications of the cities in Illyria; and to crown the system of
+defence, he made Constantinople a mighty citadel. The enlargement and
+refortification of the city was thus part of a comprehensive and
+far-seeing plan to equip the Roman State in the East for the impending
+desperate struggle with barbarism; and of all the services which
+Anthemius rendered, the most valuable and enduring was the addition he
+made to the military importance of the capital. The bounds he assigned
+to the city fixed, substantially, her permanent dimensions, and behind
+the bulwarks he raised—improved and often repaired, indeed, by his
+successors—Constantinople acted her great part in the history of the
+world.
+
+The erection and repair of the fortifications of a city was an
+undertaking which all citizens were required to assist, in one form or
+another. On that point the laws were very stringent, and no rank or
+privilege exempted any one from the obligation to promote the work.[163]
+One-third of the annual land-tax of the city could be drawn upon to
+defray the outlay, all expenses above that amount being met by
+requisitions laid upon the inhabitants. The work of construction was
+entrusted to the Factions, as several inscriptions on the walls testify.
+In 447, when the Theodosian fortifications were repaired and extended,
+the Blues and the Greens furnished, between them, sixteen thousand
+labourers for the undertaking.[164]
+
+The stone employed upon the fortifications is tertiary limestone,
+brought from the neighbourhood of Makrikeui, where the hollows and
+mounds formed in quarrying are still visible. The bricks used are from 1
+foot 1 inch to 1 foot 2 inches square, and 2 inches thick. They are
+sometimes stamped with the name of their manufacturer or donor, and
+occasionally bear the name of the contemporary emperor, and the
+indiction in which they were made. Mortar, mixed with powdered brick,
+was employed in large quantities, lest it should dry without taking
+hold,[165] and bound the masonry into a solid mass, hard as rock.
+
+The wall of Anthemius was erected in 413,[166] the fifth year of
+Theodosius II., then about twelve years of age, and is now represented
+by the inner wall in the fortifications that extend along the west of
+the city, from the Sea of Marmora to the ruins of the Byzantine Palace,
+known as Tekfour Serai. The new city limits were thus placed at a
+distance of one mile to one mile and a half west of the Wall of
+Constantine.
+
+This change in the position of the landward line of defence involved the
+extension likewise of the walls along the two shores of the city; but
+though that portion of the work must have been included in the plan of
+Anthemius, it was not executed till after his day. As we shall find, the
+new seaboard of the capital was fortified a quarter of a century later,
+in 439, under the direction of the Prefect Cyrus, while Theodosius II.
+was still upon the throne.
+
+The bulwarks of Anthemius saved the city from attack by Attila. They
+were too formidable for him to venture to assail them.
+
+But they suffered soon at the hands of the power which was to inflict
+more injury upon the fortifications of Constantinople than any other
+foe. In 447, only thirty-four years after their construction, the
+greater portion of the new walls, with fifty-seven towers, was
+overthrown by a series of violent earthquakes.[167] The disaster was
+particularly inopportune at the moment it occurred, for already in that
+year Attila had defeated the armies of Theodosius in three successive
+engagements, ravaged with fire and sword the provinces of Macedonia and
+Thrace, and come as near to Constantinople as Athyras (Buyuk
+Tchekmedjè). He had dictated an ignominious treaty of peace, exacting
+the cession of territory south of the Danube, the payment of an
+indemnity of 6000 pounds of gold, and the increase of the annual tribute
+paid to him by the Eastern Empire from 700 pounds of gold to 2100.
+
+The crisis was, however, met with splendid energy by Constantine, then
+Prætorian Prefect of the East, and under his direction, as Marcellinus
+Comes affirms, the walls were restored in less than three months after
+their overthrow.[168] But besides restoring the shattered bulwarks of
+his predecessor, Constantine seized the opportunity to render the city a
+much stronger fortress than even Anthemius had made it. Accordingly,
+another wall, with a broad and deep moat before it, was erected in front
+of the Wall of Anthemius, to place the city behind three lines of
+defence. The walls were flanked by 192 towers, while the ground between
+the two walls, and that between the Outer Wall and the Moat, provided
+room for the action of large bodies of troops. These five portions of
+the fortifications rose tier above tier, and combined to form a
+barricade 190-207 feet thick, and over 100 feet high.[169]
+
+As an inscription[170] upon the fortifications proclaimed, this was a
+wall indeed, τὸ καὶ τεῖχος ὄντως—a wall which, so long as ordinary
+courage survived and the modes of ancient warfare were not superseded,
+made Constantinople impregnable, and behind which civilization defied
+the assaults of barbarism for a thousand years.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the
+Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).]
+
+Three inscriptions commemorating the erection of these noble works of
+defence have been discovered. Two of them are still found on the Gate
+Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi (Porta Rhousiou), one being in Greek, the
+other in Latin, as both languages were then in official use. The former
+reads to the effect that “In sixty days, by the order of the
+sceptre-loving Emperor, Constantine the Eparch added wall to wall.”
+
+               † ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟΣΚΗΠΤΡΩ ΒΑΣΙΛΗΙ †
+               ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΔΕΙΜΑΤΟ ΤΕΙΧΕΙ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ †
+
+The Latin legend is more boastful: “By the commands of Theodosius, in
+less than two months, Constantine erected triumphantly these strong
+walls. Scarcely could Pallas have built so quickly so strong a citadel.”
+
+           THEODOSII JUSSIS GEMINO NEC MENSE PERACTO †
+           CONSTANTINUS OVANS HAEC MOENIA FIRMA LOCAVIT
+           TAM CITO TAM STABILEM PALLAS VIX CONDERET ARCEM †[171]
+
+The third inscription has disappeared from its place on the Porta
+Xylokerkou, but is preserved in the Greek Anthology.[172] It declared
+that, “The Emperor Theodosius and Constantine the Eparch of the East
+built this wall in sixty days.”
+
+                ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ
+                ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ
+
+The shortness of the time assigned to the execution of the work is
+certainly astonishing. Perhaps the statement of the inscriptions will
+appear more credible if understood to refer exclusively to the second
+wall, and if we realize the terror which the Huns then inspired. The
+dread of Attila, “the Scourge of God,” might well prove an incentive to
+extraordinary performance, and strain every muscle to the utmost
+tension.
+
+But the question of the time occupied in the reconstruction of the walls
+is not the only difficulty raised by these inscriptions. They present a
+question also as regards the official under whose direction that work
+was executed. For according to them, and Marcellinus Comes, the
+superintendent of the work was named Constantine.[173] Theophanes and
+subsequent historians, on the other hand, ascribe the undertaking to the
+Prefect Cyrus.[174] This is a serious discrepancy, and authorities are
+not agreed in their mode of dealing with it. Some have proposed to
+remove the difficulty by the simple expedient of identifying Constantine
+and Cyrus;[175] while others maintain a distinction of persons, and
+reconcile the conflicting statements by understanding them to refer,
+respectively, to different occasions on which the walls were
+repaired.[176]
+
+Cyrus was one of the most conspicuous figures in the history of the city
+during the reign of Theodosius II.[177] On account of his talents and
+integrity he held the office of Prætorian Prefect, and that of Prefect
+of the City, for four years, making himself immensely popular by the
+character of his administration. During his prefecture, in 439, the new
+walls along the shores of the city were constructed. The fires and
+earthquakes, moreover, which devastated Constantinople in the earlier
+half of the fifth century, afforded him ample opportunity for carrying
+out civic improvements, and he was to be seen constantly driving about
+the city in his chariot to inspect the public buildings in course of
+erection, and to push forward their completion. Among other works, he
+restored the great Bath of Achilles, which had been destroyed in the
+fire of 433.[178] To him also is ascribed the introduction of the
+practice of lighting the shops and streets of the capital at night.[179]
+He was, moreover, a man of literary tastes, and a poet, who counted the
+Empress Eudoxia, herself a poetess, one of his admirers.[180] In the
+competition between Greek and Latin for ascendency as the official
+language of the Government, he took the side of the former by issuing
+his decrees in Greek, a practice which made the conservative Lydus style
+him ironically, “Our Demosthenes.”[181]
+
+But in the midst of all his success, Cyrus remained self-possessed and
+sober-minded. “I do not like Fortune, when she smiles much,”[182] he was
+accustomed to say; and at length the tide of his prosperity turned.
+Taking his seat one day in the Hippodrome, he was greeted with a storm
+of applause. “Constantine,” the vast assembly shouted, “founded the
+city; Cyrus restored it.” For a subject to be so popular was a crime.
+Theodosius took umbrage at the ovation accorded to the renovator of the
+city, and Cyrus was dismissed from office, deprived of his property,
+forced to enter the Church, and sent to Smyrna to succeed four bishops
+who had perished at the hands of brigands. Upon his arrival in that city
+on Christmas Day he found his people ill-prepared to receive him, so
+indignant were they that a man still counted a heathen and a heretic
+should have been appointed the shepherd of their souls. But a short
+allocution, which Cyrus delivered in honour of the festival, disarmed
+the opposition to him, and he spent the last years of his life in the
+diocese, undisturbed by political turmoils and unmolested by robbers.
+
+Returning to the question of the identity of Cyrus with the Prefect
+Constantine above mentioned, the strongest argument in favour of that
+identity is the fact that, commencing with Theophanes, who flourished in
+the latter part of the eighth century, all historians who refer to the
+fortification of the city under Theodosius II. ascribe the work to
+Cyrus. That they should be mistaken on this point, it may be urged, is
+extremely improbable. On this view, the occurrence of the name
+Constantine instead of Cyrus in the inscriptions and in Marcellinus
+Comes, is explained by the supposition that the former name was the one
+which Cyrus assumed, as usual under such circumstances, after his
+conversion to the Christian faith.[183] But surely any name which Cyrus
+acquired after his dismissal from office could not be employed as his
+designation in documents anterior to his fall. Perhaps a better
+explanation is that Cyrus always had both names, one used habitually,
+the other rarely, and that the latter appears in the inscriptions
+because more suited than the former to the versification in which they
+are cast. This, however, does not explain why Marcellinus Comes prefers
+the name Constantine.
+
+On the other hand, the proposed identification of Cyrus and Constantine
+is open to serious objections. In the first place, not till the eighth
+century is the name of Cyrus associated with the land walls of
+Constantinople. Earlier historians,[184] when speaking of Cyrus and
+extolling his services, say nothing as to his having been concerned in
+the fortification of the city in 447.
+
+In the next place, the information of Theophanes and his followers does
+not seem based upon a thorough investigation of the subject. These
+writers ignore the fact that under Theodosius II. the land walls were
+built on two occasions; they ascribe to Cyrus everything done in the
+fifth century in the way of enlarging and fortifying the capital, and
+are silent as regards the connection of the great Anthemius with that
+work.
+
+The only Byzantine author later than the fifth century who recalls the
+services of Anthemius is Nicephorus Callistus,[185] and even he
+represents Cyrus as the associate of that illustrious prefect. If such
+inaccuracies do not render the testimony of Theophanes and subsequent
+historians worthless, they certainly make one ask whether these writers
+were not misled by the great fame of Cyrus on the ground of other
+achievements, and especially on account of his share in building the
+walls along the shores of the city in 439, to ascribe to him a work
+which was really performed by the more obscure Constantine.
+
+
+                            The Inner Wall.
+             Τὸ κάστρον τὸ μέγα:[186] Τὸ μέγα τεῖχος.[187]
+
+
+The Inner Wall was the main bulwark of the capital. It stood on a higher
+level than the Outer Wall, and was, at the same time, loftier, thicker,
+and flanked by stronger towers. In construction it was a mass of
+concrete faced on both sides with blocks of limestone, squared and
+carefully fitted; while six brick courses, each containing five layers
+of bricks, were laid at intervals through the thickness of the wall to
+bind the structure more firmly.
+
+The wall rises some 30-½ feet above the present exterior ground-level,
+and about 40 feet above the level within the city, with a thickness
+varying from 15-½ feet near the base to 13-½ feet at the summit. The
+summit had along its outer edge a battlement, 4 feet 8 inches high, and
+was reached by flights of steps, placed generally beside the gates, and
+set at right angles to the wall, upon ramps of masonry.
+
+The ninety-six towers, now battered and ruined by weather, war, and
+earthquakes, which once guarded this wall, stood from 175 to 181 feet
+apart, and were from 57 to 60 feet high, with a projection of 18 to 34
+feet. As many of them are reconstructions and belong to different
+periods, they exhibit various forms and different styles of workmanship.
+Most of them are square; others are hexagonal, or heptagonal, or
+octagonal.
+
+While their structure resembles that of the wall, they are nevertheless
+distinct buildings, in compliance with the rule laid down by military
+engineers, that a tower should not be bound in construction with the
+curtain of the wall behind it.[188] Thus two buildings differing in
+weight could settle at different rates without breaking apart along the
+line of junction. As an additional precaution a relieving arch was
+frequently inserted where the sides of the tower impinged on the
+wall.[189]
+
+A tower was usually divided by wooden or vaulted floors into two
+chambers. Towers with three chambers, like the Tower of Basil and
+Constantine at the southern extremity of the wall, and the Soulou Kaleh
+beside the Lycus, were rare. The lower chamber was entered from the city
+through a large archway. Occasionally, it communicated also with the
+terrace between the two walls by a postern, situated as a rule, for the
+sake of concealment or easier defence, at the angle formed by the tower
+and the curtain-wall. Upon these entrances the chamber depended for
+light and air, as its walls had few, if any, loopholes, lest the tower
+should be weakened where most exposed to missiles.
+
+Generally, the lower chamber had no means of communication with the
+story above it; at other times a circular aperture, about 7-½ feet in
+diameter, is found in the crown of the vaulted floor between the
+chambers.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).]
+
+The lower portion of a tower had evidently little to do directly with
+the defence of the city, but served mainly as a store-room or
+guard-house. There, soldiers returning home or leaving for the field
+were allowed to take up their temporary quarters.[190] The proprietors
+of the ground upon which the towers stood were also allowed to use
+them,[191] but this permission referred, doubtless, only to the lower
+chambers, and that in time of peace.
+
+The upper chamber was entered from the parapet-walk through an arched
+gateway, and was well lighted on its three other sides by comparatively
+large windows, commanding wide views, and permitting the occupants to
+fire freely upon an attacking force. Flights of steps, similar to the
+ramps that led to the summit of the wall, conducted to the battlemented
+roof of the towers. There, the engines that hurled stones and Greek fire
+upon the enemy were placed;[192] and there, sentinels watched the
+western horizon, day and night, keeping themselves awake at night by
+shouting to one another along the line.[193]
+
+
+                           The Inner Terrace.
+                           Ὁ Περίβολος.[194]
+
+
+The Inner Embankment, or Terrace, between the two walls was 50 to 64
+feet broad. It was named the Peribolos, and accommodated the troops
+which defended the Outer Wall.
+
+
+                            The Outer Wall.
+    Τὸ ἔξω τεῖχος:[195] τὸ ἔξω κάστρον:[196] τὸ μικρόν τεῖχος.[197]
+
+
+The Outer Wall is from 2 to 6-½ feet thick, rising some 10 feet above
+the present level of the peribolos,[198] and about 27-½ feet above the
+present level of the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. Its
+lower portion is a solid wall, which retains the embankment of the
+peribolos. The upper portion is built, for the most part, in arches,
+faced on the outer side with hewn blocks of stone, and is frequently
+supported by a series of arches in concrete, and sometimes, even, by two
+series of such arches, built against the rear. Besides strengthening the
+wall, these supporting arches permitted the construction of a battlement
+and parapet-walk on the summit, and, moreover, formed chambers, 8-½ feet
+deep, where troops could be quartered, or remain under cover, while
+engaging the enemy through the loophole in the western wall of each
+chamber.
+
+The towers which flanked this wall[199] were much smaller than those of
+the inner line. They are some 30 to 35 feet high, with a projection of
+about 16 feet beyond the curtain-wall. They alternate with the great
+towers to the rear, thus putting both walls more completely under cover.
+It would seem as if the towers of this line were intended to be
+alternately square and crescent in shape, so frequently do these forms
+succeed one another. That this arrangement was not always maintained is
+due, probably, to changes made in the course of repairs.
+
+Each tower had a chamber on the level of the peribolos, provided with
+small windows. The lower portion of most of the towers was generally a
+solid substructure; but in the case of square towers it was often a
+small chamber reached from the Outer Terrace through a small postern,
+and leading to a subterranean passage running towards the city. These
+passages may either have permitted secret communication with different
+parts of the fortifications, or formed channels in which water-pipes
+were laid.
+
+Notwithstanding the comparative inferiority of the Outer Wall, it was an
+important line of defence, for it sheltered the troops which engaged the
+enemy at close quarters. Both in the siege of 1422,[200] and in that of
+1453,[201] the most desperate fighting occurred here.
+
+
+                           The Outer Terrace.
+                        Τὸ ἔξω παρατείχιον.[202]
+
+
+The embankment or terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat is some 61
+feet broad. While affording room for the action of troops under cover of
+the battlement upon the scarp of the Moat,[203] its chief function was
+to widen the distance between the besiegers and the besieged.
+
+
+                               The Moat.
+                          Τάφρος: σοῦδα.[204]
+
+
+The Moat is over 61 feet wide. Its original depth, which doubtless
+varied with the character of the ground it traversed, cannot be
+determined until excavations are allowed, for the market-gardens and
+_débris_ which now occupy it have raised the level of the bed. In front
+of the Golden Gate, where it was probably always deepest, on account of
+the importance of that entrance, its depth is still 22 feet. The masonry
+of the scarp and counterscarp is 5 feet thick, and was supported by
+buttresses to withstand the pressure of the elevated ground on either
+side of the Moat. The battlement upon the scarp formed a breastwork
+about 6-½ feet high.
+
+At several points along its course the Moat is crossed by low walls,
+dividing it into so many sections or compartments. They are generally
+opposite a tower of the Outer or Inner Wall, and taper from the base to
+a sharp edge along the summit, to prevent their being used as bridges by
+an enemy. On their southern side, where the ground falls away, they are
+supported by buttresses.
+
+Dr. Paspates[205] was the first to call attention to these structures,
+and to him, also, belongs the credit of having thrown some light upon
+their use. They were, in his opinion, aqueducts, and dams or batardeaux,
+by means of which water was conveyed to the Moat, and kept in position
+there. But this service, Dr. Paspates believed, was performed by them
+only in case of a siege, when they were broken open, and allowed to run
+into the Moat. At other times, when no hostile attack was apprehended,
+they carried water across the Moat into the city, for the supply of the
+ordinary needs of the population.
+
+That many of these structures, if not all, were aqueducts admits of no
+doubt, for some have been found to contain earthenware water-pipes,
+while others of them still carry into the city water brought by
+underground conduits from the hills on the west of the fortifications;
+and that they were dams seems the only explanation of the buttresses
+built against their lower side, as though to resist the pressure of
+water descending from a higher level.
+
+[Illustration: Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.]
+
+[Illustration: Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II. (From Du Cange.)]
+
+Certainly Dr. Paspates’ view has very much in its favour. It is,
+however, not altogether free from difficulties. To begin with, the idea
+that the Moat was flooded only during a siege does not agree with the
+representations of Manuel Chrysolaras and Bondelmontius on that point.
+The former writer, in his famous description of Constantinople, speaks
+as if the Moat was always full of water. According to him, it contained
+so much water that the city seemed to stand upon the sea-shore, even
+when viewed from the side of the land.[206] The Italian traveller
+describes the Moat as a “vallum aquarum surgentium.”[207]
+
+Are these statements mere rhetorical flourishes? If not, then water must
+have been introduced into the Moat by some other means than by the
+aqueducts which traverse it, for these, as Dr. Paspates himself admits,
+ordinarily took water into the city. Unfortunately, it is impossible,
+under present circumstances, to examine the Moat thoroughly, or to
+explore the territory without the city to discover underground conduits,
+and thus settle the question at issue. One can only ask, as a matter for
+future investigation, whether, on the view that the Moat was always
+flooded, the water required for the purpose was not brought by
+underground conduits that emptied themselves a little above the bed of
+the Moat. The mouth of what appears to be such a conduit is seen in the
+counterscarp of the Moat immediately below the fifth aqueduct to the
+south of Top Kapoussi. If water was brought thus to the elevation of Top
+Kapoussi and Edirnè Kapoussi, sufficient pressure to flood the rest of
+the Moat would be obtained.
+
+But, in the next place, it must be added that objections can be urged
+against the opinion that the Moat was flooded even in time of war. The
+necessary quantity of water could ill be spared by a city which required
+all available water for the wants of its inhabitants, especially at the
+season of the year when sieges were conducted. Then, there is the fact
+that in the accounts we have of the sieges of the city, all contemporary
+historians are silent as to the presence of water in the Moat,
+notwithstanding frequent allusions to that part of the fortifications.
+
+Furthermore, there are statements which imply the absence of water in
+the Moat during a siege. Pusculus, for instance, giving a minute account
+of the measures adopted in 1453 to place the city in a state of defence,
+refers to the deepening of the Moat, but says nothing about water in it.
+“Fossaque cavant, atque aggere terræ educto, muros forti munimine
+cingunt.”[208] If water had been introduced into the Moat on this
+occasion, Pusculus could hardly have ignored the fact.
+
+Again, in the Slavic account of the last siege of the city we are
+informed that the Greeks opened mines through the counterscarp of the
+Moat, to blow up the Turks who approached the fortifications: “Les
+assiégés pendant le jour combattaient les Turcs, et pendant la nuit
+descendaient dans les fossés, perçaient les murailles du fossé du côté
+des champs, minaient la terre sous le mur à beaucoup d’endroits, et
+remplissaient les mines de poudre et de vases remplis de poudre.”[209]
+If such action was possible, there could be no water in the Moat.
+
+Footnote 155:
+
+  Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxii. 16.
+
+Footnote 156:
+
+  Jornandes, xxviii.
+
+Footnote 157:
+
+  Eunapius, quoted by Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. 5.
+
+Footnote 158:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 101.
+
+Footnote 159:
+
+  Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 160:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 680.
+
+Footnote 161:
+
+  _Oratio_, xviii. p. 222. Edition of Petavius.
+
+Footnote 162:
+
+  VII. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 163:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, lib. viii. tit. xxii.
+
+Footnote 164:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 22.
+
+Footnote 165:
+
+  See Choisy, _L’Art de Bâttir chez les Byzantins_, pp. 7-13.
+
+Footnote 166:
+
+  Socrates, vii. c. 1; _Cod. Theod._, “De Operibus Publicis,” lex. 51.
+  The law refers to the towers of the new wall, and is addressed to
+  Anthemius as Prætorian Prefect in 413: “Turres novi muri, qui ad
+  munitionem splendidissimæ urbis extructus est, completo opere,
+  præcipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum terram idem murus studio ac
+  provisione Tuæ Magnitudinis ex Nostræ Serenitatis arbitrio
+  celebratur.”
+
+Footnote 167:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, “Plurimi urbis Augustæ muri recenti adhuc
+  constructi, cum LVII. turribus, corruerunt.”
+
+Footnote 168:
+
+  “Intra tres menses, Constantino Præfecto Prætorio opere dante, (muri)
+  reædificati sunt.” Cf. Inscription on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh
+  Kapoussi, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 169:
+
+  Measuring from the bed of the Moat.
+
+Footnote 170:
+
+  It stood on the Outer Wall between the fourth and fifth towers south
+  of the Golden Gate (Paspates, p. 58).
+
+Footnote 171:
+
+  See illustrations facing pp. 78, 96, 248.
+
+Footnote 172:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, vii. n. 428.
+
+Footnote 173:
+
+  See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 174:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 148, 149; Leo Gram., pp. 108, 109.
+
+Footnote 175:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, Paspates, Mordtmann, Du Cange.
+
+Footnote 176:
+
+  Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, de 395 à 1057_, pp. 54, 55.
+
+Footnote 177:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 588, 589.
+
+Footnote 178:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 582, 583.
+
+Footnote 179:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 588.
+
+Footnote 180:
+
+  Suidas, _ad vocem_ Κύρος.
+
+Footnote 181:
+
+  Lydus, _De Magistratibus_, iii. p. 235.
+
+Footnote 182:
+
+  Malalas, p. 361, Οὐκ ἀρέσκει μοι τύχη πολλά γελῶσα.
+
+Footnote 183:
+
+  Paspates, p. 48, quoting Skarlatus Byzantius.
+
+Footnote 184:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, Malalas.
+
+Footnote 185:
+
+  Lib. vii. c. 1.
+
+Footnote 186:
+
+  Cananus, p. 476.
+
+Footnote 187:
+
+  Nicephorus Gregoras, xiv. p. 711.
+
+Footnote 188:
+
+  Philo of Byzantium. See _Veterum Mathemat. Opera_, s. ix. Edited and
+  Translated by MM. de Rochat et Graux, _Revue de Philologie_, 1879.
+
+Footnote 189:
+
+  Choisy, _L’Art de Bâtir chez les Byzantins_, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 190:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, “De Metatis,” lib. 13.
+
+Footnote 191:
+
+  _Cod. Theod._, “De Operibus Publicis,” lib. 51.
+
+Footnote 192:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589; Phrantzes, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 193:
+
+  Nicephorus Gregoras, ix. p. 408.
+
+Footnote 194:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 195:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 504.
+
+Footnote 196:
+
+  Cananus, p. 476.
+
+Footnote 197:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 34.
+
+Footnote 198:
+
+  Or “Lists, the space between the Inner and the Outer Walls of enceinte
+  or enclosure” (_Violet-le-Duc on Mediæval Fortifications_; translated
+  by Macdermott).
+
+Footnote 199:
+
+  Only seventy out of the ninety-six towers in this wall can now be
+  identified.
+
+Footnote 200:
+
+  Cananus, p. 475.
+
+Footnote 201:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 266, 283, 286; Critobulus, i. c. 34; Leonard of Scio, p.
+  936, thinks this was poor strategy, rendered necessary by the bad
+  condition of the Inner Wall. “Operosa autem protegendi vallum et
+  antemurale nostris fuit; quod contra animum meum semper fuit, qui
+  suadebam in refugium muros altos non deserendos, qui si ob imbres
+  negligentiamque vel scissi, vel inermes propugnaculis essent, qui non
+  deserti, præsidium urbi salutis contulisset.”
+
+Footnote 202:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 203:
+
+  Ducas, p. 266, Ἐν τῇ τάφρῳ.
+
+Footnote 204:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
+
+Footnote 205:
+
+  Pages 7-13.
+
+Footnote 206:
+
+  Page 40, Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς (τάφροις) ὑδάτων, ὥστε ᾧ μέρει
+  μόνον ἐλείπετο, καὶ ταύτῃ δοκεῖν πελαγίαν τὴν πόλιν εἶναι διὰ τούτων.
+
+Footnote 207:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelagi_, p. 121. Leipsic, 1824.
+
+Footnote 208:
+
+  IV. 138, 139.
+
+Footnote 209:
+
+  Dethier, _Sièges de Constantinople_, ii. p. 1085; cf. Mijatovich,
+  _Constantine, Last Emperor of the Greeks_, pp. 185, 186. Some 24 of
+  these aqueducts or dams can still be identified: 2 between the Sea of
+  Marmora and the Golden Gate; 1 between that gate and the Gate of the
+  Deuteron; 6 or 7 between the Gate of the Deuteron and the Gate of
+  Selivria; 5 between the Gate of Selivria and the Gate Yeni Mevlevi
+  Haneh Kapoussi; 5 between Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi and Top
+  Kapoussi; 2 between Top Kapoussi and the Gate of the Pempton; 3
+  between the Gate of the Pempton and Edirnè Kapoussi; 2 between Edirnè
+  Kapoussi and the northern end of the Moat.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+                   THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+                            The Golden Gate.
+
+
+The Theodosian Walls were pierced by ten gates, and by several small
+posterns.
+
+Of the former, some led only to the different parts of the
+fortifications, serving exclusively the convenience of the garrison.
+These may be styled Military Gates. Others connected the capital,
+moreover, with the outside world by means of bridges thrown across the
+Moat,[210] and constituted the Public Gates of the city. The two series
+followed one another in alternate order, the military entrances being
+known by numbers, the public entrances by proper names. Both were double
+gateways, as they pierced the two walls. The inner gateway, being the
+principal one, was guarded by two large towers, which projected far
+beyond the curtain-wall to obtain a good flank fire, and to command at
+the same time the outer gateway. Thus also the passage from the area
+between the gateways to the peribolos, on either side, was rendered
+exceedingly narrow and capable of easy defence. In view of its great
+importance, the outer gateway of the Golden Gate also was defended by
+two towers, projecting from the rear of the wall towards the city.
+
+For the sake of security against surprise the posterns were few in
+number, and occurred chiefly in the great wall and its towers, leading
+to the peribolos. It is rare to find a postern in a tower of the Outer
+Wall opening on the parateichion.
+
+Proceeding northwards from the Sea of Marmora, there is a postern
+immediately to the north of the first tower of the Inner Wall. It is an
+arched entrance, with the laureated monogram “ΧΡ.” inscribed above it.
+
+The handsome gateway between the seventh and eighth towers north of the
+Sea of Marmora, Yedi Koulè Kapoussi, is the triumphal gate known, from
+the gilding upon it, as the Porta Aurea. Its identity cannot be
+questioned, for the site and aspect of the entrance correspond exactly
+to the description given of the Golden Gate by Byzantine historians and
+other authorities.
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the Golden Gate]
+
+It is, what the Porta Aurea was, the gateway nearest the Sea of
+Marmora,[211] and at the southern extremity of the Theodosian
+Walls,[212] constructed of marble, and flanked by two great marble
+towers.[213] Beside its outer portal, moreover, were found the
+bas-reliefs which adorned the Golden Gate, and upon it traces of an
+inscription which expressly named it the Porta Aurea are still visible.
+The inscription read as follows:
+
+              HAEC LOCA THEVDOSIVS DECORAT POST FATA TYRANNI.
+              AVREA SAECLA GERIT QVI PORTAM CONSTRVIT AVRO.
+
+The history of our knowledge of this inscription is curious. There is no
+mention made of the legend by any writer before 1453, unless Radulphus
+de Diceto alludes to it when he states that in 1189 an old resident of
+the city pointed a Templar to certain words upon the Golden Gate,
+foretelling the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders.[214] And of
+all the visitors to the city since the Turkish Conquest, Dallaway is the
+only one who speaks of having seen the inscription in its place.[215]
+
+The inscription is cited first by Sirmondi[216] and Du Cange,[217] the
+former of whom quotes it in his annotations upon Sidonius Apollonius, as
+furnishing a parallel to that poet’s mode of spelling the name
+Theodosius with a _v_ instead of an _o_ for the sake of the metre. How
+Sirmondi and Du Cange, neither of whom ever visited Constantinople,
+became acquainted with the inscription does not appear.
+
+Matters remained in this position until 1891, when the attention of
+Professor J. Strzygowski[218] was arrested by certain holes in the
+voussoirs of the central archway, both on its western and eastern faces.
+The holes are such as are found on stones to which metal letters are
+riveted with bolts.
+
+Here, then, was conclusive evidence that the Porta Aurea had once borne
+an inscription, and here, Professor Strzygowski divined, was also the
+means by which the genuineness of the legend given by Sirmondi and Du
+Cange could be verified. Accordingly, a comparison between the
+arrangement of the holes on the arch and the forms of the letters in the
+legend was instituted. As several of the original voussoirs of the arch
+had been removed and replaced by others without holes in them, the
+comparison could not be complete; but so far as it was possible to
+proceed the correspondence was all that could be desired. Where H, for
+example, occurred in the inscription, the holes on the archway are
+arranged thus, ::; where an A stood, the holes are placed thus, ∴; where
+V came, their position is ∵; and so on, to an extent which verifies the
+inscription beyond dispute. Thus, also, it has been ascertained that the
+letters were of metal, probably gilt bronze, and that the words “Haec
+loca Thevdosivs decorat post fata Tyranni” stood on the western face of
+the arch, while the words “Avrea saecla gerit qvi portam constrvit avro”
+were found on the opposite side.
+
+The preservation of the inscription is a matter of very great
+importance, for it furnishes valuable and interesting information as to
+the circumstances under which the Porta Aurea was erected. From the fact
+that the entrance is found in the Theodosian Walls it is natural to
+infer that the Porta Aurea was a contemporaneous building, and that the
+emperor extolled in the inscription is Theodosius II. But that inference
+is precluded by the statement that the arch was set up after the
+suppression of a usurper, _post fata tyranni_. For Theodosius II. was
+not called to suppress the usurpation of his imperial authority at any
+time during his reign, much less in 413, when the Wall of Anthemius, in
+which the Porta Aurea stands, was built. On the other hand, Theodosius
+the Great crushed two serious attempts to dispute his rule, first in
+388, when he defeated Maximus, and again in 395, when he put down the
+rebellion of Eugenius. Hence, as Du Cange first pointed out, the Porta
+Aurea is a monument erected in the reign of Theodosius the Great, in
+honour of his victory over one of the rebels above mentioned. It could
+not, however, have been designed to commemorate the defeat of Eugenius,
+seeing that Theodosius never returned to Constantinople after that
+event, and died four months later in the city of Milan. It must,
+therefore, have been reared in honour of the victory over Maximus, a
+success which the conqueror regarded with feelings of peculiar
+satisfaction and pride, celebrating it by one triumphal entry into Rome,
+in the spring of 389, and by another into Constantinople, when he
+returned to the eastern capital in 391.[219] Accordingly, the Porta
+Aurea was originally an Arch of Triumph, erected some time between 388
+and 391, to welcome Theodosius the Great upon his return from his
+successful expedition against the formidable rebellion of Maximus in the
+West. It united with the Column of Theodosius in the Forum of Taurus,
+and the Column of Arcadius in the Forum on the Xerolophus, and the
+Obelisk in the Hippodrome,[220] in perpetuating the memory of the great
+emperor’s warlike achievements.
+
+In corroboration of the date thus assigned to the monument, it may be
+added that the only Imperial statue placed over the Porta Aurea was that
+of Theodosius the Great, while the group of elephants which formed one
+of the ornaments of the gate was supposed to represent the elephants
+attached to the car of that emperor on the occasion of his triumphal
+entry into the city.[221]
+
+There is, however, an objection to this view concerning the age of the
+Porta Aurea, which, whatever its force, should not be overlooked in a
+full discussion of the subject. The inscription describes the monument
+as a gateway, “Qui portam construit auro.”[222] But such a designation
+does not seem consistent with the fact that we have here a building
+which belongs to the age of Theodosius the Great, when the city walls in
+which the arch stands did not exist, as they are the work of his
+grandson. How could an isolated arch be, then, styled a gateway? Can the
+difficulty be removed by any other instance of a similar use of the term
+“Porta”? Or is the employment of the term in the case before us
+explained by the supposition that in the reign of Theodosius the Great
+the city had spread beyond the Constantinian Wall, and reached the line
+marked by the Porta Aurea, so that an arch at that point was practically
+an entrance into the city? May not that suburban district have been
+protected by some slight fortified works? Or was the Porta Aurea so
+named in anticipation of the fulfilment of the prediction of Themistius,
+that the growth of the city under Theodosius the Great would ere long
+necessitate the erection of new walls?[223] Was it built in that
+emperor’s reign to indicate to a succeeding generation the line along
+which the new bulwarks of the capital should be built?
+
+The Porta Aurea was the State Entrance into the capital,[224] and was
+remarkable both for its architectural splendour and its military
+strength. It was built of large squared blocks of polished marble,
+fitted together without cement, and was flanked by two great towers
+constructed of the same material. Like the Triumphal Arch of Severus and
+that of Constantine at Rome, it had three archways, the central one
+being wider and loftier than those on either side.
+
+The gates glittered with gold,[225] and numerous statues and other
+sculptured ornaments were placed at suitable points.[226]
+
+[Illustration: The Golden Gate (Inner).]
+
+Of these embellishments the following are mentioned: a cross, which was
+blown down by a hurricane in the reign of Justinian;[227] a Victory,
+which fell in an earthquake in the reign of Michael III.;[228] a crowned
+female figure, representing the Fortune of the city;[229] a statue of
+Theodosius the Great, overthrown by the earthquake at the close of the
+reign of Leo the Isaurian;[230] a bronze group of four elephants;[231]
+the gates of Mompseuesta, gilded and placed here by Nicephorus Phocas,
+as a trophy of his campaign in Cilicia.[232] At the south-western angle
+of the northern tower the Roman eagle still spreads its wings; the
+laureated monogram “ΧΡ” appears above the central archway on the city
+side of the gateway; and several crosses are scattered over the
+building.
+
+In later days, when taste had altered, the scene of the Crucifixion was
+painted within one of the lateral archways, while the Scene of the Final
+Judgment was represented in the other.[233] Traces of frescoes are
+visible on the inner walls of the southern archway, and suggest the
+possibility of its having been used as a chapel.
+
+The whole aspect of the gateway must have been more imposing when the
+parapet on the towers and on the wall over the arches was intact, and
+gave the building its full elevation.
+
+Two columns crowned with graceful capitals adorned the outer gateway,
+while the wall north and south was decorated with twelve bas-reliefs,
+executed with considerable skill, and representing classical subjects.
+Remains of the marble cornices and of the pilasters which framed the
+bas-reliefs are still found in the wall, and from the descriptions of
+the slabs given by Manuel Chrysolaras, Gyllius, Sir Thomas Roe, and
+others, a fair idea of the nature of the subjects treated can be
+formed.[234] Six bas-reliefs were placed on either side of the entrance,
+grouped in triplets, one above another, each panel being supported by
+pilasters, round or rectangular.
+
+On the northern slabs the subjects pourtrayed were: Prometheus tortured;
+a youth pursuing a horse, and trying to pull off its rider; a satyr,
+between a woman with a vessel of water behind her, and a savage man, or
+Hercules, holding a whip; Labours of Hercules (on three slabs).
+
+The bas-reliefs to the south were of superior workmanship, and
+represented: Endymion asleep, a shepherd’s lute in his hand, with Selene
+and Cupid descending towards him; Hercules leading dogs; two peasants
+carrying grapes; Pegasus and three female figures, one of them
+attempting to hold him back; the fall of Phaëthon; Hercules and a
+stag.[235]
+
+As the Porta Triumphalis of Constantinople, the Golden Gate was the
+scene of many historical events and imposing ceremonies.
+
+So long as the inauguration of an emperor upon his accession to the
+throne was celebrated at the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), it was through the
+Golden Gate that a new sovereign entered his capital on the way to the
+Imperial Palace beside St. Sophia. Marcian (450),[236] Leo I.
+(457),[237] Basiliscus (476),[238] Phocas (602),[239] Leo the Armenian
+(813),[240] and Nicephorus Phocas (963),[241] were welcomed as emperors
+by the city authorities at this portal.
+
+Distinguished visitors to the Byzantine Court, also, were sometimes
+allowed to enter the city by this gate, as a mark of special honour. The
+Legates of Pope Hormisdas were met here upon their arrival on a mission
+to Justin I.:[242] here, in 708, Pope Constantine was received with
+great ceremony, when he came to confer with Justinian II.:[243] and
+here, in the reign of Basil II., the Legates of Pope Hadrian II. were
+admitted.[244] Under Romanus Lecapenus, the procession which bore
+through the city to St. Sophia the Icon of Christ, brought from Edessa,
+entered at the Porta Aurea.[245]
+
+It was, however, on the return of an emperor to the city after a
+victorious campaign that the Porta Aurea fulfilled its highest purpose,
+and presented a brilliant spectacle of life and splendour.
+
+Through this triumphal arch came Theodosius the Great, after his defeat
+of Maximus;[246] by it Heraclius entered the capital to celebrate the
+success of his Persian expeditions;[247] through it passed Constantine
+Copronymus, after the defeat of the Bulgarians;[248] Theophilus, on two
+occasions, after the repulse of the Saracens;[249] Basil I., after his
+successes at Tephrice and Germanicia;[250] Zimisces, after his victories
+over the Russians under Swiatoslaf;[251] Basil II., after the slaughter
+of the Bulgarians;[252] and, for the last time, Michael Palæologus, upon
+the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261.[253]
+
+It would seem that, in accordance with old Roman custom, victorious
+generals, below Imperial rank, were not allowed to enter the city in
+triumph through this gate. Belisarius,[254] Maurice,[255] Nicephorus
+Phocas, before he became emperor,[256] and Leo his brother,[257]
+celebrated their respective triumphs over the Vandals, Persians and
+Saracens, in the Hippodrome and the great street of the city.[258]
+
+[Illustration: The Golden Gate (Outer).]
+
+An Imperial triumphal procession[259] was marshalled on the plain in
+front of the Golden Gate,[260] and awaited there the arrival of the
+emperor, either from the Hebdomon or from the Palace of Blachernæ. The
+principal captives, divided into several companies, and guarded by bands
+of soldiers, led the march. Next followed the standards and weapons and
+other spoils of war. Then, seated on a magnificent white charger, came
+the emperor himself, arrayed in robes embroidered with gold and pearls,
+his crown on his head, his sceptre in his right hand, his victorious
+sword by his side. Close to him rode his son, or the Cæsar of the day,
+another resplendent figure of light, also on a white horse. Upon
+reaching the gate the victor might, like Theophilus, dismount for a few
+moments, and falling thrice upon his face, humbly acknowledge the Divine
+aid to which he owed the triumph of his arms. At length the Imperial
+_cortège_ passed through the great archway. The civic authorities came
+forward and did homage, offering the conqueror a crown of gold and a
+laurel wreath, and accepting from him a rich largess in return; the
+Factions rent the air with shouts—“Glory to God, who restores our
+sovereigns to us, crowned with victory! Glory to God, who has magnified
+you, Emperors of the Romans! Glory to Thee, All-Holy Trinity, for we
+behold our Emperors victorious! Welcome, Victors, most valiant
+sovereigns!”[261] And then the glittering procession wended its way to
+the Great Palace, through the dense crowds that packed the Mesè and the
+principal Fora of the city, all gay with banners, flowers, and
+evergreens.
+
+Sometimes the emperor, as in the case of Heraclius,[262] rode in a
+chariot instead of on horseback; or the occupant of the triumphal car
+might be, as on the occasion of the triumph of Zimisces, the Icon of the
+Virgin.[263] Michael Palæologus entered the city on foot, walking as far
+as the Church of St. John Studius before he mounted his horse.[264] On
+the occasion of the second triumph of Theophilus, the beautiful custom
+was introduced of making children take part in the ceremonial with
+wreaths of flowers.[265]
+
+But besides serving as a State entrance into the city, the Porta Aurea
+was one of the strongest positions in the fortifications.[266] The four
+towers at its gateways, the deep moat in front, and the transverse walls
+across the peribolos on either hand, guarding approach from that
+direction, constituted a veritable citadel. Cantacuzene repaired it, and
+speaks of it as an almost impregnable acropolis, capable of being
+provisioned for three years, and strong enough to defy the whole city in
+time of civil strife.[267] Hence the great difficulty he found in
+persuading the Latin garrison which held it on his behalf, in 1354, to
+surrender the place to his rival John VI. Palæologus.
+
+The Golden Gate, therefore, figures also in the military annals of
+Constantinople. In the reign of Anastasius I. it was the object of
+special attack by Vitalianus at the head of his Huns and
+Bulgarians.[268] Repeated attempts were made upon it by the Saracens in
+the siege of 673-675.[269] Crum stood before it in the reign of Leo the
+Armenian, and there he invoked the aid of his gods against the city, by
+offering human sacrifices and by the lustration of his army with
+sea-water in which he had bathed his feet.[270] His demand to plant his
+spear in the gate put an end to the negotiations for peace. In 913 the
+Bulgarians, under their king Simeon, were again arrayed before the
+entrance.[271] Here, also, in 1347, John Cantacuzene was admitted by his
+partisans.[272]
+
+John Palæologus, upon receiving the surrender of the gate foolishly
+dismantled the towers, lest they should be turned against him, in the
+fickle political fortunes of the day.[273] He did not, however, carry
+the work of destruction so far as to be unable to use the position as an
+“acropolis” when besieged, in 1376, by his rebellious son,
+Andronicus.[274] Later, when Sultan Bajazet threatened the city, an
+attempt was made to restore the towers, and even to increase the
+strength of this point in the fortifications.[275] With materials taken
+from the churches of All Saints, the Forty Martyrs, and St. Mokius, the
+towers were rebuilt, and a fortress extending to the sea was erected
+within the city walls, similar to the Castle of the Seven Towers
+constructed afterwards by Mehemet the Conqueror, in 1457. Upon hearing
+of this action, Bajazet sent peremptory orders to John Palæologus to
+pull down the new fortifications, and compelled obedience by threatening
+to put out the eyes of Manuel, the heir to the throne, at that time a
+hostage at Brousa. The humiliation affected the emperor, then seriously
+ill, so keenly as to hasten his death. Subsequently, however, probably
+after the defeat of Bajazet by Tamerlane at Angora, the defences at the
+Golden Gate were restored; for the Russian pilgrim who was in
+Constantinople between 1435 and 1453 speaks of visiting the Castle of
+the Emperor Kalo Jean.[276]
+
+In 1390, Manuel II., with a small body of troops, entered the city by
+this gate and drove away his nephew John, who had usurped the
+throne.[277] During the siege of 1453 the gate was defended by Manuel of
+Liguria with 200 men, and before it the Sultan planted a cannon and
+other engines of assault.[278]
+
+Between the second and third towers to the north of the Golden Gate is
+an entrance known at present, like the Porta Aurea, also by the name
+Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. Dr. Paspates thinks it is of Turkish origin.[279]
+It has certainly undergone repair in Turkish times, as an inscription
+upon it in honour of Sultan Achmet III. testifies; but traces of
+Byzantine workmanship about the gate prove that it belongs to the period
+of the Empire;[280] and this conclusion is supported by the
+consideration that, since the Porta Aurea was a State entrance, another
+gate was required in its immediate neighbourhood for the use of the
+public in this quarter of the capital. Hence the proximity of the two
+gateways.
+
+Regarding the name of the entrance opinions differ. Some authorities
+regard the gate as the Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου), the Gate of Rhegium,[281]
+mentioned in the Greek Anthology.[282] But this identification cannot be
+maintained, for the Porta Rhegiou was one of two entrances which bore an
+inscription in honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, and
+both those entrances, as will appear in the sequel, stood elsewhere in
+the line of the fortifications.[283]
+
+[Illustration: Yedi Koulè Kapoussi.]
+
+The gate went, probably, by the designation of the Golden Gate,[284]
+near which it stands, just as it now bears the name given to the latter
+entrance since the Turkish Conquest. A common name for gates so near
+each other was perfectly natural; and on this view certain incidents in
+the history of the Golden Gate become more intelligible. For instance:
+when Basil, the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, reached
+Constantinople in his early youth, a homeless adventurer in search of
+fortune, it is related that he entered the city about sunset through the
+Golden Gate, and laid himself down to sleep on the steps of the
+adjoining Monastery of St. Diomed.[285] If the only Golden Gate were the
+Porta Aurea strictly so called, it is difficult to understand how the
+poor wayfarer was admitted by an entrance reserved for the emperor’s
+use; whereas the matter becomes clear if that name designated also an
+adjoining public gate. Again, when the historian Nicetas Choniates,[286]
+accompanied by his family and some friends, left the city five days
+after its capture by the Crusaders in 1204, he made his way out,
+according to his own statement, by the Golden Gate. In this case also,
+it does not seem probable that the captors of the city would have
+allowed a gate of such military importance as the Porta Aurea to be
+freely used by a company of fugitives. The escape appears more feasible
+if the Golden Gate to which Nicetas refers was the humbler entrance in
+the neighbourhood of the Porta Aurea.
+
+Footnote 210:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 137, 138, “Pontes qui ad mœnia ducunt dirumpunt.”
+
+Footnote 211:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 151, “Aurea Porta datur ponto vicina sonanti.”
+
+Footnote 212:
+
+  Cananus, p. 460.
+
+Footnote 213:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 292, 293; Manuel Chrysolaras, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 214:
+
+  _Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores Antiqui_, p. 642. London, 1652.
+
+Footnote 215:
+
+  See French translation of his work, _Constantinople Ancienne et
+  Moderne_, 1798, vol. i. p. 28, where, quoting the legend, he says, “On
+  y lit encore ces vers.”
+
+Footnote 216:
+
+  _Opera Varia_, vol. i., Paris, 1696; Paneg. Maioriani, _Carmen V._,
+  354.
+
+Footnote 217:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, lib. i. p. 52.
+
+Footnote 218:
+
+  The brilliant monograph of Dr. Strzygowski on the Golden Gate is found
+  in the _Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts_,
+  Band viii., 1893, Erstes Heft.
+
+Footnote 219:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 220:
+
+  Cf. the inscription on the pedestal of the obelisk—
+
+                 “Difficilis quondam dominis parere serenis
+                 Jussus, et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis
+                 Omnia Theodosio cedunt,” etc.
+
+Footnote 221:
+
+  See below, pp. 64, 65.
+
+Footnote 222:
+
+  Malalas, p. 360, ascribes the decoration of the gate with gold to
+  Theodosius II.
+
+Footnote 223:
+
+  See above, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 224:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, p. 59; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._,
+  pp. 500, 506.
+
+Footnote 225:
+
+  Malalas, p. 360.
+
+Footnote 226:
+
+  Codinus, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 227:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 675.
+
+Footnote 228:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 173.
+
+Footnote 229:
+
+  Codinus, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 230:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 634.
+
+Footnote 231:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 567.
+
+Footnote 232:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 363.
+
+Footnote 233:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 239.
+
+Footnote 234:
+
+  Manuel Chrys., p 48; Gyllius, _De Top CP._, iv. c. 9; Adolf Michaelis,
+  _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_, pp. 10-14, translated by C. A. M.
+  Fennell. See Wheler, Grelot, Gerlach, Bulliardus, Spon, and Monograph
+  of Dr. Strzygowski.
+
+Footnote 235:
+
+  The first two bas-reliefs to the north of the gate, and the first and
+  fourth to the south, as superior in workmanship, came very near being
+  removed to England, through the efforts of Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador
+  to the Porte from 1621 to 1628, and of a certain Mr. Petty, who was
+  sent to the East by the Earl of Arundel to procure works of Ancient
+  Art. The finds were to be divided between that nobleman and the Duke
+  of Buckingham. The correspondence on the subject will be found in _The
+  Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte_,
+  published in London, 1740 (see pp. 386, 387, 444, 445, 495, 512, 534,
+  535); in Michaelis’ _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_; and,
+  partially, in Dr. Strzygowski’s _Monograph on the Golden Gate_.
+
+  “Promise to obteyne them,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, in May, 1625, “I
+  cannot, because they stand upon the ancient gate, the most conspicuous
+  of the cytte, though now mured up, beeing the entrance by the castell
+  called the Seauen Towers, and neuer opened since the Greek emperors
+  lost yt: to offer to steale them, no man dares to deface the cheefe
+  seate of the grand signor: to procure them by fauour, is more
+  impossible, such enuy they bear vnto us. There is only then one way
+  left; by corruption of some churchman, to dislike them, as against
+  their law; and vnder that pretence to take them downe to be brought
+  into some priuat place; from whence, after the matter is cold and
+  unsuspected, they may be conveyed. I haue practised for the four, and
+  am offered to haue it done for 600 crownes.”
+
+  A year later he had to write, “Those on the Porta Aurea are like to
+  stand, till they fall by tyme: I haue vsed all meanes, and once bought
+  them, and deposed, 3 moneths, 500 dollers. Without authority, the
+  danger and impossibility were alike; therefore I dealt with the great
+  treasurer, who in these tymes is greedy of any mony, and hee had
+  consented to deliuer them into a boat without any hazard of my part.
+  The last weeke hee rode himself to see them, and carried the
+  surueigher of the citty walls with him; but the Castellano and the
+  people beganne to mutine, and fell vpon a strange conceit; insomuch
+  that hee was forced to retyre, and presently sent for my enterpreter,
+  demanding if I had any old booke of prophesy: inferring, that those
+  statues were enchanted, and that wee knew, when they should bee taken
+  downe, some great alteration should befall this cytty.... In
+  conclusion, hee sent to mee, to think, nor mention no more that place,
+  which might cost his life, and bring mee into trouble; so that I
+  despair to effect therein your graces seruice: and it is true, though
+  I could not gett the stones, yet I allmost raised an insurrection in
+  that part of the cytty.”
+
+Footnote 236:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 237:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 414.
+
+Footnote 238:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 186.
+
+Footnote 239:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 693.
+
+Footnote 240:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 241:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 242:
+
+  Anastasius Bibliothecarius.
+
+Footnote 243:
+
+  _Ibid._
+
+Footnote 244:
+
+  Guillelmus Bibliothecarius, _in Hadriano II_.
+
+Footnote 245:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 432.
+
+Footnote 246:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 247:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 334.
+
+Footnote 248:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 668.
+
+Footnote 249:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 503, 504.
+
+Footnote 250:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 498.
+
+Footnote 251:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 252:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 475.
+
+Footnote 253:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
+
+Footnote 254:
+
+  Procopius, _De Bello Vand._, ii. c. 9; Theophanes, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 255:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 388.
+
+Footnote 256:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 257:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 258:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 259:
+
+  For the descriptions of the triumphs accorded to Basil I. and
+  Theophilus, see Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 498-508.
+
+Footnote 260:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 499, Ἐν δὼ τῷ λιβαδίῳ τῷ ἔξω τῆς
+  χρυσῆς πόρτας.
+
+Footnote 261:
+
+  On the pier to the left of the central archway are painted in red the
+  words, ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ; while on the pier to the right are
+  the words, Ο ΘΣ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΗΝΕΝΤΕΝ ΣΕ; lingering echoes of the shouts that
+  shook the gate on a day of triumph.
+
+Footnote 262:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 334.
+
+Footnote 263:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 264:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
+
+Footnote 265:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., p. 508.
+
+Footnote 266:
+
+  Τὸ κατὰ τὴν χρυσῆν καλουμένην φρούριον, Cantacuzene, iv. p. 292. It
+  was not, however, the fortress known as the Strongylon, Cyclobion,
+  Castrum Rotundum (Procopius, _De Aed._, iv. c. 8; Theophanes, p. 541;
+  Anastasius, _in Hormisda PP._; Guillelmus Biblioth. _in Hadriano
+  II._). That fortress stood outside the city, near the Hebdomon
+  (Makrikeui), three miles to the west of the Golden Gate (Theophanes,
+  pp. 541, 608). See below, p. 326.
+
+Footnote 267:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 293, 301, 302. The southern tower projects 55
+  feet 7 inches from the wall, and is 60 feet 5 inches broad; the
+  corresponding dimensions of the northern tower are 55-½ feet, and 60
+  feet 4 inches.
+
+Footnote 268:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 269:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 270:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 785.
+
+Footnote 271:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
+
+Footnote 272:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 606, 607.
+
+Footnote 273:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 304.
+
+Footnote 274:
+
+  Chalcocondylas, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 275:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 47, 48.
+
+Footnote 276:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 239, “Chateau de l’Empereur
+  Kalojean. Il a trois entrées.”
+
+Footnote 277:
+
+  See Muralt, ad annum, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii.
+
+Footnote 278:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253.
+
+Footnote 279:
+
+  Paspates, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 280:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 13. Above the gate, on the side facing the city, is a
+  slab with the figure of the Roman eagle.
+
+Footnote 281:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 282:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 283:
+
+  See below, pp. 78, 91.
+
+Footnote 284:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 285:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 286:
+
+  Page 779.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+             THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—_continued_.
+
+
+The entrance between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers to the north
+of the Golden Gate was the Second Military Gate, τοῦ Δευτέρου.[287] Its
+identity is established by its position in the order of the gates; for
+between it and the Fifth Military Gate, regarding the situation of which
+there can be no doubt,[288] two military gates intervene. It must
+therefore be itself the second of that series of entrances.
+
+Hence, it follows that the quarter of the city known as the Deuteron (τὸ
+Δεύτερον) was the district to the rear of this gate. This fact can be
+proved also independently by the following indications. The district in
+question was without the Walls of Constantine;[289] it lay to the west
+of the Exokionion, the Palaia Porta, and the Cistern of Mokius;[290] it
+was, on the one hand, near the last street of the city,[291] the street
+leading to the Golden Gate, and, on the other, contained the Gate
+Melantiados,[292] now Selivri Kapoussi.[293] Consequently, it was the
+district behind the portion of the walls in which the gate before us is
+situated. This in turn supports the identification of the gate as that
+of the Deuteron. It is the finest and largest of the military gates, and
+may sometimes have served as a public gate in the period of the Empire,
+as it has since.
+
+Of the churches in the Deuteron quarter, the most noted were the Church
+of the SS. Notarii, attributed to Chrysostom,[294] and the Church of St.
+Anna, a foundation of Justinian the Great.[295] Others of less
+importance were dedicated respectively to St. Timothy,[296] St.
+George,[297] St. Theodore,[298] and St. Paul the Patriarch.[299]
+
+The next public entrance (Selivri Kapoussi) is situated between the
+thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the Gate of the Deuteron. Its
+present name appears shortly before the Turkish Conquest (πύλη τῆς
+Σηλυβρίας),[300] and alludes to the fact that the entrance is at the
+head of the road to Selivria; but its earlier and more usual designation
+was the Gate of the Pegè, _i.e._ the Spring (Πύλη τῆς Πηγῆς),[301]
+because it led to the celebrated Holy Spring (now Baloukli), about half
+a mile to the west. This name for the entrance is found in the
+inscription placed on the back of the southern gateway tower, in
+commemoration of repairs made in the year 1433 or 1438.[302]
+
+The gate possessed considerable importance owing to its proximity to the
+Holy Spring,[303] which, with its healing waters and shrines, its
+cypress groves, meadows, and delightful air, formed one of the most
+popular resorts in the neighbourhood of the city.[304] There the
+emperors had a palace and hunting park, to which they often retired for
+recreation, especially in the spring of the year. On the Festival of the
+Ascension the emperor visited the “Life-giving Pegè” in state, sometimes
+riding thither through the city, at other times proceeding in his barge
+as far as the Marmora extremity of the walls, and then mounting horse
+for the rest of the way.[305] But in either case, the Imperial _cortége_
+came up to this gate, and was received there by the body of household
+troops called the Numeri. It was on returning from such a visit to the
+Pegè that the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas was mobbed and stoned, as he
+rode from the Forum of Constantine to the Great Palace beside the
+Hippodrome.[306]
+
+The gate is memorable in history as the entrance through which, in 1261,
+Alexius Strategopoulos, the general of Michael Palæologus, penetrated
+into the city,[307] and brought the ill-starred Latin Empire of
+Constantinople to an end. For greater security the Latins had built up
+the entrance; but a band of the assailants, aided by friends within the
+fortifications, climbed over the walls, killed the drowsy guards, broke
+down the barricade, and flung the gates open for the restoration of the
+Greek power. By this gate, in 1376, Andronicus entered, after besieging
+the city for thirty-two days, and usurped the throne of his father, John
+VI. Palæologus.[308] In the siege of 1422 Sultan Murad pitched his tent
+within the grounds of the Church of the Pegè;[309] while during the
+siege of 1453 a battery of three guns played against the walls in the
+vicinity of this entrance.[310]
+
+There is reason to think that the gate styled Porta Melantiados
+(Μελαντιάδος)[311] and Pylè Melandesia (Μελανδησία),[312] should be
+identified with the Gate of the Pegè. Hitherto, indeed, the Porta
+Melantiados has been identified with the next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi
+Haneh Kapoussi;[313] but that view runs counter to the fact that the
+Porta Melantiados stood in the Deuteron,[314] whereas the next public
+gate was, we shall find, in the quarter of the city called, after the
+Third Military Gate, the Triton (τὸ Τρίτον).[315] Unless, therefore, the
+Porta Melantiados is identified with the Gate of the Pegè, it cannot be
+identified with any other entrance in the Theodosian Walls.
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of the Pegè.]
+
+That the Gate of the Pegè had originally another name is certain, since
+the Holy Spring did not come into repute until the reign of Leo I.,[316]
+nearly half a century after the erection of the Wall of Anthemius. And
+no other name could have been so appropriate as the Porta Melantiados,
+for the road issuing from the gate led to Melantiada, a town near the
+Athyras[317] (Buyuk Tchekmedjè) on the road to Selivria. The town is
+mentioned in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus as Melantrada and
+Melanciada, at the distance of nineteen miles from Byzantium; and there
+on different occasions the Huns, the Goths,[318] and the Avars[319]
+halted on their march towards Constantinople.
+
+At the gate Porta Melantiados, Chrysaphius, the minister and evil genius
+of Theodosius II., was killed in 450 by the son of John the Vandal, in
+revenge for the execution of the latter.[320] It has been suggested that
+the Mosque of Khadin Ibrahim Pasha within the gate stands on the site of
+the Church of St. Anna in the Deuteron.[321] It may, however, mark the
+site of the Church of the SS. Notarii, which stood near the Porta
+Melantiados.
+
+The Third Military Gate is but a short distance from the Gate of the
+Pegè, being situated between the fourth and fifth towers to the north.
+To the rear of the entrance was the quarter called the Triton (τὸ
+Τρίτον),[322] and, more commonly, the Sigma (Σίγμα);[323] the latter
+designation being derived, probably, from the curve in the line of the
+walls immediately beyond the gate. What precisely was the object of the
+curve is not apparent. One authority explains it as intended for the
+accommodation of the courtiers and troops that assembled here on the
+occasion of an Imperial visit to the Pegè.[324] But the Theodosian Walls
+were built before the Pegè came into repute;[325] and the visits of the
+emperors to the Holy Spring were not so frequent or so important as to
+affect the construction of the walls in such a manner.
+
+In the quarter of the Sigma stood a column, bearing the statue of
+Theodosius II., erected by Chrysaphius.[326] And there, in the riot of
+1042, the Emperor Michael Calaphates and his uncle Constantine were
+blinded, having been dragged thither from the Monastery of Studius,
+where they had sought sanctuary.[327]
+
+The most noted churches in the quarter were dedicated respectively to
+the Theotokos,[328] St. Stephen, and St. Isaacius.[329] The site of the
+first is, in the opinion of Dr. Paspates, marked by the remains of an
+old Byzantine cistern off the street leading from the Guard-house of
+Alti Mermer to the Mosque of Yol Getchen.[330]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Rhegium.]
+
+The next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, situated between the
+tenth and eleventh towers north of the Third Military Gate, was known by
+two names, Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου),[331] the Gate of Rhegium, and Porta
+Rhousiou (τοῦ Ῥουσίου),[332] the Gate of the Red Faction. That it bore
+the former name is established by the fact that the inscription in
+honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, which was placed,
+according to the Anthology, on the Gate of Rhegium, is actually found on
+the lintel of this entrance.[333] The name alluded to Rhegium (Kutchuk
+Tchekmedjè), a town twelve miles distant, upon the Sea of Marmora,
+whither the road leading westward conducted.
+
+The title of the gate to the second name rests partly upon the
+consideration that the name cannot be claimed for any other entrance in
+the walls, and partly upon the fact that two circumstances connected
+with the gate can thus be satisfactorily explained. In the first place,
+the seven shafts employed to form the lintel, posts, and sill of the
+gateway are covered with red wash, as though to mark the entrance with
+the colour of the Red Faction. Secondly, on the northern face of the
+southern gateway-tower is an inscription, unfortunately mutilated, such
+as the Factions placed upon a structure in the erection of which they
+were concerned. The legend as preserved reads thus: “The Fortune of
+Constantine, our God-protected Emperor triumphs....”
+
+                           † ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ
+                           ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟ
+                           ΦΥΛΑΚΤΟΥ ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ
+                           †   †
+
+The missing words with which the inscription closed were at some date
+intentionally effaced, but analogy makes it exceedingly probable that
+they were ΚΑΙ ΡΟΥΣΙΩΝ, “and of the Reds.”[334]
+
+The number of inscriptions about this entrance is remarkable, five being
+on the gateway itself, and two on its southern tower. Of the former
+those commemorating the erection of the Theodosian fortifications in 447
+are of special importance and interest;[335] another records the repair
+of the Outer Wall under Justin II. and his Empress Sophia.[336]
+Indistinct traces of the fourth are visible on the southern side of the
+gateway; while the fifth, too fragmentary to yield a meaning, is on the
+tympanum, arranged on either side of a niche for Icons,[337] for the
+gates of the city were, as a rule, placed under the ward of some
+heavenly guardian. This gate was closed with a portcullis.
+
+The Fourth Military Gate stood between the ninth and tenth towers to the
+north of the Porta Rhousiou. The northern corbel of the outer gateway is
+an inscribed stone brought from some other building erected by a certain
+Georgius.[338]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of St. Romanus.]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Charisius.]
+
+Top Kapoussi, between the sixth and seventh towers north of the Fourth
+Military Gate, is the Gate of St. Romanus (πόρτα τοῦ Ἁγίου Ρωμάνου)[339]
+so named after an adjoining church of that dedication. Its identity may
+be established in the following manner: According to Cananus,[340] the
+Gate of St. Romanus and the Gate of Charisius stood on opposite sides of
+the Lycus. The Gate of St. Romanus, therefore, must have been either Top
+Kapoussi, on the southern side of that stream, or one of the two gates
+on the stream’s northern bank, viz. the walled-up entrance at the foot
+of that bank, or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was the gate
+on the southern side of the Lycus is clear, from the statements of
+Critobulus and Phrantzes,[341] that in the siege of 1453 the Turkish
+troops which invested the walls extending from the Gate of Charisius
+(Edirnè Kapoussi) to the Golden Horn were on the Sultan’s _left_, _i.e._
+to the north of the position he occupied. But the tent of the Sultan was
+opposite the Gate of St. Romanus.[342] Hence, the Gate of Charisius was
+one of the gates to the north of the Lycus, and, consequently, the Gate
+of St. Romanus stood at Top Kapoussi, to the south. In harmony with this
+conclusion is the order in which the two gates are mentioned by Pusculus
+and Dolfin when describing the positions occupied by the defenders of
+the walls from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn. Proceeding from
+south to north in their account of the defence, these writers place the
+Gate of St. Romanus before, _i.e._ to the south of, the Gate of
+Charisius.[343]
+
+The Church of St. Romanus must have been a very old foundation, for it
+is ascribed to the Empress Helena. It claimed to possess the relics of
+the prophet Daniel and of St. Nicetas.[344]
+
+The entrance between the second and third towers north of the Lycus, or
+between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the Gate of St.
+Romanus, is the Fifth Military Gate, the Gate of the Pempton (τοῦ
+Πέμπτου).[345] It is identified by the fact that it occupies the
+position which the _Paschal Chronicle_ assigns to the Gate of the
+Pempton; namely, between the Gate of St. Romanus and the Gate of the
+Polyandrion—one of the names, as we shall find,[346] of Edirnè Kapoussi.
+
+Some authorities[347] have maintained, indeed, that this entrance was
+the Gate of Charisius. But this opinion is refuted by the fact that the
+Gate of Charisius, as its whole history proves, was not a military gate,
+but one of the public gates of the city.[348] Furthermore, the author of
+the _Metrical Chronicle_ and Cananus expressly distinguish the Gate of
+Charisius from the gate situated beside the Lycus.[349]
+
+To the rear of the entrance was the district of the Pempton, containing
+the Church of St. Kyriakè and the meadow through which the Lycus flows
+to the Sea of Marmora. The meadow appears to have been a popular resort
+before the Theodosian Walls were built, if not also subsequently. Here,
+about the time of Easter, 404, the Emperor Arcadius came to take
+exercise on horseback, and here he found three thousand white-robed
+catechumens assembled. They proved to be persons who had recently been
+baptized by Chrysostom, in the Thermæ Constantianæ, near the Church of
+the Holy Apostles, notwithstanding his deposition on account of his
+quarrel with the Empress Eudoxia. Arcadius was extremely annoyed by the
+encounter, and ordered his guards to drive the crowd off the
+ground.[350]
+
+While riding down one of the slopes of the Lycus valley, in 450,
+Theodosius II. fell from his horse and sustained a spinal injury, which
+caused his death a few days later. The Gate of the Pempton was probably
+the entrance through which the dying emperor was carried on a litter
+from the scene of the accident into the city.[351]
+
+The next public gate, Edirnè Kapoussi, between the eighth and ninth
+towers to the north of the Fifth Military Gate, was named the Gate of
+Charisius (τοῦ Χαρισίου). The name, which appears in a great variety of
+forms, occurs first in Peter Magister,[352] a writer of Justinian’s
+reign, and was derived, according to the Anonymus, from Charisius, the
+head of the Blue Faction, when the Theodosian Walls were built.[353]
+While some authorities, as already intimated, have attached this name to
+the Gate of the Pempton, others have supposed that it belonged to the
+entrance now known as Egri Kapou.[354] This, as will be shown in the
+proper place, is likewise a mistake.[355]
+
+The grounds on which the Gate of Charisius must be identified with the
+Edirnè Kapoussi are these:[356] From the statements of Cananus and
+Critobulus, already considered in determining the position of the Gate
+of St. Romanus,[357] it is clear that the Gate of Charisius was one of
+the two gates on the northern bank of the Lycus; either the gate at the
+foot of that bank or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was not
+the former is clearly proved by the fact that Cananus and the _Metrical
+Chronicle_, as already cited, distinguished the Gate of Charisius from
+the entrance beside the Lycus. The Gate of Charisius was, therefore,
+Edirnè Kapoussi, the gate on the summit of the bank.
+
+Again, the Gate of Charisius was, like Edirnè Kapoussi, at the head of
+the street leading to the Church of the Holy Apostles. This is evident
+from the circumstance that when Justinian the Great, returning to the
+city from the West, visited on his way to the palace the tomb of the
+Empress Theodora at the Holy Apostles’, he entered the capital by the
+Gate of Charisius instead of by the Golden Gate,[358] because the former
+entrance led directly to the Imperial Cemetery near that church.
+
+To these arguments may be added the fact that near the Gate of Charisius
+was a Church of St. George,[359] the guardian of the entrance, and that
+a Byzantine church dedicated to that saint stood immediately to the
+south-east of Edirnè Kapoussi as late as the year 1556, when it was
+appropriated by Sultan Suleiman for the construction of the Mosque of
+Mihrimah. At the same time the Greek community received by way of
+compensation a site for another church to the north-west of the gate,
+and there the present Church of St. George was built to preserve the
+traditions of other days.[360] Lastly, like Edirnè Kapoussi, the Gate of
+Charisius stood at a point from which one could readily proceed to the
+Church of the Chora (Kahriyeh Djamissi), the Church of St. John in Petra
+(Bogdan Serai), and the Palace of Blachernæ.[361]
+
+Another name for the Gate of Charisius was the Gate of the Polyandrion,
+or the Myriandron (Πόρτα τοῦ Πολυανδρίου, τοῦ Μυριάνδρου), the Gate of
+the Cemetery. This follows from the fact that whereas the respective
+names of the three gates in the walls crossing the valley of the Lycus
+are usually given as the Gate of Charisius, Gate of the Pempton, the
+Gate of St. Romanus, we find the first name omitted in a passage of the
+_Paschal Chronicle_ referring to those entrances, and the Gate of the
+Polyandrion mentioned instead.[362] Evidently, the Gate of Charisius and
+the Gate of the Polyandrion were different names for the same gate.
+
+The latter designation was peculiarly appropriate to an entrance on the
+direct road to the Imperial Cemetery. Probably a public cemetery stood
+also outside the gate, where a large Turkish cemetery is now situated,
+and that may have been another reason for the name of the gate.[363]
+
+With the portion of the walls between the Gate of St. Romanus and the
+Gate of Charisius, memorable historical events are associated which
+cannot be passed over without some notice, however brief.
+
+On account of its central position in the line of the land
+fortifications, this part of the walls was named the Mesoteichion
+(Μεσοτείχιον).[364] It was also known as the Myriandrion,[365] on
+account of its proximity to the Gate of Polyandrion; the portion to the
+south of the Lycus being further distinguished as the Murus
+Bacchatareus,[366] after the Tower Baccaturea near the Gate of St.
+Romanus.[367]
+
+[Illustration: View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).]
+
+Owing to the configuration of the ground traversed by the Mesoteichion,
+it was at this point that a besieging army generally delivered the chief
+attack. Here stood the gates opening upon the streets which commanded
+the hills of the city; here was the weakest part of the fortifications,
+the channel of the Lycus rendering a deep moat impossible, while the dip
+in the line of walls, as they descended and ascended the slopes of the
+valley, put the defenders below the level occupied by the besiegers.
+Here, then, for Constantinople was the “Valley of Decision”—here, in the
+armour of the city, the “heel of Achilles.”
+
+In the siege of 626 by the Avars, the first siege which the Theodosian
+Walls sustained, the principal attack was made from twelve towers which
+the enemy built before the fortifications extending from the Gate of
+Charisius to the Gate of the Pempton, and thence to the Gate of St.
+Romanus.[368]
+
+Upon the Gate of Charisius attempts were made: by Justinian II. and his
+allies for the recovery of his throne in 705;[369] by Alexius Branas
+against Isaac Angelus in 1185;[370] by John Cantacuzene in 1345[371] and
+through it the Comneni entered in 1081, by bribing the German guards
+(Nemitzi) at the gate, and wrested the sceptre from the hand of
+Nicephorus Botoniates.[372]
+
+In 1206, during the struggle in which the Latins, soon after their
+capture of the city, involved themselves with Joannicus, King of
+Bulgaria, a raid was made upon the Gate of St. Romanus and the adjacent
+quarter by Bulgarian troops encamped near the capital.[373] In 1328 the
+gate was opened to admit Andronicus III. by two partisans, who stupefied
+the guards with drink, and then assisted a company of his soldiers to
+scale the walls with rope ladders.[374] In 1379 John VI. Palæologus and
+his son Manuel, after effecting their escape from the prison of Anemas,
+and making terms with Sultan Bajazet, entered the city by this gate, and
+obliged Andronicus IV. to retire from the throne he had usurped.[375]
+
+But it was in the sieges of the city by the Turks that this portion of
+the walls was attacked most fiercely, as well as defended with the
+greatest heroism. Here in 1422 Sultan Murad brought cannon to bear, for
+the first time, upon the fortifications of Constantinople. His fire was
+directed mainly at an old half-ruined tower beside the Lycus; but the
+new weapon of warfare was still too weak to break Byzantine masonry, and
+seventy balls struck the tower without producing the slightest
+effect.[376]
+
+In the siege of 1453 this portion of the walls was assailed by Sultan
+Mehemet himself with the bravest of his troops and his heaviest
+artillery, his tent being pitched, as already stated, about half a mile
+to the west of the Gate of St. Romanus.[377] At the Murus Bacchatareus
+fought the Emperor Constantine, with his 400 Genoese allies, under the
+command of the brave Guistiniani, who had come to perform prodigies of
+valour “per benefitio de la Christiantade et per honor del mundo.” The
+three brothers, Paul, Antony, and Troilus, defended the Myriandrion,
+“with the courage of Horatius Cocles.”
+
+As the struggle proceeded two towers of the Inner Wall and a large
+portion of the Outer Wall were battered to pieces by the Turkish cannon.
+The enemy also succeeded in filling the moat at this point with earth
+and stones, to secure an unobstructed roadway into the city whenever a
+breach was effected.
+
+On the other hand, Giustiniani repaired the breach in the Outer Wall by
+the erection of a palisade, covered in front with hides and strengthened
+on the rear by a rampart of stones, earth, branches, and herbage of
+every description, all welded together with mortar, and supported by an
+embankment of earth. Between this barricade and the Inner Wall he
+furthermore excavated a trench, to replace to some extent the moat which
+had been rendered useless; and to maintain his communications with the
+interior of the city he opened a postern in the great wall.
+
+Against these extemporized defences assault after assault dashed in all
+its strength and fury, only to be hurled back and broken. Meanwhile,
+more and more of the Inner and Outer Walls fell under the Turkish fire,
+and the Sultan decided to make a general attack at daybreak on the 29th
+of May. The onset upon the Mesoteichion, directed by the Sultan in
+person, was, however, repeatedly repelled, and the day threatened to go
+against the assailants, when a Turkish missile struck Giustiniani and
+forced him to leave the field. His soldiers refused to continue the
+struggle, abandoned their post, and disheartened their Greek comrades.
+The Sultan, perceiving the change in the situation, roused his
+janissaries to make a supreme effort. They swept forward, carried the
+barricade, filled the trench behind it with corpses of the defenders,
+and passing over, poured into the doomed city through every available
+opening. Some made their way through the breach in the great wall,
+others entered by the postern which Giustiniani had opened,[378] while
+others cut a path through the heap of dead bodies which blocked the Gate
+of Charisius. The heroic emperor refused to survive his empire, and
+found death near the Gate of St. Romanus.[379] And through that gate,
+about midday, the Sultan entered, the master of the city of Constantine.
+It was the close of an epoch.
+
+The next Theodosian gate stands between the last tower in the Outer Wall
+to the north of the Gate of Charisius and the old Byzantine Palace now
+called Tekfour Serai. In its present condition the entrance pierces only
+the Outer Wall; for the Inner Wall terminates abruptly a little to the
+south of the palace, having been broken away, probably when that edifice
+was erected. By way of compensation the Outer Wall was then raised
+higher and built thicker, and flanked by a large tower.
+
+According to its place in the order of the gates, this entrance should
+be the Sixth Military Gate; and the smallness of its dimensions is in
+keeping with this view. But as it led to a Circus built of timber beside
+the Church of St. Mamas without the walls, it was styled Porta
+Xylokerkou (Ξυλοκέρκου),[380] Gate of the Wooden Circus, or more
+briefly, Kerko Porta (Κερκόπορτα),[381] the Gate of the Circus.
+
+In support of this identification there is first the fact that the Gate
+of the Xylokerkus, like the gate before us, was an entrance in the Walls
+of Theodosius, for it bore an inscription, which has unfortunately
+disappeared, in honour of that emperor and the Prefect Constantine,
+similar to the legend on the Porta Rhegiou.[382] In the next place, the
+Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the entrance before us, was in the vicinity
+of the Gate of Charisius, and below a palace[383] (Tekfour Serai).
+
+[Illustration: The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.]
+
+The history of the gate has an interest of its own. When the Emperor
+Frederick Barbarossa was at Philippopolis, on his way to the Holy Land
+at the head of the Third Crusade, the prevalent suspicion that he had
+designs upon the Byzantine Empire found expression in the prophecy of a
+certain Dositheos, a monk of the Monastery of St. John Studius, that the
+German emperor would capture Constantinople, and penetrate into the city
+through this entrance. Thereupon, with the view of averting the calamity
+and preventing the fulfilment of the prophecy, Isaac Angelus ordered the
+gate to be securely built up.[384] In 1346 the partisans of John
+Cantacuzene proposed to admit him into the city by breaking the gate
+open, after its long close.[385]
+
+But what gives to the Kerko Porta its chief renown is the part which,
+according to Ducas, it played in the catastrophe of 1453, under the
+following circumstances. A large portion of the Outer Wall, at the
+Mesoteichion, having been overthrown by the Turkish cannon, the besieged
+were unable to issue from the city to the peribolos without being
+exposed to the enemy’s fire. In this extremity some old men, who knew
+the fortifications well, informed the emperor of a secret postern long
+closed up and buried underground, at the lower part of the palace, by
+which communication with the peribolos might be established.[386] This
+was done, to the great advantage of the Greeks. But on the last day of
+the siege, while the enemy was attempting to scale the walls with
+ladders at several points, a band of fifty Turkish nobles detected the
+newly opened entrance, rushed in, and mounting the walls from the
+interior of the city, killed or drove off the defenders on the summit.
+Thus a portion of the fortifications was secured against which
+scaling-ladders could be applied without any difficulty, and soon a
+considerable Turkish force stood on the Inner Wall, planted their
+standards on the towers, and opened a rear fire upon the Greeks, who
+were fighting in the peribolos to prevent the Turks from entering at the
+great breach. The cry rose that the city was taken, whereupon an
+indescribable panic seized the Greeks, already disheartened by the loss
+of Giustiniani, and, abandoning all further resistance, they fled into
+the city through the Gate of Charisius, many being trampled to death in
+the rout. The emperor fell at his post; and the Turks poured into the
+city without opposition.[387] The fate of Constantinople was thus scaled
+by the opening of the Kerko Porta.
+
+But here a difficulty occurs. In one very important particular the Kerko
+Porta, as described by Ducas, does not correspond to the character of
+the entrance with which it has been identified. The gate which the
+historian had in mind led to the peribolos, the terrace between the two
+Theodosian walls, whereas the gate below Tekfour Serai opens on the
+parateichion, the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. This
+discrepancy may, however, be removed to some extent by supposing that
+under the name of the Kerko Porta. Ducas referred to the postern which
+Dr. Paspates[388] found in the transverse wall built across the northern
+end of the peribolos, where the Inner Wall of Theodosius terminates
+abruptly a little to the south of Tekfour Serai. The postern was
+discovered in 1864, after some houses which concealed it from view had
+been destroyed by fire. It was 10-½ feet high by 6 feet wide, and
+although the old wall in which it stood has been, for the most part,
+pulled down and replaced by a new construction, the outline of the
+ancient postern can still be traced. Such an entrance might be buried
+out of sight, and be generally forgotten; and to open it, when recalled
+to mind in 1453, was to provide the defenders of the city with a secret
+passage, as they hoped, to the peribolos and the rear of the Outer Wall,
+where the contest was to be maintained to the bitter end.
+
+The suggestion of Dr. Paspates that this was the entrance at which the
+incidents recorded by Ducas occurred may, therefore, be accepted. But,
+from the nature of the case, an entrance in such a position could not
+have been, strictly speaking, the Gate of the Circus, and to call it the
+Kerko Porta was therefore not perfectly accurate. That was, properly,
+the name of the gate below Tekfour Serai. Still, the mistake was not
+very serious, and, under the circumstances, was not strange. Two
+entrances so near each other could easily be confounded in the report of
+the events in the neighbourhood, especially when the postern in the
+transverse wall had no special name of its own. Dr. Mordtmann[389]
+thinks that the postern near the Kerko Porta was the one which
+Giustiniani, according to Critobulus,[390] opened in the Inner Wall to
+facilitate communication with the peribolos. The latter postern,
+however, is represented as near the position occupied by Giustiniani and
+the emperor, while the former is described as far from that point.[391]
+
+Footnote 287:
+
+  Codinus, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 288:
+
+  See below, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 289:
+
+  Sozomon, iv. c. 2.
+
+Footnote 290:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 291:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 292:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Octob. 25.
+
+Footnote 293:
+
+  See below, pp. 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 294:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25.
+
+Footnote 295:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 296:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, June 10.
+
+Footnote 297:
+
+  _Ibid._, April 23.
+
+Footnote 298:
+
+  _Ibid._, April 22.
+
+Footnote 299:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistas, xii. c. 14.
+
+Footnote 300:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253.
+
+Footnote 301:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 302:
+
+  See below, pp. 106, 107.
+
+Footnote 303:
+
+  It is still held in great repute, and on the Friday of Greek Easter
+  week is visited by immense crowds of devotees, as in the olden time.
+
+Footnote 304:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3.
+
+Footnote 305:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 306:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, iv. p. 64.
+
+Footnote 307:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 142; Niceph. Greg., iv. p. 85.
+
+Footnote 308:
+
+  See Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii.
+
+Footnote 309:
+
+  Ducas, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 310:
+
+  Nicolo Barbaro, p. 733.
+
+Footnote 311:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 312:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25.
+
+Footnote 313:
+
+  Paspates, p. 47; Mordtmann, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 314:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, Oct. 25. Ἐν τῇ Μελανδησία πόρτῃ, ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ
+  Κωνσταντινούπολει, τοποθεσίᾳ τοῦ Δευτέρου.
+
+Footnote 315:
+
+  See below, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 316:
+
+  Nicephorus Callistus, xv. c. 25, c. 28.
+
+Footnote 317:
+
+  Agathias, v. c. 14, c. 20.
+
+Footnote 318:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, _ad Zenonem_.
+
+Footnote 319:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 717.
+
+Footnote 320:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 321:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 322:
+
+  _Menæa_, May 30, as quoted by Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_,
+  ii. p. 178.
+
+Footnote 323:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 501; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
+
+Footnote 324:
+
+  Mordtmann, pp. 14, 15.
+
+Footnote 325:
+
+  See above, p. 77.
+
+Footnote 326:
+
+  Codinus, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 327:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
+
+Footnote 328:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 323.
+
+Footnote 329:
+
+  Codinus, p. 126.
+
+Footnote 330:
+
+  Pages 378-389.
+
+Footnote 331:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 332:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 355, 358.
+
+Footnote 333:
+
+  See above, pp. 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 334:
+
+  The inscription is found in the C. I. G., No. 8789. Dr. Paspates
+  compares it with No. 8788 in that collection. ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ
+  ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΒΕΝΕΤΩΝ (of the Blues)
+  ΕΥΝΩΟΥΝΤΩΝ. See below, p. 102.
+
+Footnote 335:
+
+  See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 336:
+
+  See below, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 337:
+
+  Choiseul-Gouffier, _Voyage pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc._,
+  vol. iv. p. 17, speaking of this gate, says, “Sur le cintre de cette
+  porte sont les représentations de quelques saints, donc les Turcs ont
+  effacé le visage.” Cf. Paspates, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 338:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 339:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 340:
+
+  _De Constantinopoli Expugnata_, p. 462.
+
+Footnote 341:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 23, c. 27 (_Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum_, vol.
+  v.); Phrantzes, p. 237.
+
+Footnote 342:
+
+  Critobulus; Phrantzes, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 343:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. Compare lines 165 and 169. Cf. Dolfin, s. 54.
+
+Footnote 344:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 55; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 103.
+
+Footnote 345:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 719.
+
+Footnote 346:
+
+  See below, p. 84.
+
+Footnote 347:
+
+  _E.g._ Dethier, _Le Bosphore et Consple._, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 348:
+
+  See below, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 349:
+
+  _Metrical Chronicle_, lines 371-429; cf. statement ἐγέρθη Γεωργίου
+  δόμος ... πρὸς πύλην τὴν Χαρσίαν with statement πύλην ἐάσας ἀνοικτὴν
+  τὴν ποταμοῦ πλησίον εἰς ἥν τῆς μάρτυρος ναὸς Κυριακῆς ὁρᾶται. See
+  _Byzantinshe Analecten_, von Hernn Joseph Müller, “Sitzungsberichte
+  der K. Akademie der Wissenshaften Philosoph. Hist.,” Classe B. 9,
+  1852. Cf. Cananus, p. 462, ἦν γὰρ ὁ τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πύργος πλησίον
+  Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν
+  πύλην, καὶ πλησιέστηρον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμόν τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον
+  Λύκον.
+
+Footnote 350:
+
+  Palladius, _Dialogus de Vita J. Chrysostomi_, Migne, xlvii. p. 34. In
+  front of St. Irene in the Seraglio grounds, is preserved the pedestal
+  on which stood the porphyry column bearing the silver statue of the
+  Empress Eudoxia, the occasion of Chrysostom’s banishment.
+
+Footnote 351:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 589, Εἰσῆλθεν λεκτικίῳ ἀπὸ Λευκοῦ ποταμοῦ.
+
+Footnote 352:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, 497.
+
+Footnote 353:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 354:
+
+  Paspates, p. 68.
+
+Footnote 355:
+
+  See below, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 356:
+
+  Dr. Mordtmann was the first to establish the fact. For a full
+  statement of his view, see _Esquisse Topographique de Consple._, pp.
+  16-29.
+
+Footnote 357:
+
+  See above, pp. 80, 81.
+
+Footnote 358:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 497. In 1299, Andronicus II. also
+  entered the city by this entrance in great state, after an absence of
+  two years (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 290).
+
+Footnote 359:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. pp. 124, 129; _Metrical Chronicle_, 371-429.
+
+Footnote 360:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 105.
+  The church possesses two ancient _Lectionaries_, one containing the
+  Epistles, the other the Gospels. The history of the latter is
+  interesting. The MS. was presented to the Church of St. Sophia, in
+  1438, by a monk named Arsenius, of Crete. It was taken, the same year,
+  by the Patriarch Joseph to Ferrara, when he proceeded to that city to
+  attend the council called to negotiate the union of the Western and
+  Eastern Churches. Upon his death in Florence the year following it was
+  returned to St. Sophia. Some time after the fall of Constantinople it
+  came into the hands of a certain Manuel, son of Constantine, by whom
+  it was given, in 1568, to the church in which it is now treasured.
+
+Footnote 361:
+
+  Ducas, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 362:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 719, 720; cf. Anonymus, i. p. 22, with iii. p.
+  50.
+
+Footnote 363:
+
+  In the foundations of one of the towers to the north of the Gate of
+  the Pempton, pulled down in 1868 for the sake of building material, a
+  large number of marble tombstones were found, some being plain slabs,
+  others bearing inscriptions. Among the latter, several were to the
+  memory of persons connected with the body of auxiliary troops, styled
+  the Fœderati. Such Gothic names as Walderic, Saphnas, Bertilas,
+  Epoktoric, occurred in the epitaphs, _e.g._—
+
+                   † ΕΝΘΔΕ ΚΤΑ ... Ι Ο
+                   ΤΗΣ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΕΦΝΑΣ
+                   ΔΕΣΠΟΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΦΟΙΔΕΡΑΤΟΣ ΕΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΣΕΝ
+                   ΔΕ ΜΗ ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩ ΚΔ ΗΜΕΡΑ Β
+                   ΙΝΔ Β.
+
+  See Paspates, pp. 33, 34; _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos
+  of Consple._, vol. xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, pp. 17-23.
+  Some of the stones are in the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 364:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 26, c. 31.
+
+Footnote 365:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 253; Critobulus, i. c. 26; Leonard of Scio, “In loco
+  arduo Miliandri, quo urbs titubabat.”
+
+Footnote 366:
+
+  _Leonard of Scio_, Migne, vol. clix. pp. 929, 940.
+
+Footnote 367:
+
+  Dolfin, s. 31.
+
+Footnote 368:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 719, 720.
+
+Footnote 369:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 573.
+
+Footnote 370:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 493.
+
+Footnote 371:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 525.
+
+Footnote 372:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 124.
+
+Footnote 373:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 824.
+
+Footnote 374:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 419, 420.
+
+Footnote 375:
+
+  See Muralt, _Essai de Chronographie Byzantine_, vol. ii. See below,
+  pp. 162, 163.
+
+Footnote 376:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
+
+Footnote 377:
+
+  Compare the narratives of Phrantzes, pp. 246, 253; Critobulus, i. c.
+  23, 27, 31, 34, 60; Ducas, p. 275; Leonard of Scio (_Migne_, vol.
+  clix.).
+
+Footnote 378:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 60.
+
+Footnote 379:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 287.
+
+Footnote 380:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558; Theophanes, p. 667.
+
+Footnote 381:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282. The Circus was known as the Circus of St. Mamas,
+  because of its proximity to that church, and appears frequently in
+  Byzantine history.
+
+  The district associated with the Church of St. Mamas (Zonaras, xvi. c.
+  5, ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸ Στενὸν τοποθεσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος καλουμένῃ)
+  must have occupied the valley which extends from the Golden Horn
+  southwards to the village of Ortakdjilar, the territory between Eyoub
+  (Cosmidion) and Aivan Serai at the north-western angle of the city.
+  The church itself, with its monastery (Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 107, 259),
+  stood, probably, on the high ground near Ortakdjilar. Owing to its
+  charming situation, the suburb was a favourite resort, and boasted of
+  an Imperial palace, a hippodrome, a portico, a harbour, and, possibly,
+  the bridge across the Golden Horn. The indications for the
+  determination of the site of the suburb are: (1) it stood nearer the
+  Golden Horn than the Gate of Charisius did; for in the military
+  demonstration which Constantine Copronymus made before the land walls,
+  against the rebel Artavasdes, by marching up and down between the Gate
+  of Charisius and the Golden Gate, the emperor reached St. Mamas and
+  encamped there, after passing the former entrance on his march
+  northwards (Theophanes, pp. 645, 646). (2) The Hippodrome of St. Mamas
+  was in Blachernæ (Ἐν Βλαχέρναις ... ἐν τῷ ἱππικῷ τοῦ ἁγίου
+  Μάμαντος—Theophanes, p. 667), a term which could be used to designate
+  even the district of the Cosmidion (_Paschal Chron._, p. 725, τὴν
+  ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἁγίων Κοσμᾶ καὶ Δαμιανοῦ, ἐν Βλαχέρναις). (3) The suburb
+  stood near the Cosmidion; hence the facility with which the Bulgarians
+  under Crum were able to ravage St. Mamas from their camp near the
+  Church SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Theophanes Cont., pp. 613, 614). (4)
+  The suburb was near the water; for it had a harbour (Theophanes, p.
+  591). It is also described as situated on the Propontis (Genesius, p.
+  102), on the Euxine (Theophanes Cont., p. 197), on the Stenon, the
+  Bosporus (Zonaras, _ut supra_), these names being applied in a wide
+  sense. (5) At the same time the Church of St. Mamas stood near the
+  walls (Zonaras, xiv. p. 1272, πλησίον τοῦ τείχους), and near the gate
+  named Porta Xylokerkou (Cedrenus, i. p. 707). This does not
+  necessarily imply that the church was immediately outside the gate,
+  but it intimates that the church was at no very great distance from
+  the gate, and could be easily reached from it; as, for example, the
+  Church of the Pegè stands related to the Gate of Selivria (see above,
+  p. 73). Such language would be appropriate if a branch road leading to
+  St. Mamas and the Golden Horn left the great road, parallel to the
+  walls, at the point opposite the Porta Xylokerkou.
+
+  The suburb owed much to Leo the Great, who took up his residence there
+  for six months, after the terrible conflagration which devastated the
+  city in the twelfth year of his reign (_Paschal Chron._, p. 598). To
+  him are ascribed all the constructions for which the suburb was
+  celebrated; the harbour and portico (_Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_),
+  the church, the palace, and the hippodrome (Anonymus, iii. pp. 57, 58;
+  Codinus, p. 115). The Church of St. Mamas is, however, ascribed also
+  to an officer in the reign of Justinian the Great, and to the sister
+  of the Emperor Maurice (see Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_,
+  iv. p. 185). There Maurice and his family were buried, after their
+  execution by Phocas (Codinus, p. 121). The palace was frequented by
+  Michael III., and there he was murdered by Basil I. (Theophanes Cont.,
+  p. 210). To it the Empress Irene and her son Constantine VI. retired
+  from the city on the occasion of the severe earthquake of 790
+  (Theophanes, pp. 719, 720), and in it the marriage of Constantine VI.
+  with Theodota was celebrated (_Ibid._ p. 728). It was burnt down by
+  Crum of Bulgaria (_Ibid._ pp. 785, 786), but must have been rebuilt
+  soon, for Theophilus took up his quarters there on the eve of his
+  first triumphal entrance into the city (Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._,
+  p. 504). The hippodrome may have been, originally, the one which
+  Constantine the Great constructed of wood, outside the city, and in
+  which the adherents of Chrysostom assembled after the bishop’s
+  deposition (Sozomon, viii. c. 21, συνήθον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος εἰς τινα
+  χῶρον ὅν Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Βασιλεὺς, μήπω τὴν πόλιν συνοικήσας, εἰς
+  ἱπποδρόμου θέαν ἐκάθηρε, ξύλοις περιτειχίσας). There Michael III. took
+  part in chariot races (Theophanes Cont., p. 197; cf. Theophanes, p.
+  731). Crum carried away some of the works of Art which adorned it
+  (Theophanes, pp. 785, 786). The harbour of St. Mamas appears as the
+  station of a fleet in the struggle between Anastasius II. and
+  Theodosius III. (Theophanes, pp. 591, 592), and in the struggle
+  between Artavasdes and Constantine Copronymus (_Ibid._, pp. 645, 646).
+
+Footnote 382:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 150, n. 428, ΘΕΥΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ
+  ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ. The
+  gate appears in the reign of Anastasius I. (491-518), when a nun
+  residing near it was mobbed and killed for sharing the emperor’s
+  heretical opinions (Zonaras, xiv. c. 3, p. 1220, Migne). This is
+  another evidence of its Theodosian origin. It must have stood in the
+  portion of the Theodosian Walls that still remain, for it is mentioned
+  in the reign of John Cantacuzene.
+
+Footnote 383:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 282-286. Cf. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 384:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 528, 529.
+
+Footnote 385:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558.
+
+Footnote 386:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282, Παραπόρτιον ἕν πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων ἀσφαλῶς πεφραγμένον,
+  ὑπόγαιον, πρὸς τὸ κάτωθεν μέρος τοῦ παλατίου.
+
+Footnote 387:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 282-286.
+
+Footnote 388:
+
+  Pages 63-67. Dr. Paspates regarded the Kerko Porta and the Porta
+  Xylokerkou as different gates. The latter, he held, has disappeared.
+
+Footnote 389:
+
+  Page 27.
+
+Footnote 390:
+
+  I. c. 60.
+
+Footnote 391:
+
+  Ducas, p. 286.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+                    REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.
+
+
+The maintenance of the bulwarks of the city in proper order was
+naturally a matter of supreme importance, and although the task was
+sometimes neglected when no enemy threatened, it was, on the whole,
+attended to with the promptitude and fidelity which so vital a concern
+demanded. There was little occasion for repairs, it is true, on account
+of injuries sustained in the shock of war, for until the invention of
+gunpowder the engines employed in battering the walls were either not
+powerful enough, or could not be planted sufficiently near the
+fortifications, to produce much effect. Most of the damage done to the
+walls was due to the action of the weather, and, above all, to the
+violent and frequent earthquakes which shook Constantinople in the
+course of the Middle Ages.
+
+The charge of keeping the fortifications in repair was given to special
+officers, known under the titles, Domestic of the Walls (ὁ Δομέστικος
+τῶν Τειχέων),[392] Governor of the Wall (Ἄρχων τοῦ Τείχους),[393] Count
+of the Walls (Κόμης τῶν Τειχέων).[394]
+
+(1) The earliest record of repairs is, probably, the Latin inscription
+on the lintel of the inner gateway of the Porta of the Pempton. It
+reads:
+
+                 PORTARUM VALID † DO FIRMAVIT LIMINE MUROS
+                        PUSAEUS MAGNO NON MINOR ANTHEMIO.
+
+The age of the inscription cannot be precisely determined, but the
+employment of Latin, the Gothic form of the D in the word _valido_, the
+allusion to Anthemius, and the situation of the legend upon the Inner
+Wall, taken together, point to an early date.
+
+[Illustration: Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.]
+
+From the statement of the inscription it would seem that soon after the
+erection of the wall by Anthemius, either this gate or all the gates in
+the line of the new fortifications had to be strengthened. The only
+Pusæus known in history who could have presumed to compare himself with
+Anthemius was consul in 467, in the reign of Leo I.[395] There may,
+however, have been an earlier personage of that name.
+
+(2) A considerable portion of the Inner Wall (τὰ ἔσω τείχη) was injured
+by an earthquake in 578, the fourth year of the reign of Zeno;[396] but
+no record of the repairs executed in consequence of the disaster has
+been preserved.
+
+(3) The frequent shocks of earthquake felt in Constantinople during the
+reign of Justinian the Great damaged the walls on, at least, three
+occasions; in 542 and 554, when the injury done was most serious in the
+neighbourhood of the Golden Gate;[397] and again in 558, when both the
+Constantinian and the Theodosian Walls were rudely shaken, the latter
+suffering chiefly in the portion between the Golden Gate and the Porta
+Rhousiou.[398] So great was the damage sustained by the city and
+vicinity on the last occasion that for thirty days the emperor refused
+to wear his crown.
+
+(4) An inscription on the Gate Rhousiou commemorates the restoration of
+the Outer Wall in the reign of Justin II. Whether the work was rendered
+necessary by some particular accident does not appear; but a wall so
+slight in its structure would naturally need extensive repair when a
+century old.
+
+With Justin the inscription associates the Empress Sophia, noted for her
+interest in the public works of the day, and also names Narses and
+Stephen, as the officials who had charge of the repairs. The latter
+officer is otherwise unknown. Narses, who held the offices of Spatharius
+and Sacellarius, superintended also the restoration of the Harbour of
+Julian in the same reign.[399] Subsequently he was sent, with large
+funds, on a mission to the Avars to persuade them to raise the siege of
+Sirmium. But the ship which carried the money was totally wrecked on the
+way, and Narses took the misfortune so much to heart that he fell ill
+and died.[400]
+
+The inscription in honour of Justin was to the following effect:[401]
+
+             † ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΤΕΙΧΙΟΜΑ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΑΚΟΥ
+             ΤΕΙΧΟΥΣ ΕΠΙ ΙΟΥΣΤΙΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ
+             ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΔΙΑ ΝΑΡΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ
+             ΕΝΔΟΞΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΣΠΑΘΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΑΚΕΛΛΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ
+             ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΚΟΝΤΟΣ ΕΙΣ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΙΑΝ ΔΟΥΛΟΣ
+             ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΑΣΤΑΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ †
+
+    “The Outwork of the Theodosian Wall was restored under Justin and
+    Sophia, our most pious Sovereigns, by Narses, the most glorious
+    Spatharius and Sacellarius, and Stephen, who belonged to the
+    service, a servant of the most pious Sovereigns.”
+
+(5) The next repairs on record were executed early in the eighth
+century, in view of the formidable preparations made by the Saracens for
+a second attack upon Constantinople. Anastasius II. then strengthened
+the land walls, as well as the other fortifications of the city;[402]
+and thus contributed to the signal repulse of the enemy in 718 by Leo
+the Isaurian, at that great crisis in the history of Christendom.
+
+(6) Repairs were again demanded in 740, in the reign of Leo the
+Isaurian, owing to the injuries caused by a long series of earthquakes
+during eleven months. So extensive was the work of restoration required,
+that to provide the necessary funds Leo was obliged to increase the
+taxes.[403]
+
+Several inscriptions commemorating the repairs executed by that emperor,
+in conjunction with his son and colleague Constantine Copronymus, have
+been found upon towers of the Inner Wall.
+
+(_a_) One stood on the seventh tower north of the Sea of Marmora:
+
+                  † ΛΕΩΝ ΣΥΝ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΩ ΣΚΗΠΤΟΥΧΟΙ ΤΟΝΔΕ
+                  ΗΓΕΙΡΑΝ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΣΥΜΠΤΩΘΕΝΤΑ †
+
+    “Leo with Constantine, wielders of the sceptre, erected from the
+    foundations this tower which had fallen.”
+
+(_b_) Another was placed on the ninth tower north of the Golden Gate, in
+letters formed of brick:
+
+                   ΙΣ | ΧΣ
+                   —--|-—-
+                   ΝΙ | ΚΑ
+
+                   ΛΕΩΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΗΝΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΝ
+                   ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ
+
+    “Many be the years of Leo and Constantine, Great Kings and
+    Emperors.”
+
+[Illustration: Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour
+of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).]
+
+(_c_) A similar inscription was found on the third tower north of the
+Second Military Gate:
+
+               † ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ †
+               ΜΕΓΑΛΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ
+
+(_d_) On the second tower north of the Gate of the Pegè was an
+inscription similar to that on the seventh tower north of the Sea of
+Marmora. The raised letters are beautifully cut on a band of marble:
+
+(_e_) The ninth tower north of the same gate bore two inscriptions. The
+higher was in honour, apparently, of an Emperor Constantine; the lower
+reads:
+
+              † ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΩΝ
+              ΘΕΩΦΥΛΑΚΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΗΡΙΝΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΗΣ
+              ΗΜΩΝ ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΗΣ
+
+    “The Fortune of Leo and Constantine, the God-protected Sovereigns,
+    and of Irene, our most pious Augusta, triumphs.”
+
+If this inscription belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian, the
+Empress Irene here mentioned must be Irene, the first wife of
+Constantine Copronymus. In that case Maria, the wife of Leo himself,
+must have been dead[404] when the repairs which the inscription
+commemorates were executed. Irene was married to Constantine in 732, and
+died in 749 or 750.
+
+It is possible, however, that the inscription should be assigned to the
+reign of Leo IV. and Constantine VI., so different is it from the
+inscriptions which belong undoubtedly to the time of Leo the Isaurian.
+If so, the empress named is the famous Irene who blinded her son,
+usurped his throne, restored the use of Icons, and gave occasion for the
+revival of the Roman Empire in the West by Charlemagne.
+
+Below the inscription several monograms are found.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+(_f_) There is an interesting inscription, in letters of brick,
+constituting a prayer for the safety of the city, on the fourth tower
+north of the Gate Rhousiou:
+
+                ΧΡΙΣΤΕ Ω ΘΕΟΣ ΑΤΑΡΑΧΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΟΛΕΜΟΝ ΦΥΛΑΤΤΕ
+                ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΙΝ ΣΟΥ ΝΙΚΑ ΤΟ ΜΕΝΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΙΩΝ
+
+    “O Christ, God, preserve Thy city undisturbed, and free from war.
+    Conquer the wrath of the enemies.”
+
+It is the utterance of the purpose embodied in the erection of the
+splendid bulwarks of the city, and might have been inscribed upon them
+at any period of their history. It has been assigned to Constantine IX.,
+when sole ruler after the death of Basil II. (1025-1028);[405] but the
+employment of brick in the construction of the letters favours the view
+that the legend belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian.
+
+(7) Fragments of inscriptions recording repairs by Michael II. and his
+son Theophilus have been found in the neighbourhood of the Gate of
+Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).[406] These emperors were specially
+distinguished for their attention to the state of the fortifications
+along the shores of the city, but it would have been strange if
+sovereigns so concerned for the security of the capital had entirely
+neglected the condition of the land walls.
+
+(8) The earthquake of 975, towards the close of the reign of
+Zimisces,[407] left its mark upon the walls of the city, and two
+inscriptions commemorate the repairs executed in consequence by his
+successors, Basil II. and Constantine IX.
+
+One of the inscriptions is on the huge, pentagonal, three-storied tower
+at the junction of the land walls with the defences along the Sea of
+Marmora. The legend reads:
+
+[Illustration.]
+
+    “Tower of Basil and Constantine, faithful Emperors in Christ, pious
+    Kings of the Romans.”
+
+The device
+
+                                   ΙΣ | ΧΡ
+                                  ————————
+                                   ΝΙ | ΚΑ
+
+is found over two windows in the northern side of the tower.
+
+The other inscription is on the northern gateway-tower of the Gate of
+the Pegè:
+
+                   † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΕΝ
+                   ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΩΝ †
+
+    “Tower of Basil and Constantine, Emperors in Christ.”
+
+Possibly the two following inscriptions on the northern side of the
+southern tower of the Gate Rhousiou refer to the same emperors:[408]
+
+[Illustration: “The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign,
+triumphs.”]
+
+The second inscription is mutilated, but manifestly refers to repairs in
+the reign of Basil:
+
+                           † ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΕΠΙ ΑΥ ...
+                           ΤΑΤΟΥ Λ ...
+                           ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕ
+                           ΕΝ ΙΝ ΙΑ †
+
+(9) An inscription on the fourth tower from the Sea of Marmora records
+repairs by the Emperor Romanus:
+
+[Illustration: “Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most
+Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”]
+
+As four emperors bore the name Romanus, it is not certain to which of
+them reference is here made. The fact that earthquakes occurred in the
+reign of Romanus III. Argyrus, first in 1032, and again in 1033,[409] is
+in favour of the view that the inscription was in his honour.
+
+[Illustration: Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian
+Walls.]
+
+(10) During the period of the Comneni, particular attention was given to
+the state of the fortifications by Manuel Comnenus,[410] and by
+Andronicus I. Comnenus.[411] As will appear in the sequel, the former
+was concerned mainly with the defences in the neighbourhood of the
+Palace of Blachernæ, beyond the Theodosian Walls. The interest of
+Andronicus in the matter was roused by fear lest the Normans, who had
+captured and sacked Thessalonica in 1185, would advance upon the
+capital. After making a minute inspection of the walls in person,
+Andronicus ordered the immediate repair of the portions fallen into
+decay, as well as the removal of all houses whose proximity to the
+fortifications might facilitate escalade.
+
+(11) Under the Palæologi, the Walls of Theodosius, after their long
+service of eight centuries, demanded frequent and extensive restoration,
+in view of the dangers which menaced them.
+
+Hence, on the recovery of Constantinople from the Latins in 1261,
+Michael Palæologus, fearing the Western Powers would attempt to regain
+the place, took measures to put the fortifications in a proper state of
+defence. His chief attention was devoted to the improvement of the
+bulwarks guarding the shores of the city, as those most exposed to
+attack by the maritime states of Europe, but he did not overlook the
+land walls.[412]
+
+(12) In 1317, general repairs were again undertaken by Andronicus II.
+Palæologus, with money bequeathed by his wife, the Empress Irene, who
+died in that year.[413] The only indication, however, of the fact is now
+found beyond the Theodosian lines.[414]
+
+(13) The Theodosian Walls were injured once more by the great earthquake
+of October, 1344, during the minority of John VI. Palæologus.[415] The
+disaster occurred when the struggle between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene
+for the control of affairs was at its height, and the ruin of the
+fortifications made the position of the former, who then held the city,
+extremely critical, seeing his rival was preparing to besiege him.
+Apocaucus proceeded, therefore, to reconstruct the fallen bulwarks with
+the utmost despatch and thoroughness. The Inner Wall and the Outer Wall
+were repaired from one end of the line to the other, and the parapet
+along the Moat was raised to the height of a man;[416] proceedings which
+made this the most extensive restoration of the Theodosian Walls since
+447. It was completed in January 1345, before Cantacuzene appeared to
+attack the capital.
+
+(14) Mention has already been made of the repair of the Golden Gate by
+Cantacuzene, and the erection of a fortress behind that entrance by John
+VI. Palæologus, the prototype of the Turkish Castle of the Seven
+Towers.[417]
+
+(15) The last restoration of the Theodosian bulwarks, on an extensive
+scale, was undertaken by John VII. Palæologus, (1425-1448), the Outer
+Wall being the portion principally concerned in the matter.
+
+Evidently the task proved difficult, for the numerous inscriptions which
+celebrate the achievement bear dates extending from 1433-1444, and show
+that the work proceeded slowly, and with frequent interruptions, due,
+doubtless, to the low state of the Imperial exchequer. The letters of
+the legends are incised on small marble slabs, and are filled with lead,
+exhibiting poor workmanship both in form and arrangement.
+
+One of the inscriptions was placed on the outer tower nearest the Sea of
+Marmora:[418]
+
+                                ΙΩΑΝ
+                                ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ
+                                ΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ
+                                ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ.
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ.”
+
+A similar inscription is on the second outer tower north of the Golden
+Gate:
+
+[Illustration: “(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the
+year 1444.”]
+
+Another is on the fifth outer tower north of the Second Military Gate:
+
+                            ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ
+                            ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟ
+                            ΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ
+                            ΚΑΤΑ ΜÉΝΑ
+                            ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ
+                            ΜΗ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6948).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of June
+    of the year 1440.”
+
+On the twelfth tower north of the same gate is a fractured slab which
+bore the legend:
+
+                  † ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ
+                  ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΒ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6942).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    April of the year 1434.”
+
+Traces of similar inscriptions appear on the first and second towers
+north of the Gate of the Pegè; while on the third tower in that
+direction are the words:
+
+                  ΙΩΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ
+                  ΚΡΟΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΙΑΝΟΥ
+                  ΑΡΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ
+                  ΜΖ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6947).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    January of the year 1839.”
+
+An inscription to the same effect stood on the first and the second
+towers north of the Third Military Gate. On the third tower beyond the
+entrance was the legend:
+
+                           ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ
+                           ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑ
+                           ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙ
+                           ΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΟΚΤΟΒ
+                           ΤΟΥ Μ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6946).
+
+    “(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of
+    October of the year 1438.”
+
+On the outer tower, now demolished, opposite the Porta of the Pempton,
+was an inscription from which we learn the great extent of the repairs
+undertaken in this reign.[419] That work comprised the whole of the
+Outer Wall:
+
+                   † ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΕ ΤΟ ΚΑΣΤΡΟΝ ΟΛΟΝ ΙΩ ΧΩ ΑΥ
+                   ΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΤΕΙ ΜΑ (6941).
+
+    “John Palæolous, Emperor in Christ, restored the whole
+    fortification; in the year 1433.”
+
+[Illustration: Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of
+THEODOSIVS the Second.]
+
+In the course of the repairs made at this time, the Gate of the Pegè was
+restored at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, as an inscription
+high up on the back of the southern tower of the gate proclaims:[420]
+
+                   † ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΘΗ Η
+                   ΘΕΟΣΟΣΤΟΣ ΠΥΛΗ ΑΥΤΗ
+                   ΤΗΣ ΖΩΟΔΟΧΟΥ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΔΙΑ
+                   ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ ΜΑ
+                   ΝΟΥΗΛ ΒΡΥΕΝΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΛΕ
+                   ΟΝΤΑΡΙ ΕΠΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ
+                   ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ (or ΕΥΣΕΒΩΝ) ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ
+                   ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΙΑΣ
+                   ΤΩΝ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΩΝ
+                   ΕΝ ΜΗΝΙ ΜΑΙ
+                   ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ Μ (or Α) (6946 or 6941).
+
+    “This God-protected gate of the Life-giving Spring was restored with
+    the co-operation and at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, in
+    the reign of the most pious sovereigns John and Maria Palæologi; in
+    the month of May, in the year 1438 (or 1433).”
+
+[Illustration: Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of
+THEODOSIVS the Second.]
+
+The Empress Maria who is mentioned in the inscription was the daughter
+of Alexius, Emperor of Trebizond, and the third wife of John VII.
+Palæologus, from 1427-1440.[421] Manuel Bryennius Leontari was probably
+the Bryennius Leontari who defended the Gate of Charisius in the siege
+of 1453.[422]
+
+To the same reign, probably, belonged the work recorded on a tower
+between the Gate of Charisius and Tekfour Serai. The inscription was
+fragmentary, consisting of the letters ΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η ΚΟ, evidently ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣΘΗ
+Η ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ[423] (“The curtain-wall was restored”). The lettering and the
+form of expression resembled the style of an unmutilated inscription on
+the walls near the Sea of Marmora, commemorating repairs on that side of
+the city, in 1448, by George, Despot of Servia;[424] and in view of this
+resemblance, it is safe to conclude that a part of the money sent by the
+Servian king to fortify Constantinople against the common enemy was
+spent upon the land wall.
+
+To the period of John VII. Palæologus, probably, must be assigned the
+inscription which stands on the fifth tower north of the Gate of
+Charisius:[425]
+
+                                ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ
+                                ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙΟΥ
+                                ΤΟΥ ΑΓΑΛΟΝΟΣ
+
+    “(Tower) of Nicholas Agalon, Cabalarius.”
+
+(16) On the first outer tower north of the Golden Gate, and on the outer
+tower opposite the Gate of the Pempton, the name Manuel Igari was found,
+placed a little below the inscriptions on those towers in honour of John
+VII. Palæologus.[426]
+
+At first it might be supposed that we have here the name of the officer
+who superintended the repair of the fortifications in the reign of that
+emperor. But, according to Leonard of Scio,[427] Manuel Iagari, along
+with a certain monk, Neophytus of Rhodes, had charge of such work
+immediately before the final siege, while Constantine Dragoses, the last
+of the Byzantine emperors, was making pathetic efforts to avert
+inevitable doom. Leonard accuses Manuel and Neophytus of having, even at
+that crisis, when the fate of the city hung in the balance, embezzled a
+large part of the funds devoted to the restoration of the walls, thereby
+leaving the fortifications in a state which made a successful defence
+impossible: “Idcirco urbs prædonum incuria, in tanta tempesta periit.”
+It is said that after the capture of the city the Turks discovered a
+considerable portion of the stolen money concealed in a jar.
+
+Footnote 392:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis_, p. 41; Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 393:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 616.
+
+Footnote 394:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 6. _Ibid._, p. 295, speaks of the
+  τοῦ τειχεώτου.
+
+Footnote 395:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 595.
+
+Footnote 396:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 397:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 345, 355.
+
+Footnote 398:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 357, 358.
+
+Footnote 399:
+
+  Codinus, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 400:
+
+  _John of Ephesus_: translation by R. Payne Smith.
+
+Footnote 401:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 96, for copy of the inscription with its
+  errors in orthography.
+
+Footnote 402:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 403:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 634, 635. The tax was called “dikeraton,” because it was
+  equal to two keratia (1_s._ ½_d._), or one-twelfth of a nomisma
+  (12_s._ 6_d._). Cf. Finlay, _History of the Byzantine Empire_, i. pp.
+  37, 38.
+
+Footnote 404:
+
+  The date of her death is not known. Muralt is mistaken in saying that
+  she died in 750. The Maria who died in that year was the second wife
+  of Constantine Copronymus; not the widow, as Muralt has it, of Leo
+  III. Cf. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Consple., p. 73.
+
+Footnote 405:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, pp. 34, 35.
+
+Footnote 406:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 407:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, pp. 175, 176.
+
+Footnote 408:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 409:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 500, 503, 504.
+
+Footnote 410:
+
+  Cinnamus, p. 274.
+
+Footnote 411:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 414, 415.
+
+Footnote 412:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
+
+Footnote 413:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
+
+Footnote 414:
+
+  See below, p. 126.
+
+Footnote 415:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xiv. pp. 694-696.
+
+Footnote 416:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xiv. p. 711.
+
+Footnote 417:
+
+  See above, pp. 70, 71.
+
+Footnote 418:
+
+  Paspates, p. 59.
+
+Footnote 419:
+
+  Paspates, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 420:
+
+  Compare Paspates, pp. 54, 55, with Mordtmann, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 421:
+
+  Du Cange, _Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ_, p. 246.
+
+Footnote 422:
+
+  Zorzo Dolfin, s. 54.
+
+Footnote 423:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885: _Archæological Supplement_, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 424:
+
+  Du Cange, _Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ; Familiæ Sclavonicæ_, ix. p. 336.
+
+Footnote 425:
+
+  Paspates, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 426:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 427:
+
+  _Historia Cpolitanæ Urbis a Mahumete II. Captæ, per modum Epistolæ,
+  die Augusti, anno 1453, ad Nicolaum V. Rom. Pont._, Migne, vol. clix.
+  p. 936.
+
+[Illustration: Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+                   THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS.
+
+
+The ruined Byzantine palace, commonly styled Tekfour Serai, beside the
+Porta Xylokerkou was the Imperial residence, known as the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus (τὰ βασίλεια τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου: οἱ τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου
+οἶκοι),[428] and formed an annex to the great Palace of Blachernæ, which
+stood lower down the hill.
+
+It is true, Gyllius supposed it to be the Palace of the Hebdomon, and
+his opinion, though contrary to all the evidence on the subject, has
+been generally accepted as correct. But the proof that the suburb of the
+Hebdomon was situated at Makrikeui, upon the Sea of Marmora, is
+overwhelming, and consequently the Palace of the Hebdomon must be sought
+in that neighbourhood.[429]
+
+The evidence for the proper Byzantine name of Tekfour Serai[430] occurs
+in the passage in which Critobolus describes the positions occupied by
+the various divisions of the Turkish army, during the siege of 1453.
+According to that authority, the Turkish left wing extended from the
+Xylo Porta (beside the Golden Horn)[431] to the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus, which was situated upon a slope, and thence to the Gate
+of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).[432] The site thus assigned to the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus corresponds exactly to that of Tekfour
+Serai, which stands on the steep ascent leading from Egri Kapou to the
+Gate of Adrianople.
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).]
+
+All other references to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus are in accord
+with this conclusion, so far, at least, as they imply the proximity of
+that residence to the Palace of Blachernæ. When, for instance,
+Andronicus III., in 1328, entered Constantinople by the Gate of St.
+Romanus to wrest the government from the feeble hands of his grandfather
+Andronicus II., he took up his quarters, we are told, in the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus, to be near the palace occupied by the elder
+sovereign.[433] That Andronicus II. was at the Palace of Blachernæ is
+manifest from the fact that the peasants who witnessed the entrance of
+the rebel grandson into the city ran and reported the event to the
+guards stationed at the Gate Gyrolimnè,[434] a gate leading directly to
+the Palace of Blachernæ.[435]
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).]
+
+Again, the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was occupied by John
+Cantacuzene, in 1347, while negotiating with the Dowager-Empress Anna of
+Savoy to be acknowledged the colleague of her son, John Palæologus.[436]
+Upon taking possession of that residence he issued strict injunctions
+that no attack should be made upon the palace in which the empress and
+her son were then living. But the followers of Cantacuzene, hearing that
+Anna hesitated to come to terms, disobeyed his orders and seized the
+fort at Blachernæ, named the Castelion, which guarded that palace.[437]
+Evidently the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+stood near each other. Seven years later, John Palæologus himself, upon
+his capture of the city, made the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus his
+headquarters while arranging for the abdication of Cantacuzene.[438] And
+from the narrative of the events on that occasion it is, again, manifest
+that the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was in the neighbourhood of the
+Castelion and the Palace of Blachernæ.
+
+By this identification, a flood of light is shed upon the incidents of
+Byzantine history to which allusion has just been made.
+
+The palace, an oblong building in three stories, stands between the two
+parallel walls which descend from the Porta Xylokerkou for a short
+distance, towards the Golden Horn. Its long sides, facing respectively
+north and south, are transverse to the walls, while its short western
+and eastern sides rest, at the level of the second story, upon the
+summit of the walls.
+
+Its roof and two upper floors have disappeared, and nothing remains but
+an empty shell. The northern façade was supported by pillars and piers,
+and its whole surface was decorated with beautiful and varied patterns
+in mosaic, formed of small pieces of brick and stone. The numerous
+windows of the building were framed in marble, and, with the graceful
+balconies on the east and south, looked out upon the superb views which
+the lofty position of the palace commanded. The western façade, being
+the most exposed to hostile missiles, was screened by a large tower
+built on the west side of the Porta Xylokerkou, to the injury, however,
+of the gate, which was thus partially blocked up.
+
+A transverse wall erected at some distance to the north made the area
+between the two walls, upon which the palace rests, a spacious court,
+communicating by a gate at its north-eastern corner with the city, while
+a gate in the western wall led to the parateichion.[439] The latter
+entrance is, probably, the one known as the Postern of the
+Porphyrogenitus, by which forty-two partisans of John Cantacuzene made
+good their escape from the city in 1341.[440]
+
+[Illustration: Monogram Of The Palæologi.]
+
+According to Salzenberg, the palace belongs to the earlier half of the
+ninth century, and was the work of the Emperor Theophilus.[441] But the
+name of the building is in favour of the view that we have here an
+erection of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and consequently a
+monument of the Art of the tenth century. Constantine Porphyrogenitus
+was noted for the number of palaces he erected.[442]
+
+[Illustration: The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).]
+
+At the north-western end of the court stood another residence, the
+western façade of which, pierced by spacious windows, still surmounts
+the outer wall of the court. Over the second window (from the south) was
+inscribed the monogram of the legend on the arms of the Palæologi;[443]
+Βασιλεὺς Βασιλέων Βασιλεύων Βασιλεύουσι.
+
+Dr. Paspates[444] regarded this building as the Monastery of the Seven
+Orders of the Angels, mentioned by Cantacuzene;[445] but that monastery,
+and the gate named after it, were at Thessalonica, and not at
+Constantinople. The building formed part of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus.
+
+Bullialdus, the annotator of Ducas,[446] speaking of the palace, says
+that the double-headed eagle of the Palæologi was to be seen on the
+lintel of one of the doors; that the capitals of the pillars in the
+building bore the lilies of France; and that several armorial shields
+were found there with the monogram—
+
+[Illustration: Monogram.]
+
+These ornaments may be indications of repairs made by different
+occupants of the palace.[447]
+
+Footnote 428:
+
+  Critobolus, i. c. 27; Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
+
+Footnote 429:
+
+  See below, Chap. XIX.
+
+Footnote 430:
+
+  Tekfour Serai means Palace of the Sovereign, from a Persian word
+  signifying Wearer of the Crown, Crowned Head. Leunclavius (_Pandectes
+  Historiæ Turcicæ_, s. 56, Migne, vol. clix.) says that the Turks, in
+  his day, styled the emperor, Tegguires. The derivation of Tekfour from
+  the Greek τοῦ κυρίου is untenable.
+
+Footnote 431:
+
+  See below, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 432:
+
+  I. c. 27. Ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλίνης πύλης ἀνιόντι μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων τοῦ
+  Πορφυρογεννήτου, καὶ φθάνοντι μέχρι τῆς λεγομένης πύλης τοῦ Χαρισοῦ.
+
+Footnote 433:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
+
+Footnote 434:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.
+
+Footnote 435:
+
+  See below, p. 127.
+
+Footnote 436:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.
+
+Footnote 437:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
+
+Footnote 438:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.
+
+Footnote 439:
+
+  Tafferner (see below, p. 113, reference 5) speaks of a propylæum
+  supported by ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the
+  palace from the city.
+
+Footnote 440:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, Τὴν τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου προσαγορευομένην
+  πυλίδα.
+
+Footnote 441:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 442:
+
+  Salzenberg, _Altchristliche Bandenkmäler von Constantinopel_, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 443:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means
+  settled. Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of
+  Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann (p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that
+  emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to determine.
+
+Footnote 444:
+
+  Paspates, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 445:
+
+  Pages 62, 63.
+
+Footnote 446:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 268.
+
+Footnote 447:
+
+  Page 612.
+
+Footnote 448:
+
+  Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to
+  the Ottoman Court (_Cæsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom.
+  Imperatore Leopoldi I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque
+  Excellentissimus Dominus Walterus Comes de Leslie_, 1688), gives in
+  his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the following description of
+  the palace in his day:—“Præteriri non potuit quin inviseretur aula
+  magni Constantini: Regia hæc ad Occidentem mœnibus adhæret; nobilia
+  sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus
+  substructionibus moles assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe
+  domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore inciso elaborata tectum
+  fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. Vastæ et eminentes præter sacræ
+  antiquitatis ædilitatem è pario lapide fenestræ liquidò demonstrant,
+  cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulæ etiamnum ruinæ sint.
+  Propylæum decem columnæ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuæ
+  sustinent: ejus in angulo desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus
+  mœret. Pergula è centro prominens universæ urbis conspectum explicat.
+  Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color viridis
+  extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricæ
+  ornamentis, ac fulcris cæteris in Moschèas translata sunt: sola tantæ
+  molis vestigia, atque ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo
+  meridiem versùs insertum parieti visitur Oratoriolum hominibus
+  recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatæ illud
+  pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hæc Imperatorij
+  operis majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive cœli
+  injurias, sive immanitatem barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam
+  accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus cæteris, utcunque floreant,
+  internecionem minatur.”
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining
+walls.]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER VIII.
+  THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE THE
+                            SEVENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+At the Gate of the Xylokerkus, or the Kerko Porta, the Theodosian Walls
+come to an abrupt termination, and the line of defence from that point
+to the Golden Horn is continued by fortifications which, for the most
+part, did not exist before the seventh century. Along the greater
+portion of their course these bulwarks consisted of a single wall,
+without a moat; but at a short distance from the water, where they stand
+on level ground, they formed a double wall, which was at one time
+protected by a moat and constituted a citadel at the north-western angle
+of the city.
+
+With the exception of that citadel’s outer wall, erected by Leo the
+Armenian, the defences from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn have
+usually been ascribed to the Emperor Heraclius.[448] But this opinion is
+at variance both with history, and with the striking diversity in
+construction exhibited by the various portions of the works. As a matter
+of fact, the fortifications extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden
+Horn comprise walls that belong to, at least, three periods: the Wall of
+Heraclius, the Wall of Leo, and the Wall of Manuel Comnenus.[449]
+Curiously enough, the Wall of Manuel Comnenus, though latest in time,
+stands first in order of position, for it intervenes between the
+Theodosian Walls, on the one hand, and the Heraclian and Leonine Walls,
+on the other.
+
+Here, therefore, a question presents itself which must be answered
+before proceeding to the study of the walls just mentioned. If the
+various portions of the fortifications between the Kerko Porta and the
+Golden Horn did not come, respectively, into existence until the
+seventh, ninth, and eleventh centuries, how was the north-western side
+of the city defended previous to the erection of those walls?
+
+Two answers have been given to this important and very difficult
+question. Both agree in maintaining that the city was defended on the
+north-west by the prolongation of the Theodosian Walls; but they differ
+as regards the precise direction in which the walls were carried down to
+the Golden Horn.
+
+One view is that the Theodosian Walls upon leaving the Kerko Porta
+turned north-eastwards, to follow the _eastern_ spur of the Sixth
+Hill,[450] along a line terminating somewhere in the vicinity of Balat
+Kapoussi.[451] According to this view, the quarter of Blachernæ, which
+until 627 lay outside the city limits,[452] was the territory situated
+between the spur just mentioned and the line occupied eventually by the
+Walls of Comnenus and Heraclius.
+
+The second view on the subject is that the two Theodosian Walls were
+carried northwards along the _western_ spur of the Sixth Hill, and
+enclosed it on every side. On this supposition, the suburb of Blachernæ,
+with its celebrated Church of the Theotokos, without the fortifications,
+was the plain extending from the foot of the western spur of the Sixth
+Hill to the Golden Horn, the plain occupied now by the quarter of Aivan
+Serai.[453]
+
+In support of the first opinion, there is the undoubted fact that the
+Theodosian Walls, as they approach the Kerko Porta, bend
+north-eastwards, so that if continued in that direction they would reach
+the Golden Horn near the Greek Church of St. Demetrius, to the west of
+Balat Kapoussi.
+
+The opinion that the Theodosian Walls were carried to the foot of the
+western spur of the Sixth Hill rests upon the fact that traces of old
+fortifications enclosing that spur are still distinctly visible; while
+the Theodosian Moat is, moreover, continued towards Aivan Serai, until
+it is stopped by the Wall of Manuel, which runs transversely to it.[454]
+
+The fortifications referred to are found mostly to the rear of the
+Comnenian Wall, but portions of them are seen also to the north of it.
+
+One line of the fortifications proceeded from the Kerko Porta along the
+western flank of the spur, and joined the city walls a little to the
+south of the “Tower of Isaac Angelus;” another line ran from that gate
+along the eastern side of the spur to the fountain Tsinar Tchesmè in the
+quarter of Londja, a short distance to the south-east of the Holy Well
+which marks the site of the Church of Blachernæ; while a third wall,
+facing the Golden Horn, defended the northern side of the spur, and
+abutted against the city walls, very near the southern end of the Wall
+of Heraclius.[455] Within the acropolis formed by these works of
+defence, the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus
+were in due time erected.
+
+Both answers to the question before us have much in their favour, and
+possibly the truth on the subject is to be found in their combination.
+Their respective values as rival theories will, perhaps, be more easily
+estimated, if we begin with the consideration of the second answer.
+
+[Illustration: Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus.]
+
+That the western spur of the Sixth Hill was a fortified position early
+in the history of the city can scarcely be disputed. It must have been
+so, to commence at the lowest date, before the erection of the Wall of
+the Emperor Manuel in the twelfth century; for it was to get clear of
+the fortifications on that spur that the Comnenian Wall describes the
+remarkable detour it makes in proceeding from the court of the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus towards the Golden Horn, running out westwards for a
+considerable distance before taking a northerly course in the direction
+of the harbour. Then, there is reason to believe that the spur was
+fortified as early as the seventh century. This is implied in the
+accounts we have of the siege of Constantinople by the Avars in 627,
+when we hear of fortifications, named the Wall of Blachernæ,[456] the
+Pteron[457] or Proteichisma,[458] outside of which stood the Church of
+Blachernæ and the Church of St. Nicholas.[459]
+
+[Illustration: Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen
+Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).]
+
+For these sanctuaries were situated precisely at the foot of the western
+spur of the Sixth Hill, the site of the former being marked by the Holy
+Well of Blachernæ at Aivan Serai, that of the latter by the Holy Well in
+the ground between the Wall of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo.
+
+It is also in favour of the presence of fortifications on the spur in
+the seventh century to find that the historians of the Avar siege are
+silent as to any danger incurred by the Palace of Blachernæ, which stood
+on the spur, when the Church of St. Nicholas was burnt down, and when
+the Church of Blachernæ narrowly escaped the same fate. A similar
+silence is observed as to any advantage derived by the palace from the
+erection of the Wall of Heraclius, at the close of the war.
+
+But the age of these fortifications may be carried back to a still
+earlier date than the seventh century; for, according to the _Notitia_,
+the Fourteenth Region of the city, which stood on the Sixth Hill, was
+defended by a wall of its own, _proprio muro vallata_, so as to appear a
+distinct town.[460] The fortifications on the Sixth Hill may therefore
+claim to have originally constituted the defences of that Region, and
+therefore to be as old, at least, as the reign of Theodosius II.
+
+But although the origin of the fortifications around the western spur of
+the Sixth Hill may thus be carried so far back, it is a mistake to
+regard them as a structural prolongation of the Theodosian Walls. On the
+contrary, they are distinct and independent constructions. They proceed
+northwards, while the latter make for the north-east; so that the Wall
+of Anthemius, if produced, would stand to the east of the former, while
+the Wall of the Prefect Constantine under similar circumstances would
+cut them transversely. Furthermore, the outer wall, north of the Kerko
+Porta, is built almost at right angles against the wall of the Prefect
+Constantine, with a distinct line of junction, and stands so close to
+the Kerko Porta that the gate, what with the wall on one side and the
+tower screening the western façade of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus[461]
+upon the other, is almost crushed between them. Such a situation could
+never have been assigned to the gate, if the walls on either hand
+belonged to the same construction. It should also be added that the
+masonry of the walls around the spur is different from that in the Walls
+of Theodosius.
+
+How the non-Theodosian character of the walls to the north of the Kerko
+Porta is to be accounted for admits of more than one explanation. It may
+be due to changes in works of Theodosian origin, or to the fact that
+they are works of an earlier period,[462] or to the fact that they are
+works of a later age. On the supposition that these fortifications
+defended originally the Fourteenth Region, the second explanation is the
+most probable, for the division of the city into Regions was anterior to
+Theodosius II., and there is every reason to believe that the isolated
+Fourteenth Region was a fortified suburb from the earliest period of its
+history.[463]
+
+Accordingly, the second answer to the question how the north-western
+side of the city was defended before the erection of the Walls of
+Heraclius, Leo, and Manuel Comnenus, would have more in its favour if it
+maintained that the defence was effected by the junction of the
+Theodosian Walls with pre-existing fortifications around the western
+spur of the Sixth Hill.[464]
+
+The chief difficulty attending this view is that the _Notitia_ speaks of
+the Fourteenth Region as still an isolated suburb in the reign of
+Theodosius II.[465]
+
+As regards the opinion that the Theodosian Walls proceeded from the
+Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn in a north-eastern course and reached the
+water between the Church of St. Demetrius and Balat Kapoussi, it has
+upon its side the patent fact that those walls, if produced according to
+their trend at the Kerko Porta, would certainly follow the line
+indicated. On this view, the walls around the western spur of the Sixth
+Hill were either the fortifications of the Fourteenth Region (modified),
+or walls built expressly to defend the Palace of Blachernæ, after the
+fifth century.
+
+The trend of the walls at the Kerko Porta affords, unquestionably, a
+very strong argument for this view of the case. But the view is open to
+objections. The absence of all traces of the walls along the line
+indicated should, perhaps, not be pressed, as such works are apt to
+disappear when superseded. A more serious objection is that the
+Theodosian Moat does not follow the north-eastern course of the walls,
+but proceeds northwards, for a short distance, in the direction of Aivan
+Serai.
+
+Furthermore, if the western spur of the Sixth Hill was already fortified
+when the Theodosian Walls were built, it is reasonable to suppose that
+the land defences of the city were completed by the simple expedient of
+uniting the new works with the old. Any other proceeding appears
+cumbrous and superfluous.
+
+Still, after all is said, the information we have is so meagre, the
+changes made in the walls beside the Kerko Porta have manifestly been so
+numerous, that a decided judgment upon the point at issue does not seem
+warranted by the evidence at our command.
+
+Footnote 449:
+
+  Paspates, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 450:
+
+  Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 451:
+
+  The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be
+  distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.
+
+Footnote 452:
+
+  This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.
+
+Footnote 453:
+
+  Procopius (_De Æd._, i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of Blachernæ,
+  describes it as situated πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, ἐν χώρῳ καλουμένῳ
+  Βλαχέρναις. Cf. _Paschal Chron._, p. 726.
+
+Footnote 454:
+
+  This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.
+
+Footnote 455:
+
+  Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued
+  further north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.
+
+Footnote 456:
+
+  Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the
+  spur, the area they enclose, and their character. According to him,
+  the wall on the eastern side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length,
+  and is in some parts m. 13-14 high; the wall along the northern side
+  of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high; the wall on the
+  western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining
+  walls of the city.
+
+Footnote 457:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 724, τὸ τεῖχος Βλαχερνῶν. This was before the
+  erection of the Wall of Heraclius.
+
+Footnote 458:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 726, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
+
+Footnote 459:
+
+  Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, τὸ Βλαχερνῶν προτείχισμα τὸ
+  καλούμενον Πτερόν.
+
+Footnote 460:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, _ut supra_; cf. Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 3, c. 6.
+
+Footnote 461:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg._ XIV.
+
+Footnote 462:
+
+  See above, p. 111. See also illustration facing p. 118.
+
+Footnote 463:
+
+  With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.
+
+Footnote 464:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XIV._ “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima
+  numeretur, tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio
+  vallata alterius quomodo speciem civitatis ostendit.”
+
+  Dionysius Byzantius derives the name Blachernæ from a barbarian
+  chieftain who was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that
+  the Sixth Hill was fortified, to some extent, even before the
+  foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, _De Top. C.P._, iv. c. 5.
+
+Footnote 465:
+
+  On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from
+  Londja to the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the
+  fortifications around the city.
+
+Footnote 466:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. XIV._
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IX.
+                THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS.
+
+
+According to Nicetas Choniates,[466] a portion of the city
+fortifications was erected by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.
+
+[Illustration: Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+The historian alludes to that work when describing the site upon which
+the Crusaders established their camp in 1203, and from his account of
+the matter there can be no doubt regarding the portion intended. The
+Latin camp, says Nicetas,[467] was pitched on the hill which faced the
+western front of the Palace of Blachernæ, and which was separated from
+the city walls by a strip of level ground, extending from the Golden
+Horn, on the north, to the wall built by the Emperor Manuel, on the
+south. This is an unmistakable description of the hill which stands to
+the west of the fortifications between the Golden Horn and Egri Kapou,
+and which is separated from those fortifications by a narrow plain, as
+by a trench or gorge. Consequently, the wall erected by the Emperor
+Manuel must be sought at the plain’s southern extremity; and there,
+precisely, commences a line of wall which displays, as far as the
+north-western corner of the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,
+a style of workmanship perfectly distinct from any found elsewhere in
+the bulwarks of the city.
+
+The object of building this wall was to add to the security of the
+Palace of Blachernæ, which became the favourite residence of the
+Imperial Court in the reign of Alexius Comnenus,[468] and which Manuel
+himself enlarged and beautified.[469] The new wall was not only stronger
+than the earlier defences of the palace, but had also the advantage of
+removing the point of attack against this part of the city to a greater
+distance from the Imperial residence. At the same time, the older
+fortifications were allowed to remain as a second line of defence.
+
+In construction the wall is a series of lofty arches closed on the outer
+face, and built of larger blocks of stone[470] than those generally
+employed in the Walls of Theodosius. On account of the steepness of the
+slope on which it, for the most part, stands, it was unprotected by a
+moat, but to compensate for this lack the wall was more massive, and
+flanked by stronger towers than other portions of the fortifications. At
+the summit the wall measured fifteen feet in thickness. Of its nine
+towers, the first six, commencing from the court of the Palace of the
+Porphyrogenitus, are alternately round and octagonal; the seventh and
+eighth are octagonal; the last is square.
+
+The wall was provided with a public gate and, apparently, two posterns.
+
+One postern, opening on the Theodosian parateicheion, was in the
+curtain[471] extending from the outer wall of the court of the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus to the first tower of Manuel’s Wall. The other
+postern stood between the second and third towers, and is remarkable for
+being the only entrance in the city walls furnished with a drip-stone.
+Dr. Paspates[472] identified it with the Paraportion of St. Kallinikus;
+but the postern of that name is mentioned in history before the erection
+of Manuel’s Wall.
+
+Between the sixth and seventh towers was the Public Gate, now styled
+Egri Kapou. By some authorities, as already stated,[473] it has been
+identified with the Porta Charisiou, but it is, beyond question, the
+Porta Kaligaria, so conspicuous in the last siege of the city.[474] This
+is clear from the following circumstances: The Porta Kaligaria pierced
+the wall which protected the quarter known, owing to the manufacture of
+military shoes (caliga) there, as the Kaligaria (ἐν τοῖς Καλιγαρίοις).
+That wall stood near the palace of the emperor; it was a single line of
+fortifications, distinguished for its strength, but without a moat.[475]
+It occupied, moreover, such a position that from one of its towers the
+Emperor Constantine Dragoses and his friend the historian Phrantzes were
+able to reconnoitre, early in the morning of the fatal 29th of May, the
+operations of the Turkish army before the Theodosian Walls, and hear the
+ominous sounds of the preparations for the last assault.[476] All these
+particulars hold true only of the wall in which Egri Kapou is situated;
+and hence that gate must be the Porta Kaligaria.
+
+The only inscription found on the Wall of Manuel consists of the two
+words, ΥΠΕΡ ΕΥΧΗΣ, on a stone built into the left side of the entrance
+which leads from within the city into the square tower above mentioned.
+
+In the siege of 1453, this wall, on account of its proximity to the
+Palace of Blachernæ, was the object of special attack; but all the
+attempts of the Turkish gunners and miners failed to open a breach in
+it.[477] A battery of three cannon, one of them the huge piece cast by
+Orban, played against these bulwarks with such little effect that the
+Sultan ordered the guns to be transferred to the battery before the Gate
+of St. Romanus.[478] The skilled miners who were brought from the
+district around Novobrodo, in Servia, to undermine the wall succeeded in
+shaking down only part of an old tower, and all the mines they opened
+were countermined by John Grant, a German engineer in the service of the
+Greeks.[479]
+
+The tower from which the emperor and Phrantzes reconnoitred the Turkish
+movements was, Dr. Paspates thinks, the noble tower which stands at the
+point where the wall bends to descend the slope towards the Golden
+Horn.[480]
+
+The portion of the fortifications, some 453 feet in length, extending
+from the square tower in the wall just described to the fourth tower to
+the north (the tower bearing an inscription in honour of Isaac
+Angelus),[481] is considered by one authority to be also a part of the
+Wall of Manuel Comnenus.[482] If so, it must have undergone great
+alterations since that emperor’s time, for in its construction and
+general appearance it is very different from the Comnenian ramparts. It
+is built of smaller blocks of stone; its bricks are much slighter in
+make; its arches less filled with masonry; its four towers are all
+square, and glaringly inferior to the splendid towers in Manuel’s
+undoubted work; while, immediately to the south of the square tower
+above mentioned one can see, from within the city, a line of junction
+between the wall to the south and the wall to the north of that tower,
+indicating in the plainest possible manner the juxtaposition of two
+perfectly distinct structures. And in point of fact, three inscriptions
+recording repairs are found on the latter wall. One inscription, on the
+fourth tower, belongs to the reign of Isaac Angelus[483] and bears the
+date 1188. Another is seen among the Turkish repairs executed on the
+city side of the second tower of the wall, and records the date, “In the
+year 6824 (1317), November 4;” the year, as we have seen, in which
+Irene, the empress of Andronicus II., died, leaving large sums of money,
+which that emperor devoted, mainly, to the restoration of the bulwarks
+of the capital.[484] The third inscription stands on the curtain between
+the third and fourth towers of the wall, immediately below the parapet,
+and commemorates repairs executed in 1441 by John VII. Palæologus, who
+was concerned in the reconstruction of the Outer Theodosian Wall. It
+reads:
+
+                          ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΤΩ
+                          ΘΩ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ
+                          ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ
+                          Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ
+                          ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ΤΗ Δ
+                          ΤΟΥ ϚϠΜΘ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6949).
+
+    “John Palæologus, faithful King and Emperor of the Romans, in
+    Christ, God; on the second of the month of August of the year 1441.”
+
+[Illustration: The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor
+Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+To the north of the second tower in the wall before us is a gateway
+which answers to the description of the Gate of Gyrolimnè (πύλη τῆς
+Γυρολίμνης); for the Gate of Gyrolimnè, like this entrance, stood in the
+immediate vicinity of the Palace of Blachernæ, and was so near the hill
+on which the Crusaders encamped in 1203 that the Greeks stationed at the
+gate and the enemy on the hill were almost within speaking
+distance.[485]
+
+[Illustration: The Gate of Gyrolimnè.]
+
+The gate derived its name from a sheet of water called the Silver Lake
+(Ἀργυρὰ Λίμνη), at the head of the Golden Horn, and beside which was an
+Imperial palace.[486] The gate was at the service of the Palace of
+Blachernæ, a fact which, doubtless, explains the decoration of the arch
+of the entrance with three Imperial busts.[487]
+
+Several historical reminiscences are attached to the gate. Through it,
+probably, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade went to and fro in carrying
+on their negotiations with Isaac Angelus.[488] By it Andronicus the
+Younger went forth in hunter’s garb, with his dogs and falcons, as if to
+follow the chase, but in reality to join his adherents and raise the
+standard of revolt against his grandfather.[489] Hither that prince came
+thrice in the course of his rebellion, and held parley with the
+officials of the palace, as they stood upon the walls, regarding terms
+of peace;[490] and here the intelligence that he had entered the city
+was brought by the peasants who had seen him admitted early in the
+morning through the Gate of St. Romanus.[491]
+
+To this gate Cantacuzene also came at the head of his troops in 1343, to
+sound the disposition of the capital during his contest with Apocaucus
+and the Empress Anna.[492]
+
+
+                        The Palace of Blachernæ.
+                 Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις Βασίλειον, Παλάτιον.
+
+
+Until the site of the Palace of Blachernæ is excavated, little can be
+added to the information which Du Cange[493] and Paspates[494] have
+collected respecting that Imperial residence, from the statements made
+on the subject by writers during the Byzantine period. If the quarter of
+Egri Kapou, on the western spur of the Sixth Hill, was included in the
+Fourteenth Region of the city, the Palace of Blachernæ appears first as
+the palace which, according to the _Notitia_, adorned that Region.[495]
+In the reign of Anastasius I. the residence was enlarged by the addition
+of the Triclinus Anastasiacus (Τρίκλινος Ἀναστασιακὸς),[496] and in the
+tenth century[497] it boasted, moreover, of the Triclinus of the Holy
+Shrine (Τρίκλινος τῆς ἁγίας σοροῦ), named so in honour of the shrine in
+which the robe and mantle of the Theotokos were kept in the Church of
+Blachernæ; the Triclinus Danubius (Τρίκλινος Δανουβιὸς); and the Portico
+Josephiacus (τὸν Πόρτικα Ἰωσηφιακὸν). Under Alexius I. Comnenus it was
+frequently occupied by the Court, and there the emperor received the
+leaders of the First Crusade, Peter the Hermit, Godfrey of Bouillon,
+Bohemond, and others.[498] By Manuel Comnenus it was repaired and
+embellished[499] to an extent which obtained for it the name of the New
+Palace,[500] and it was one of the sights of the capital with which he
+entertained Amaury, King of Jerusalem.[501] The lofty building named
+after the Empress Irene,[502] and, probably, the Domus Polytimos,[503]
+were the work of Manuel Comnenus. He also increased, as we have seen,
+the security of the palace by the erection of new bulwarks; to which
+Isaac Angelus added a tower.[504] In 1203 the palace was the scene of
+the negotiations between the latter emperor and the envoys of Baldwin of
+Flanders and Henrico Dandolo, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade.[505] In
+1204, upon the capture of the city by the Crusaders, it surrendered to
+Henry, the brother of Baldwin,[506] but the Latin emperors seem to have
+preferred the Palace of the Bucoleon for their residence.
+
+[Illustration: General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.]
+
+Baldwin II., however, resided in the Palace of Blachernæ, and left it in
+such a filthy condition that when taken possession of by the Greeks in
+1261, Michael Palæologus could not occupy it until it had been
+thoroughly cleaned and renovated.[507] It was the usual residence of the
+Byzantine Court during the period of the Palæologi,[508] and from this
+palace the last emperor who sat upon the throne of Constantinople went
+forth to die “in the winding-sheet of his empire.”[509] All descriptions
+of the palace agree in representing it as of extraordinary
+splendour.[510] Foreign visitors could not find words in which to give
+an idea of its magnificence and wealth. According to them, its exterior
+appearance was incomparable in beauty, while within it was decorated
+with gold, and mosaics, and colours, and marbles, and columns, and
+jewels, at a cost hard to estimate, and with a skill that could be found
+nowhere else in the world.[511]
+
+The hill on which the palace stood was partly artificial, to furnish a
+suitable platform or terrace for the group of buildings which composed
+the residence, and to afford wide views over the harbour, the city, and
+the country beyond the walls—“triplicem habitantibus jucunditatem
+offerens,” as Odo de Dogilo aptly remarks, “mare, campus, urbemque,
+alterius despicit.” The palace derived much of its importance from its
+proximity to the venerated shrine of the Theotokos of Blachernæ. And the
+ease with which the country could be reached from it, to enjoy the
+pleasures of the chase, must not be overlooked in explaining the favour
+with which the palace was regarded.[512] It should be added that the
+palace stood within the fortified enclosure[513] around the western spur
+of the Sixth Hill, the Castelion of Blachernæ (Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις
+φρούριον, μέρος καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦ περὶ τὰ βασίλεια φρουρίου ὂν Καστέλιον
+προσαγορευόμενον).[514]
+
+Footnote 467:
+
+  Page 719; cf. _Ibid._, p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.
+
+Footnote 468:
+
+  _Ut supra_, Περὶ τὸ γεώλοφον ἄφ᾽ οὗπερ ὁρατὰ μὲν τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις
+  ἀνάκτορα, ὁπόσα νένευκε πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Περὶ δὲ γε τὴν τούτου ὑπόβασιν
+  ὑπτιάζει τις αὔλειος, πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος λήγουσα ὅπερ
+  ἔρυμα τῶν ἀρχείων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνήγειρε Μανουὴλ, κατὰ δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον
+  τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐγγίζουσα.
+
+Footnote 469:
+
+  Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, _et passim_.
+
+Footnote 470:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 471:
+
+  As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine
+  courses of brick.
+
+Footnote 472:
+
+  This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is
+  found.
+
+Footnote 473:
+
+  Page 62.
+
+Footnote 474:
+
+  See above, p. 83.
+
+Footnote 475:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 177.
+
+Footnote 476:
+
+  Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo
+  de, l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio,
+  “Ad partem illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali
+  tutebatur, Calegariam dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam
+  erat perlatus, fortisque.”
+
+Footnote 477:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 478:
+
+  Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai
+  quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ...
+  lapide qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum
+  conterebant.”
+
+Footnote 479:
+
+  _Ibid._
+
+Footnote 480:
+
+  _Ibid._; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 481:
+
+  Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 482:
+
+  See below, p. 132. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 483:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 484:
+
+  See below, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 485:
+
+  See above, p. 103. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a
+  little above the base of the tower.
+
+Footnote 486:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.
+
+Footnote 487:
+
+  Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of
+  certain gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et
+  Continuatus (_Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades_, vol. iii. p.
+  178) states that Bohemond, who, according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61)
+  and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and
+  Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned quarters—extra
+  civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these writers
+  was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who
+  were styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the
+  epithet of the saints were probably connected.
+
+Footnote 488:
+
+  See foot of List of Illustrations.
+
+Footnote 489:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.
+
+Footnote 490:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
+
+Footnote 491:
+
+  _Ibid._, i. pp. 255, 289, 290.
+
+Footnote 492:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.
+
+Footnote 493:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.
+
+Footnote 494:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. pp. 130-132.
+
+Footnote 495:
+
+  Chap. iv.
+
+Footnote 496:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg._ XIV.
+
+Footnote 497:
+
+  Suidas, _Ad vocem_, _Anastasius_.
+
+Footnote 498:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 542, 543.
+
+Footnote 499:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.
+
+Footnote 500:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
+
+Footnote 501:
+
+  William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.
+
+Footnote 502:
+
+  William of Tyre, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 503:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 720.
+
+Footnote 504:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 351.
+
+Footnote 505:
+
+  See below, p. 143.
+
+Footnote 506:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.
+
+Footnote 507:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. 55.
+
+Footnote 508:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.
+
+Footnote 509:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p.
+  420, etc.
+
+Footnote 510:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 280.
+
+Footnote 511:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
+
+Footnote 512:
+
+  See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom
+  visited the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.
+
+Footnote 513:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
+
+Footnote 514:
+
+  See Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 515:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.]
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER X.
+            THE TOWER OF ANEMAS—THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS.
+
+
+The next portion of the walls to be considered, beginning at the tower
+marked with an inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus,[515] and
+terminating at the junction of the Wall of Heraclius with the Wall of
+Leo, has undergone many changes in the course of its history, and,
+consequently, presents problems which cannot be solved in the actual
+state of our knowledge. After all is said on the subject, there will be
+room for wide difference of opinion.
+
+Originally, it would seem, this portion of the walls formed part of the
+defences around the outlying Fourteenth Region of the city; later, it
+constituted the north-western front of the enclosure around the Palace
+of Blachernæ.
+
+It is remarkable for its dimensions, rising in some places 68 feet above
+the exterior ground-level, with a thickness varying from 33-¼ to 61-½
+feet. Inside the city the ground reaches the level of the parapet-walk.
+The wall is flanked by three towers, the second and third being built
+side by side, with one of their walls in common. In the body of the wall
+behind the twin towers, and for some distance to the north of them, were
+three stories of twelve chambers, presenting in their ruin the most
+impressive spectacle to be found in the circuit of the fortifications.
+
+The first[516] of the three towers stands at the south-western angle of
+the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ, where the fortifications
+around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, to the rear of the Wall of
+Manuel, join the wall now under consideration; the tower’s upper chamber
+being on the level of the palace area. Upon the tower is the following
+inscription, in honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus:
+
+                 ΠΡΟΣΤΑΞΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΝΓΕΛΟΥ ΙΑΣΑΑΚΙΟΥ
+                 ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΚ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΕΩΣ ΔΙΜΕΗΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΕΤ
+                     ϚϠΧΙ (6696).[517]
+
+    “Tower, by command of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, under the
+    superintendence of Basil ... (?) in the year 1188.”
+
+The twin towers rise to a great height, and are supported along their
+base by a massive buttress or counter-fort, 1 G1 G2 G3 G4, that stands
+23 feet above the present ground-level, and projects from 19-½ to 26
+feet beyond the towers.
+
+The tower N, an irregular quadrilateral building in two stories,
+measures 48 feet by 43 feet; the tower S, also quadrilateral, is 36 feet
+by 47 feet. But although closely associated, the two buildings differ
+greatly in style of construction. The masonry of N is irregular, having
+a large number of pillars inserted into it; often partially, so that
+many of them project like mock artillery. On the other hand, the tower S
+is carefully put together with the usual alternate courses of stone and
+brickwork, and is, moreover, ornamented with a string-course. A similar
+diversity of style is observable in the counter-fort. The portion about
+the tower N is built of small stones roughly joined, whereas the portion
+about the tower S consists of splendid large blocks, regularly hewn, and
+carefully fitted. Manifestly the towers are not the work of the same
+period.
+
+The tower N is commonly regarded as the tower of Isaac Angelus; while
+the tower S has been considered, since Dr. Paspates propounded the
+opinion, to be the Tower of Anemas,[518] which stood in the vicinity of
+the Palace of Blachernæ, and is famous in the annals of Constantinople
+as a prison for political offenders of high rank. The chambers in the
+body of the wall, behind and to the north of the towers, Dr. Paspates
+thinks, were the cells of that celebrated prison.
+
+How far these views are correct can be determined only after the towers
+and the chambers in the adjoining wall have been carefully surveyed. The
+plan attached to this chapter will render the survey easier and
+clearer.[519]
+
+At _x_ was a small arched postern, by which one entered the vaulted
+tunnel Z, that led through the counter-fort G´ to the gateway _l_ in the
+north-eastern side of the tower S. The sill of the postern _x_ is now
+nearly 10 feet above the exterior ground-level, but originally it was
+higher, so that persons could pass in and out only by means of a ladder
+that could be withdrawn at pleasure. The postern _x_, the tunnel Z, and
+the gateway _l_ are now built up with solid masonry to the spring of the
+vault, obliging the explorer to make his way on his hands and knees in a
+most uncomfortable manner.[520] Judging from the carefulness of the
+work, the passage was blocked before the Turkish Conquest.
+
+By the gateway _l_ one enters the lofty vestibule _b_, now in total
+darkness, so that all further exploration requires the aid of artificial
+light. The original floor of the vestibule is buried below a mass of
+earth which stands at the present level of Z and _l_.
+
+In the wall to the right is a low arched niche, _i_; in the wall _g_,
+directly in front of the explorer, a wide breach opens into E; while in
+the wall to the left is a loophole O, now on the level of the present
+floor of _b_.
+
+Crawling first through O, one finds one’s self in a spacious vaulted
+hall, some 200 feet long, and from 29 to 40 feet wide. The lower portion
+of the hall is filled with _débris_ and earth, piled unevenly upon the
+floor, in great mounds and deep hollows, which add indeed to the
+weirdness of the scene, but, unfortunately, render a complete
+exploration of the interior impossible.
+
+Thirteen buttress-walls, pierced by three arches superposed, run
+transversely across the hall, from the wall AA to the wall BB, and
+divide the interior into fourteen compartments, which average nearly 10
+feet in breadth, and vary in length from about 27 to 40 feet; the walls
+AA and BB standing further apart, as they proceed from south-west to
+north-east.
+
+These compartments, excepting the first and last, were divided, as the
+cavities for fixing joists in the buttresses prove, into three stories
+of twelve chambers, the superposed arches affording continuous
+communication between the chambers on the different floors. The chambers
+on the ground floor, so far as appears, were totally dark, but those on
+the two upper stories received light and air through the large loophole
+in the wall BB, with which each of them was provided. The compartment C´
+led to the chamber in the second story of the tower N, and at the same
+time communicated at v with the terrace on which the Palace of Blachernæ
+stood, and where the Mosque of Aivas Effendi is now erected.
+
+The face of the wall AA is pierced by two tiers of loopholes, which are
+openings in two superposed corridors or galleries constructed in the
+body of the wall AA. These loopholes occur at irregular distances from
+the buttress-walls, and some of them are partially closed by the latter,
+while others are completely so.
+
+As the galleries in AA are blocked with earth at various points, they
+cannot be explored thoroughly. At the north-eastern end, the upper
+gallery opens on the garden of a Turkish house near the Heraclian Wall.
+Whether the south-western end communicated with the court of the Palace
+of Blachernæ cannot be determined.
+
+Returning to the vestibule _b_, and crawling next through the opening at
+_i_, the explorer finds himself in F, a vaulted chamber over 29 feet
+long, and about 17 feet wide. What the original height of the apartment
+was cannot be ascertained, the floor being covered with a deep bed of
+fine dark loam, but the ceiling is still some 23 feet high. Below a line
+nearly 14 feet from the ceiling, as a sloping ledge at that elevation
+makes evident, the north-eastern and north-western walls of the
+apartment are much thicker than above that point. Over the ledge in the
+north-eastern wall is a loophole.
+
+The south-eastern wall is strengthened with two arches; while the
+ceiling is pierced by a circular hole, which communicates with the room
+on the higher story of the tower. When first explored by Dr. Paspates, a
+well nearly 18 feet deep was found sunk in the floor.[521]
+
+Before leaving the chamber the explorer should notice the shaft of a
+pillar which protrudes from the south-western wall, like the shafts of
+the pillars built into the open sides of the tower N.
+
+Returning once more to the vestibule _b_, we proceed to the breach in
+the wall _g_, and enter E. That the breach was made on a systematic plan
+is clear from the half-arch _f_, which was constructed to support the
+building after the wall _g_ had been weakened by the opening made in it.
+
+E was a stairway-turret, in which an inclined plane, without steps,
+winded about the newel, _e_, upwards and downwards. The turret is filled
+with earth to the present level of the vestibule _b_, so that one cannot
+descend the stairway below that point; but there can be no doubt
+whatever that the stairway conducted to the original floor of the
+vestibule _b_, and to the gateway _l_, and thence to the tunnel and
+postern in the counter-fort. Whether it led also to an entrance to the
+chambers C C C cannot be discovered under existing circumstances. The
+object of the breach in _g_ was to establish communication between the
+stairway, the vestibule _b_, and the tunnel Z, after the original means
+of communication between them had been blocked by raising the floors of
+the tunnel and the vestibule to their present level, in the manner
+already described.
+
+The stairway winds thirteen times about its newel, and ascends to within
+a short distance of the summit of the turret. The summit was open, and
+stood on the level of the court of the Palace of Blachernæ; but the
+opening could be reached from the stairway only by means of a ladder
+removable at the pleasure of the guardians of the palace, and was,
+doubtless, closed with an iron door for the sake of greater security.
+
+The walls of the turret were pierced by four loop-holes; two, placed one
+above the other, looking towards the north-west, and two, similarly
+arranged, facing the north-east. Those on the lower level are closed,
+but the two higher ones have been enlarged, and admit to the fine
+=L=-shaped chamber in the upper story of the tower, the chamber above F
+and the vestibule _b_.
+
+[Illustration: The =L=-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower =S=.]
+
+The chamber measures some 39 feet by 33 feet, and was lighted by a large
+square window in the north-western wall. A circular aperture in the
+floor communicated with F; and a corresponding aperture in the vaulted
+ceiling opened on the roof of the tower. The walls are furnished with
+numerous air-passages, to prevent dampness, and are covered with a thin
+coating of plaster. The vault of the ceiling, if we may judge from the
+small cavities for joists below the spring of the arch, was concealed by
+woodwork. Indeed, a portion of one of the cross-beams is still in its
+place.
+
+The stairway communicated, moreover, with the tower N, through narrow
+vaulted passages that pierce the north-eastern wall of the tower at
+three points; first, at the original level of the vestibule _b_, and
+then at the level of the two tiers of loopholes. These passages are
+choked with earth, but by the partial excavation of the lowest one of
+them access was obtained to the small chamber D. It had no windows, but
+a round aperture in the ceiling connected it with some unexplored part
+of the tower.
+
+From this survey of the buildings before us some satisfactory inferences
+may certainly be drawn regarding their history and character; although
+several points must remain obscure until the removal of the earth
+accumulated within the ruins renders a complete exploration possible.
+
+In the first place, the character of these walls and towers can be
+understood only in the light of the fact that whatever other function
+belonged to them, they were intended to support the terraced hill on
+which the Palace of Blachernæ, to their rear, was constructed. The
+unusual height and thickness of the walls, the extent to which
+buttresses are here employed, were not demanded by purely military
+considerations. Such features are explicable only upon the view that the
+fortifications of the city at this point served also as a retaining
+wall, whereby the Imperial residence could be built upon an elevation
+beyond the reach of escalade, and where it would command a wide prospect
+of the city and surrounding country. In fact, the buildings before us
+resemble the immense substructures raised on the Palatine hill by
+Septimius Severus and Caracalla to support the platform on which the
+Ædes Severianæ were erected.[522]
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”
+(From The South-West).]
+
+In the next place, there are at several points in these buildings so
+many alterations; there is so much undoing of work done, either
+rendering it useless or diverting it from its original purpose, that
+these various constructions cannot be treated as parts of an edifice
+built on a single systematic plan, but as an agglomeration of different
+erections, put up at various periods to serve new requirements arising
+from time to time. For instance, the loopholes in the wall AA have no
+symmetrical relation to the buttress-walls that divide the compartments
+C; some of them, as already stated, are partially closed by the
+buttresses; others are entirely so, their existence being discoverable
+only from the interior of the galleries in the body of that wall. It is
+hard to believe that such inconsistent arrangements can be the work of
+one mind and hand.
+
+Again: the tower S and the tower N block the windows in four of the
+compartments C. Surely the same builder would not thus go back upon his
+work. Once more; the loopholes in the stairway-turret afford no light in
+their present position, the lower pair being closed, the upper pair
+forming entrances to the =L=-shaped chamber. This is not an original
+arrangement.
+
+In view of such peculiarities, the following conclusions regarding these
+buildings seem the most reasonable, in the present state of our
+knowledge:
+
+(1) The wall AA was at one time the only erection here; and the two
+galleries, constructed in the thickness of the wall formed with their
+loopholes two tiers of batteries, so to speak, for the discharge of
+missiles upon an enemy attacking this quarter of the city. A similar
+system of defence was employed for the protection of the smaller
+residence forming part of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,[523] and
+for the protection of the Palace of the Bucoleon, situated on the city
+walls near Tchatlady Kapou.[524]
+
+When precisely the wall AA was erected cannot be determined; but,
+judging from its height, and the manner in which it was equipped for
+defence, the probable opinion is that this was done after the Palace of
+Blachernæ had assumed considerable importance. Possibly, the work
+belongs to the reign of Anastasius I.[525]
+
+(2) At some later period the wall BB, equipped with buttresses within
+and without, was erected to support the wall AA. The demand for such
+support was doubtless occasioned by additions to the Palace of
+Blachernæ, which already in the tenth century comprised several edifices
+on the hill behind the wall AA.[526]
+
+As BB superseded the original function of the galleries in AA, it was a
+matter of little moment how many of the loopholes in the latter were
+more or less masked by the buttresses built transversely between the two
+walls. It would be enough to retain a few loopholes to light the
+galleries. At the same time, advantage was taken of the buttresses to
+construct, in the space between AA and BB, three stories of chambers,
+for such purpose as the authorities of the palace might decide.
+
+(3) The manner in which the towers S and N block the windows in four of
+the compartments C is evidence that these towers were additions made
+later than the age of BB. This view is corroborated by the marked
+difference between the masonry of the towers and the masonry of the wall
+BB, against which they are built.
+
+(4) The towers S and N are so different in their respective styles of
+construction that they cannot be contemporaneous buildings.
+
+(5) The tower S is later than the tower N, for their common wall, H, is
+strictly the north-eastern side of the tower N, as the similarity of the
+masonry of H to that of the other sides of N makes perfectly plain. This
+similarity is manifest not only in the general features of the work, but
+also in the insertion of marble shafts into the wall H; in one instance
+partially, after the odd fashion adopted so extensively in the open
+sides of the tower N. Furthermore, the manner in which the walls of the
+chamber F and the L-shaped chamber in the tower S impinge upon the wall
+H shows that the former were built against the latter, and that they are
+posterior in age.
+
+(6) The stairway-turret E, as the loopholes in its sides prove, stood,
+at one time, in the open light and air. If so, it must be older than the
+apartments _b_, F, L, in the tower S, which enclose it.
+
+(7) The passages communicating between the stairway and the chambers in
+the tower N render it almost certain that the stairway-turret was
+constructed at the same time as that tower. Thus, also, a short and
+private way from the Palace of Blachernæ to the country beyond the city
+bounds was provided; for it may be confidently assumed that at the foot
+of the stairway there was a small gate, corresponding to the gate _l_,
+and the postern _x_ at the mouth of the tunnel Z.
+
+(8) When the stairway-turret was enclosed by the vestibule _b_, the
+chamber F, and the =L=-shaped chamber, the lower loopholes of the turret
+were built up as superfluous, while the upper ones were widened to form
+entrances to the L-shaped chamber. Accordingly, the tower S is an old
+stairway-turret enclosed within later constructions.
+
+(9) In view of some great danger, access to the tower S from without the
+city was blocked by building up the postern _x_, the tunnel Z, the gate
+_l_, and the vestibule _b_, to their actual level. The portion of the
+passage still left open was too narrow to be forced by an enemy, and yet
+was convenient to be retained for the sake of ventilation, or as a way
+in and out in some emergency. At the same time, a breach was made in the
+wall _g_ to place the elevated floor of the vestibule into communication
+with the stairway-turret E.
+
+(10) What precise object the chambers C in the body of the city wall
+were intended to serve is open to discussion. In the opinion of Dr.
+Paspates, who was the first to explore them, they were prison-cells.
+Possibly the lowest series of these chambers may have been employed for
+that purpose; but, taken as a whole, the suite of apartments between AA
+and BB do not convey the impression of being places of confinement.
+Their spaciousness, their number, the free communication between them,
+the size of the windows in the two upper stories, the proximity of the
+windows to the floor, are not the characteristics of dungeons.
+
+It is not impossible that these chambers were store-rooms or
+barracks,[527] and that through the loopholes in the wall BB the palace
+was defended as, previously, through the openings in AA.
+
+Communication between the three stories must have been maintained by
+means of wooden stairs or ladders. In the north-eastern wall of C’—the
+chamber which gave access from the court of the Palace of Blachernæ at
+_v_ to the second story of the tower N—there was an archway, now filled
+up, opening upon the level of the highest series of chambers C. When the
+archway was closed, communication was held through a breach at _h_.
+Possibly the same series of chambers was entered from the north-eastern
+end of the upper gallery in AA. Contrary to what might be supposed,
+there was no access to the two upper series of chambers from the
+stairway-turret. Whether the lowest series could be reached by a door at
+the foot of the stairway cannot be ascertained, on account of the earth
+in which the lower portion of the stairway lies buried. But it is
+extremely improbable that such was the case, for the stairway-turret
+belongs, we have seen, to a later age than the chambers in the body of
+the adjoining wall.
+
+With these points made clear, we are in a position to consider how far
+the identification of the towers N and S, respectively, with the
+historical towers of Isaac Angelus and Anemas can be established.
+
+According to Nicetas Choniates, the Tower of Isaac Angelus stood at the
+Palace of Blachernæ, and was built by that emperor to buttress and to
+defend the palace, and to form, at the same time, a residence for his
+personal use.[528] It was constructed with materials taken from ruined
+churches on the neighbouring seashore, and from various public buildings
+in the city, ruthlessly torn down for the purpose.[529]
+
+This account makes it certain, in the first place, that the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus was one of the three towers which flank the portion of the
+city walls now under consideration, the portion which forms the
+north-western side of the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ; for
+these towers, and they only, at once defended and supported the terrace
+upon which that palace stood.
+
+This being the case, it is natural to suppose that the Tower of Isaac
+Angelus is the tower which bears the inscription in his honour.[530] But
+this opinion is attended with difficulties. For the tower in question
+does not differ in any marked manner from an ordinary tower in the
+fortifications of the city. It is not specially fitted for a residence,
+nor does it possess features which render it worthy to have a place in
+history among the notable buildings erected by a sovereign. Furthermore,
+it is not constructed, to any striking degree, with materials drawn from
+other edifices.
+
+To all this it is possible to reply that we do not see the tower in its
+original condition; that its upper story, which stood on the level of
+the palace area to the rear, is gone; that the tower, as it stands,
+consists largely of Turkish repairs; that the extent to which, in its
+original state, it resembled, or failed to resemble, the description of
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus as given by Nicetas, cannot be accurately
+known, and that, consequently, the question regarding the identity of
+the tower must be decided by the inscription found upon the building.
+There is force in this rejoinder; and it is the conclusion we must
+adopt, if there are not stronger reasons for identifying the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus with one or other of the two adjoining towers, N and S.
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”
+(From the North-West).]
+
+The claims of the tower N to be the Tower of Isaac Angelus rest upon its
+strong resemblance to the description which Nicetas has given of the
+latter building. His description seems a photograph of that tower. Like
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus, the tower N, besides defending and
+supporting the Palace of Blachernæ, was pre-eminently a residential
+tower; and the numerous pillars employed in its construction betray
+clearly the fact that it was built with materials taken from other
+edifices, some of which may well have been churches. The upper story,
+which was reached from the court of the palace behind it, formed a
+spacious apartment 22-¼ by 27-½ feet, and about 18 feet high. Its
+north-western wall was pierced by three large round-headed windows,
+opening, as pillars placed below them for supports indicate, upon a
+balcony which commanded a beautiful view of the country about the head
+of the Golden Horn. Another window led to a small balcony on the
+south-western side of the tower, while a fifth looked towards the Golden
+Horn and the hills beyond. The apartment might well be styled the
+Belvedere of the Palace of Blachernæ. The lower story of the tower,
+which was reached by a short flight of steps descending from the palace
+court to the vestibule C1, cannot be explored, being filled with earth;
+but, judging from its arched entrance and the large square window in the
+north-western wall, it was a commodious room, with the advantage of
+affording more privacy than the apartment above it. What was the object
+of the dark rooms situated below these two stories, at different levels
+of the tower, and reached from the stairway-turret outside it, is open
+to discussion. The stairway, as already intimated, led also to the
+surrounding country. Taking all these features of the tower N into
+consideration, a very strong case can be made in favour of the opinion
+that it is the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+
+How this conclusion should affect our views regarding the inscription in
+honour of that emperor found on the tower L is a point about which minds
+may differ. The inscription may be in its proper place, and thereby
+prove that the tower it marks was also an erection of Isaac Angelus,
+although not the one to which Nicetas refers. And some countenance is
+lent to this view by a certain similarity in the Byzantine masonry of
+the towers L and N. But, on the hypothesis that L and N were both
+erected by Isaac Angelus, it is extremely strange that the inscription
+in his honour should have been placed upon the inferior tower, and not
+upon the one which formed his residence and had some architectural
+pretensions.
+
+This objection can be met, indeed, either by assuming that another
+inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus stood on the tower N, but has
+disappeared; or, with Dr. Paspates,[531] it may be maintained that the
+inscription is not in its proper place, but belonged originally to the
+counter-fort supporting the tower N, and was transferred thence to the
+tower L when the latter was repaired.
+
+In favour of this alternative it may be urged that the tower L has,
+manifestly, undergone repair; that some of the materials used for that
+purpose may have been taken from the counter-fort G4, which has been to
+a great extent stripped of its facing; and that the inscription on the
+tower L is not in a symmetrical position, being too much to the left,
+and somewhat too high for the size of its lettering. But to all this
+there is the serious objection that the inscribed slab is found in the
+Byzantine portion of the tower; while the idea that the counter-fort G4
+was defaced in Byzantine days for the sake of repairing the tower L is
+against all probability.
+
+We pass next to the identification of the Tower of Anemas with the tower
+S. The Tower of Anemas is first mentioned by Anna Comnena in the twelfth
+century, as the prison in which a certain Anemas was confined for having
+taken a leading part in a conspiracy to assassinate her father, the
+Emperor Alexius Comnenus. According to the Imperial authoress, it was a
+tower in the city walls in the neighbourhood of the Palace of Blachernæ,
+and owed its name to the circumstance that Anemas was the first prisoner
+who occupied it.[532]
+
+Another indication of the situation of the tower is given by Leonard of
+Scio,[533] when he states that the towers “Avenides” stood near the Xylo
+Porta, the gate at the extremity of the land-walls beside the Golden
+Horn. To this should be added the indication that the tower was one of a
+group, for Phrantzes[534] and Leonard of Scio employ the plural form,
+“the Anemas Towers.”
+
+Whether the tower was an erection of Alexius Comnenus or an earlier
+building is not recorded; but in either case it was in existence in the
+reign of that emperor, and, consequently, was older than any work
+belonging to the time of Isaac Angelus.
+
+With these indications as the basis for a decision, can the claim that
+the tower S is the Tower of Anemas be maintained? The tower answers to
+the description of Anna Comnena in being a tower in the city walls close
+to the Palace of Blachernæ. Nor is its situation at variance with the
+statement of Leonard of Scio that it stood in the neighbourhood of the
+Xylo Porta, although there are three towers between it and that gate.
+Furthermore, it is one of a pair of towers that might be designated the
+Towers of Anemas.
+
+The main reason, however, which induced Dr. Paspates to identify the
+tower S with the prison of Anemas was the proximity of the tower to the
+chambers C in the adjoining wall, which he regarded as prison-cells.
+This view of the character of those chambers is, for reasons already
+intimated, extremely doubtful. But even if prison-cells, that fact alone
+would not be conclusive proof that they were the prison of Anemas. For
+the prison of Anemas is always described as a tower; and by no stretch
+of language can that designation be applied to the chambers in the body
+of the wall.[535]
+
+The force of this objection would, indeed, be met if proof were
+forthcoming that the tower S gave access to the chambers C, and formed
+an integral part of a common system. But the evidence is all on the
+other side. From the manner in which the tower S blocks the windows of
+some of the chambers, it is clear, as already observed, that the tower S
+and the adjoining chambers belong to different periods, and were built
+without regard to each other. There is no trace of any means of
+communication between the tower and the two upper series of chambers,
+and we have no reason to think, but the reverse, that the lowest series
+of chambers could be reached from it. So far as the chambers are
+concerned, the tower S is an independent building, upon whose identity
+they throw no light. Whether it was the prison of Anemas must be
+determined by its own character. Was it suitable for a prison? Above
+all, is its age compatible with the view that it was the prison of
+Anemas?
+
+In answer to the former question, it cannot be denied that the tower S
+could be used as a place of confinement. The chamber F, which is
+supposed to have been a cistern, may have been a dungeon. The =L=-shaped
+chamber in the second story may have served for the detention of great
+personages placed under arrest. Still, on the whole, the tower S seems
+rather an extension of the residential tower N than a dungeon.
+
+But the point of most importance in the whole discussion is the
+comparative ages of the towers N and S. As a building in existence when
+Alexius Comnenus occupied the throne of Constantinople, the Tower of
+Anemas was, at least, seventy years older than the Tower of Isaac
+Angelus. Hence, if the tower S is the former, it must be older than the
+tower N, which Dr. Paspates identifies with the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+But the evidence which has been submitted goes to prove that the tower S
+is more recent than the tower N. These towers, therefore, cannot be,
+respectively, the Tower of Anemas and the Tower of Isaac Angelus.
+Nothing can prove that the tower S is the Tower of Anemas, until S is
+shown to be earlier than N, or the identification of the tower N with
+the Tower of Isaac Angelus is abandoned as erroneous.
+
+Dr. Paspates,[536] indeed, assigned the tower S to the reign of
+Theophilus in the ninth century, on the ground that a block of stone
+upon which some letters of that emperor’s name are inscribed is built
+into the tower’s north-western face. But a little attention to the way
+in which that stone is fitted into the masonry will make it perfectly
+evident that the stone has not been placed there to bear part of an
+inscription, but as ordinary material of construction, obtained from
+some other edifice. Consequently, it throws no light upon the age of the
+tower.
+
+Where, then, was the Tower of Anemas? Perhaps, in our present state of
+knowledge, no answer which will commend itself as perfectly satisfactory
+can be given to the question.
+
+The simplest solution of the difficult problem is that the tower L,
+which bears the inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus, is, after all,
+the tower erected by that emperor, though greatly altered by injuries
+and repairs; and that the towers N and S together constituted the
+prison-tower of Anemas, S being a later addition.
+
+Others may prefer to hold the view that the tower N is the Tower of
+Anemas, and the tower S that of Isaac Angelus, pointing in support of
+this opinion to the cells in the tower N, reached from the stairway by
+narrow vaulted passages. This would mean, practically, that the Tower of
+Isaac Angelus was the Tower of Anemas renovated and enlarged.
+
+Possibly, others may be disposed, notwithstanding the inscription of
+Isaac Angelus upon it, to regard the tower L as the Tower of Anemas, and
+the tower N, with the later addition of S, as that of Isaac Angelus.
+
+If none of these views is acceptable, we must fall back upon the opinion
+which prevailed before Dr. Paspates discovered the chambers adjoining
+the tower N and S, viz. that the towers N and S together formed the
+Tower of Isaac Angelus, and that the Tower of Anemas was one of the
+three towers in the Heraclian Wall.
+
+This was the view of the Patriarch Constantius,[537] who writes: “The
+Tower of Anemas still exists. On its side facing the Holy Well of
+Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one above.”
+
+This opinion prevailed in Constantinople also in the sixteenth century,
+for Leunclavius was informed by Zygomales that the Towers of Anemas were
+the Towers of the Pentapyrgion,[538] the name given to the citadel
+formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo.
+
+    NOTE.—For the illustrations facing respectively pp. 150, 156, and
+    for the lower illustration facing p. 162, I am indebted to the
+    kindness of my colleague, Professor W. Ormiston. The photographs
+    were taken on the 10th of July, 1894, shortly before the occurrence
+    of the severe earthquake which has made that day memorable in
+    Constantinople. Our situation in the chambers at such a time was not
+    enviable. But we learned that day what an earthquake meant in the
+    old history of the walls of the city.
+
+[Illustration: View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking
+North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of
+Blachernæ).]
+
+There is nothing in this view opposed to the fact that the Tower of
+Anemas stood in the city walls near the Palace of Blachernæ; and a
+strong argument in its favour may be based upon the association of the
+tower with the Xylo Porta by Leonard of Scio, when he relates to Pope
+Nicholas how Jerome from Italy, and Leonardo de Langasco from Genoa, at
+the head of their companions-in-arms, guarded the Xylo Porta and the
+towers named Avenides (clearly Anemades): “Hieronymus Italianus,
+Leonardus de Langasco, Genovensis, cum multis sociis, Xylo Portam et
+turres quos Avenides vocant, impensis cardinalis reparatas,
+spectabant.”[539] This statement is repeated by Zorzo Dolfin.[540]
+
+The Xylo Porta, without question, was at Aivan Serai Kapoussi, to the
+north of the Wall of Heraclius, and immediately beside the Golden
+Horn;[541] and the towers which would most appropriately be entrusted to
+soldiers defending that entrance are the towers nearest to it, _viz._
+the three towers of the Heraclian Wall. At all events, the designation,
+“turres Avenides,” as used by Leonard of Scio, must include them, even
+if it comprised others also.
+
+One thing is certain; the commonly accepted view that the towers N and S
+represent, respectively, the historical Towers of Isaac Angelus and of
+Anemas must, in one way or another, be corrected.
+
+
+                                 NOTE.
+
+
+    Two or three additional passages which bear upon the question under
+    discussion may be noticed, notwithstanding their vagueness.
+
+    The statement of Phrantzes (p. 252), among others, that in the siege
+    of 1453 the charge of the palace and all about it was entrusted to
+    Minotto, the Baillus of the Venetian colony, might be employed in
+    favour of the view that the “turres Avenides” which Leonard of Scio
+    associates with the Xylo Porta, and assigns to Jerome and Leonardus
+    de Langasco, could not be the towers S and N, but the towers of the
+    Heraclian Wall. For the towers S and N, being attached to the Palace
+    of Blachernæ, would fall under the care of Minotto. There is force
+    in the argument. But it is weakened by statements of Pusculus (iv.
+    173) and Zorzo Dolfin (s. 55), which imply that the palace defended
+    by Minotto was the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus. For both of these
+    writers place the Gate of the Palace (see above, p. 47) between the
+    Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) and the Gate of the Kaligaria
+    (Egri Kapou), and Pusculus describes the palace concerned as “Regia
+    celsa,” an apt description of a building seated, like Tekfour Serai,
+    upon the walls.
+
+    The references made to the Tower of Anemas, though not under its
+    name, by the Spanish ambassador Clavijo, who visited the Byzantine
+    Court in 1403, should not be overlooked (see _Constantinople, ses
+    Sanctuaires et ses Reliques_, translated into French by Ph. Bruun,
+    Odessa). Speaking of the Church of Blachernæ (p. 15), he describes
+    it as “située dans la ville près d’un châteaufort, servant de
+    demeure aux empereurs; ce fort a été démoli par un empereur, parce
+    qu’il y avait été enfermé par son fils.” The fact that Clavijo
+    identifies the Church of Blachernæ by its vicinity to the Tower of
+    Anemas may be pressed into the service of the opinion that the tower
+    in question stood in the Wall of Heraclius. For there is no more
+    appropriate way of indicating the situation of that church than by
+    saying that it stands a little to the rear of the Heraclian Wall. So
+    appropriate is that mode of identification, that the Patriarch
+    Constantius has recourse to it when, conversely, he indicates the
+    situation of the Tower of Anemas (which he considered to be the
+    southernmost Heraclian tower): “The Tower of Anemas still exists,”
+    he says. “On its side facing the Holy Well of Blachernæ it has a
+    large window, with a smaller one above” (see above, p. 150). But,
+    unfortunately, to describe one building as “near” another is often
+    the most tantalizing aid to its discovery that can be offered. The
+    towers S and N cannot be said to be far from the Church of
+    Blachernæ. Perhaps some injury to one of the Heraclian towers might
+    explain the statement of Clavijo, that the Tower of Anemas had been
+    destroyed; but could he have mistaken the citadel formed by the
+    Walls of Heraclius and Leo for an Imperial residence? Such language
+    suggests rather the towers S and N.
+
+    Again, the declaration of the Spanish envoy that the tower (“une
+    prison très profonde et obscure”) had been demolished by the Emperor
+    John VI. Palæologus (“_L’empereur s’empressa de démolir la tour où
+    il avait été enferme_,” pp. 19, 20) might seem to imply that the
+    tower has disappeared, and thus to relieve us from all the labour
+    involved in the effort to identify it. But the statement of Leonard
+    of Scio that the “turres Avenides” were repaired by Cardinal Isidore
+    (“impensis cardinalis reparatas”), while it confirms the declaration
+    of Clavijo to some extent, is opposed to the idea of the total
+    destruction and disappearance of the famous prison-tower.
+
+    Or, the statement that the Tower of Anemas was demolished, when
+    combined with the statement that it was repaired, might seem to open
+    a way out of the difficulties involved in regarding the tower S as
+    the Tower of Anemas, although more recent than the tower N. May not
+    the tower S be, in its present form, a reconstruction, after the
+    reign of Isaac Angelus, of a tower originally older than that
+    emperor’s day, and be thus at once more ancient and more modern than
+    the tower N? But this solution of the puzzle cannot be allowed;
+    there is the fatal objection that the common wall II belonged first
+    to the tower N.
+
+    Finally, in the Venetian account of the attempt made by Carlo Zen to
+    liberate John VI. Palæologus from the Tower of Anemas, Zen is
+    represented as reaching the foot of the tower in a boat, and
+    clambering up to the window of the prison by means of a rope. This
+    would exclude the claim of a Heraclian tower to be the Tower of
+    Anemas, for that wall could not be reached by boat. One might
+    approach the towers S and N in that way, if the moat before Leo’s
+    Wall extended from the Golden Horn to the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,
+    and was full of water. But this is an extremely improbable
+    supposition, when we hear nothing of the sort in the history of the
+    attack upon this side of the city by the Crusaders in 1203,
+    notwithstanding the minute description of the territory from the pen
+    of Nicetas Choniates and other historians of that time. Nor is such
+    a thing mentioned in the history of the last siege, when the moat
+    before the Wall of Leo was reconstructed. The whole story of Carlo
+    Zen’s efforts to deliver John Palæologus savours too much of romance
+    to have any topographical value. The story may be read in Le Beau’s
+    _Histoire du Bas-Empire_, vol. xii. pp. 174-179.
+
+Footnote 516:
+
+  See below, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 517:
+
+  See tower L, in Map facing p. 115.
+
+Footnote 518:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 248.
+
+Footnote 519:
+
+  Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his
+  discovery and exploration of the chambers.
+
+Footnote 520:
+
+  The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in
+  Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred
+  Hamlin, of Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson,
+  Architect.
+
+Footnote 521:
+
+  Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and
+  chambers has been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening V,
+  from the courtyard of the Mosque of Aivas Effendi.
+
+Footnote 522:
+
+  In the opinion of some authorities, _e.g._ Professor Strzygowski, this
+  apartment was a cistern.
+
+Footnote 523:
+
+  Cf. Lanciani, _The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, pp. 178,
+  179, 182.
+
+Footnote 524:
+
+  See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. 109.
+
+Footnote 525:
+
+  See below, p. 273.
+
+Footnote 526:
+
+  See above, p. 128.
+
+Footnote 527:
+
+  _Ut supra._
+
+Footnote 528:
+
+  Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace
+  of the Cæsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true
+  idea of the human fourmillière of slaves, servants, freed men, and
+  guards, which lived and moved and worked in the substrata of the
+  Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in darkness” (_The
+  Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, p. 150).
+
+Footnote 529:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, Προθέμενος δὲ καὶ πύργον τεκτήνασθαι κατὰ
+  τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις παλάτιον, ἅμα μὲν εἰς ἔρυμα τῶν ἀνακτόρων, ὡς ἔφασκε,
+  καὶ ὑπέρεισμα, ἅμα δὲ καὶ εἰς ἐνοίκησιν ἐαυτῷ.
+
+Footnote 530:
+
+  _Ibid. ut supra._
+
+Footnote 531:
+
+  See above, p. 132. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p.
+  115.
+
+Footnote 532:
+
+  Page 39.
+
+Footnote 533:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ
+  εἱρκτή, is described as πύργος δ᾽ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐν
+  Βλαχέρναις ἀνακτόρων διακειμένων τειχῶν τῆς πόλεως: also p. 161, τὸν
+  ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ᾠκοδομημένον πύργον.
+
+Footnote 534:
+
+  See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
+
+Footnote 535:
+
+  Page 51, Ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀδεμανίδες πλησίον Βλαχέρνων.
+  The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of
+  a certain Bardanius, τὸ ἐπίκλην Ἀνεμᾶν, in the reign of Nicephorus I.,
+  802-811.
+
+Footnote 536:
+
+  The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express
+  terms are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455
+  (ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ φρουρὰ); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib.
+  ii. p. 329; Phrantzes, p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii.
+  p. 409) speaks of ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταῖς, in which the
+  Despot Michael and his family were confined.
+
+Footnote 537:
+
+  Page 31.
+
+Footnote 538:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that
+  the Palace of Blachernæ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall
+  of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo. _Ibid._, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 539:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 206.
+
+Footnote 540:
+
+  See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
+
+Footnote 541:
+
+  Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum
+  molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el
+  cardinal a sue spese hauea reparato, diffensaua.”
+
+Footnote 542:
+
+  See below, p. 173.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XI.
+                    INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS.
+
+
+Michael Anemas, the first to occupy the prison, and from whom it
+obtained its name,[542] was a descendant of Emir Abd-el-Aziz ben Omar
+ben Choaib, known in Byzantine history as Courapas, and famous as the
+defender of Crete, when Nicephoras Phocas wrested that island from the
+Saracens, in the reign of Romanus II.[543]
+
+Upon the return of the victorious troops to the capital, the Emir and
+his family were carried to Constantinople to grace the triumph with
+which the success of Nicephorus was celebrated. And as the vanquished
+chief, his wives, his eldest son Anemas, and other members of his
+family, all clothed in long white robes, passed along the triumphal way
+in chains, the dignity of their demeanour attracted universal attention,
+and produced a most favourable impression. To the credit of the
+conquerors, be it said, the Emir was, thereafter, treated with all due
+regard and generosity. He received a large estate in the neighbourhood
+of the capital, and was allowed to end his days in peace, surrounded by
+his friends, and unmolested on account of his faith. Had he seen his way
+to renounce the creed of his fathers he would have been created a
+senator.
+
+His son Anemas embraced Christianity, entered the army of the Empire,
+and took part in the war against the Russians during the reign of
+Zimisces, when he distinguished himself by his bravery, and fell in
+battle in personal encounter with Swiatoslaf, the Russian king.
+
+A martial spirit continued to characterize the family in subsequent
+generations, and was not least conspicuous in Michael Anemas and his
+three brothers, the representatives of the race under Alexius Comnenus.
+But they allowed themselves to become involved in a conspiracy against
+that emperor, and upon the discovery of the plot were condemned to
+imprisonment and the loss of their eyes.
+
+To accompany the infliction of punishment with every circumstance that
+could humiliate the criminal, and excite popular contempt and derision
+was after the heart of those times. Accordingly, Michael Anemas and his
+companions, attired in sacking, with their beards plucked out, their
+heads shorn and crowned with the horns and the intestines of oxen and
+sheep, were led forth, mounted sideways on oxen, and in this guise,
+conducted first around the court of the Great Palace, and then along the
+Mesè of the city, crowded with excited spectators. But the appearance of
+the guilty men excited commiseration rather than ridicule. The agony of
+Michael, as he implored to be put to death rather than to suffer
+blindness, touched all hearts. Even Anna Comnena, who witnessed the
+scene, and whose filial sentiments might have hardened her heart against
+the conspirators, was so deeply affected that she determined to do all
+in her power to save Michael from the cruel loss of his eyes. Finding
+her mother, Anna brought her to the harrowing spectacle, certain it
+would have the desired effect. The empress was overwhelmed to tears, and
+hastening back to the palace, prevailed upon Alexius to spare the
+prisoners’ sight. By this time the unhappy men were approaching the
+Amastrianon, a public place where stood an arch on which was a
+bas-relief representing two hands pierced by a spear. Once a criminal on
+his way to execution passed that point he was beyond the reach of the
+Imperial clemency. A few moments more, and the messenger of mercy sent
+by Alexius would have been too late. But just before the doomed men
+reached the fatal point, the order for the mitigation of their sentence
+was delivered, and Anemas was simply imprisoned in the tower which was
+to perpetuate his name. There he remained for a considerable period; but
+at length was pardoned and set free.[544]
+
+Before Anemas was released, another notable personage was committed to
+the tower, Georgius, Duke of Trebizond, who attempted, in 1107, to
+establish the independence of his province; as though to anticipate the
+creation of the Empire of Trebizond in the thirteenth century.
+
+He proved a refractory prisoner, venting his rage in unceasing
+imprecations upon the head of his Imperial master. With the hope of
+conciliating the rebel, he was repeatedly visited by his old friend, the
+Cæsar Nicephorus Bryennius, the husband of Anna Comnena. For a long
+time, however, all friendly overtures proved unavailing. But at last the
+tedium of protracted confinement broke the prisoner’s spirit, and
+induced him to submit; upon which he was liberated, and loaded with
+wealth and honours.[545]
+
+[Illustration: Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”]
+
+The next inmate of the tower was the Emperor Andronicus Comnenus, of
+infamous memory, upon his capture after his flight from the insurrection
+which his vices and tyranny had provoked in the capital, in 1185. To
+Andronicus imprisonment was no new experience, for already, during the
+reign of Manuel Comnenus, he had been imprisoned twice elsewhere. On
+both these occasions, however, he had succeeded in effecting his escape.
+But the prison of Anemas was to prove his last, and he quitted it, only
+to die at the hands of his infuriated subjects. On the eve of his
+execution he was bound with chains about the neck and feet, like some
+wild animal, and dragged into the presence of his successor, Isaac
+Angelus, to be subjected to every indignity. He was reviled, beaten,
+struck on the mouth; he had his hair and beard plucked, his teeth
+knocked out, his right hand struck off with an axe, and then was sent
+back to his cell, and left there without food or water or attention of
+any kind for several days. When brought forth for execution, he was
+dressed like a slave, blinded of one eye, mounted upon a mangy camel,
+and led in mock triumph through the streets of the city to the
+Hippodrome, amidst a storm of hatred and insult, seldom, if ever,
+witnessed under similar circumstances in a civilized community. At the
+Hippodrome he was hung by the feet on the architrave of two short
+columns which stood beside the figures of a wolf and a hyena, his
+natural associates. But neither his pitiable condition, nor his quiet
+endurance of pain, nor his pathetic cry, “Kyrie Eleison, Why dost Thou
+break the bruised reed?” excited the slightest commiseration. Additional
+and indescribable insults were heaped upon the fallen tyrant, until his
+agony was brought to an end by three men who plunged their swords into
+his body, to exhibit their dexterity in the use of arms.[546]
+
+In the course of the following century a different personage figured in
+the history of the prison. This was Veccus, Chartophylax of St. Sophia
+at the time of his confinement, and subsequently Patriarch of
+Constantinople.[547] He incurred the displeasure of Michael Palæologus
+by opposing the union of the Eastern and Western Churches, through which
+the emperor hoped to secure the goodwill and assistance of the Pope in
+maintaining the newly recovered throne of Constantinople. Before an
+assembly convened to discuss the question in the presence of Michael,
+Veccus, who had been appointed the spokesman of the opponents of the
+Imperial policy on account of his abilities, denounced the Latins as
+heretics with whom ecclesiastical communion was simply impossible. The
+emperor resented the affront, but, unwilling to make it the official
+ground of proceedings against the popular champion of orthodoxy, sought
+other reasons for punishing him. Accordingly, he accused Veccus of
+having thwarted the marriage which had been arranged between the
+Princess Anna and the second son of the Kral of Servia; another of
+Michael’s measures to make his position secure.
+
+The charge had some foundation. For upon the completion of the
+negotiations for the marriage, the bride-elect had started for her
+destined home under the care of Veccus and of the Patriarch of
+Constantinople. But when the party reached Berœa, Veccus, acting on the
+private instructions of the empress, left Anna and the patriarch, and
+pushed forward to investigate the character and manners of the people
+among whom the princess was to cast her lot. The primitive and boorish
+ways of the Servian Court did not commend themselves to Veccus, as a
+suitable environment for a lady brought up in the palaces of
+Constantinople. The splendour of the tent which Veccus occupied was lost
+upon the Kral; while the eunuchs in the household of the Byzantine
+princess shocked the sovereign’s unsophisticated mind. Pointing to the
+wife of his elder son, simply attired, and busy spinning wool, the rough
+monarch exclaimed, “That is how we treat our brides!” Nor was Veccus
+more favourably impressed by other experiences. The embassy which the
+Kral sent to welcome the bride-elect was robbed on the journey by
+brigands; and the Byzantine envoys awoke one morning to find that all
+their fine horses had been stolen during the night. Under these
+circumstances, Veccus thought the wisest course was to conduct Anna back
+to Constantinople;[548] and for this action Michael now saw fit to
+prosecute him.
+
+But the court which was appointed to try Veccus declined to judge a
+priest in the service of the patriarch without that prelate’s orders;
+and as such orders were not forthcoming, the trial could not proceed. At
+this juncture, Veccus had an interview with the emperor and proposed,
+for the sake of peace, to resign office and emoluments, and to go into
+exile. Michael did not condescend a reply. Whereupon the Chartophylax,
+fearing the worst, sought asylum in the Church of St. Sophia, and there
+awaited the Imperial decision. He was soon summoned to appear again
+before the emperor, the order being written in vermilion ink, as a mark
+of esteem and a pledge of personal safety. But on the road to the palace
+he was treacherously arrested, and carried off to the prison of Anemas
+under charge of the Varangian guards.
+
+With Veccus out of the way, Michael pushed the matter of the union of
+the churches more hopefully, and in furtherance of the Imperial policy
+caused a list of passages favourable to the orthodox character of the
+Latin Church to be compiled from the writings of theologians of repute,
+and submitted to the patriarch and his clergy for consideration. The
+patriarch replied by presenting a list of counter passages, and the
+situation remained what it had been before Veccus was imprisoned.
+Thereupon the suggestion was made that the first list should be
+forwarded to the cell of the Chartophylax. Such a man, it was urged,
+would never alter his views unless convinced by reason. The suggestion
+was adopted, and after reading the extracts, Veccus acknowledged that
+the argument for the union of the Churches was stronger than he had
+hitherto believed. His mind, however, he added, could not be satisfied
+on the point at issue by the perusal of isolated passages, torn from
+their connection, and he therefore begged permission to study the works
+from which the extracts submitted to him had been taken, pleading as an
+excuse that he was more versed in the writings of classic authors than
+in patristic learning. Upon this he was released, and provided with the
+books necessary for the full prosecution of his inquiries.
+
+The result was that, ere long, he found himself in agreement with the
+emperor, and the scheme for the union of the Churches was pursued with
+renewed ardour. Delegates proceeded from Constantinople to the Council
+assembled at Lyons, and there on June 29, 1274, the two great divisions
+of Christendom were formally united. On the second day of June in the
+following year Veccus was elevated to the patriarchal throne.[549]
+
+It is natural to suspect that the prison of Anemas had a share in the
+conversion of Veccus. But the historian Pachymeres ascribes the change
+to candour of judgment and sincere love of the truth. Certain it is that
+Veccus suffered for the views he adopted, and died twenty-five years
+later in the prison of the Castle of St. Gregorius, near Helenopolis
+(Yalova), a martyr to his convictions.[550]
+
+The Tower of Anemas was probably also the prison to which the Despot
+Michael was committed by Andronicus II. on the charge of treason. He had
+been created Despot by Michael Palæologus, and was married to the
+Princess Anna, above mentioned, after the failure of the Servian
+marriage to which reference has been made. Upon her death, he fell into
+disgrace at the Court for marrying a daughter of the Bulgarian king
+Terter, the repudiated wife of the King of Servia. To this he added
+treasonable offences, and was, therefore, confined with his wife and
+children in the prison attached to the Great Palace. On attempting to
+escape, he was removed to the prison at Blachernæ[551] for greater
+security.
+
+Another inmate of the prison of Anemas was Syrghiannes, a political
+adventurer conspicuous for his intrigues during the struggle between
+Andronicus II. and Andronicus III., taking sometimes the one side and
+sometimes the other.
+
+He had been immured elsewhere for five years on the charge of conspiracy
+to assassinate the elder emperor, but in 1322, at the instance of John
+Cantacuzene, then Grand Domestic, he was transferred to the Tower of
+Anemas as a more tolerable place of confinement, in the hope of
+conciliating him; and there he was permitted to receive visits from his
+mother, and even to have his wife and children with him.[552] Ultimately
+he was released, but the old spirit was too strong to be vanquished by
+suffering or by kindness. He returned to a life of intrigue and
+rebellion, and his career was closed by the hands of assassins.
+
+Later in the century, members of the Imperial family were once more
+imprisoned in the Tower of Anemas, under circumstances which afford a
+vivid picture of an empire weakened by domestic feuds, and distracted by
+the rival ambitions of foreign powers that were awaiting its
+dissolution, and ready to appropriate its territories.
+
+There John VI. Palæologus imprisoned his eldest son Andronicus, and
+there, upon the escape of the latter, he was himself imprisoned with his
+two younger sons, Manuel and Theodore.
+
+Andronicus had been excluded from the succession to the throne, on
+account, it is said, of his indifference to the financial straits of his
+father, when the latter was detained at Venice for inability to meet the
+demands of creditors. The disinherited prince, seeking an opportunity
+for revenge, found a kindred spirit in a son of Amurath I., Saoudji, who
+was jealous of his younger brother Bajazet, because he was the Sultan’s
+favourite child. The two princes, bound by a common grievance, joined
+forces to supplant their respective parents on the throne, and raised
+the standard of revolt. Amurath crushed the rebellion with remorseless
+severity, and after putting out the eyes of his own son, called upon the
+emperor to punish Andronicus in the same manner. Andronicus was
+consequently committed to the Tower of Anemas, along with his wife and
+his son John, a child only five years old, and there he and his little
+boy underwent the operation of being blinded. The cruel deed was,
+however, performed so imperfectly that Andronicus recovered the use of
+one eye, while his son suffered only from a squint. Two years were thus
+passed in the tower, after which the prisoners were released, either
+through the intervention of the Genoese, at the price of the concession
+to them of the island of Tenedos, or in compliance with the demand of
+Bajazet.
+
+[Illustration: Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of
+Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.” (For this view I
+am indebted to the late Dr. Ledyard.)]
+
+Free to act, Andronicus made terms both with the Sultan and the Genoese,
+and relying upon their favour, suddenly appeared before the capital. As
+the emperor and his son Manuel happened to be staying at the Palace of
+the Pegè, outside the walls, they were easily captured, and upon the
+surrender of the city they were, in their turn, sent, along with
+Theodore, to the Tower of Anemas, “as Zeus cast his father Chronos and
+his brothers Pluto and Poseidon into the nether world.”
+
+[Illustration: Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the
+Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West).]
+
+Bajazet advised Andronicus to establish his position by putting the
+prisoners to death, but to that depth of inhumanity the rebellious son
+would not descend. Matters remained in this condition for two years, and
+then the captives managed to escape. Precisely how they found their way
+out of the tower is a question upon which authorities differ. According
+to Phrantzes, it was by some deception practised on their Bulgarian
+guards. Ducas ascribes the escape to the skill of a certain Angelus,
+surnamed Diabolus, and known by the soubriquet of Diabol-angelus; but
+whether the deliverance was effected through the angelic power or the
+satanic cunning of the man, the historian is unable to decide.
+Chalcocondylas says that the Imperial captives broke through the walls
+of their dungeon with an iron tool, furnished by the servant who brought
+their food. According to Venetian authorities, two ineffectual attempts
+to save the emperor were made by Carlo Zen, on the condition that the
+island of Tenedos would be granted to the Republic of Venice, thus
+rescinding the concession of the island to the Genoese by Andronicus.
+The first attempt, it is said, failed because the emperor refused to
+escape without his sons; the second, owing to the detection of the plot
+to deliver him.[553] Once out of prison, John Palæologus and his son
+Manuel repaired to the Court of Bajazet, prevailed upon him to espouse
+their cause, and so compelled Andronicus to surrender the throne.[554]
+
+Thus the history of the Tower of Anemas reflects the civil broils, the
+tyranny, the ecclesiastical dissensions, the political feebleness, and
+the inability to withstand foreign aggression, which marked the decline
+and fall of the Byzantine Empire.
+
+Footnote 543:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.
+
+Footnote 544:
+
+  See Schlumberger, _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, chap. ii.,
+  for a brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas
+  in 962; cf. Leo Diaconus, _Historia_, lib. i. et ii.
+
+Footnote 545:
+
+  Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.
+
+Footnote 546:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 161-164.
+
+Footnote 547:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.
+
+Footnote 548:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
+
+Footnote 549:
+
+  For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp.
+  350-355.
+
+Footnote 550:
+
+  For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
+
+Footnote 551:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.
+
+Footnote 552:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is
+  styled ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταις.
+
+Footnote 553:
+
+  Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.
+
+Footnote 554:
+
+  Langier, _Histoire de la République de Venise_, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.
+
+Footnote 555:
+
+  The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found
+  in Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46,
+  51, 60-64.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XII.
+   THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE
+                               ARMENIAN.
+
+
+The fortifications extending from the north-western angle of the
+enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ to the Golden Horn consist of
+two parallel lines, connected by transverse walls, so as to form a
+citadel beside the Golden Horn. The inner wall belongs to the reign of
+Heraclius; the outer is an erection of Leo V., the Armenian.
+
+The Heraclian Wall was constructed in 627, under the following
+circumstances:—[555]
+
+Until that year the quarter of Blachernæ, at the foot of the Sixth Hill,
+was a suburb immediately outside the fortifications.[556] The fact that
+the suburb and its celebrated Church of the Theotokos, containing, it
+was believed, the girdle of the Blessed Virgin, were thus exposed to the
+attacks of an enemy did not occasion serious concern. In the opinion of
+the devout citizens of Constantinople, the shrine, so far from needing
+protection, formed one of the strongest bulwarks of the capital. At the
+worst, when danger threatened, the treasures of the sanctuary could be
+readily transported into the city, as was done in the reign of Justinian
+the Great.[557]
+
+But in 627, Constantinople learned what a siege really meant. Persia and
+the Empire were then at war with each other; and while Heraclius was
+carrying the campaign into the enemy’s country, a Persian army had
+encamped at Chalcedon for the purpose of joining the Avars in laying
+siege to the capital.[558]
+
+As the Byzantine fleet, however, commanded the Bosporus, the allies
+could not unite their forces, and the Avars were left to act alone. The
+undertaking proved too difficult for the barbarians, notwithstanding the
+vigour with which it was conducted, and the siege was raised. But before
+retiring, a troop of Avaric horse set itself to devastate the suburbs,
+and having fired the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, and the Church
+of St. Nicholas, dashed into the open ground beside the Church of
+Blachernæ, intent upon devoting also that sacred edifice to the flames.
+For some reason, that purpose was not carried into effect, and the
+church escaped all injury. This marvellous deliverance enhanced, indeed,
+the reputation of the Theotokos, but it likewise aroused a sense of the
+danger to which her shrine was liable, and so the Government of the day
+ordered the immediate erection of a wall along the western side of the
+Blachernæ quarter, to place the church beyond the reach of hostile
+attack in future. The wall was known, until the erection of the Wall of
+Leo, as the Single Wall of Blachernæ (Μονοτείχος Βλαχερνῶν:[559] τεῖχος
+τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).[560]
+
+The wall is flanked by three fine hexagonal towers, built towards their
+summit in brick, perhaps, as Dr. Paspates[561] suggests, in order to
+lighten the weight of constructions erected on marshy ground. They are
+among the finest towers in the circuit of the fortifications. The
+interior of the southernmost tower, the only one which can be safely
+examined, measures 32-½ by about 19 feet, and was in three stories. Upon
+the face of the tower is an inscription, in letters formed with pieces
+of marble, in honour of the Emperor Michael, probably Michael II.
+
+Between the first and second towers is a gate, named the Gate of
+Blachernæ (πόρτα τοῦ Μονοτείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),[562] after the quarter
+before which it stood.
+
+[Illustration: General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On
+Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.]
+
+It has been generally supposed that the Wall of Heraclius comprised not
+only the portion of the city walls just indicated, but the whole line of
+fortifications extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn.[563]
+The evidence on the subject is, however, in favour of the opinion that
+the Wall of Heraclius was only the portion of the fortifications before
+us. It is the extent implied in the description of the Heraclian Wall,
+as a wall erected to bring the Church of Blachernæ within the line of
+the city bulwarks.[564] That is an apt description of a wall extending
+from the foot of the Sixth Hill to the Golden Horn; it is a very
+inadequate description of a line of bulwarks from the Kerko Porta to the
+harbour. In the next place, more extensive fortifications were not
+required to protect the church, seeing it was well defended on the south
+by the acropolis on the western spur of the Sixth Hill. All that was
+necessary for the further security of the church was a wall on the west
+side of the plain on which it stood. Furthermore, the fortifications
+extending from the Kerko Porta to the foot of the Sixth Hill, commonly
+ascribed to Heraclius, have been proved to be the work of other hands,
+the greater part being the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,[565] while the
+remainder formed, originally, the defences of the Fourteenth Region.
+
+The Wall of Leo the Armenian was erected in 813 to strengthen the
+defence of this part of the capital, in view of the preparations which
+the Bulgarians under Crum were making for a second attack upon
+Constantinople.[566] Crum had retired from his first assault upon the
+city, resolved not only to retrieve the defeat he had sustained, but
+also to punish the treacherous attempt upon his life, when he was
+proceeding to negotiate terms of peace with the emperor.
+
+Arrangements had been made for holding a conference between the two
+sovereigns at a short distance to the west of the Heraclian Wall, on the
+explicit understanding that all persons present were to attend unarmed;
+so little confidence had the two parties in each other. But in flagrant
+breach of this agreement, Leo placed three bowmen in ambush near the
+place of meeting, with orders to shoot at the Bulgarian king, upon a
+preconcerted signal. In due time Crum arrived; but he had scarcely
+dismounted from his horse when his suspicions of a plot were aroused,
+and, springing into his saddle, he galloped back towards his camp. The
+arrows of the soldiers in ambush flew after him, wounding him although
+he escaped with his life.
+
+The Byzantine historian who records the incident explains the failure of
+the plot as a Divine punishment upon the sins of his countrymen.[567]
+Crum saw the dastardly act in a different light, and, vowing vengeance,
+withdrew to Bulgaria to prepare for another war. He died before he could
+carry out his intention, but meanwhile Leo had put himself in readiness
+for the expected attack by constructing a new wall and a broad moat in
+front of the Wall of Heraclius.
+
+The Wall of Leo stands 77 feet to the west of the Wall of Heraclius,
+running parallel to it for some 260 feet, after which it turns to join
+the walls along the Golden Horn. Its parapet-walk was supported upon
+arches, which served at the same time to buttress the wall itself, a
+comparatively slight structure about 8 feet thick. With the view of
+increasing the wall’s capacity for defence, it was flanked by four small
+towers, while its lower portion was pierced by numerous loopholes. Two
+of the towers were on the side facing the Golden Horn, and the other two
+guarded the extremities of the side looking towards the country on the
+west. The latter towers projected inwards from the rear of the wall, and
+between them was a gateway corresponding to the Heraclian Gate of
+Blachernæ.
+
+The citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo was designated the
+Brachionion of Blachernæ (τὸ Βραχιόνιον τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).[568] Subsequent
+to the Turkish Conquest it was named after the five more conspicuous
+towers which guarded the enclosure, the Pentapyrgion,[569] on the
+analogy of the Heptapyrgion, or Castle of Severn Towers (Yedi Koulè) at
+the southern end of the land walls.
+
+Near the southern end of the wall, where it has evidently undergone
+repair, two inscriptions are found. One is in honour of Michael II. and
+Theophilus, the great Emperors:
+
+    ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΜΕΤΑ ... Ν ΒΑΣΙ....
+
+The other gives the date †ϚΤΛ† (822), which belonged to the sole reign
+of the former emperor. These repairs were probably made when Thomas, the
+rival of Michael for the throne, attacked the fortifications in this
+quarter. It was precisely in the year 822 that the rebel general
+encamped beside the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus (above Eyoub),
+and then, armed with battering-rams and scaling-ladders, advanced to the
+assault of the towers of Blachernæ, behind which the standard of Michael
+floated over the Church of the Theotokos.[570]
+
+The tower at the north-western corner of the enclosure was reconstructed
+by the Emperor Romanus, as an inscription upon it proclaims:
+
+[Illustration: “The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the
+foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”]
+
+To which of the four emperors named Romanus the work should be assigned
+is not easy to decide. The tower must have derived its name from the
+Church of S. Nicholas in this vicinity, for the site of that church is
+marked by the Holy Well which still flows amid the graves and trees of
+the Turkish cemetery within the Brachionion of Blachernæ, an object of
+veneration alike to Moslems and orthodox Greeks. The grounds on which
+the opinion rests are that, previous to the erection of the Heraclian
+Wall, the church is described as without the city bounds, in the
+district of Blachernæ;[571] while after the erection of Leo’s Wall it is
+spoken of as within the city limits, and close to the gate by which
+persons proceeded from the Blachernæ quarter to the Cosmidion.[572] This
+is exactly how a building beside the Holy Well between the two walls,
+and near the Gate of Blachernæ which pierces them, would be described
+under such circumstances.
+
+The proximity of these walls to the Palace of Blachernæ, as well as
+their comparative weakness, combined to make them the scene of many
+historical events.
+
+While the Wall of Heraclius stood alone, it was through the Gate of
+Blachernæ that Apsimarus was admitted by his adherents, in 698, to
+supplant Leontius;[573] by the same entrance Justinian II., in 705,
+attempted to force his way into the city to dethrone Apsimarus;[574] and
+through it, again, Theodosius III., in 716, entered and deposed
+Anastasius II.[575] It was before the Heraclian Wall that Crum and Leo
+the Armenian met to confer, under the circumstances already narrated.
+
+This portion of the fortifications continued to be a favourite point of
+attack also after the erection of Leo’s Wall. Here, as above stated, the
+rebel Thomas sought to break into the city in 822;[576] here, in 924,
+Simeon of Bulgaria and Romanus Lecapenus met to conclude peace,[577]
+taking the greatest precautions against the repetition of the treachery
+which disgraced the former meeting of a Bulgarian king with a Byzantine
+emperor. In 1047, in the reign of Constantine Monomachus, the rebel
+general Tornikius took up his position before these walls, and having
+routed a company of raw recruits who had sallied forth against him by
+the Gate of Blachernæ, would have rushed into the city with the
+fugitives, had not the difficulty of crossing the moat given the
+defenders of the walls time to close the entrance.[578]
+
+Through the Gate of Blachernæ the friends of Alexius Comnenus sallied
+from the city, in 1081, to join the standard of revolt against
+Nicephorus Botoniates; and it was at the Imperial stables outside the
+gate that they obtained horses to reach as fast as possible the
+Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, baffling pursuit by having taken
+the precaution to ham-string the animals they did not require.[579] In
+1097, Godfrey de Bouillon encamped on the hills and plains without these
+walls. While the negotiations with the crafty Alexius Comnenus were
+proceeding, the envoys of the Crusaders were on one occasion detained so
+long by the emperor as to arouse suspicions of treachery on his part;
+whereupon a band of Crusaders rushed from the camp at the Cosmidion, and
+in their attempt to enter the city and rescue their comrades set fire to
+the Gate of Blachernæ.[580]
+
+In 1203 these fortifications were attacked by the land forces of the
+Fourth Crusade.[581] The Venetian fleet, bearing the banner of St. Mark,
+occupied the Golden Horn, under the command of Dandolo; the army of the
+expedition under Baldwin held the hill immediately to the west of the
+Palace of Blachernæ. Upon the walls and towers of the citadel stood the
+Varangian guards, composed mainly of Englishmen and Danes, loyal to
+their trust, and the peers of the invaders in courage and strength.
+Alexius III. and his courtiers watched the scene from the palace
+windows. At length, on the 17th of July, the Crusaders delivered a grand
+assault by sea and land; the army attacking the fortress formed by the
+Walls of Heraclius and Leo; the fleet attempting the adjoining
+fortifications along the harbour. With the help of ladders, fifteen
+knights and sergeants scaled the outer Wall, and engaged the defenders
+on the summit in a desperate struggle. It was a bold attempt, but the
+odds were too great, and the assailants, leaving two of their number
+prisoners, were driven off by the swords and battle-axes of the
+Varangians. Many other Crusaders, also, who had advanced to support the
+attack, were wounded, and the day went so hard against the Latins at
+this point that Dandolo, who had captured twenty-five towers of the
+harbour fortifications, was obliged to abandon the advantage he had
+gained, and hastened with his ships to protect his worsted allies.
+
+Finally, in 1453, the moat before these walls, which had been filled
+with earth in the course of time, was excavated by the crews of the
+Venetian galleys present at the siege under the command of Aluxio Diedo.
+It was made 200 paces long and 8 feet wide, the emperor and his
+courtiers being present at the work, while two sentries, stationed on
+the neighbouring hill, watched the Turkish outposts.[582]
+
+From the northern extremity of the Heraclian Wall, a short wall was
+carried to the water’s edge, across the western end of the street that
+runs along the shore of the Golden Horn, outside the Harbour Walls; thus
+protecting the latter line of fortifications from attack by the land
+forces of an enemy.
+
+At the same time, for the convenience of traffic, the wall was pierced
+by a gate, named, from its material, the Xylo Porta (Ξυλόπορτα, Ξυλίνη),
+the Wooden Gate.[583] It was in its place as late as 1868, and bore an
+inscription in honour of Theophilus.[584] Very probably, the wall was
+erected by that emperor when he reconstructed the defences along the
+harbour. In accordance with its situation, the Xylo Porta is described
+sometimes as the gate at the northern extremity of the land
+fortifications;[585] and sometimes as the gate at the western end of the
+walls along the Golden Horn.[586]
+
+Du Cange[587] identified the Porta Xylo Kerkou with this gate. But the
+former was an entrance in the Theodosian lines;[588] it led directly
+into the city, and was built up in the reign of Isaac Angelus[589]—facts
+which did not hold true of the Xylo Porta. Furthermore, Ducas expressly
+distinguishes the two entrances.[590] Or the facts in the case may be
+stated thus: The Gate of the Xylokerkus was in existence before the
+erection of the wall in which the Xylo Porta stood; the former entrance
+being not later than the reign of Anastasius I., in the fifth century,
+the latter not earlier than the reign of Heraclius, in the seventh
+century, when the wall on the west of Blachernæ was erected. Therefore
+the two entrances cannot be the same gate under different names.
+
+In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion,[591] the Postern of Kallinicus (τὸ τῆς
+Καλλινίκου παραπόρτιον), mentioned by Byzantine writers,[592] was the
+Xylo Porta under an earlier name. And what is known regarding that
+postern lends support to this view. Like the Xylo Porta, the Postern of
+Kallinicus stood near the Church of Blachernæ,[593] and led to the
+Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the Cosmidion,[594] as well as to
+the bridge across the head of the Golden Horn.[595] The identity is
+confirmed by the fact that the bridge to which the road issuing from the
+Xylo Porta conducted was sometimes called the Bridge of St. Kallinicus,
+after a church of that dedication in its neighbourhood.[596]
+
+
+                   The Bridge across the Golden Horn.
+
+
+The earliest mention of a bridge across the Golden Horn is found in the
+_Notitia_.[597] It was situated in the Fourteenth Region, and, like the
+bridge across the Tiber, was a wooden structure, “pontem sublicium.”
+This was superseded by a bridge of stone,[598] which Justinian the Great
+constructed in 528, “so that one might pass,” as the _Paschal
+Chronicle_[599] expresses it, “from the opposite side (ἀπὸ τῆς ἀντι
+πέραν) to the all-happy city.” The new building went by various names in
+the course of its long history. It was known as the Bridge of Justinian
+(ἡ Ἰουστινιανοῦ γέφυρα),[600] in honour of its constructor; as the
+Bridge of St. Kallinicus (ἡ γέφυρα τοῦ ἁγίου Καλλινίκου),[601] after a
+church dedicated to that saint near its southern end; as the Bridge of
+St. Panteleemon (ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος γέφυρα),[602] after a church
+of that name at its northern end; as the Bridge of Camels (ἡ τῆς Καμήλου
+γέφυρα),[603] on account, probably, of its frequent use by caravans of
+camels, bringing charcoal to the city; as the Bridge of Blachernæ,[604]
+from the district in which it stood. Whether it was the bridge of twelve
+arches near St. Mamas mentioned by the Anonymus and Codinus[605] is
+uncertain, for we cannot be sure that all references to the Church of
+St. Mamas allude to the church of that dedication which stood outside
+the walls of the city, and overlooked the head of the Golden Horn.
+
+The bridge crossed the Barbyses[606] (Kiat-haneh Sou, one of the streams
+commonly styled “The Sweet Waters of Europe”), where that stream enters
+the Golden Horn,[607] in the district of the Cosmidion[608] (Eyoub).
+When Gyllius visited the city the stone piers of an ancient bridge could
+be seen, in summer, when the water was low, standing opposite a point
+between the northern extremity of the land walls and Aivan Serai:
+“Liquet pontem illum fuisse ubi pilæ cernuntur lapideæ antiqui pontis,
+sed non extra aquam eminentes nisi aliquando æstate, sitæe inter angulum
+urbis Blacherneum et suburbium, quod Turci appellant Aibasarium.”[609]
+
+In the siege of 627 the flotilla of log-boats, which the Slavonian
+allies of the Avars brought to take part in the operations, was moored
+behind this bridge, watching for an opportunity to descend into the
+Golden Horn, and harass the northern side of the city.[610] Over it
+Heraclius came to make his triumphal entrance into the city, after his
+return from the Persian War. It was a circuitous road for him to take
+from the Palace of the Hiereia (Fener Bagtchèssi, on the Bay of Moda,
+near Kadikeui), which he occupied upon his arrival within sight of the
+capital. His most direct course was to proceed from that palace to the
+Golden Gate by boat across the Sea of Marmora. But the hero of seven
+glorious campaigns was possessed by such an insuperable dread of the
+water that, for a long time, nothing, not even a conspiracy against his
+throne, could induce him to overcome his fear and cross to the city. At
+length the difficulty was met in the following manner. A bridge of boats
+was placed across the Bosporus, from the bay of Phedalia (Balta
+Liman)[611] to the opposite Asiatic shore, the parapets of the bridge
+being constructed of great branches and dense foliage, so as to hide
+from view the water on either hand; and over this roadway the emperor
+was persuaded to pass on horseback, as through a thicket on _terra
+firma_. Once on the European side of the straits, it would have been
+natural for him to take the road leading towards the city along the
+shore. But rather than keep near the water, Heraclius struck inland, for
+the valley at the head of the Golden Horn, to reach the side of the
+harbour on which the city stood, by the bridge over the narrow stream of
+the Barbyses.[612]
+
+Near the bridge the Crusaders, under Godfrey de Bouillon, encamped in
+1096.[613] Over it the Crusaders, under the Emperor Conrad, passed in
+1147, to ravage the suburbs on the northern side of the harbour.[614] To
+it, in 1203, the army of the Fourth Crusade marched, from Galata, in
+battle array, and, finding it had been cut down by the Greeks, repaired
+it, and crossed to encamp on the hill fronting the Palace of Blachernæ.
+“Et là (_i.e._ au bout du port),” to quote the picturesque language of
+Ville-Hardouin,[615] “il y a un fleuve qui se jette dans la mer, qu’on
+ne peut pas passer sinon par un pont de pierre. Les Grecs avaient coupé
+le pont; et les barons firent travailler l’armée tout le jour et toute
+la nuit pour arranger le pont. Le pont fut ainsi arrangé, et les corps
+de bataille armés au matin; et ils chevauchèrent l’un après l’autre,
+ainsi qu’ils avaient été ordonnés. Et ils vout devant la ville.” Twice
+in 1328, and once in 1345, Cantacuzene[616] encamped his troops on the
+meadows beside the bridge, while he endeavoured to gain the city by
+parleying with its defenders at the Gate of Gyrolimnè.
+
+Footnote 556:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 726, Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος πέριξ τοῦ
+  οἴκον τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν τῆς θεοτόκου, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
+
+Footnote 557:
+
+  _Ibid._, Procopius, _De Æd._, lib. i. c. 3; _Paschal Chron._, p. 702.
+
+Footnote 558:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 559:
+
+  For account of the siege, see _Paschal Chronicle_, pp. 715-726;
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.
+
+Footnote 560:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.
+
+Footnote 561:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 618.
+
+Footnote 562:
+
+  Pages 37, 38.
+
+Footnote 563:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.
+
+Footnote 564:
+
+  Paspates, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 565:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 726; Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 566:
+
+  See above, Chapter IX.
+
+Footnote 567:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; Συναθροίσας λαὸν πολὺν καὶ τεχνίτας
+  ἤρξατο κτίζειν ἕτερον τεῖχος ἔξωθεν τοῦ τείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν, κόψας
+  καὶ τὴν σούδαν πλατεῖαν.
+
+Footnote 568:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.
+
+Footnote 569:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
+
+Footnote 570:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand Hist. Turc._, s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by
+  Constantine Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a
+  castle with five towers, kept in the Great Palace.
+
+Footnote 571:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
+
+Footnote 572:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. 6; _Paschal Chron._, pp. 724, 725.
+
+Footnote 573:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 48; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient._, p. 124. The
+  church was dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicholas (Procopius, _ut
+  supra_). The Holy Well is now regarded as that of St. Basil (Patriarch
+  Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 44). Whether the church
+  should be identified with the Church of St. Nicholas, τὰ Βασιλίδου
+  (Codinus, p. 125, Paspates, p. 34), is doubtful.
+
+  The Cosmidion, now Eyoub, obtained its name from the celebrated Church
+  and Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the district. The church
+  was founded by Paulinus, the friend of Theodosius II., and the victim
+  of his jealousy, and is therefore sometimes described as ἐν τοῖς
+  Παυλίνου. It stood on the hill at the head of the Golden Horn,
+  commanding the most beautiful view of the harbour, and constituted,
+  with the walls around it, an acropolis (Procopius, _De Æd._ i. c. 6).
+  It was restored by Justinian the Great, and was famed for miraculous
+  cures. The two saints had been what would now be termed “medical
+  missionaries,” and exercised their art gratuitously; hence, their
+  epithet Ἀνάργυροι (without money). Owing to the strategical position
+  of the monastery, it was frequently seized by assailants of the city,
+  as, for example, by the Avars (_Paschal Chron._, p. 725), and by the
+  rebel Thomas (Theophanes Cont., p. 59). It was granted to Bohemond by
+  Alexius Comnenus, and was consequently known as the Castle of Bohemond
+  (William of Tyre, ii. pp. 84, 85). Andronicus II. Palæologus
+  dismantled the fortress, lest it should be used by the Catalans
+  (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 592).
+
+Footnote 574:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 568.
+
+Footnote 575:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 573.
+
+Footnote 576:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 592.
+
+Footnote 577:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
+
+Footnote 578:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.
+
+Footnote 579:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.
+
+Footnote 580:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
+
+Footnote 581:
+
+  _Ibid._, x. p. 48.
+
+Footnote 582:
+
+  For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, _Conquête de
+  Consple._, c. 35; Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in _Tafel et
+  Thomas_, p. 309.
+
+Footnote 583:
+
+  Barbaro, pp. 719-722.
+
+Footnote 584:
+
+  Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 585:
+
+  Paspates, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 586:
+
+  Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.
+
+Footnote 587:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.
+
+Footnote 588:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 589:
+
+  Banduri, _Imperium Orientale_, lib. vii. p. 150.
+
+Footnote 590:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 529.
+
+Footnote 591:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 592:
+
+  Page 37.
+
+Footnote 593:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.
+
+Footnote 594:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.
+
+Footnote 595:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 596:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 597:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 598:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XIV._
+
+Footnote 599:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.
+
+Footnote 600:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 618.
+
+Footnote 601:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.
+
+Footnote 602:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 603:
+
+  Attaliotes, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 604:
+
+  Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
+
+Footnote 605:
+
+  John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, _ut infra_.
+
+Footnote 606:
+
+  III. p. 58. Page 30.
+
+Footnote 607:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον:
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.
+
+Footnote 608:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 609:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the
+  bridge stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.
+
+Footnote 610:
+
+  De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange,
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 179.
+
+Footnote 611:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720.
+
+Footnote 612:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 13.
+
+Footnote 613:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.
+
+Footnote 614:
+
+  Anna Comn., x. p. 47.
+
+Footnote 615:
+
+  Cinnamus, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 616:
+
+  Chap. 33.
+
+Footnote 617:
+
+  Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XIII.
+                           THE SEAWARD WALLS.
+
+
+Owing to the unique maritime position occupied by Constantinople, the
+defence of the shores of the capital was a matter of secondary
+importance. So long as the Empire retained the command of the sea, a
+city accessible by water only through the narrow defiles of the
+Hellespont and the Bosporus had little reason to apprehend a naval
+attack.
+
+This immunity was, it is true, seriously affected when the Saracens and
+the Republics of Italy became great sea-powers. Still, even then, the
+situation of the city rendered an assault with ships an extremely
+difficult operation. The northern shore of the city could be put beyond
+the reach of the enemy by a chain extended across the narrow entrance of
+the Golden Horn; while the currents that swept the Marmora shore were
+ready to carry a fleet out to sea, or to hurl it against the rocks.
+According to Ville-Hardouin,[617] it was the dread of those currents
+that, in 1204, deterred the Venetian fleet, under Dandolo, from
+attacking the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, after the failure of the
+attempt upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn.
+
+Other natural allies to withstand a naval attack were, moreover, found
+in the violent storms to which the waters around the city are liable.
+Such a storm discomfited the great Saracen fleet in the siege of
+718.[618] In 825, a tempest compelled Thomas, the rival of Michael II.,
+to withdraw his ships from action;[619] while in 865 a storm destroyed
+the first Russian flotilla that entered the Bosporus.[620] In the long
+history of the Byzantine Empire there is only one instance of a
+successful naval assault upon Constantinople, the gallant capture of the
+city in 1204 by the Venetians. That victory, however, was due as much to
+the feeble spirit exhibited by the defenders, notwithstanding the
+advantages of their position, as to the bravery and skill of the
+assailants.
+
+But though the seaward walls did not possess the military consequence of
+the land walls, they are interesting on account of their connection with
+important political events, and, above all, for their intimate
+association with the commercial activity of the greatest emporium of
+trade during the Middle Ages.
+
+The history of the construction of these walls has already been noticed
+incidentally, when tracing the gradual expansion of the city.[621] In
+the days of Byzantium they proceeded, we have seen, from the Acropolis
+(Seraglio Point) to the Neorium, on the Golden Horn; and to the point
+subsequently called Topi, on the Sea of Marmora. Under Constantine the
+Great they were carried to the Church of St. Antony Harmatius, on the
+northern side of the city; and to the Church of St. Æmilianus, on the
+southern. In 439, Theodosius II. prolonged the lines to meet the
+extremities of the land wall at Blachernæ, on the one hand, and the
+Golden Gate, on the other.
+
+The history of the repair of these walls from time to time is a long
+one. For while comparatively secure from injury by the accidents of war,
+they were liable to be rudely shaken by earthquakes, like other public
+buildings of the city, while their proximity to the sea exposed them in
+a special manner to damage by damp and storm.
+
+During the earlier days of the Empire, indeed, when the Imperial navy
+ruled the sea, and no hostile fleet dared approach the city, the
+condition of these fortifications was often neglected; but as the
+sea-power of the Empire decayed, and that of other nations grew
+stronger, the defences along the shores of the city assumed greater
+interest, and their maintenance in proper order became one of the
+principal cares of the State.
+
+The earthquake of 447, so ruinous to the new land wall of Anthemius,
+injured also the seaward walls, especially the portion beside the Sea of
+Marmora. As an inscription over Yeni Kapou[622]—the gate at the eastern
+end of Vlanga Bostan—proclaimed, the damage was repaired by the Prefect
+Constantine when he restored the other fortifications of the city which
+had suffered from that terrible earthquake.[623]
+
+There is no record of repairs for the next two hundred and fifty years.
+But the state of these walls could not have been altogether
+unsatisfactory during that period, for they were prepared to withstand
+two fleets which threatened the southern side of the city in the seventh
+century: first, when the ships of Heraclius came, in 610, to overthrow
+the tyranny of the infamous Phocas; and again, when the Saracens
+besieged Constantinople from 673-678.
+
+With the accession of Tiberius Apsimarus the shore defences entered upon
+a new era of their history. Admiral of the Imperial fleet in the Ægean
+when the Saracens marched victoriously from the banks of the Nile to the
+Atlantic, and alive to the power of the enemy upon the sea, as well as
+upon land, he was in a position to appreciate the necessity of being
+ready to repel attack at every point. Hence, upon his return to
+Constantinople, he ordered the walls of the capital, which had for some
+time been grossly neglected, to be put into a state of defence.[624]
+Some eight years later, however, Anastasius II. found it expedient to
+attend to the seaward walls again,[625] in view of the formidable
+preparations made by the Saracens for their second attack upon the
+capital of Eastern Christendom; and so effective was the work done,
+that, in the great crisis of 718, the city defied a fleet of 1200
+vessels.
+
+In the spring of 764 an unusual occurrence shook the walls about the
+point of the Acropolis. The preceding winter had been one of Arctic
+severity. If the figures of Theophanes may be trusted, the sea along the
+northern and western shores of the Euxine was frozen to a distance of
+one hundred miles from land, and to a depth of sixty feet; and upon this
+foundation of solid ice a mass of snow forty-five feet high accumulated.
+As soon as the breath of spring liberated the frost-bound waters, a long
+procession of ice-floes came filing down the Bosporus, on their way to
+the southern seas. They came in such numbers that they packed in the
+narrow channel, and formed an ice-pile at the opening into the Sea of
+Marmora, extending from the Palace of Hiereia (Fener Bagtchessi) to the
+city, and from Chrysopolis to Galata, and as far as Mamas at the head of
+the Golden Horn.[626]
+
+At length the ice divided again, and as its several parts swayed in the
+swollen currents, one huge iceberg came dashing against the pier at the
+point of the Acropolis. Another, larger, followed, and hurled itself
+against the adjacent wall with a violence which shook the whole
+neighbourhood. The monstrous mass was broken by the concussion in three
+fragments, still so large that they overtopped the city bulwarks and
+invested the apex of the promontory from the Mangana to the Port
+Bosporus, overawing the city, and crushing, it would appear, the
+fortifications.
+
+Extensive repairs of these walls were commenced in the reign of Michael
+II., and completed by his son Theophilus on a scale which amounted to a
+work of reconstruction.[627] Under the former emperor the rebel Thomas
+had besieged the city and forced the chain across the entrance of the
+Golden Horn, proving, for the first time, that even the fortifications
+in that quarter might be attacked by a bold enemy. The Saracens,
+moreover, displaying new vigour, had taken Sicily and Crete, and in 829
+defeated the Imperial fleet in the Ægean. Accordingly, it is not strange
+that Theophilus ordered the old ramparts along the shores of the city to
+be replaced by loftier and stronger fortifications, and that in the
+execution of the undertaking he spared no labour or expense. “The gold
+coins of the realm,” says the chronicler, “were spent as freely as if
+worthless pebbles.”[628]
+
+The satisfaction of Theophilus with the result was displayed in the
+extraordinary number of the inscriptions which he placed upon the new
+walls and towers, to commemorate his work. No other emperor has
+inscribed his name upon the walls so frequently. And the fortifications
+he erected endured, with but little change, to the last days of the
+Empire, and bear his stamp even in their ruin.
+
+Of the inscriptions referred to, the following are found on the walls
+along the Sea of Marmora:
+
+On the curtain-wall immediately to the north of Deïrmen Kapoussi, in one
+long line of sixty feet, is the legend:
+
+    ΣΕ ΧΡΙΣΤΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣΑΡΡ; ΑΓΕ ΣΚΕΚΤΗΜΙΕΝΟΣ ΑΝΑΖ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟ ΣΕΥΣΕΒΗ ΣΑΥΤΟ
+    ΚΡΑΤΩΡΗΓΕΙΡΕ ΤΟΥΤΟΤΕΙ ΧΟΣΕΚΙΒΑΘΡΩΝΝΕΩΝ· ΟΠΕΡ ΦΥΛΑΤ ΤΕΤΩΚΡ ΑΤΕΙΣΟΥΠΑΝ
+    ΤΑΝΑΞΚΔΕΙΞΟ ΝΑΥΤΟΜΕ ΧΡΙΣΑΙΩΝΩΝΤΕΛΗΟΣΑΣ ΕΙΣΤΟ ΝΑΚΛΟΝΗΤΟΝΕΣ Τ
+
+    “Possessing Thee, O Christ, a Wall that cannot be broken,
+    Theophilus, King and pious Emperor, erected this wall upon new
+    foundations: which (wall), Lord of All, guard with Thy might, and
+    display to the end of time standing unshaken and unmoved.”
+
+These words read like a dedication prayer for the preservation of the
+whole line of the fortifications erected by Theophilus.
+
+On the first tower to the south of Deïrmen Kapoussi are the words:
+
+              † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΠΙΣΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
+              ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ †
+
+    “Tower of Theophilus, faithful and great King and Emperor in
+    Christ.”
+
+Above the legend is a slab, with the Cross and the battle-cry of the
+Empire, “Jesus Christ conquers.”
+
+                                 ΙΣ |  ΧΡ
+                                 ———|—————
+                                 ΝΙ |  ΚΑ
+
+A similar inscription stands on the second tower south of the gate:
+
+    † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ †[629]
+
+    “Tower of Theophilus, Emperor in Christ.”
+
+Fragmentary inscriptions to the same effect are seen on the third,
+sixth, seventh, and ninth towers south of Deïrmen Kapoussi.
+
+In addition to these inscriptions, copies of others which have
+disappeared are preserved by Von Hammer, in the appendix to his work,
+_Constantinopolis und Bosporos_.[630]
+
+The Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) bore the inscription:
+
+    ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ ... ΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΑΣ ΠΟΛΙΝ.
+
+    “Theophilus ... having renovated the city.”
+
+This inscription was repeated on the wall adjoining the gate. And on the
+two towers which flanked the gate was the customary legend which marked
+the work of Theophilus:
+
+    ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ
+
+According to the same author,[631] a similar inscription was found in
+the vicinity of the Seven Towers, as well as an inscription in honour of
+Theophilus and his son, Michael III., who, though a mere child, had been
+appointed his Imperial colleague.
+
+According to Aristarki Bey and Canon Curtis,[632] two other inscriptions
+in honour of Theophilus and Michael occurred also on two towers in the
+immediate vicinity of Top Kapoussi. All these inscriptions indicate the
+great extent of the repairs executed by Theophilus; the last three give,
+moreover, the approximate date of one portion of the work, Michael III.
+being the associate of his father from 839-842.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.]
+
+Upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn some twenty inscriptions
+in honour of Theophilus have been noted, similar to those found on the
+fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, but they have for the most
+part disappeared in the destruction of the walls, from time to time, in
+carrying out city improvements. The most important to recall are the
+legends in which the name Michael was associated with that of
+Theophilus. In two instances the former name preceded the latter; while
+in five instances the latter name preceded the former. The only
+satisfactory explanation of this variation is that in the first case the
+Michael intended was Michael II., the father of Theophilus; and that in
+the second case the allusion was to Michael III., the son of Theophilus.
+Hence it appears that the restoration of the seaward walls was commenced
+in the reign of Michael II., soon after the appointment of Theophilus as
+his colleague, in 825.
+
+Immediately to the north of the ruins of Indjili Kiosk, beside the Sea
+of Marmora, three inscribed slabs were, until recently, found built into
+the city wall. As the legend was mutilated, its full meaning cannot be
+determined, but it seemed to commemorate the restoration of a portion of
+the wall by Michael III., under the superintendence of his maternal
+uncle, the famous Bardas, the commander of the body-guard known as the
+Scholai (αἱ Σχολαί, οἱ Σχολάριοι).
+
+                       FIRST SLAB.
+
+                       ΩΝΚΡΑΤΑΙΩΣΔΕΣΠΟΣΑΝΤΩΝΤΟΥΣ
+                       ΠΤΩΣΜΙΧΑΗΛΟΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΣ ΔΙΑΒΑΡ
+
+                       SECOND SLAB.
+
+                       ΙΔΕΝΟΣΠΡΟΣΥΠΣΟΣΗΕΥΚΟΣΙΙΙΑΙΙΤΟ
+                       ΩΝΣΧΟ ΩΝΔΩΜΕΣΤΙΚΟΥΗ ΙΡΕΤΕΡ
+
+                       THIRD SLAB.
+
+                       ΗΘΕΝΕΙΣΓΗΝΤΕΙΧΟΣΕΞΕΓΕΡΚΟΤΟ
+                       ΝΟΝΩΡΑΕΙΣΜΑΤΗΠΟΛΕΙ ☩[633]
+
+An inscription on a tower at the eastern side of the entrance to the old
+harbour at Koum Kapoussi (Kontoscalion) commemorated repairs by Leo the
+Wise and his brother and colleague Alexander:
+
+                        † ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ Κ ΑΛΕΞΑΝ †
+
+The first tower west of Ahour Kapoussi was rebuilt by Basil II. in 1024,
+after its overthrow by storms. It bears the inscription:
+
+                 ΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΘΑΛΛΑΣΣΗΣ ΘΡΑΥΣΜΟΣ ΕΝ ΜΑΚΡΩ ΧΡΟΝΩ
+                 ΚΛΥΔΩΝΙ ΠΟΛΛΩ ΚΑΙ ΣΦΟΔΡΩ ΡΗΓΝΥΜΕΝΗΣ ΠΕΣΕΙΝ
+                 ΚΑΤΑΝΑΝΚΑΣΕ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΕΚ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ
+                 ΗΓΕΙΡΕΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΕΤΟΥΣ ϚΘΛΒ
+
+    “In the year 1024, Basil, the pious Sovereign, erected from the
+    foundations, this tower, which the dashing of the sea, shattering it
+    for a long time with many and violent waves, compelled to fall.”
+
+One of the most interesting incidents of the siege of 1453, reflecting
+credit both upon the conqueror and the conquered, was associated with
+“the towers of Basil, Leo, and Alexius” (τῶν πύργων τῶν λεγομένων
+Βασιλείου, Λέοντος, καὶ Ἀλεξίου). Although the Turkish troops were in
+command of the city, the defenders of those towers—the crew of a ship
+from Crete—refused to surrender, preferring to perish rather than to be
+reduced to slavery. The stand they made was reported to the Sultan, and
+he was so impressed by the heroism of the men that he offered, if they
+would submit, to allow them to leave the city with all the honours of
+war. The generous terms were accepted, though with great reluctance, and
+the brave men returned home in their own vessel, and with all their
+possessions.[634] Dr. Paspates[635] suggests that the tower connected
+with this incident was the tower bearing the inscription in honour of
+Leo and Alexander.
+
+The tower at the foot of the landing below Narli Kapoussi was repaired,
+according to the inscription upon it, by Manuel Comnenus.
+
+[Illustration: “Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King,
+Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”]
+
+According to Cinnamus,[636] the Emperor Manuel Comnenus repaired the
+city walls, wherever necessary.[637]
+
+Upon the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261 the condition of the
+seaward walls became a matter of graver importance than it had been at
+any previous period in the history of the city. For, until the rise of
+the Ottoman power, the enemies whom Constantinople had then most reason
+to fear were the maritime States of Western Europe, with their
+formidable fleets.
+
+The loss of the city by the Latins put a new strain upon the relations
+between the East and the West. It provoked more intense political
+antagonism, keener commercial rivalries, and a fanatical religious
+hatred, which all the attempts to unite the Churches of divided
+Christendom only fanned into fiercer flames. Nor was the situation
+improved when Michael Palæologus established the Genoese at Galata. A
+hostile power was then planted at the very gates of the capital; a
+foreign fleet commanded the Golden Horn; occasions for misunderstandings
+were multiplied; and selfish intriguers were at hand to foment the
+domestic quarrels of the Empire, and involve it in disputes with the
+rivals of Genoa. “The Roman Empire,” as Gibbon observes, “might soon
+have sunk into a province of Genoa, if the Republic had not been checked
+by the ruin of her freedom and naval power.”
+
+The earliest concern of Michael Palæologus, therefore, after the
+recovery of the city, was to put the fortifications in a condition to
+repel the expected attempt of the Latins to regain the place.[638]
+Having no time to lose, and as lime and stone were difficult to procure,
+the emperor was satisfied, at first, with heightening the walls,
+especially those near the sea, by the erection upon the summit, of great
+wooden screens, covered with hide to render them fire-proof. In this way
+he raised the walls some seven feet.[639]
+
+But later in his reign he conceived the ambitious idea of making the
+walls along the shores of the city, like the land walls, a double line
+of bulwarks.[640] The new fortifications, however, cannot have been a
+piece of solid work, for no traces of them have survived.[641]
+
+[Illustration: Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.[642]]
+
+Repairs were again executed upon the seaward walls when Andronicus II.
+undertook the general restoration of the fortifications of the
+city.[643] Until recently a slab bearing the monogram and coat-of-arms
+of that emperor, a lion rampant, crowned and holding an upright sword,
+was to be seen on a tower of the wall surrounding the ancient harbour at
+Koum Kapoussi.
+
+So far, at least, as the wall beside the Sea of Marmora was concerned,
+the work of Andronicus II. was soon injured. For on the very eve of his
+death, on the 12th of February, 1332, a furious storm from the south
+burst upon the fortifications beside that sea. The waves leaped over the
+battlements, opened breaches in the wall, forced the gates, and rushed
+in like a hostile army to devastate every quarter they could
+overwhelm.[644]
+
+Although the fact is not recorded, the damage done on that occasion must
+have been repaired by Andronicus III.
+
+Occasion for attending to the state of the seaward fortifications,
+especially along the Golden Horn, was again given, in the course of the
+conflicts between Cantacuzene and the Genoese of Galata.
+
+In 1348 the latter made a violent assault upon the northern side of the
+city, and, although failing to carry the walls, did much harm to the
+shipping, timber-stores, and houses near the water.[645]
+
+Matters assumed a more serious aspect in 1351. A powerful fleet then
+sailed from Genoa, under the command of Doria, to attack Constantinople
+in support of certain claims put forth by the colony at Galata, and on
+its way up the Sea of Marmora, captured the fortified town of Heraclea.
+The event caused the greatest consternation in the capital, and, in view
+of the enemy’s approach, Cantacuzene promptly set the seaward walls in
+order, repairing them where ruined, raising their height, and ordering
+all houses before them to be removed.[646] He also carried the towers
+higher, by erecting, in the manner usual on such occasions,
+constructions of timber on their summits. And not satisfied with these
+precautions, he even excavated a deep moat in front of the Harbour
+Walls, all the way from the Gate Xylinè, at Aivan Serai, to the Gate of
+Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), near the Seraglio Point.
+
+[Illustration: Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi,
+Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of
+Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.[647]]
+
+A trace of these repairs is found in a slab on the tower immediately to
+the east of the gate Djubali Kapoussi,[648] bearing a lion rampant, and
+the name of Manuel Phakrasè Catacuzene (MANOΥΗA ΦAKRACΗ TOU
+KATAKOΥSΗNOΥ), who was Proto-strator under Cantacuzene, and
+distinguished himself by his conduct in the defence of Selivria, in
+1341, and in the siege of Galata, ten years later.[649]
+
+In 1434 the Harbour Walls called for some slight repair, in consequence
+of another Genoese attack upon them. An expedition which had been sent
+from Genoa to take the town of Kaffa, having failed in that object,
+returned to the Bosporus, and sought to compensate for defeat in the
+Crimea by nothing less than the capture of Constantinople itself. The
+bold attempt made with ships carrying 8000 troops, was repulsed, and the
+baffled fleet returned to Italy. But the Genoese of Galata determined to
+continue the struggle; and in the bombardment of the walls with cannon,
+destroyed several warehouses in the city, and a tower beside the Gate
+Basilikè. This attack, likewise, ended in failure, and the colony was
+compelled to pay an indemnity of a thousand pieces of gold, to make good
+the damage caused by the bombardment.[650]
+
+Two inscriptions, preserved by Dr. A. D. Mordtmann[651] in his work on
+the last siege of the city,[652] are noteworthy as records of repairs
+made on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, when
+Constantinople trembled before the Ottoman power. They are also
+interesting on account of the personages whom they commemorate as
+restorers of the walls.
+
+One stood, somewhere, on the wall between Ahour Kapoussi and Tchatlady
+Kapou, and read:
+
+                                ΛΟΥΚ
+                                ΝΟΤΑΡΑΣ
+                                ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΟΥ
+
+    “Of Luke Notaras, the Interpreter.”
+
+This was Lucas Notaras, who subsequently became Grand Duke, and was the
+most prominent citizen of Constantinople in the catastrophe of 1453.
+When he executed these repairs he held the office of interpreter, or
+dragoman, under the Emperor John VII. Palæologus, in carrying on
+negotiations with Sultan Murad.[653] The office had, naturally, come
+into existence owing to the frequent diplomatic intercourse between the
+Byzantine Government and foreigners, and was of great importance and
+distinction. In the reign of Manuel Palæeologus it had been held by
+Nicholas Notaras, the father of Lucas Notaras.[654]
+
+The second inscription stood on a tower between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni
+Kapou. It commemorated repairs executed in 1448 at the expense of the
+celebrated George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia.
+
+                               † ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣ
+                               ΘΗΝ ΟΥΤΟΣ
+                               Ο ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΚΑΙ
+                               ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ Υ
+                               ΠΟ ΓΕΩΡΓΙ
+                               ΟΥ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ
+                               ΣΕΡΒΙΑΣ ... +
+                               ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ ϚϠ ΥϚ
+
+    “This tower and curtain-wall were restored by George, Despot of
+    Servia; in the year 6956 (1448).”
+
+It will be remembered that some of the funds furnished by the Servian
+king were employed in repairs on the land walls.[655]
+
+Footnote 618:
+
+  _La Conquête de Constantinople_, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui
+  conseillièrent qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où
+  elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les Vénitiens, qui connaissaient
+  mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de l’eau les
+  emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs
+  vaisseaux.” Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 619:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.
+
+Footnote 620:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.
+
+Footnote 621:
+
+  Leo Gram., p. 241.
+
+Footnote 622:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 623:
+
+  See below, p. 263.
+
+Footnote 624:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 21. The
+  inscription was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on
+  the Porta Rhousiou. See above, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 625:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 626:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 589.
+
+Footnote 627:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 628:
+
+  Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 629:
+
+  Manasses, 4824-4829.
+
+Footnote 630:
+
+  See illustration facing p. 248.
+
+Footnote 631:
+
+  Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.
+
+Footnote 632:
+
+  Von Hammer, _Constantinopolis und Bosporos_, vol. i. appendix, numbers
+  23, 24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, _Voyage du
+  Levant_, lettre xi. p. 180.
+
+Footnote 633:
+
+  _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi.,
+  1885; _Archæological Supplement_, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 634:
+
+  Cf. _Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple._, vol.
+  xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, p. 32. The following reading
+  of the inscription has been suggested:
+
+                    Πολλῶν κραταιῶς δεσποσάντων τοῦ σάλου
+                    Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδενὸς πρὸς ὕψος [εἴκοσιν ποδῶν]
+                    Τὸ βληθὲν εἰς γῆν τεῖχος ἐξηγερκότος
+
+  For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann,
+  p. 53.
+
+Footnote 635:
+
+  Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.
+
+Footnote 636:
+
+  Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not
+  clear. Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting
+  of more than one tower (p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p.
+  288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the plural number to be understood literally
+  or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated by Phrantzes with Leo and
+  Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the historian
+  refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the
+  former alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the
+  matter, and the name of Basil I. must have dropped out of the
+  inscription of Leo and Alexander when the tower, as the reversed
+  position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and repaired.
+  If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of
+  Basil, had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower
+  was defended by the Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p.
+  254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan ship as defending the
+  fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see below,
+  pp. 221, 222), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or
+  towers he had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p.
+  238) from Crete were present at the siege, Cretans could be found
+  taking part in the defence at different points. The tower of Leo and
+  Alexander has disappeared.
+
+Footnote 637:
+
+  Page 274.
+
+Footnote 638:
+
+  Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside
+  the Sea of Marmora, may be cited here.
+
+  The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and
+  reads:
+
+                       ΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΦΗΛΩΧΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΝ
+                       ΕΤΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ ΤΕΣΣΑΡΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΥ
+
+  The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:
+
+                    ΜΒΑΙΩΝΝΘΟΜ ΤΕΙΧ ΗΝΕΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΦΥΛΑΤΕΙ
+
+Footnote 639:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
+
+Footnote 640:
+
+  Three pikes.
+
+Footnote 641:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; _Metrical
+  Chronicle_, pp. 657-661.
+
+Footnote 642:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio
+  enclosure to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the
+  opinion that the Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the
+  Turkish Conquest, and formed, after 1261, part of the domain attached
+  to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the statement of
+  Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood
+  within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates
+  identified with the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point;
+  hence his conclusion that the territory about that point was included
+  in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But Dr. Paspates must have
+  forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, which
+  formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point,
+  but near the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace,
+  buildings placed by Dr. Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short
+  distance to the east of the Hippodrome, and to the west of the
+  Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, Βυζαντινὰ
+  Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr.
+  Metcalfe.
+
+Footnote 643:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 644:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication
+  of his _History_ to Andronicus II.
+
+Footnote 645:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.
+
+Footnote 646:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.
+
+Footnote 647:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 648:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+  The bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 649:
+
+  See below, p. 209.
+
+Footnote 650:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See _Proceedings of Greek
+  Literary Syllogos of Consple._, 1885; _Archæological Supplement_, pp.
+  37, 38.
+
+Footnote 651:
+
+  Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.
+
+Footnote 652:
+
+  The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city
+  has been so often cited.
+
+Footnote 653:
+
+  _Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre_
+  1453, note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., _Cottascher Verlag_.
+
+Footnote 654:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 655:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième
+  Siècle_, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to
+  the Varangian Guard. Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who
+  assisted Isaac Angelus in the negotiations with the envoys of the
+  Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, et entra en une
+  chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier, et
+  son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).
+
+Footnote 656:
+
+  See above, p. 107.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIV.
+                    THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN.
+
+
+The Harbour Fortifications guarded the northern side of the city, from
+the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the terminus of the land walls at
+Blachernæ, and, excepting a small portion, consisted of a single wall,
+flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by a hundred and ten towers.[656]
+
+To accommodate the commerce and traffic of the city, the wall was built,
+for the most part, at a short distance from the water; but the strip of
+ground thus left without the fortifications was even narrower in ancient
+times than it is at present, much of the land outside the wall having
+been made by recent deposits of earth and rubbish. This explains how the
+Venetian fleet, in 1203 and 1204, was able to approach so near the
+ramparts that troops standing on the flying bridges attached to the
+ships’ yards came to close quarters with the defenders on the walls.
+Indeed, in one case, at least, such a bridge spanned the distance
+between ship and tower, and permitted the assailants to cross over and
+seize the latter.[657] At the actual distance, however, of the wall from
+the water, such a feat would be impossible, except in the vicinity of
+the Seraglio Point, which was not the quarter attacked by the Venetians.
+
+
+                                 Gates.
+
+
+At a short distance to the east of the Xylo Porta a breach in the wall
+marks the site of a gateway named by the Turks Kutchuk Aivan Serai
+Kapoussi—“the Small Gate of Aivan Serai.”[658] It stands at the head of
+a short street leading southwards to the site of the famous Church of
+the Theotokos of Blachernaæ, while to the north is the landing of Aivan
+Serai Iskelessi, which accommodates this quarter of the city. Here,
+probably, was the Porta Kiliomenè (Κοιλιωμένη Πόρτα),[659] at which the
+emperors—as late, at least, as the beginning of the thirteenth
+century—landed and were received by the Senate, when proceeding by water
+to visit the Church or the Palace of Blachernæ. Nowhere else could one
+disembark so near that sanctuary and that palace.
+
+The landing-stage before the gate must, therefore, have been the
+Imperial Pier (Ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως) mentioned by Nicetas Choniates.
+Some authorities, it is true, place that landing at Balat Kapoussi. But
+it could not have been there when Nicetas Choniates wrote; for that
+historian[660] refers to the Apobathra of the Emperor to indicate the
+position of the Wall of Leo, which was attacked by the Latins in 1203.
+Now, points which could thus serve to identify each other must have been
+in close proximity. But Balat Kapoussi and the Wall of Leo are too far
+apart for the former to indicate the site of the latter. On the other
+hand, the Wall of Leo and Aivan Serai Iskelessi are very near each
+other.
+
+Over the northern entrance to the lower chamber in the tower west of the
+gateway were found, until recently, two blocks of stone, upon which the
+name of St. Pantoleon was rudely carved between the figures of two
+peacocks, or phœnixes, symbols of the immortality that rose from the
+fires of martyrdom. Possibly, the chamber was a chapel in which persons
+entering or leaving the city could perform their devotions. According to
+Stephen of Novgorod, the relics of St. Pantoleon reposed in the
+adjoining Church of the Theotokos of Blachernæ.[661]
+
+In the street to the rear of the tower is the small Mosque Toklou Dedè
+Mesdjidi, formerly, it is supposed, the Church of St. Thekla,[662] in
+the quarter of Blachernæ.
+
+On the east side of the street leading from the Porta Kiliomenè to the
+Church of Blachernæ remains are found of a large two-storied Byzantine
+edifice, with three aisles. Its original destination cannot be
+determined with any degree of certainty. By some authorities[663] the
+building is supposed to have been the Porticus Cariana (Καριανὸν
+Ἔμβολον), which the Emperor Maurice erected, and upon the walls of which
+scenes in his life, from his childhood until his accession to the
+throne, were pourtrayed.[664]
+
+The Bay of Aivan Serai was called the Bay of Blachernæ (ὁ πρὸς Βλαχέρνας
+κόλπος), and had a dockyard known as the Neorion at Blachernæ (τὸ ἐν
+Βλαχέρναις νεώριον).[665]
+
+Proceeding eastwards, a few paces bring us to a breach in the wall
+leading to the Mosque Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, supposed to be the
+Byzantine Church of SS. Peter and Mark, which was erected in 458 by two
+patricians, Galbius and Candidus, upon the shore of the Golden Horn, in
+the quarter of Blachernæ. The sanctuary claimed the honour of having
+enshrined “the Girdle of the Blessed Virgin,” before that relic was
+placed in the church specially dedicated to the Theotokos in this part
+of the city.[666] In the street to the west of the mosque lies the
+marble baptismal font of the church, cruciform, and having three steps
+within it leading to the bottom.
+
+In a chrysoboullon of John Palæologus dated 1342, mention is made of the
+Gate of St. Anastasia (Πύλη τῆς ἁγίας Ἀναστασίας) in this part of the
+city.[667] The Russian pilgrim, who visited Constantinople in the
+fifteenth century (1424-1453), speaks of a chapel containing the relics
+of St. Anastasia near the Church of Blachernæ.[668]
+
+Considerable interest is attached to the Church of St. Demetrius,
+situated within the walls a few paces to the east of Atik Mustapha Pasha
+Djamissi; for although the present edifice dates only from the beginning
+of the eighteenth century, the original building was a Byzantine
+foundation, adorned with mosaics and surmounted by a dome. Its full
+style was the Church of St. Demetrius of Kanabus (τοῦ Καναβοῦ), and may,
+as the Patriarch Constantius suggests,[669] have been erected by a
+member of the family of the Nicholas Kanabus who became emperor for a
+few days, in the interval between the overthrow of the Angeli and the
+usurpation of Murtzuphlus, during the troublous times of the Fourth
+Crusade.[670] In 1334, the church was the property of George
+Pepagomenos, a relative of Andronicus III.[671] After the Turkish
+Conquest the church became, from 1597 to 1601, the cathedral of the
+Greek Patriarch, when he was deprived of the use of the Church of the
+Pammakaristos (Fethiyeh Djamissi).[672]
+
+Soon after leaving the Church of St. Demetrius, and before reaching the
+gate now styled Balat Kapoussi, the city wall was pierced by three large
+archways, 45 to 55 paces apart, and alternating with three towers. Balat
+Kapoussi being only 55 paces beyond the easternmost archway, here stood
+four entrances into the city, in most unusual proximity to one another.
+The first, or westernmost archway was, at one time, adorned with a
+bas-relief on either side. Tafferner, chaplain to Count Walter of
+Leslie, ambassador from the German Emperor Leopold I. to the Ottoman
+Court in the seventeenth century, describes the archway as follows: “In
+decensu clivi defluentis in Euxini brachium, porta perampla et obstructa
+muro conspicitur. Fama fert limitum hunc fuisse aulæ magni Constantini.
+Ad dextrum portæ latus adstat Angelus a candido et eleganti marmore
+effigiatus, statura celsior, ac virilem præ se ferens, et inserto muro.
+Ad lævam, Deipara visitur, proportione priore consimilis, atque ab
+Angelo consulatuta.”[673]
+
+[Illustration: Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).]
+
+Only the bas-relief which stood on the eastern side of the archway has
+survived to our time.[674] It represents a winged female figure, attired
+in a flowing robe, and holding in her left hand a palm leaf—beyond all
+controversy a Nikè, not, as Tafferner imagined, the Angel of the
+Annunciation, nor, as the Patriarch Constantius supposed, the Archangel
+Michael.[675]
+
+Regarding the precise object of these four entrances, and the names to
+be attached to them, a serious difference of opinion prevails. Most
+authorities maintain that the archway adorned with the bas-relief was
+the Gate of the Kynegos, of the Hunter (τοῦ Κυνηγοῦ, τῶν Κυνηγῶν), so
+frequently mentioned in the later days of the Empire; and that Balat
+Kapoussi was the Pylè Basilikè (Πύλη Βασιλικὴ) referred to by writers of
+the same period. On the other hand, Gyllius identified Balat Kapoussi
+with the Gate of the Kynegos, and regarded the three archways above
+mentioned as entrances to a small artificial port within the line of the
+fortifications. His reason for the latter opinion was the existence of a
+great depression in the ground to the rear of the archways, which was
+occupied, in his day, by market-gardens, but which seemed to him the
+basin of an old harbour: “Ultra Portam Palatinam”—to give his own
+words—“progressus circiter centum viginti passus, animadverti tres
+magnus arcus, astructos urbis muro, et substructos, per quos olim
+Imperatores subducebant triremes in portum opere factum, nunc exiccatus
+et conversus in hortos concavos, præ se gerentes speciem portus
+obruti.”[676]
+
+As appears from the passage just quoted, Gyllius styled Balat Kapoussi
+not only the Gate of the Hunter, but also the Porta Palatina. Whether in
+doing so he meant to identify the Gate of the Kynegos with the Basilikè
+Pylè, or simply gave the Latin rendering of the name by which Balat
+Kapoussi was popularly known when he visited the city, is not perfectly
+clear. The latter supposition is, however, more in harmony with that
+author’s usage in the case of other gates.
+
+Stephen Gerlach and Leunclavius agree with Gyllius in regarding Balat
+Kapoussi as the Gate of the Kynegos, but place the Basilikè Pylè near
+the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, Gerlach[677] identifying it
+with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, Leunclavius[678] with Bagtchè Kapoussi.
+Neither Gerlach nor Leunclavius refers to the three arches on the west
+of Balat Kapoussi. The latter, however, speaks of the hollow ground to
+their rear, describing it in the following terms: “Locus depressus et
+concavus, ubi Patriarchion erat meæ peregrinationis tempore,” and
+supposed it to have been the arena of a theatre for the exhibition of
+wild animals. From that theatre, he thought, the Gate of the Kynegos
+obtained its name.
+
+The question to which gates the names Gate of the Kynegos and Basilikè
+Pylè respectively belonged is the most difficult problem connected with
+the history of the harbour fortifications. To discuss it satisfactorily
+at this stage of our inquiries is, however, impossible; for the opinion
+that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat Kapoussi, but near the eastern
+extremity of the Harbour Walls, is a point which can be determined only
+after all the facts relative to the gates near that end of the
+fortifications are before us. The full discussion of the subject must
+therefore be deferred,[679] and, meantime, little more can be done than
+to state the conclusions which appear to have most evidence in their
+favour.
+
+There can be no doubt, in the first place, that the Gate of the Kynegos
+was in this vicinity, and was either Balat Kapoussi or the archway
+adorned with the bas-relief. This is established by all the indications
+in regard to the situation of the entrance. The Gate of the Kynegos
+stood, according to Phrantzes,[680] between the Xylo Porta and the
+Petrion; according to Pusculus,[681] between the Xylo Porta and the
+Porta Phani (Fener Kapoussi), and not far from the former. It was in the
+neighbourhood of the emperor’s palace,[682] and the point at which
+persons approaching that palace from the Golden Horn disembarked and
+took horses to reach the Imperial residence.[683] Both Balat Kapoussi
+and the adjoining archways answer to this description, and they are the
+only entrances which can pretend to be city gates in the portion of the
+walls between the Xylo Porta and the Gate of the Phanar. Therefore, one
+or other of them was the Gate of the Kynegos.
+
+It is a corroboration of this conclusion to find that the district named
+after the Gate of the Kynegos occupied the level tract beside the Golden
+Horn within and without the line of the walls in the vicinity of these
+entrances. The Church of St. Demetrius, for instance, which stood a
+short distance to the west of Balat Kapoussi and the adjoining archways,
+is described as near a gate in the quarter of the Kynegon.[684] The
+bridge which the Turks threw out into the harbour from Haskeui, to carry
+a battery with which to bombard this part of the fortifications, was in
+front of the Kynegon.[685] Nicholas Barbaro[686] applies the name even
+to the territory near the Xylo Porta; for, according to him, the land
+walls extended from the Golden Gate to the Kynegon: “Le mure de tera,
+che jera mia sie, che sun de la Cresca per fina al Chinigo.” With this
+agrees also the statement of the same author that the Kynegon was the
+point where Diedo and Gabriel of Treviso landed the crews of their
+galleys, to excavate the moat which the emperor asked to be constructed
+before the land walls protecting his palace.[687] The quarter of the
+Kynegon thus comprised the modern quarters of Balata and Aivan Serai.
+
+In the second place, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the archway with
+the Nikè, to which the name Gate of the Kynegos is commonly ascribed,
+was, after all, a city gate in the ordinary sense of the term. It does
+not stand alone, but is one of three archways which pierce,
+respectively, the curtain-walls between three towers. And these three
+openings were in close proximity to a gate (Balat Kapoussi), amply
+sufficient for the requirements of public traffic in this quarter of the
+capital. Such facts do not accord with the idea that any one of these
+archways was a gateway. Furthermore, when their real destination could
+be more accurately ascertained than at present, Gyllius found that they
+formed the entrances to an artificial harbour within the line of the
+fortifications. This explanation of their presence in the wall is
+perfectly satisfactory, and any other is superfluous. But if Balat
+Kapoussi was the only gate in this vicinity, it must have been the Gate
+of the Kynegos, which certainly stood in this part of the city.
+
+There is nothing strange in the existence of a harbour within the line
+of the fortifications in the quarter of the Kynegon. It is what might be
+expected when we remember how closely the quarter was connected with the
+Palace of the Porphyrogenitus and the Palace of Blachernæ, and how
+necessary such a harbour was for the accommodation and protection of the
+boats and galleys at the service of the Court. That the harbour behind
+the three archways near Balat Kapoussi was the Neorion of Blachernæ is
+unlikely; the most probable situation of that Neorion being at Aivan
+Serai Iskelessi. But it may very well have been the harbour on the shore
+of the Kynegon at which, during the period of the Palæologi, the emperor
+and visitors to the palaces in the vicinity embarked or disembarked in
+moving to and fro by water. The landing at which the Spanish ambassadors
+to the Byzantine Court were received is described as near the Gate of
+the Kynegos: “Près de la porte de Quinigo.”[688] The galleys sent by the
+Council of Basle to convey John VII. Palæologus to the West, and which
+reached Constantinople fifteen days after the arrival of four Papal
+galleys on a similar errand, were detained for one day at Psamathia,
+until the rival parties had been prevailed upon to keep the peace, and
+then came and moored at the Kynegon (εἰς τὸν Κυνηγὸν). There the emperor
+embarked for Italy, under the escort of the Papal galleys; there the
+galley having on board the patriarch, who was to accompany the emperor,
+joined the Imperial squadron; and there the emperor disembarked upon his
+return from the Councils of Ferrara and Florence.[689] During the siege
+of 1453 a fire-ship, with forty young men on board, proceeded from the
+Gate of the Kynegos to burn the Turkish vessels which had been conveyed
+over the hills into the Golden Horn.[690] All this implies the existence
+of a port somewhere on the shore of the quarter of the Kynegon.
+
+In the third place, all discussion in regard to the proper application
+of the names Basilikè Pylè, and Gate of the Kynegos must proceed upon
+the indisputable fact that the epithet “Imperial,” belonged to an
+entrance at the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls. In proof of
+this, it is enough to cite, meantime, the statement of Phrantzes[691]
+that Gabriel of Treviso was entrusted with the defence of a tower which
+guarded the entrance of the Golden Horn, and which stood opposite the
+Basilikè Pylè. Unless, therefore, it can be shown that there was more
+than one Basilikè Pylè in the fortifications beside the Golden Horn, the
+claim of Balat Kapoussi to the Imperial epithet falls to the ground. If
+the existence of two Imperial gates in the Harbour Walls can be
+established, then Balat Kapoussi has the best right to be regarded as
+the second entrance bearing that designation. In that case, however, the
+conclusion most in harmony with the facts involved in the matter is that
+the second Basilikè Pylè was only the Gate of the Kynegos under another
+name.[692]
+
+Why, precisely, the entrance was styled the Gate of the Hunter is a
+matter of conjecture. Some explain the name as derived from a Kynegion,
+or theatre for the exhibition of wild animals,[693] such as existed on
+the side of the city facing Scutari; and in favour of this opinion is
+the term “Kynegesion” (τοῦ Κυνηγεσίου), employed by Phrantzes[694] to
+designate the quarter adjoining the entrance. But the ordinary style of
+the name lends more countenance to the view that the gate was in some
+way connected with the huntsmen attached to the Byzantine Court, hunting
+being always a favourite pastime of the emperors of Constantinople.
+Their head huntsman (ὁ πρωτοκυνηγὸς) was an official of some importance.
+Besides directing his subordinates, it was his prerogative to hold the
+stirrup when the emperor mounted horse, and the Imperial hunting-suit
+was his perquisite, if stained with blood in the course of the
+chase.[695]
+
+A gate, known as the Gate of St. John the Forerunner and Baptist (Πόρτα
+τοῦ ἁγίου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ), was also situated in the quarter of
+the Kynegon, and near the Church of St. Demetrius.[696] That name might
+readily be given to a gate in this vicinity, either in honour of the
+great Church and Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Petra, on the
+heights above Balat Kapoussi, or in honour of the church of the same
+dedication, which, there is reason to think, stood on the site of the
+Church of St. John the Baptist, found, at present, on the shore to the
+north-east of that entrance. Whether the Gate of St. John has
+disappeared, or was the Gate of the Kynegos under another name, is a
+point upon which there may be a difference of opinion. Dr.
+Mordtmann[697] identifies it with the Gate of the Kynegos, which,
+according to him, was the archway adorned with the Nikè. It may be
+identified with the Gate of the Kynegos, even on the view that the
+latter was Balat Kapoussi. That a Church of St. John stood in the
+neighbourhood of the Gate of the Kynegos is also intimated by
+Pachymeres, who records a fire which, in 1308, burnt down the quarter
+extending from that gate to the Monastery of the Forerunner.[698]
+
+The gate next in order, as its Turkish name, Fener Kapoussi, proves, is
+the entrance which the foreign historians of the last siege style Porta
+Phani, Porta del Pharo.[699] This designation was, doubtless, the
+rendering of the Byzantine name of the gate, for the adjoining quarter,
+as appears first in a document dated 1351, went by its present name,
+Phanari (τοποθεσία τοῦ φανάρι),[700] also before the Turkish Conquest. A
+beacon light must have stood at this point of the harbour.
+
+From the Porta Phani eastwards to Petri Kapoussi, the next gate, the
+fortifications consisted of two lines of wall which enclosed a
+considerable territory, the inner wall describing a great curve on the
+steep northern front of the Fifth Hill. The enclosure was called the
+Castron of the Petrion[701] (τὸ κάστρον τῶν Πετρίων), after Petrus,
+Master of the Offices in the reign of Justinian the Great;[702] and the
+surrounding district was named the Petrion (Πετρίον, τὰ Πετρία,[703]
+“Regio Petri Patricii”).[704] It must be carefully distinguished from
+the district of Petra (Πέτρα), at Kesmè Kaya, above Balat Kapoussi.
+
+In the angle formed by the junction of the two walls, a little to the
+west of the Porta Phani, was a small gate, Diplophanarion,[705] which
+led from the Castron into the city.
+
+Petri Kapoussi, at the eastern extremity of the Castron, and in the
+outer wall, communicated with the street skirting the Golden Horn, and
+retains the ancient name of the district.[706] Dr. Mordtmann[707]
+identifies it with the Porta Sidhera (Σιδηρᾶ Πίλη), near the Convent of
+the Petrion.[708] That the Petrion was not confined to the Castron, but
+included territory on either side of the enclosure, is manifest from the
+fact that whereas the wall between the Porta Phani and the Porta Petri
+is without a single tower, mention is yet made of towers in the
+Petrion.[709]
+
+Of the churches in this quarter, St. Stephen of the Romans, St. Julianè,
+St. Elias, and St. Euphemia, the two last were the most important. The
+Church of St. Euphemia claimed to be an older foundation than
+Constantinople itself, being attributed to Castinus, Bishop of
+Byzantium, 230-237. It was restored by Basil I., and his daughters
+entered the convent attached to the church.[710] The Convent of Petrion,
+as it was called, must have been of considerable importance, for it was
+on several occasions selected as the place in which ladies of high rank,
+who had become politically inconvenient, were interned; as, for
+instance, Zoe, the dowager-empress of Leo the Wise, for conspiracy
+against Romanus Lecapenus;[711] Theodora, by her sister the Empress
+Zoe;[712] and Delassaina, the mother of the Comneni, with her daughters
+and daughters-in-law, by Nicephorus Botoniates.[713]
+
+In the assaults made by foreign fleets upon the Harbour Walls, the
+Petrion, or Phanar, occupied a conspicuous place.
+
+It was before the Petrion[714] that the Venetian galleys under Dandolo
+stood, July 17, 1203, and established the free end of their flying
+bridges upon the summit of the walls, whereby twenty-five towers were
+captured, and the city was recovered for Isaac Angelus. The Petrion was
+again prominent in the assault which the Crusaders delivered on April
+12, 1204, when Constantinople passed into their hands and became the
+seat of a Latin Empire. Here the flying bridge of the ship _Pelerine_
+lodged itself on a tower, and allowed a bold Venetian and a French
+knight, André d’Urboise, to rush across, seize the tower, and clear a
+way for their comrades to follow. Here ladders were then landed, the
+walls scaled, three gates forced, and the city thrown open to the whole
+host of the invaders.[715]
+
+In the siege of 1453, early on the morning of the 29th of May, the
+Phanar was fiercely attacked by the Turkish ships in the Golden
+Horn.[716] The attack was repulsed, and the Greeks remained masters of
+the situation, until the occupation of the city by the enemy’s land
+forces made further resistance impossible. The memory of the struggle is
+said to be preserved in the quarter by the name of the street Sandjakdar
+Youcousou (the Ascent of the Standard-bearer) and by the Turkish name
+for the Church of St. Mary Mougouliotissa, Kan Klissè (the Church of
+Blood).[717]
+
+The succeeding gate, Yeni Aya Kapou, was opened, it would seem, in
+Turkish times, being first mentioned by Evlia Tchelebi. There is,
+however, one circumstance in favour of regarding it as a small Byzantine
+entrance, enlarged after the Conquest. On the right of the gate, within
+the line of the walls, are the remains of a large Byzantine edifice,
+which could hardly have dispensed with a postern.
+
+Aya Kapou, the next entrance, as its Turkish name intimates, and the
+order of Pusculus requires, is the Porta Divæ Theodosiæ (Πύλη τῆς Ἁγίας
+Θεοδοσίας),[718] so named in honour of the adjoining Church of St.
+Theodosia (now Gul Djamissi), the first martyr in the cause of Icons,
+under Leo the Isaurian. The gate was also known by the name Porta
+Dexiocrates, after the district of Dexiocrates in which it stood.[719]
+This identification rests upon the fact that while Pachymeres[720]
+affirms that the body of St. Theodosia lay in the church dedicated to
+her memory, the _Synaxaristes_ declares that she was buried in the
+Monastery of Dexiocrates.[721] Only by the supposition that the Church
+of St. Theodosia stood in the district of Dexiocrates can these
+statements be reconciled. The church is first mentioned by Antony of
+Novgorod.[722] The festival of the saint, falling on May 29th, coincided
+with the day on which, in 1453. the city was captured by the Turks. As
+usual, a large crowd of worshippers, many of them ladies, filled the
+sacred edifice, little thinking of the tragedy which would interrupt
+their devotions, when suddenly Turkish troops burst into the church and
+carried the congregation off into slavery.[723]
+
+The next gate, Djubali Kapoussi, must be the entrance styled Porta Puteæ
+by Pusculus,[724] and Porta del Pozzo by Zorzo Dolfin;[725] for it is
+the only entrance between the Gate of St. Theodosia (Aya Kapou) and the
+Porta Platea (Oun Kapan Kapoussi), the gates between which the writers
+above mentioned place the Porta Puteæ. Although no Byzantine author has
+mentioned the Porta Puteæ by its Greek name, there can be no doubt that
+the name in vogue among foreigners was the translation, more or less
+exact, of the native style of the entrance, and that consequently the
+gate marks the point designated Ispigas (εἰς Πηγὰς) by the Chronista
+Novgorodensis, in his account of the operations of the Venetian fleet
+against the harbour fortifications on the 12th of April, 1204. The ships
+of the Crusaders, says that authority, were then drawn up before the
+walls, in a line extending from the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor
+and Ispigas, on the east, to Blachernæ, on the west: “Cum solis ortu
+steterunt, in conspectu ecclesiæ Sancti Redemptoris, quæ dicitur τοῦ
+Εὐεργέτου, et Ispigarum, Blachernis tenus.”[726]
+
+The name of the gate alluded to the suburb of Pegæ (Πηγαὶ), situated
+directly opposite, on the northern shore of the harbour, and noted for
+its numerous springs of water. Dionysius Byzantius, in his _Anaplus of
+the Golden Horn and the Bosporus_,[727] describes the locality at
+length, naming it Krenides (Κρηνίδες). on account of its flowing springs
+(πηγαίων), which gave the district the character of marshy ground. The
+suburb appears under the name Pegæ in the history of the siege of the
+city by the Avars, when the Imperial fleet formed a cordon across the
+harbour, from the Church of St. Nicholas at Blachernæ to the Church of
+St. Conon and the suburb of Pegæ, to prevent the enemy’s flotilla of
+boats in the streams at the head of the Golden Horn from descending into
+the harbour.[728]
+
+According to Antony of Novgorod, the suburb was situated to the west of
+St. Irene of Galata; it contained several churches, and was largely
+inhabited by Jews.[729] It appears again in the old Records of the
+Genoese colony of Galata in the fourteenth century, under the name
+Spiga, or De Spiga, to the west of that town.[730] Critobulus calls it
+the Cold Waters (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα), placing it on the bay into which Sultan
+Mehemet brought his ships over the hills from the Bosporus.[731]
+
+As appears from the passage of the Chronista Novgorodensis, cited above,
+near the Porta Puteæ stood the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor,
+interesting as a conspicuous landmark in the scenes associated with the
+Latin Conquest of the city.
+
+The fire which the Venetians set near the portion of the Harbour Walls
+captured in 1203, reduced to ashes the quarters extending from Blachernæ
+as far east as that monastery.[732] The monastery marked also the
+eastern extremity of the line of battle in which the ships of the
+Crusaders delivered the final attack upon the walls on April 12,
+1204;[733] while the fire which illuminated the victory of that day
+started in the neighbourhood of that religious house, and raged
+eastwards to the quarter of Drungarius.[734] During the Latin occupation
+the Venetians established a dockyard on the shore in the vicinity of the
+monastery;[735] the adjoining district, including the Church of
+Pantocrator[736] (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi) and the Church of
+Pantopoptes[737] (now Eski Imaret Mesdjidi), on the Fourth Hill, being
+their head-quarters.
+
+Footnote 657:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelagi._
+
+Footnote 658:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.
+
+Footnote 659:
+
+  Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or
+  Verandah. The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.
+
+Footnote 660:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition
+  the term is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”
+
+Footnote 661:
+
+  Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα
+  τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ...
+  près de la mer.”
+
+Footnote 662:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 124.
+
+Footnote 663:
+
+  Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn.,
+  iii. p. 166.
+
+Footnote 664:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 665:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty
+  feet wide. The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles
+  fifteen feet. The dividing walls, pierced by seven arches, are five
+  feet thick.
+
+Footnote 666:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 667:
+
+  Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 116.
+
+Footnote 668:
+
+  Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.
+
+Footnote 669:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 670:
+
+  Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.
+
+Footnote 671:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.
+
+Footnote 672:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 568.
+
+Footnote 673:
+
+  Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.
+
+Footnote 674:
+
+  _Cæsarea Legatio_, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).
+
+Footnote 675:
+
+  It is now in the Imperial Museum.
+
+Footnote 676:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 677:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iv. c. 4; _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. 2. This
+  depression was visible as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus
+  Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known as a Tchoukour Bostan,
+  the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.
+
+Footnote 678:
+
+  _Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David
+  Ungnad_, p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this
+  Diary of his visit to Constantinople, 1573-1578.
+
+Footnote 679:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 680:
+
+  See below, pp. 230-240.
+
+Footnote 681:
+
+  Page 254.
+
+Footnote 682:
+
+  IV. p. 181.
+
+Footnote 683:
+
+  N. Barbaro, p. 789.
+
+Footnote 684:
+
+  Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient
+  (from Pera) à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’
+  où ils devaient trouver le sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de
+  monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la plus grande partie de la
+  ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople
+  et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la
+  cour, près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils
+  montèrent à cheval et partirent pour visiter une église nommée Sancta
+  Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of Blachernæ).”
+
+Footnote 685:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, i. p. 568, year 1334.
+
+Footnote 686:
+
+  Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.
+
+Footnote 687:
+
+  Page 728.
+
+Footnote 688:
+
+  Page 720.
+
+Footnote 689:
+
+  Clavijo, _Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques_, pp. 14,
+  15.
+
+Footnote 690:
+
+  See _History of the Council of Florence_, by Sgyropoulos, who attended
+  the Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a
+  Latin translation are found in _Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter
+  Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini_. The translation,
+  published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was dedicated to
+  Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that
+  work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p.
+  582.
+
+Footnote 691:
+
+  _Historia Politica_, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 692:
+
+  Pages 254, 255.
+
+Footnote 693:
+
+  On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern
+  extremity of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the
+  Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of the Kynegos, for these names are
+  sometimes employed in a way which renders it perfectly evident that
+  they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, _ut supra_; Pusculus,
+  iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 694:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 695:
+
+  Page 254.
+
+Footnote 696:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis CP._, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 697:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν
+  οἰκημάτων αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου
+  καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν
+  μάρτυσι περιβοήτου, μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.
+
+  Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St.
+  John mentioned in the _Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus_, p. 203,
+  cited above on p. 197. The latter, also, was a gate near the water,
+  with a considerable territory outside the entrance, occupied by
+  numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία
+  Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is
+  confirmed by the reference in the _Chrysoboullon_ to Kanabus (τοῦ
+  Κανάβη), the eponym of the Church of St. Demetrius.
+
+Footnote 698:
+
+  Page 40.
+
+Footnote 699:
+
+  Vol. ii. p. 582.
+
+Footnote 700:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.
+
+Footnote 701:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 321.
+
+Footnote 702:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 721.
+
+Footnote 703:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.
+
+Footnote 704:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 753.
+
+Footnote 705:
+
+  Antony of Novgorod, in _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 706:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 707:
+
+  _Metrical Chronicle_, line 259.
+
+Footnote 708:
+
+  Page 41.
+
+Footnote 709:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.
+
+Footnote 710:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.
+
+Footnote 711:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 39.
+
+Footnote 712:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.
+
+Footnote 713:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 537.
+
+Footnote 714:
+
+  Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.
+
+Footnote 715:
+
+  Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 716:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.
+
+Footnote 717:
+
+  N. Barbaro, p. 818.
+
+Footnote 718:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, pp. 85, 86. The
+  church was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of
+  Michael Palæologus, upon her return to Constantinople, after the death
+  of her husband, the Khan of the Mongols. It has remained in the
+  possession of the Greek community, in virtue of a firman of Mehemet
+  the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, the
+  architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (_Acta
+  Patriarchatus CP._, vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).
+
+Footnote 719:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.
+
+Footnote 720:
+
+  Codinus, _De S. Sophia_, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.
+
+Footnote 721:
+
+  Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.
+
+Footnote 722:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, May 29.
+
+Footnote 723:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 724:
+
+  Ducas, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 725:
+
+  IV. 191.
+
+Footnote 726:
+
+  S. 55.
+
+Footnote 727:
+
+  _Chroniques Græco-Romaines_, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that
+  this point is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael Palæologus
+  with the Venetians in 1265, when that emperor allowed the Venetians to
+  occupy any point from the old Arsenal to Pegæ (ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς
+  ἐξαρτύσις μέχρι καὶ τῶν Πηγῶν). The passage is ambiguous, for there
+  was an old arsenal and a suburb Pegæ on the northern side of the
+  Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.
+
+Footnote 728:
+
+  Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 729:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 720, 721.
+
+Footnote 730:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches
+  was the Church of St. Conon (_Paschal Chron._, p. 721), memorable in
+  the Sedition of the Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two
+  of the seven rioters condemned to death from the hands of the clumsy
+  executioner, and carried them across the Golden Horn in a boat to the
+  Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas, p. 473).
+
+Footnote 731:
+
+  Desimoni, _Giornale Ligustico_, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.
+
+Footnote 732:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.
+
+Footnote 733:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.
+
+Footnote 734:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 754; _Chroniques Græco-Romaines_, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 735:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.
+
+Footnote 736:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. p. 284.
+
+Footnote 737:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 46, 348.
+
+Footnote 738:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery
+  of Christ the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as
+  Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi, to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates,
+  pp. 384, 385). But the prominence of the monastery suggests a position
+  nearer the shore. For incidents connected with it, see Pachymeres,
+  vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the monastery
+  (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern
+  limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the
+  Monastery of St. Giorgio Majore, at Venice (_Tafel und Thomas_, ii.
+  pp. 47-49).
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XV.
+              THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—_continued_.
+
+
+The next gate on the list of Pusculus and Dolfin is the Porta Platea, or
+Porta ala Piazza,[738] evidently the Porta of the Platea (Πόρτα τῆς
+Πλατέας) mentioned by Ducas.[739] The entrance, judging by its name, was
+situated beside a wide tract of level ground, and is, consequently,
+represented by Oun Kapan Kapoussi, which stands on the plain near the
+Inner Bridge, at the head of the important street running across the
+city from sea to sea, through the valley between the Fourth and Fifth
+Hills. The district beside the gate was known as the Plateia
+(Πλατεῖα),[740] and contained the churches dedicated respectively to St.
+Laurentius and the Prophet Isaiah.[741] The blockade of the Harbour
+Walls in 1453 by the Turkish ships in the Golden Horn extended from the
+Xylo Porta to the Gate of the Platea.[742] If the legend on
+Bondelmontius’ map may be trusted, this gate bore also the name Mesè,
+the Central Gate, a suitable designation for an entrance at the middle
+point in the line of the harbour fortifications.
+
+The succeeding gate, Ayasma Kapoussi, was opened, it would seem, after
+the Turkish Conquest. It is not mentioned by Gyllius, or Leunclavius, or
+Gerlach. The conjecture that it represents a gate in the Wall of
+Constantine, styled Porta Basilikè, situated near the Church of St.
+Acacius ad Caream (τὸν ἅγιον Ἀκάκιον, τὴν Καρυὰν, ἐν τῇ Βασιλικῇ
+Πόρτα)[743] does not appear very probable. The Church of St. Acacius,
+situated in the Tenth Region,[744] was the sanctuary to which
+Macedonius, the bishop of the city, removed the sarcophagus of
+Constantine the Great, from the Church of the Holy Apostles on the
+summit of the Fourth Hill, when the latter edifice threatened to fall
+and crush the Imperial tomb.[745] The bishop’s action encountered the
+violent opposition of a large class of the citizens, and led to a riot
+in which much blood was shed. Under these circumstances, it is difficult
+to believe that the sarcophagus of Constantine was transported from its
+original resting-place to a point so distant as the neighbourhood of
+Ayasma Kapoussi, especially when the removal was a temporary
+arrangement, made until the repairs on the Church of the Holy Apostles
+should be completed. It is more probable that St. Acacius was near the
+Church of the Holy Apostles. Furthermore, we cannot be sure that the
+Porta Basilikè was a gate in the Wall of Constantine. The Church of St.
+Acacius stood near a palace erected by that emperor (πλησίον τῶν
+οἰκημάτων τοῦ μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου):[746] or, as described elsewhere,
+was a small chapel (οἰκίσκον εὐκτήριον) near a palace named Karya,
+because close to a walnut-tree on which the saint was supposed to have
+suffered martyrdom by hanging.[747] The Porta Basilikè may have been a
+gate leading into the court of that palace.
+
+The three succeeding gates, Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, Zindan Kapoussi,
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, bore respectively the names Gate of the
+Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων); Gate of the Forerunner (Porta juxta parvum
+templum Precursoris, known also as St. Johannes de Cornibus); Gate of
+the Perama or Ferry (τοῦ Περάματος). They can be identified, perhaps,
+most readily and clearly by the following line of argument:—
+
+The three Byzantine gates just named were situated in the quarter
+assigned to the Venetians in Constantinople by successive Imperial
+grants from the time of Alexius Comnenus to the close of the Empire. The
+Gate of the Drungarii marked the western extremity of the quarter;[748]
+the Gate of the Perama, its eastern extremity;[749] while the gate
+beside the Church of the Forerunner was between the two points. Where
+the Gate of the Perama stood admits of no doubt. All students of the
+topography of the city are agreed in the opinion that the entrance so
+named was at Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi. Consequently, the two other gates
+in the Venetian quarter lay to the west of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, in
+the portion of the fortifications between that entrance and the Gate of
+the Platea, all gates further west being out of the question. But as the
+only two gates in that portion of the walls are Zindan Kapoussi and Oun
+Kapan Kapoussi, they must represent, respectively, the Gate of the
+Forerunner and the Gate of the Drungarii.
+
+The Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων) derived its name from the
+term “Drungarius,” a title given to various officials in the Byzantine
+service;[750] as, for example, to the admiral of the fleet (μέγας
+δρουγγάριος τοῦ θεοσώστου στόλου), and to the head of the city police,
+the Drungarius Vigiliæ. (ὁ τῆς Βίγλας δρουγγάριος). In this particular
+case the reference was to the latter officer, for in the neighbourhood
+of the gate stood an important Vigla, or police-station, which is
+sometimes mentioned instead of the Gate of the Drungarii, as the western
+limit of the Venetian quarter.[751]
+
+The street running eastwards, outside the city wall, was known as the
+Via Drungariou (De Longario),[752] and the pier in front of the next
+gate bore the name Scala de Drongario.[753]
+
+The practice of storing timber on the shore without the gate has come
+down from an early period in the history of the city. One of the
+questions put to Justinian the Great by the Greens, during the
+altercation between him and the Factions in the Hippodrome, on the eve
+of the Nika riot was, “Who murdered the timber-merchant at the
+Zeugma?”[754]—another name for this part of the shore. An inscription on
+the gate reminded the passing crowd that to remember death is profitable
+to life (Μνῆμη θανάτου χρησιμεύει τῷ βίῳ).[755]
+
+It is in favour of the identification of Zindan Kapoussi with the Gate
+near the Church of St. John (Porta juxta parvum templum Precursoris) to
+find only a few yards within the entrance a Holy Well, venerated alike
+by Christian and Moslem, beside which stood, until recently, the ruins
+of a Byzantine chapel answering to the small Church of the Forerunner
+mentioned in the Venetian charters.[756]
+
+Leunclavius found the gate called in his day Porta Caravion, because of
+the large number of ships which were moored in front of it.[757] The
+landing before the gate, the old Scala de Drongario, now Yemish
+Iskelessi, in front of the Dried Fruit-Market, is one of the most
+important piers on the Golden Horn.
+
+Dr. Paspates[758] and M. Heyd[759] identify this entrance with the Gate
+of the Drungarii. But this opinion is inconsistent with the fact that
+whereas the gate near St. John’s stood between the Gate of the Drungarii
+and the Gate of the Perama, no entrance which can be identified with the
+gate near St. John’s intervenes between Zindan Kapoussi and Balouk
+Bazaar Kapoussi (Gate of the Perama).
+
+M. Heyd, moreover, identifies Zindan Kapoussi with the Porta
+Hebraica,[760] mentioned in the charters granted to the Venetians in the
+thirteenth century. But, as will appear in the sequel, the Porta
+Hebraica of that period was either the Gate of the Perama itself, or an
+entrance a little to the east of it.
+
+The Gate of the Perama (τοῦ Περάματος), as its name implies, stood where
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi is found to-day, close to the principal ferry
+between the city and the suburb of Galata; communication between the
+opposite shores being maintained in ancient times by boats, for the only
+bridge across the harbour was that near the head of the Golden Horn. The
+Perama is first mentioned by Theophanes,[761] in recording the
+dedication of the Church of St. Irene at Sycæ (Galata), after the
+reconstruction of that sanctuary by Justinian the Great. Special
+importance attached to the event, as the emperor attributed his recovery
+from an attack of the terrible plague that raged in Constantinople, in
+542, to the touch of the relics of the Forty Martyrs which had been
+discovered in pulling down the old church, and which were to be
+enshrined in the new building. Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, and
+Apollinarius, Patriarch of Alexandria—who was then in the capital—were
+appointed to celebrate the service of the day; and the two prelates,
+seated in the Imperial chariot, and bearing upon their knees the sacred
+relics, drove through the city from St. Sophia to the Perama, to take
+boat for Sycæ, where Justinian awaited them. The ferry was also styled
+Trajectus Sycenus;[762] Transitus Sycarum, after the oldest name for
+Galata. It was, moreover, known as Transitus Justinianarum,[763] from
+the name Justinianopolis, given to the suburb in honour of Justinian,
+who rebuilt its walls and theatre, and conferred upon it the privileges
+of a city.[764] The pier at the city end of the ferry was known as the
+Scala Sycena.[765]
+
+It would seem that there was a spice-market[766] in the vicinity of the
+Gate of the Perama, like the one which exists to-day to the rear of
+Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, the latter being only the continuation of the
+former. According to Bondelmontius, the fish-market of Byzantine
+Constantinople was held before this gate, as the practice is at present;
+for upon his map he names the entrance Porta Piscaria. So fixed are the
+habits of a city.
+
+Besides bearing the name Gate of the Perama, the entrance was also
+styled the Porta Hebraica. This appears from the employment of the two
+names as equivalent terms in descriptions of the territory occupied by
+the Venetians in Constantinople. For example, according to Anna
+Comnena,[767] the quarter which her father, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus,
+conceded to the Venetians, extended from the old Hebrew pier to the
+Vigla. In the charter by which the Doge Faletri granted that district to
+the Church of San Georgio Majore of Venice, the quarter is described in
+one passage, as extending from the Vigla to the Porta Perame, as far as
+the Judeca (“ad Portam Perame, usque ad Judecam”);[768] and in a
+subsequent passage, as proceeding from the Vigla to the Judeca (“a
+comprehenso dicto sacro Viglæ usque ad Judecam”).[769] In the grants
+made to the Venetians after the Restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261,
+the extreme points of the Venetian quarter are named, respectively, the
+Gate of the Drungarii and the Gate of the Perama.[770]
+
+To this identification of the Porta Hebraica with the Gate of the Perama
+it may be objected that on the map of Bondelmontius these names are
+applied to different gates, and this, it may further be urged, accords
+with the fact that after the Turkish Conquest, also, a distinction was
+maintained between the Gate of the Perama and the gate styled Tchifout
+Kapoussi, the Hebrew Gate. But in reply to this objection it must be
+noted that the Tchifout Kapoussi of Turkish days was the gate now known
+as Bagtchè Kapoussi,[771] beside the Stamboul Custom House, while the
+“Porta Judece” on the map of Bondelmontius stands close to the Seraglio
+Point. Nothing, however, is more certain than that the Venetian
+quarter[772] did not extend so far east as Bagtchè Kapoussi, much less
+so far in that direction as the neighbourhood of the head of the
+promontory. Bagtchè Kapoussi corresponds to the Byzantine Porta Neoriou
+(the Gate of the Dockyard), which had no connection whatever with the
+quarter assigned to the Venetian merchants in the city, but was
+separated from that quarter, on the west, by the quarters which the
+traders from Amalfi and Pisa occupied, while to the east of the gate was
+the settlement of the Genoese. Consequently, the fact that in the age of
+Bondelmontius and after the Turkish Conquest the Porta Hebraica was a
+different entrance from the Gate of the Perama affords no ground for
+rejecting the evidence that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
+two names designated the same gate. It only proves that the epithet
+“Hebrew” had meantime been transferred from one gate to another.[773]
+
+At the distance of seventy-seven feet to the east of the Porta Hebraica,
+or Gate of the Perama, there stood, according to a Venetian document of
+1229, an entrance known as the Gate of St. Mark (Porta San Marci).[774]
+It probably obtained its name during the Latin occupation, after the
+patron saint of Venice, but whether it was a gate then opened for the
+first time, or an old gate under a new name, cannot be determined.
+
+Yet further east, at a point 115 pikes before reaching Bagtchè Kapoussi,
+stood an entrance styled the Gate of the Hicanatissa (Πόρτα τῆς
+Ἱκανατίσσης).[775] The adjoining quarter went by the same name, and
+there probably stood the “Residence of the Kanatissa” (τὸν οἶκον τῆς
+Κανατίσης) mentioned by Codinus.[776] The designation is best explained
+as derived from the body of palace troops known as the Hicanati.[777]
+
+Between the Gate of the Perama and that of the Hicanatissa was situated
+the quarter of the merchants from Amalfi; at the latter gate the quarter
+of the Pisans commenced.[778]
+
+The Gate of the Neorion (Πόρτα τοῦ Νεωρίου),[779] the Gate of the
+Dockyard, stood, as its name implies, beside the Dockyard on the shore
+of the bay at Bagtchè Kapoussi, close to the site now occupied by the
+Stamboul Custom House. It is first mentioned in a chrysoboullon of Isaac
+Angelus, confirming the right granted to the Pisan merchants by his
+predecessors, Alexius Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus, to reside in the
+neighbourhood of the gate.[780] While the western limit of the quarter
+thus conceded to Pisans was marked, as already intimated, by the Gate
+Hicanatissa,[781] the eastern limit of the settlement extended to a
+short distance beyond the Gate of the Neorion.
+
+The Neorion dated from the time of Byzantium, when it stood at the
+western extremity of the Harbour Walls of the city.[782] It was,
+therefore, distinguished from all other dockyards in Constantinople as
+the Ancient Neorion (τὸ Παλαιὸν Νεώριον), or the Ancient Exartesis
+(Ἐξάρτησις). Nicolo Barbaro calls it “l’arsenada de l’imperador.”
+
+Here the Imperial fleet assembled to refit or to guard the entrance of
+the harbour;[783] here, until the reign of Justin II., was the Marine
+Exchange;[784] and here was a factory of oars (coparia),[785] in
+addition to the one mentioned in the Justinian Code, which stood
+elsewhere. As might be expected, several destructive fires originated in
+the Neorion.[786]
+
+According to Gyllius,[787] Gerlach,[788] and Leunclavius,[789] this
+entrance was in their day named by the Turks, Tchifout Kapoussi, and was
+regarded by the Greeks as the Πύλη Ὡραία (the Beautiful Gate), mentioned
+by Phrantzes[790] and Ducas[791] in the history of the last siege. The
+epithet Horaia is supposed to be a corruption of the original name for
+the entrance (τοῦ Νεωρίου); the Turkish designation of the gate being
+explained by the fact that a Jewish community was settled in the
+neighbourhood of the gate.[792]
+
+As to the transformation of Neorion into Horaia, it seems somewhat
+far-fetched; still, Greeks think it conceivable.[793] If both names,
+indeed, belonged to the gate, a simpler and more probable explanation of
+the fact would be that the two names had no connection with each other,
+and that the epithet “Beautiful” was bestowed upon the entrance, towards
+the close of the Empire, in view of embellishments made in the course of
+repairs.
+
+The identification of the Gate of the Neorion with the Horaia Pylè
+involves, however, a difficulty. It makes Ducas contradict other
+historians, as regards the point to which the southern end of the chain
+across the Golden Horn was attached during the siege of 1453.
+
+According to Ducas,[794] that extremity of the chain was fastened to the
+Beautiful Gate. Critobulus,[795] on the other hand, affirms that it was
+attached to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), the gate nearest
+the head of the promontory, and his statement is supported by
+Phrantzes[796] and Chalcocondylas,[797] when they, respectively, say
+that the chain was at the harbour’s mouth, and fixed to the wall of the
+Acropolis. Now, the correctness of the position assigned to the chain by
+the three latter historians cannot be called in question. It was the
+position prescribed for the chain by all the rules of strategy. To have
+placed the chain at the Gate of the Neorion would have left a large
+portion of the northern side of the city exposed to the enemy, and
+permitted the Turkish fleet to command the Neorion and the ships
+stationed before it. Hence the accuracy of Ducas can be maintained only
+by the identification of the Beautiful Gate with the Gate of Eugenius
+instead of with the Gate of the Neorion.
+
+We are, therefore, confronted with the question whether the historian is
+mistaken as regards the gate to which the city end of the chain was
+attached, or whether the view prevalent in Constantinople in the
+sixteenth century respecting the position of the Horaia Pylè should be
+rejected as unfounded.
+
+In favour of the accuracy of Ducas, it must be admitted that his
+statements concerning the Horaia Pylè, in other passages of his work,
+convey the impression that under that name he refers to the entrance
+nearest the head of the promontory, the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi). Speaking of the arrangements made for the defence of the
+sea-board of the city, he describes them as extending, in the first
+place, from the Xylinè Porta, at the western extremity of the Harbour
+Walls, to the Horaia Pylè; and then from the Horaia Pylè to the Golden
+Gate, near the western extremity of the walls along the Sea of
+Marmora.[798] Again, when he describes the blockade of the shore of the
+city outside the chain by the Sultan’s fleet, he represents the blockade
+as commencing at the Horaia Pylè and proceeding thence past the point of
+the Acropolis, the Church of St. Demetrius, the Gate of the Hodegetria,
+the Great Palace, and the harbour (Kontoscalion), as far as Vlanga.[799]
+
+Now, the gate which would naturally form the pivot, so to speak, of
+these operations was the Gate of Eugenius. There the two shores of the
+city divide; and that was the farthest point to which the Turkish fleet
+outside the chain could advance into the Golden Horn. It would be
+strange if Ducas ascribed the strategical importance of the Gate of
+Eugenius to another gate. And yet, it must be also admitted that Ducas
+can be inaccurate. He is inaccurate, for example, in the matter of the
+gate before which the Sultan’s tent was pitched during the siege,[800]
+and at which the Emperor Constantine fell,[801] for he associates these
+incidents with the Gate of Charisius, instead of with the Gate of St.
+Romanus; he is inaccurate, as we have seen, in his account of the entry
+of the Turks through the Kerko Porta;[802] and he is inaccurate, again,
+in saying that the ships which the Sultan carried across the hills from
+the Bosporus to the Golden Horn were launched into the harbour at a
+point opposite the Cosmidion (Eyoub),[803] instead of at Cassim Pasha.
+Under these circumstances it is impossible to maintain his accuracy as
+to the connection of the chain with Horaia Pylè at all hazards, and in
+the face of all difficulties. His credit will depend upon the value
+attached to the evidence we have, that the Horaia Pylè was another name
+for the Gate of the Neorion during the last days of Byzantine
+Constantinople.
+
+The application of both names to the same gate rests upon the authority
+of tradition, upon the use and wont followed in the matter by the Greek
+population of the city in the sixteenth century. If this is really the
+case, no evidence can be more decisive on the question at issue. Use and
+wont in respect to the name of a conspicuous public gate, in a
+much-frequented part of the city, constitutes an irrefutable argument,
+provided that use and wont goes far enough back in the history of the
+entrance. In that case, Ducas would be convicted of having mistaken the
+gate to which the chain was attached, and all the importance which he
+ascribes to the Horaia Pylè, in his account of the actions of friends
+and foes along the shores of the city, is only the consistent following
+up of that error. For any gate to which the chain was supposed, however
+erroneously, to have been affixed would be represented in the narrative
+of subsequent events as the point about which the assault and the
+defence of the sea-board turned, although the gate was not situated
+where it could, naturally, have sustained that character.
+
+Now, according to Gyllius,[804] the gate anciently styled the Gate of
+the Neorion was called in his day Tchifout Kapoussi (“Hebrew Gate”) by
+the Turks, and Horaia Pylè by the Greeks, as a matter of common
+practice. The brief statement of Gerlach[805] that the second gate west
+of the Seraglio Point was named at once the Beautiful Gate and the
+Jewish Gate implies that these were the names of the gate in current
+use. Leunclavius[806] puts the facts in a somewhat different light.
+According to him, the common designation of the entrance was “Huræa”
+(_Ebraia_, “Hebrew Gate”), and it was only when the Greeks of the city
+wished to show themselves better acquainted with the truth on the
+subject that they claimed for the gate the epithet “Horaia.”
+
+This may, perhaps, excite the suspicion that the application of the
+epithet “Horaia” to the Gate of the Neorion, in the sixteenth century,
+was due to the fact that it was then known also as the Hebrew Gate
+(Ebraia). But, on the whole, the more probable view is that the epithet
+was correctly applied, and, consequently, that Ducas, who was not
+present at the siege, is mistaken in associating the chain with the
+Beautiful Gate.
+
+In the charters defining the privileges granted to the Genoese colony in
+Constantinople during the twelfth century, mention is made of a “Porta
+Bonu” and a “Porta Veteris Rectoris.”[807] As both were associated with
+the Scala, or Pier, at the service of that colony, they were doubtless
+the same gate under different names; the former appellation designating
+it by the proper name of the officer connected in some way with the
+entrance, the latter by his official title. Nothing is known concerning
+the Rector Bonus; the name and title are at once Byzantine and Italian.
+Now, the Genoese quarter in the twelfth century lay to the east of the
+Gate of the Neorion, and consequently the Porta Bonu, or Porta Veteris
+Rectoris, must be sought in that direction. It stood, probably, where
+Sirkedji Iskelessi is now situated.
+
+Near this gate must have been the Scala Chalcedonensis and the Portus
+Prosphorianus, which the _Notitia_ places in the Fifth Region.[808] The
+former, as its name implies, was the pier frequented by boats plying
+between the city and Chalcedon; it is mentioned twice, as the point at
+which relics were landed in solemn state to be carried thence to St.
+Sophia.[809]
+
+The Portus Prosphorianus[810] was in the bay which once indented the
+shore immediately to the east of the Gate of Bonus, where the line of
+the city walls described a deep curve. The name is probably derived from
+the word Πρόσφορον, and denoted that the harbour was the resort of the
+craft which brought products from the country to the markets of the
+city.[811] The harbour was also called the Phosphorion, as though
+associated with the sudden illumination of the heavens which saved the
+city from capture by Philip of Macedon. But its most common designation
+was τὸ Βοσπόριον, ὁ Βοόσπορος, ὁ Βόσπορος, probably because the point to
+which cattle were ferried across from Asia. The cattle-market was held
+here until the reign of Constantine Copronymus, who transferred it to
+the Forum of Taurus;[812] here also stood warehouses for the storage of
+oil, and granaries, such as the Horrea Olearia, Horrea Troadensia,
+Horrea Valentiaca and Horrea Constantiaca.[813] The granaries were
+inspected annually by the emperor.[814] According to Demosthenes, the
+three statues erected by Byzantium and Perinthus in honour of Athens for
+the aid rendered against Philip of Macedon were set up at the
+Bosporus.[815] But it is not certain whether the great orator used the
+name in a general sense, or with special reference to this port. The
+great fire in the fifth year of Leo I. started in the market near this
+harbour, through the carelessness of a woman who left a lighted candle
+on a stall at which she had bought some salt fish.[816]
+
+We reach, next, the last gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, the Gate
+of Eugenius (Πόρτα τοῦ Εὐγενίου), represented now by Yali Kiosk
+Kapoussi. Its identity is established by the following indications. It
+marked the eastern extremity of the fortifications along the Golden
+Horn,[817] as the Xylo Porta marked their western terminus. Hence, the
+ditch constructed by Cantacuzene in front of those fortifications is
+described as extending from the Gate of Eugenius to the Gate
+Xylinè.[818] In the next place, the gate was close to the head of the
+promontory, or Acropolis, for ships outward bound rounded the promontory
+soon after passing the gate, while incoming ships passed the gate soon
+after rounding the promontory.[819] Again, the Church of St. Paul which
+stood near the gate is described, as situated in the quarter of the
+Acropolis, at the opening of the harbour.[820] This is consistent with
+the fact that the gate was at a point from which St. Sophia could be
+easily reached.[821]
+
+Eugenius, after whom the gate, the adjacent tower, and the neighbouring
+district were named,[822] was probably a distinguished proprietor in
+this part of the city. The gate bore an inscription commemorating
+repairs executed by a certain Julian;[823] possibly, Julian who was
+Prefect of the City in the reign of Zeno, when Constantinople was shaken
+by a severe earthquake.
+
+There is reason to believe that besides its ordinary designation this
+gate bore also, at one time, the name Marmora Porta; for certain
+ecclesiastical documents of the year 1399 and the year 1441 speak of an
+entrance in the quarter of Eugenius, under the name Marmora Porta,
+Μαρμαροπόρτα ἐν τῇ ἐνορίᾳ τοῦ Εὐγενίου.[824]
+
+The Scala Timasii, so named after Timasius, a celebrated general in the
+reign of Arcadius, was in the Fourth Region,[825] and must therefore
+have been a pier near the Gate of Eugenius.
+
+At this entrance it was customary for the bride-elect of an emperor to
+land, upon reaching the capital by sea; here she was received in state
+by her future consort, and having been invested with the Imperial
+buskins and other insignia of her rank, was conducted on horseback to
+the palace.[826] But what lends most interest to the gate is the fact
+that beside it rose the tower which held the southern end of the chain
+drawn across the harbour in time of war.[827] Originally, the building,
+styled Kentenarion (Κεντενάριον), was a stately structure, but after its
+overthrow by an earthquake, Theophilus restored it as an ordinary
+tower.[828] The chain was supported in the water by wooden floats,[829]
+and its northern end was made fast to a tower in the fortifications of
+Galata, known as the Tower of Galata, “Le Tour de Galatas.”[830]
+According to Gyllius, the gate near that tower was called Porta
+Catena,[831] but, unfortunately, he does not indicate its precise
+position. From the nature of the case, however, it must have been near
+Kiretch Kapoussi, directly opposite the Gate of Eugenius.[832]
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the
+Golden Horn in 1453.]
+
+The employment of a chain to bar the entrance of the Golden Horn is
+mentioned for the first time in the famous siege of the city by the
+Saracens in 717-718, when the Emperor Leo lowered the chain with the
+hope of tempting the enemy’s ships into the narrow waters of the
+harbour.[833] It appears next in the reign of Michael II., who thereby
+endeavoured, but in vain, to keep out the fleet with which his rival
+Thomas attacked the city.[834] It was again employed by Nicephorus
+Phocas, in expectation of a Russian descent into the Bosporus.[835] The
+Venetians found it obstructing their path when they stood before
+Constantinople in 1203, but removed it after capturing the Tower of
+Galata, to which it was secured.[836] Finally, in 1453, it proved too
+strong for Sultan Mehemet to force, and drove him to devise the
+expedient of carrying his ships into the Golden Horn across the hills to
+Cassim Pasha.[837] A portion of the chain used on the last occasion is
+preserved in the Church of St. Irene, within the Seraglio grounds.
+
+In the district of Eugenius were some of the most noted charitable
+institutions of the city, among which the great Orphanage[838] and the
+Hospitia,[839] built on the site of the old Stadium of Byzantium by
+Justinian the Great and Theodora, for the free accommodation of poor
+strangers, were conspicuous. There, also, stood the Church of St.
+Michael and the Church of St. Paul.[840]
+
+
+                           The Basilikè Pylè.
+
+
+Before concluding the study of the Harbour Walls we must recur to the
+question which presented itself at an earlier stage of our inquiries,
+but was reserved for consideration at the close of this chapter, as more
+favourable to an intelligent and thorough discussion of the subject.
+
+Where was the Basilikè Pylè which Byzantine historians, after the
+Restoration of the Empire, associate with this line of the city’s
+bulwarks? Was it, as some authorities maintain, at Balat Kapoussi,[841]
+or, as others hold, in the neighbourhood of the Seraglio Point?[842] Or
+is it possible that a gate bearing that epithet was found at both
+points?
+
+In favour of the opinion that the Imperial Gate was near the Seraglio
+Point there is, first, the statement of Phrantzes, already cited, to
+that effect. “To Gabriel of Treviso,” says the historian,[843] “captain
+of the Venetian triremes, with fifty men under him, was entrusted the
+defence of the tower, in the middle of the current, guarding the
+entrance of the harbour; and he was opposite the Imperial Gate.”
+
+What Phrantzes means by the “entrance of the harbour” (τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ
+λιμένος) admits of no dispute, for the phrase has only one
+signification. But, as though to render mistake impossible, he repeats
+the expression, in that sense, several times. The Greek ships, which
+were moored beside the chain across the mouth of the harbour, and which
+the Sultan endeavoured to sink or drive away by the fire of a battery
+planted on the hill of St. Theodore, to the north-east of Galata,
+Phrantzes[844] observes, were stationed “at the entrance of the harbour”
+(ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ λιμένος). The object of this bombardment, adds the
+historian[845] in the next sentence, was not simply to force “the
+entrance to the harbour” (διὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος), but also to
+injure the Genoese shipping at that point, and thus show that the Sultan
+dared to act in any way he pleased, even towards the Italians of Galata.
+Again, Phrantzes[846] remarks that the ships moored along the chain at
+the mouth of the harbour (ἐν τῶ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος) were placed here to
+render entrance into the harbour more difficult to the enemy (ὅπως
+ἰσχυροτέρως κωλύσωσι τὴν εἴσοδον).
+
+Equally decisive is the indication given regarding the tower which stood
+opposite the Imperial Gate. It was “in the middle of the current.” This
+statement carries the mind, at first, to the tower which stood on the
+rock off Scutari (Damalis, Arcla), where the lighthouse Kiz Kalehssi has
+been erected. But the idea that Phrantzes had that tower in view cannot
+be entertained for more than a moment; for to have stationed Gabriel
+there, with the Turkish fleet in complete command of the Bosporus and
+the Sea of Marmora, was not simply useless, but impossible. The current
+intended can be none other than the strong current at the head of the
+Seraglio Point, where it divides in two swift streams, which Nicephorus
+Gregoras[847] compares to Scylla and Charybdis, one running up the
+Golden Horn, the other out into the Sea of Marmora. A tower near a point
+with rushing waters on either hand might aptly be described as “in the
+middle of the current.”[848] Furthermore, Phrantzes[849] mentions the
+tower referred to, in close connection with what stood, unquestionably,
+near the head of the promontory. He speaks of it immediately after the
+Horaia Pylè, and immediately before the ships which defended the chain
+across the harbour’s mouth, as though in the same vicinity.
+
+In the second place, the view that the Imperial Gate was near the
+Seraglio Point is supported by the testimony of Leonard of Scio, when he
+makes the statement that Gabriel of Treviso fought bravely, with his
+men, on the portion of the walls extending from the Beacon-tower as far
+as the Imperial Gate, at the entrance of the bay (of the Golden Horn):
+“Gabriel Trevsianus cordatissime a Turri Phani usque ad Imperialem
+Portam, ante sinum, decertabat.”[850] The archbishop’s phrase “ante
+sinum” corresponds to Phrantzes’ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ λιμένος.
+
+Thirdly, it remains to add, on this side of the question, that the order
+in which Pusculus mentions the gates in the Harbour Walls favours the
+view that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat Kapoussi. Proceeding from
+west to cast in his account of the defence of the fortifications along
+the Golden Horn, that author refers to seven gates in the following
+order: Xylina, Cynegon, Phani, Theodosia, Puteæ, Platea, Basilea,[851]
+thus putting the Imperial Gate somewhere to the east of Oun Kapan
+Kapoussi. Had the Basilea stood at Balat Kapoussi it should have been
+mentioned immediately after Cynegon.
+
+This is the main evidence in support of the opinion that the Basilikè
+Pylè was near the Seraglio Point, and it is difficult to conceive of
+evidence more clear and conclusive.
+
+The argument countenancing the view which identifies the Imperial Gate
+with Balat Kapoussi may be stated, briefly, thus: In the first place,
+when Leonard of Scio declares that Gabriel of Treviso defended the walls
+“a Turri Phani ad Imperialem Portam” he associates the Imperial Gate
+with the quarter of the Phanar. Again, when Ducas affirms that the
+Venetians assisted the Greeks in the defence of the walls from the
+Imperial Gate to the Kynegon,[852] that entrance is associated with the
+district so named. The Imperial Gate, therefore, must have stood at a
+point between the Phanar and the Kynegon. But that is exactly the
+situation of Balat Kapoussi, with the quarter of the Phanar on its east,
+and the Kynegon on its west; hence the two gates were one and the same.
+
+In the next place, the epithet “Imperial” was eminently suitable for an
+entrance which stood at the foot of a hill surmounted by the Palace of
+the Porphyrogenitus, and from which the Palace of Blachernæ could be
+readily reached. How appropriate the epithet was is proved by the actual
+name of the gate, Balat Kapoussi (the Gate of the Palace), so similar in
+meaning to Basilikè Pylè.
+
+In the third place, on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè stood a
+Church of St. John the Baptist.[853] And in keeping with this fact,
+there is a Church of St. John the Baptist (the metochion of the
+Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai) outside Balat Kapoussi.
+
+These arguments are, however, open to criticism. So far as the statement
+of Leonard of Scio is concerned, it should be noted that he does not
+speak of the Turris Phani absolutely. Had he done so, the presumption
+would certainly be in favour of the view which understands him to refer
+to the district of the Phanar, half-way up the Golden Horn.[854] But his
+complete statement on the subject is that the Turris Phani of which he
+was speaking stood, with the Imperial Gate beside it, “ante sinum,” at
+the entrance of the bay of the Golden Horn, thus making it manifest that
+he had in mind another beacon-tower than the one in the district
+commonly known as the Phanar. That the shore of the Golden Horn was
+lighted at more than one point during the night, and especially at the
+entrance of the harbour, is only what might be expected. Nor is there in
+the assertion of Ducas, that the Venetians and Greeks united their
+forces to defend the fortifications from the Imperial Gate to the
+Kynegon, anything to determine the distance between the two points. They
+might be very near, or they might be as far apart as the extremities of
+the Harbour Walls; for there is no reason to think that the Venetians
+defended only the small portion of the walls between Balat Kapoussi and
+the three archways to the west of that gate.
+
+The remaining arguments under consideration have more force, but are by
+no means decisive. The appropriateness of the epithet “Imperial” to an
+entrance in the situation of Balat Kapoussi affords, certainly, a
+presumption in favour of the view that the entrance was so named,
+although it cannot, alone, prove that such was the fact. The name Balat
+Kapoussi appears only after the Turkish Conquest, and may or may not be
+borrowed from the Byzantine designation of the gate. The strongest
+argument on this side of the question is, undoubtedly, that drawn from
+the presence of the Church of St. John the Baptist on the shore to the
+north-east of Balat Kapoussi,[855] the possible representative of the
+ancient church of that dedication “on the shore outside the Basilikè
+Pylè.”[856]
+
+But, in any case, these arguments do not refute the proof adduced for
+the existence of a Basilikè Pylè near the Seraglio Point. They leave
+that fact undisturbed; and can only claim to give countenance to the
+idea that another Basilikè Pylè stood at Balat Kapoussi.
+
+Two questions, accordingly, are involved in the problem before us. Which
+of the gates near the Seraglio Point was styled the Basilikè Pylè? Was
+that gate the only Imperial Gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, or do
+some statements of Byzantine historians on the subject imply the
+existence of a second Basilikè Pylè?
+
+In the opinion of Leunclavius, the Imperial Gate is to be identified
+with the Horaia Pylè (the Gate of the Neorion) at Bagtchè Kapoussi.[857]
+But if the Horaia Pylè was at Bagtchè Kapoussi, the Basilikè Pylè could
+not be there also. The two entrances are unmistakably distinguished by
+Phrantzes, who mentions both in the same connection, the one immediately
+after the other, and states that, in the defence of the fortifications
+along the harbour, the Beautiful Gate was in charge of the crew of a
+vessel from Crete, while the Imperial Gate was under the care of Gabriel
+of Treviso.
+
+But this is an objection which has force only against those who adopt
+the view that the Horaia Pylè stood at Bagtchè Kapoussi.
+
+A more general objection to the view of Leunclavius is that Bagtchè
+Kapoussi does not occupy the situation attributed to the Imperial Gate
+by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio. It is not opposite a tower guarding
+the entrance of the harbour; it is too far up the Golden Horn to be
+described as “ante sinum.”
+
+This being so there are only two gates with one or other of which the
+Imperial Gate can be identified, if the indications furnished on the
+subject by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio are strictly followed. It was
+either the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi), as Gerlach
+maintains,[858] or the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi), which stands
+immediately to the south of Seraglio Point, and was, therefore, so near
+the Harbour Walls that it might be included in an account of their
+defence.
+
+The description of the Imperial Gate given by the historians above
+mentioned, applies equally well to both these entrances. Both stand near
+the mouth of the harbour, and opposite a tower “in the middle of the
+current;” both occupy a point of great strategical importance, such as
+the Basilikè Pylè must have occupied, if we may judge from the fact that
+it was entrusted to commanders like Gabriel of Treviso and the Duke
+Notaras; both entrances were, in the course of history, associated with
+the Court[859] in a way which might have earned for them the distinction
+of the epithet, “Imperial.”
+
+It is not easy to decide, directly, between conflicting claims so nicely
+balanced. Judgment on the point at issue will doubtless be determined,
+largely, by the views adopted on questions indirectly connected with the
+matter in dispute, especially by what view is taken as regards the
+situation of the Horaia Pylè. Any one who upholds the accuracy of Ducas
+regarding the point to which the southern end of the chain was attached,
+and identifies the Beautiful Gate with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi (the Gate of
+Eugenius) will, necessarily, identify the Imperial Gate with Top
+Kapoussi. On the other hand, those who accept the opinion that the
+Beautiful Gate stood, as the Greeks in the sixteenth century maintained,
+at Bagtchè Kapoussi, may, though still free to place the Imperial Gate
+at Top Kapoussi, nevertheless prefer to place it at Yali Kiosk Kapoussi,
+as, on the whole, more in accordance with the indications of its
+position. If at the latter point, one can understand more readily why
+the Imperial Gate should have been associated with the Harbour Walls,
+and why Phrantzes mentions it immediately after the Horaia Pylè, and
+before the chain and the ships at the harbour’s mouth.
+
+Having thus indicated which of the gates near the Seraglio Point have
+the strongest claim to be regarded as the Basilikè Pylè, it remains to
+consider the question whether either of those gates was the only
+entrance bearing that epithet, in the Harbour Walls.
+
+Are there, in other words, any statements made by Byzantine writers in
+reference to the Basilikè Pylè which cannot be applied to the Gate of
+Eugenius or to the Gate of St. Barbara, and which, therefore, imply the
+existence of another gate of that name? So far as the Gate of St.
+Barbara is concerned, there are several such statements. The narrow quay
+outside Top Kapoussi could not afford room for the Church of St. John,
+the hospitium, and the other buildings, which are described as situated
+on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.[860] Nor could a ship be moored
+in front of that gate, as the ship of the Catalan chief Berenger was
+moored in front of the Imperial Gate.[861] Nor was it necessary, before
+that gate could be attacked by the Turkish fleet, that the chain across
+the entrance of the Golden Horn should be forced, as we are told was
+necessary in the case of the Basilikè Pylè to which Critobulus
+alludes.[862] Hence the opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was another name
+for the Gate of St. Barbara involves the view that there were two
+Imperial Gates.
+
+The claim of the Gate of Eugenius to be the sole Basilikè Pylè
+encounters but one serious objection. Critobulus, it would appear,
+distinguishes the two entrances. He refers to the former to indicate
+where the southern end of the chain across the harbour was
+attached;[863] he speaks of the latter to mark the point which the
+Turkish fleet attacked on the last day of the siege, after breaking the
+chain, and becoming master of the Golden Horn.[864] For as soon as the
+Turkish admiral perceived that the Sultan’s troops had entered the city,
+and were busily engaged in the work of plunder, he made a desperate
+attempt upon the chain, cut it asunder, and forced his way into the
+harbour. Then, having captured or sunk the Greek galleys found in the
+port, he led his ships to the Imperial Gate (ταῖς βασιλικαῖς πόλαις) and
+landed his sailors in quest of booty. The gate was, however, still held
+by the Greeks, as the Turkish troops had not yet reached it from within
+the city. A fierce struggle therefore ensued. But at last the gate was
+burst open, its brave defenders were slain to a man, their blood pouring
+through it like a stream, and the assailants rushed in to share the
+spoils of victory.
+
+What is here related might hold true of the Gate of Eugenius. Such facts
+as that the Imperial Gate stood within the chain, that before attacking
+it the Greek vessels in the harbour had to be disposed of, that it was
+held for a considerable time after the Turkish army had entered the
+city, are all consistent with the idea that the Basilikè Pylè, to which
+Critobulus refers, was the Gate of Eugenius. But, on the other hand, if
+the Gate of Eugenius was both the entrance to which the chain was
+attached and the entrance captured by the Turkish admiral after the
+chain had been broken, it comes very near defying all the laws of the
+association of ideas for the historian to speak of the entrance by
+different names, when the matters he records were so closely connected.
+This is a very serious objection to the identification of the Imperial
+Gate which Critobulus had in mind with the Gate of Eugenius. Hence, if
+this objection cannot be removed by saying that he could speak of the
+same gate by different names in different passages of his work, it
+follows that the epithet “Basilikè” did not belong exclusively to the
+Gate of Eugenius (any more than to the Gate of St. Barbara), but was
+bestowed also upon a gate higher up the Golden Horn.
+
+This being the case, there can be no hesitation where the latter was
+situated. Balat Kapoussi, by the significance of its name, by its
+proximity to Imperial palaces, and by the presence of a Church of St.
+John, with room for other buildings, on the territory outside the gate,
+establishes the best claim to be considered the second Basilikè Pylè in
+the line of the harbour fortifications.[865]
+
+Why the Turkish admiral selected it as the point at which to land his
+sailors is explained by the wealthy character of the adjoining quarter
+of the city.[866]
+
+
+The Route taken in carrying the Turkish Ships across the Hills from the
+                      Bosporus to the Golden Horn.
+
+
+Owing to the conflicting statements of contemporary historians on the
+subject, the precise route followed in carrying the Sultan’s ships,
+across the hills, from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn, is not fully
+settled. So far, indeed, as the point at which the ships reached the
+Golden Horn is concerned, there can be little, if any, room for doubt,
+though the historians differ even on that matter. The most reliable
+testimony, however, and the configuration of the territory on the
+northern side of the harbour, are in favour of the view that the Bay of
+Cassim Pasha was the point in question. Critobulus[867] names the point
+the Cold Waters,[868] and describes it as situated at a short distance
+from Galata (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα, μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω τοῦ Γαλατᾶ). Nicolò
+Barbaro[869] designates it as the Harbour of Pera, or Galata—“Abiando
+tragetà dentro dal porto de Constantinopoli ben fuste setantado, e
+redusele in porto dentro del navarchio de Pera”—and explains the
+possibility of the occupation of a point so near Galata by the excellent
+relations existing between the Turks and the Genoese: “E questo perchè
+lor Turchi avea bona paxe con Zenovexi.” At variance with these
+statements, Ducas[870] says the ships were launched into the harbour
+opposite Eyoub (Cosmidion), but that is contrary to all the
+probabilities of the case. Phrantzes[871] sheds no light upon the
+question.
+
+In regard to the starting-point from the Bosporus, there is general
+agreement that it was somewhere on the shore between Beshiktash and Top
+Haneh; Andreossy[872] being singular in supposing that the vessels left
+the Bosporus at Balta Liman. Now, there are four ravines or valleys that
+run inland from the shore between Beshiktash and Top Haneh towards the
+ridge dividing the Bosporus and the Golden Horn: the valleys of
+Beshiktash, Dolma Bagtchè, Sali Bazaar, and Top Haneh, which reach the
+top of the ridge, respectively at Ferikeui, the Municipal Gardens,
+Taxim, and Asmali-Medjid Sokaki. And the decision of the question which
+of these valleys was the one actually selected by the Sultan will depend
+partly upon our estimate of the respective merits of the historians
+whose testimony has to be considered, and partly upon the comparative
+suitableness of the various routes to serve the object in view.
+
+Of the four routes indicated above, the two which proceed, respectively,
+by the valley of Top Haneh and the valley of Dolma Bagtchè present, both
+on the ground of history and natural fitness, the strongest claims for
+consideration.
+
+In favour of the Top Haneh route, there is, first, the fact that it was
+the shortest route; and secondly, that its length corresponds to that
+which Critobulus[873] assigns to the road taken by the ships across the
+hills, viz. eight stadia, or one mile. Accordingly, Dr. Dethier[874] and
+Dr. Paspates[875] maintain that the Sultan’s ships were transported from
+the Bosporus to the Golden Horn by way of Top Haneh, Koumbaradji Sokaki,
+Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, and the Petits Champs.
+
+On the other hand, the Dolma Bagtchè route has in its favour, first, the
+statement made by several historians, including Critobulus himself, that
+the point on the Bosporus from which the ships started to cross the
+hills was near the Diplokionion, the name for Beshiktash in Byzantine
+times. Ducas[876] describes that point as situated to the east of
+Galata, below the Diplokionion. Pusculus[877] speaks of it as not far
+from the twin columns: “Columnis haud longè a geminis, surgunt quæ ad
+sidera rectæ.” Nicolò Barbaro[878] is, if possible, even more explicit.
+According to him, the levelling of the road across the hill above Pera
+commenced from the shore where the columns, and the station of the
+Turkish fleet, were found: “_Siando tuta la sua armada sorta a le
+colone_, che sun mia de luntan de la tera, fexe che tute le zurme
+muntasse in tera, e fexe spianar tuto el monte che son de sopra a zitade
+de Pera, _comenzando da la marina, zae da li da le colone dove che era
+armada_.” Critobulus,[879] as already intimated, styles the
+starting-point of the expedition the Diplokionion. Now, the Diplokionion
+was not at Top Haneh, but at Beshiktash, and the harbour of the
+Diplokionion must have been the bay which formerly occupied the site of
+Dolma Bagtchè.[880]
+
+In the second place, in the Dolma Bagtchè route we have the distance
+which Nicolò Barbaro[881] declares was traversed by the Turkish ships in
+their overland passage, _i.e._ three miles: “Comenzando de la marina,
+zae da li da le colone dove che era armada, per infino dentro dal porte
+de Constantinopoli, _che son mia tre_.”
+
+Great weight attaches to the testimony of Barbaro upon this point; for
+Critobulus was not present at the siege, while Nicolò Barbaro was
+surgeon of one of the Venetian galleys which took part in the defence of
+the chain across the entrance to the Golden Horn, kept a diary of the
+incidents of the siege, must have taken particular interest in the
+movements of the Turkish fleet, and was in the way of obtaining the best
+available information on the subject. Certainly, if the transport of the
+Turkish ships started from a point so near the chain and the Greek and
+foreign ships guarding it as the site of Top Haneh, Barbaro had every
+opportunity to know the fact, and it is inexplicable how he could have
+made the mistake of representing another locality as the scene of the
+achievement.
+
+With Barbaro agrees another competent witness, Jacques Tedaldi, a
+Florentine merchant, who took part in the defence of the city, and who
+gives the distance over which the ships were carried as from two to
+three miles: “Fit porter de la mer par terre deux ou trois milles, de
+soixant dix a quatre-vingts gallées que aultres fustes armées, dedans le
+gouffle de Mandraquins qui est entre les deux citez, auxquieuls est le
+port de Constantinople.”[882]
+
+If, in the next place, we judge between the two routes by their
+comparative fitness to facilitate the accomplishment of the Sultan’s
+design, the Dolma Bagtchè route can claim the superiority in that
+respect. Had the matter of distance been all the Sultan required to
+consider in choosing the road for his ships, the decision would
+necessarily have been in favour of the Top Haneh route. But, surely,
+other matters also had to be taken into account. It was desirable, for
+example, that the route should be situated where all the preparations
+necessary to effect the passage could be readily made, where they would
+be beyond the reach of interference on the part of the Greeks, where
+they would, as the conveyance of the ships by night proves was the
+Sultan’s wish, be screened from hostile observation, and result in
+taking the enemy by surprise. All this was impossible at the site now
+occupied by Top Haneh, which stood but a short distance outside the
+chain and its guard-ships. There the Sultan’s preparations—the levelling
+of the ground, the laying down of sleepers and planks along which the
+cradles carrying the ships were to be drawn, the gathering of seventy to
+eighty vessels, the army of men collected to draw the ships out of the
+water and overland,—would be too much in the public eye to satisfy the
+requirements of the case.
+
+On the other hand, although the Dolma Bagtchè route laboured under the
+disadvantage of being longer than the road from Top Haneh, the distance
+it presented was not excessive, while it offered ample compensation for
+the additional efforts which its greater length occasioned. It started
+from the usual station of the Turkish fleet in the Bosporus, where all
+requisite means for executing the Sultan’s purpose could be obtained
+with the least difficulty, where no attack was to be apprehended, where
+the presence of a large number of ships would excite no suspicions, and
+where, it was reasonable to expect, the great secret could be kept as
+long as necessary. From the point of fitness to serve the scheme
+contemplated, the route from Dolma Bagtchè had most to recommend it,
+taking all things into consideration.
+
+Turkish historians do not afford any assistance to solve the problem
+under discussion. Evlia Tchelebi pretends that the ships were not
+brought from the Bosporus, but that some of them were constructed at
+Kiathaneh, the Sweet Waters, at the head of the harbour, and others at
+Levend Tchiflik (probably the Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik situated, in old
+Turkish times, high up the longer arm of the Dolma Bagtchè valley, not
+the Levend Tchiflik above the head of the valley of Balta Liman); and
+that the latter portion of the flotilla was carried to the Golden Horn
+by way of the Ok Meidan behind Haskeui, and the gardens of the Arsenal
+(Tersaneh Bagtchessi). Another Turkish authority says the ships were
+transported from Dolma Bagtchè to Cassim Pasha.
+
+
+                                 NOTE.
+
+
+    According to Leonard of Scio (p. 920), the distance over which the
+    Turkish ships were conveyed was seventy stadia, “ad stadia
+    septuaginta trahi biremes.” This statement involves so many
+    questions which are difficult, if not impossible, to decide, that it
+    affords no assistance in determining where the ships crossed the
+    hills. The archbishop’s account of the Sultan’s action is given in
+    the following words: “Quare ut coangustaret circumvalleratque magis
+    urbem, jussit invia æquare; exque colle, suppositis lenitis vasis
+    lacertorum sex, ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes, quæ ascensu
+    gravius sublatæ, posthac ex apice in declivum, in ripam sinus
+    levissime introrsum vehebantur.”
+
+    Now, if the “seventy stadia” in this passage are to be understood in
+    the ordinary sense of the words, the route taken by the ships was
+    over eight English miles in length. But from no point between Top
+    Haneh and Beshiktash is the distance to the Golden Horn, across the
+    hills, so great. Hence the language of Leonard has been variously
+    interpreted, in the hope of bringing it into accord with what his
+    commentators deemed the real facts in the case. Dethier, in his
+    annotations to Zorzo Dolfin (_Siège de Constantinople_, No. xxii. p.
+    998), maintains that the numeral seventy gives the number of the
+    ships transported over the hills, and not the length of the road
+    tranversed: “Non sono 70 stadia, ma 70 galere o fuste.” Charles
+    Müller, the editor of Critobulus, referring to the statement of
+    Leonard, expresses the same opinion as Dethier, and thinks that the
+    number for the stadia has dropped out of the text of Leonard:
+    “Stadiorum numerus excedisse videtur, nam septuaginta vox ad navium
+    numerum, quem eundem etiam Chalcocondylas, p. 387, 8 præbet,
+    referenda est” (_Fragm. Hist. Græc._ p. 87). Another possible view
+    is that the number seventy is due to an error in the text. Or,
+    finally, it may be supposed that Leonard employed the term “stadium”
+    in a peculiar sense. One presumption in favour of this supposition
+    is the fact that elsewhere in his epistle, the measurements of
+    Leonard by stadia seem too gross mistakes to be made by such a man
+    as the archbishop, with the ordinary idea of a stadium in his mind.
+    The bridge, for example, which the Sultan built at Haskeui, to bring
+    his cannon closer to the Harbour Walls, and which Phrantzes (p. 252)
+    says was one hundred ortygia long, or one stadium, Leonard (p. 931)
+    represents as about thirty stadia in length, _i.e._, according to
+    the ordinary computation, between three and four miles in length,
+    where the harbour is not half a mile wide. Again, Leonard (p. 970)
+    speaks of the Turkish fleet as anchoring at a point less than one
+    hundred stadia from the shore of the Propontis: “Minus ad stadia
+    centum Propontidis ripa anchoras figunt”—a statement which, if it
+    refers to the distance of Beshiktash from the Seraglio Point, would
+    make that part of the Bosporus about ten miles broad! It should also
+    be added that Charles Müller thinks that the stadium of the later
+    Byzantine writers was one-third less than the Olympic stadium: “Adeo
+    ut stadium tertia parte minus quam vetus stadium Olympicum subesse
+    videri possit” (_Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 76). Du Cange
+    (_Glossarium Med. et Infim. Latinitatis_) says, respecting the use
+    of the term “stadium” by mediæval writers, “Mensuræ species, sed
+    ignota prorsus.”
+
+    Zorzo Dolfin translates the account which Leonard gives of the
+    ships’ passage across the hills, as follows: “Et per coangustar, et
+    circumuallar piu la terra, commando, fusse spianato le uie, et sopra
+    i colli messi in terra i uasi a forza de brazze ... per 70 stadia
+    che sono circa miglia ... introdusse le fuste nel mandrachio, le
+    qual per ... miglia con fatica se tiranno in suxo” (Dethier, _Siège
+    de Constantinople_, No. xxii. p. 997). If the number of miles had
+    been given, or had not disappeared, how much discussion would have
+    been spared!
+
+Footnote 739:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.
+
+Footnote 740:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282.
+
+Footnote 741:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 39; _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 461;
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 104, 105.
+
+Footnote 742:
+
+  According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou
+  Mesdjidi, and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.
+
+Footnote 743:
+
+  Ducas, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 744:
+
+  Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p.
+  32.
+
+Footnote 745:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. X._
+
+Footnote 746:
+
+  Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 747:
+
+  Du Cange, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 748:
+
+  _Ibid._, vi. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 749:
+
+  _Miklosich et Muller_, iii. p. 88.
+
+Footnote 750:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 751:
+
+  According to Du Cange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, _ad
+  vocem_, from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected
+  with the German “Gedrung” and the English “throng.”
+
+Footnote 752:
+
+  Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in
+  _Anna Comn._, vol. ii. p. 544.
+
+Footnote 753:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quæ dicitur De Longaria,
+  extra murum civitatis CP.”
+
+Footnote 754:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”
+
+Footnote 755:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 756:
+
+  Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, _Epistolæ Quatuor_, p. 88.
+
+Footnote 757:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 758:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 759:
+
+  Paspates, p. 166.
+
+Footnote 760:
+
+  Heyd, _Histoire du Commerce du Levant_, vol. i. p. 251.
+
+Footnote 761:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 762:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. vii.
+
+Footnote 763:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. VI._
+
+Footnote 764:
+
+  _Novella LIX._, c. v.
+
+Footnote 765:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 618.
+
+Footnote 766:
+
+  _Notitia_, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 767:
+
+  _Ptochoprodromus_, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.
+
+Footnote 768:
+
+  VII. p. 286.
+
+Footnote 769:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, i. p. 50.
+
+Footnote 770:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, i. pp. 55-63.
+
+Footnote 771:
+
+  _Ibid._, ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.
+
+Footnote 772:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._,
+  s. 200.
+
+Footnote 773:
+
+  On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in
+  Byzantine Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp.
+  127-276; Mordtmann, pp. 46-50; Desmoni, _Giornale Ligustico_, vol. i.;
+  _Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli nel Secolo XII._; Heyd,
+  _Histoire du Commerce du Levant_; Sauli, _Della Colonia del Genovesi
+  in Galata_; Pears, _Fall of Constantinople_, c. 6; Miklosich et
+  Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca_; Tafel und Thomas, _Urkunden zur
+  Älteren Handels und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig_.
+
+Footnote 774:
+
+  The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (_Itinéraires Russes en
+  Orient_, p. 121), who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate
+  near the sea, and beside a Church of St. Demetrius, named “Portes
+  Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the vicinity. From the
+  connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the gate
+  stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood
+  of Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different
+  gates at different periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro
+  (p. 817) confirms the existence of a Jewish quarter on the Marmora
+  shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish fleet, finding itself
+  unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the attempt,
+  and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del
+  Dardanelo”), and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntò in
+  tera de la banda de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend
+  that the Russian pilgrim referred to a gate near the Church of St.
+  Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does not affect the
+  argument presented in the text.
+
+Footnote 775:
+
+  _Tafel und Thomas_, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. _Ibid._, pp. 4-11.
+
+Footnote 776:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. _Ibid._, p. 6.
+
+Footnote 777:
+
+  Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.
+
+Footnote 778:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 737.
+
+Footnote 779:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 19-21.
+
+Footnote 780:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.
+
+Footnote 781:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. 19, 21.
+
+Footnote 782:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 783:
+
+  See above, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 784:
+
+  Nicephorus Patriarcha, _CP._, p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes
+  Cont., p. 391.
+
+Footnote 785:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.
+
+Footnote 786:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at
+  Keurekdjilar, in Galata.
+
+Footnote 787:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.
+
+Footnote 788:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; _De Bosporo Thracio_, ii. c. ii.
+
+Footnote 789:
+
+  Page 454.
+
+Footnote 790:
+
+  _Pand. Hist Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 791:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 254.
+
+Footnote 792:
+
+  Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who
+  mention the Beautiful Gate.
+
+Footnote 793:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The
+  ground on which Yeni Validè Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of
+  the Outer Bridge, belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to
+  Karaïte Jews, who claimed that the territory had been granted to their
+  ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return for the seizure of the
+  ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received houses
+  at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from
+  taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the
+  mosque has had to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two
+  piastres.
+
+Footnote 794:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 795:
+
+  Page 268.
+
+Footnote 796:
+
+  I. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 797:
+
+  Page 238.
+
+Footnote 798:
+
+  Page 384.
+
+Footnote 799:
+
+  Pages 283, 284.
+
+Footnote 800:
+
+  Pages 282, 283.
+
+Footnote 801:
+
+  Page 263.
+
+Footnote 802:
+
+  Page 300.
+
+Footnote 803:
+
+  See above, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 804:
+
+  Pages 270, 271.
+
+Footnote 805:
+
+  Gyllius’ statement (_De Top. CP._, III. c. i.) on the subject is:
+  “Portum, quem vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam Græci appellant
+  Oraiam, corruptè quasi Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse
+  existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam Oraiam, quam Turci appellant
+  Siphont (Tsifout), id est, Judæorum eam accolentium, spatium latum ...
+  videre licet.” Cf. _De Bosporo Thracio_, II. c. i. “Pro porta quam
+  vulgo vocant Oriam corruptè, quasi olim Neorii portam.”
+
+Footnote 806:
+
+  Page 454: “Die Prächtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”
+
+Footnote 807:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200. “Porta quæ Græci quotquot vederi
+  peritores volunt Porta Horæa (Ὡραία), vulgo Huræa (Ebraia) dicitur.”
+
+Footnote 808:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, _Giornale
+  Ligustico_, vol. i. p. 37: _Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a
+  Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII._, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 809:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. V._
+
+Footnote 810:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, ad ann. 406, 415.
+
+Footnote 811:
+
+  _Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor._, Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, _De
+  Urbibus et Populis_, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 812:
+
+  Mordtmann, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 813:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to
+  be ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the
+  Ox-Port.
+
+Footnote 814:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. V._
+
+Footnote 815:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 699.
+
+Footnote 816:
+
+  _De Corona_, p. 134, Edition Didot.
+
+Footnote 817:
+
+  Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 818:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2.
+
+Footnote 819:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.
+
+Footnote 820:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. pp. 76, 232.
+
+Footnote 821:
+
+  Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
+
+Footnote 822:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.
+
+Footnote 823:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, p. 563.
+
+Footnote 824:
+
+  Banduri, _Imp. Orient._, vii. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 825:
+
+  _Miklosich et Müller_, ii. pp. 467, 564.
+
+Footnote 826:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. IV._
+
+Footnote 827:
+
+  Codinus, _De Officiis_, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.
+
+Footnote 828:
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 829:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the
+  tower to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two
+  towers, on the opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn,
+  which supported the chain, he says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la
+  zilade, zoè una de la banda de Constantinopoli, l’altra de la banda de
+  Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”
+
+Footnote 830:
+
+  N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.
+
+Footnote 831:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.
+
+Footnote 832:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iv. c. x. “Adhuc Galatæ porta est, quæ
+  appellatur Catena, ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena
+  extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes, p. 609.
+
+Footnote 833:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἄλωσις τῆς ΚΠ., p. 63) thinks the tower
+  stood beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata
+  Bridge and the Galata Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the
+  existence of old ruins at that point. But the chain would never be
+  placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.
+
+Footnote 834:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 609.
+
+Footnote 835:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.
+
+Footnote 836:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 837:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.
+
+Footnote 838:
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. 241-247, for the discussion
+  regarding the precise route taken by the ships.
+
+Footnote 839:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
+
+Footnote 840:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi. R.
+
+Footnote 841:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
+
+Footnote 842:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 15. With him
+  agree Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.
+
+Footnote 843:
+
+  Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.
+
+Footnote 844:
+
+  Pages 254, 255, Ἐδόθη φυλάττειν τὸν πύργον τὸν ἐν μέσω τοῦ ῥεύματος,
+  τὸν φυλάσσοντα τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἦν ἀντικρὺς τῆς πύλης τῆς
+  βασιλικῆς.
+
+Footnote 845:
+
+  Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city
+  (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἂλωσις τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, p. 141), represents the
+  Hill of St. Theodore and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of
+  Cassim Pasha. This, however, is in harmony neither with the statements
+  of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The requirements of the
+  case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was the
+  ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery
+  stood nearer the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo
+  Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso el Turcho da disdegno, da i montè orientali de
+  Pera penso a profondar con machine e morteri, o trar quelle de la
+  cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal occidente” (_i.e._
+  aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”
+
+Footnote 846:
+
+  Page 259.
+
+Footnote 847:
+
+  Page 238.
+
+Footnote 848:
+
+  XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.
+
+Footnote 849:
+
+  Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited
+  above) understands Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower
+  with one which stood, until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top
+  Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was
+  probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers (see above, p. 228).
+
+Footnote 850:
+
+  Pages 254, 255.
+
+Footnote 851:
+
+  See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 852:
+
+  Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.
+
+Footnote 853:
+
+  Ducas, p. 275.
+
+Footnote 854:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297,
+  487.
+
+Footnote 855:
+
+  Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden
+  Horn, and on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the
+  Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says the bridge was built that the
+  army might advance near the wall, beside the “fanum” of the city:
+  “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term is ambiguous.
+  Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But
+  more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the
+  bridge was not exactly opposite to it.
+
+Footnote 856:
+
+  How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to
+  have been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was
+  burned down. It was then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by
+  fire, after which it was rebuilt at the expense of the monastery on
+  Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable church of the
+  Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._,
+  pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (_Proceedings
+  of the Greek Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).
+
+Footnote 857:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. p. 391.
+
+Footnote 858:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 859:
+
+  Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point
+  “Die Königliche Pforte.”
+
+Footnote 860:
+
+  See above, p. 228; see below, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 861:
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, ii. pp. 297, 391, 487.
+
+Footnote 862:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.
+
+Footnote 863:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 65.
+
+Footnote 864:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 18.
+
+Footnote 865:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 65.
+
+Footnote 866:
+
+  If the Basilikè Pylè could be identified with the gate which went by
+  the names Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi,
+  all statements concerning the Imperial Gate might be applied to that
+  single entrance. But this would be to interpret the language of
+  Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely. Nor is there
+  any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or
+  for regarding that gate important during the last siege.
+
+Footnote 867:
+
+  The Basilikè Pylè is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following
+  writers:—
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great
+  conflagration, in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the
+  city, and caused immense loss of houses and merchandise.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship
+  from the harbour at Blachernæ, in order to leave Constantinople more
+  readily, as soon as a favourable wind sprang up.
+
+  _Acta Patriarchatus CP._, vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate
+  beside the shore on which a certain priest had his residence.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St.
+  John the Baptist stood upon the seashore.
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a
+  hospitium on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.
+
+  Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during
+  the siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor
+  Manuel Palæologus, who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of
+  the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir), allowed his minister Theologus to
+  be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from the Turks to betray
+  the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith dragged by
+  the Cretans along the street to the Basilikè Pylè, and there had his
+  eyes put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after
+  the horrible operation.
+
+  Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower
+  injured by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.
+
+  Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians,
+  and by the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.
+
+  Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As
+  the gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.
+
+  Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke
+  Notaras.
+
+  Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which
+  entered the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of
+  the harbour.
+
+Footnote 868:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42.
+
+Footnote 869:
+
+  See above, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 870:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 871:
+
+  Page 271.
+
+Footnote 872:
+
+  Page 251.
+
+Footnote 873:
+
+  _Constantinople et le Bosphore_, p. 364.
+
+Footnote 874:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42.
+
+Footnote 875:
+
+  _Siège de Constantinople_; Nicolò Barbaro, _Giornale_, p. 752.
+
+Footnote 876:
+
+  See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.
+
+Footnote 877:
+
+  Page 270: Προστάττει τοῦ εὐθυδρομηθῆναι τὰς νάπας τὰς ὄπισθεν κειμένας
+  τοῦ Γαλατᾶ, ἀπὸ τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν, κάτωθεν τοῦ διπλοῦ κίονος.
+
+Footnote 878:
+
+  IV. 550-551.
+
+Footnote 879:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 880:
+
+  Lib. i. c. 42. Charles Müller thinks the correct reading in the text
+  of Critobulus was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”
+
+Footnote 881:
+
+  For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. 7. See also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more
+  distinctly shown in the copy of that map found in Du Cange and
+  Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work). The idea of
+  Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (_Siège de
+  Constantinople_, p. 237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine
+  days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns and inhabitants together—to
+  Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has no foundation whatever.
+
+Footnote 882:
+
+  Page 753.
+
+Footnote 883:
+
+  Dethier, _Siège de Constantinople_, No. xviii. p. 893.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVI.
+                  THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA.
+
+
+The fortifications extending along the Sea of Marmora[883] from the
+Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the southern extremity of the land walls
+consisted of a single wall flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by 188
+towers—a line of defence some five miles in length. Almost everywhere
+along their course these fortifications stood close to the water’s edge,
+making it almost impossible to land troops at their foot, and giving
+them only the comparatively easy task of repelling an attack upon them
+with ships.
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect
+Constantine. (_See page 46._)]
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus. (_See
+page 183._)]
+
+[Illustration: Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus. (_See
+page 132._)]
+
+What they had most reason to dread was the open sea upon whose margin
+they stood, its ceaseless, unwearied sap and mine of their foundations,
+and the furious assaults of its angry waves. This explains some
+peculiarities noticeable in their construction. The line of their
+course, for instance, was extremely irregular, turning in and out with
+every bend of the shore, to present always as short and sharp a front as
+possible to the waves that dashed against them. They were protected,
+moreover, by a breakwater of loose boulders,[884] scattered in the sea
+along their base. And the extent to which marble shafts were built, as
+bonds, into the lower courses of the walls and towers was, doubtless,
+another precaution adopted to maintain the stability of these
+fortifications. A large portion of these walls is built in arches closed
+on their outer face, and seems to be the work of a late age.
+
+The walls had at least thirteen entrances.
+
+The first gate, Top Kapoussi, a short distance to the south of the apex
+of the promontory, was known as the Gate of St. Barbara (ἡ τῆς μάρτυρος
+Βαρβάρας καλουμένη Πύλη),[885] after a church of that dedication in the
+vicinity; the presence of a sanctuary consecrated to the patroness of
+fire-arms at this point being explained by the fact that the Mangana, or
+great military arsenal of the city, stood a little to the south of the
+gate.
+
+The gate was guarded also on the north-west, by the Church of St.
+Demetrius, another military saint, and was therefore sometimes styled by
+the Greeks, after the Turkish Conquest, the Gate of St. Demetrius.[886]
+It was likewise known as the Eastern Gate,[887] owing to its position on
+the eastern shore of the city.
+
+Here, probably, stood one of the gates of old Byzantium; for when the
+city was occupied by the Greeks under Xenophon, the Spartan admiral,
+Anaxibius, escaped to the Acropolis by taking boat in the Golden Horn,
+and rounding the promontory to the side facing Chalcedon.[888] The pier
+in front of the gate was called the Pier of the Acropolis (ἡ τῆς
+ἀκροπόλεως σκάλα);[889] and for the convenience of the boatmen and
+sailors frequenting it, a chapel of St. Nicholas, their patron saint,
+was attached to the Church of St. Barbara.[890]
+
+According to the inscriptions[891] found upon the gate, it was included
+in the repairs of the seaward walls in the reign of Theophilus. As
+became its important position, it was a handsome portal, flanked, like
+the Golden Gate, by two large towers of white marble,[892] and beside
+it, if not in it, Nicephorus Phocas placed the beautiful gates which he
+carried away from Tarsus as trophies of his Cilician campaigns.[893] On
+two occasions it served as a triumphal entrance into the city, John
+Comnenus using it for that purpose in 1126, to celebrate the capture of
+Castamon;[894] and Manuel Comnenus in 1168, on his return from the
+Hungarian War.[895] In 1816 the towers of the gate furnished material
+for the Marble Kiosk which Sultan Mahmoud IV. erected in the
+neighbourhood;[896] and in 1871 the gate disappeared during the
+construction of the Roumelian railway.
+
+Proceeding southwards from the Gate of St. Barbara, we reach the
+entrance known as Deïrmen Kapoussi. It is clearly Byzantine, but its
+Greek name is lost.
+
+Between it and the Gate of St. Barbara must have stood the Mangana (τὰ
+Μάγγανα),[897] or Arsenal, with its workshops, materials of war, and
+library of books on military art. Its site is identified by the
+statement of Nicetas Choniates,[898] that it faced the rocky islet off
+the shore of Chrysopolis, on which the beacon tower Kiz Kalehssi, or
+Leander’s Tower, is now built. For, according to that historian, Manuel
+Comnenus, with the view of closing the Bosporus against naval attack
+from the south, erected two towers between which he might suspend a
+chain across the entrance of the straits; one of them, named Damalis and
+Arcla (Δάμαλις, Ἄρκλα), being on the rock off Chrysopolis,[899] the
+other, opposite to it, very close to the Monastery of Mangana.
+
+The Tower of the Mangana was exceedingly strong, capable of withstanding
+a siege by the whole city.[900] Hence, in the struggle between Apocaucus
+and Cantacuzene, the former held it with great determination.
+
+To the rear of Deïrmen Kapoussi a hollow, now occupied by
+market-gardens, indicates the site of the Kynegion, the amphitheatre
+erected by Severus when he restored Byzantium.[901] A combat of wild
+animals was held here as late as the reign of Justinian the Great, in
+honour of his consulship.[902] Subsequently, the Kynegion became a place
+of execution for important political offenders. There, Justinian II., on
+his restoration to the throne, put his rivals, Leontius and Apsimarus,
+to death, after subjecting them to public humiliation in the Hippodrome,
+by resting his feet upon their necks, while he viewed the games.[903]
+
+A little to the south of the Kynegion stood the Church and Monastery of
+St. George at the Mangana (Μοναστήριον κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μάγγανα, ἐπ᾽
+ὀνόματι τοῦ ἁγίου μεγάλου μάρτυρος Γεωργίου). It was an erection of
+Constantine Monomachus,[904] and one of the most splendid and important
+monasteries in the city. Its site is determined by the following
+indications; the church was opposite Chrysopolis,[905] and near the
+Mangana and the Kynegion;[906] it stood in the midst of meadows, and to
+it were attached gardens and a hospital.[907] “There was,” says Clavijo,
+the Spanish envoy, “before the entrance (of the church), a wide court
+containing many gardens and houses; the church itself stood in the
+middle of these gardens.”[908] Now, room for a church with such
+surroundings existed only to the south of the Kynegion, where a
+comparatively extensive plain is found; while the territory to the north
+was contracted, and was, moreover, otherwise occupied. This conclusion
+is corroborated by the statement of the Russian pilgrims that the
+Monastery of the Mangana lay to the _west_ of the Church of St.
+Saviour.[909] That church, we shall find, stood at Indjili Kiosk.[910]
+Hence, a building to the west of that point would be on the plain above
+indicated.
+
+From the Church of St. George mediæval writers derived the name of Braz
+Saint George for the Sea of Marmora and the Hellespont.[911] The Emperor
+John Cantacuzene, upon his abdication, was for some time a monk in the
+Monastery of Mangana, under the name Joasaph (Ἰωάσαφ), until he withdrew
+to the deeper seclusion of the Monastery of Batopedi, on Mount
+Athos.[912]
+
+The next gate, Demir Kapoussi, is a Turkish erection that may have
+replaced an older entrance.[913]
+
+A little further south, arched buttresses, forming the substructures on
+which the villa known as Indjili Kiosk, in the Seraglio grounds, once
+stood, are seen built against the walls. Through these buttresses the
+water of a Holy Spring within the city was, until recently, conducted to
+the outer side of the walls, and thus rendered accessible to the
+Christians of the Greek Orthodox Church, who sought the benefit of its
+healing virtues. This was the Holy Spring of the Church of St. Saviour,
+celebrated as a fountain of health long before the Turkish Conquest.
+“Tout cet endroit ressemble la piscine de Salomon qui est à Jérusalem!”
+exclaims one of the Russian pilgrims, who visited the shrine during the
+period of the Palæologi.[914]
+
+Its identity cannot be disputed. For the memory of the fact that the
+Church of St. Saviour stood at this point has been preserved by the
+annual pilgrimages made to the spot, on the Festival of the
+Transfiguration, from the time of the Turkish Conquest until the year
+1821, when the privilege of frequenting the spring was withdrawn, on
+account of the political events of the day. Such popular customs afford
+strong evidence.
+
+The first writer who refers to the church and spring after 1453 is
+Gyllius,[915] who, speaking of the water-gates in the walls around the
+Seraglio, describes the position of Demir Kapoussi thus: “The fourth
+gate (counting from Yali Kiosk Kapoussi) faces south-east (solis exortum
+spectat hibernum), and is not far from the ruins of the church dedicated
+to Christ, for the remains of which, found built in the wall, the Greeks
+show much reverence, by visiting them in great crowds.” Thevenot[916]
+and Grelot[917] give a long account of the animated scene witnessed here
+on the Festival of the Transfiguration, in their day. The Sultan himself
+would sometimes come to Indjili Kiosk to be entertained by the spectacle
+presented on that occasion, particularly by seeing sick persons buried
+up to the neck in the sand on the seashore, as a method of cure. Hammer
+writes to the same effect, but supposed the spring to be the Hagiasma of
+the Virgin, and thought it marked the site of the Church of the
+Theotokos Hodegetria, which was in this vicinity, and to which also a
+Holy Spring was attached.[918] But this opinion, adopted also by
+Labarte,[919] is opposed to all the evidence upon the subject.
+
+Finally, there is the testimony of the Patriarch Constantius, already
+alluded to, that from 1453 to 1821 the Hagiasma at Indjili Kiosk was
+annually frequented on the 6th of August, as the Holy Well associated
+with the Church of St. Saviour: “The Greeks still revered, until a few
+years ago, as a matter of tradition, the Hagiasma of the Saviour, which
+was under Indjili Kiosk.”[920]
+
+In striking agreement with this evidence since the Turkish Conquest, are
+the accounts given regarding the Church of St. Saviour by writers
+previous to that event. According to them, the church was in the
+neighbourhood of the Church of St. George Mangana, and to the east of
+that sanctuary; it stood close to the sea, immediately behind the city
+walls; its Holy Spring was enclosed within the walls, and yet could be
+reached from without; in front of the walls through which the sacred
+stream flowed, was a beach of sand endowed with healing properties.[921]
+Nothing can be more conclusive.
+
+This identification is of the greatest importance for the topographical
+reconstruction of the quarters of Byzantine Constantinople along the
+eastern shore of the promontory, for, with that church as a fixed point,
+it becomes comparatively easy to determine the positions of other noted
+buildings in the neighbourhood.
+
+By means of that landmark, for example, the situation of the Church of
+St. George Mangana can, we have seen, be fixed.[922] It enables us also
+to settle, without prolonged discussion, the question raised by the
+extensive ruins discovered behind Indjili Kiosk, when the ground was
+cleared, in 1871, for the construction of the Roumelian railroad. The
+walls of an edifice 322 feet long by 53 feet wide, were then brought to
+view, and among the _débris_ marble pillars and capitals were found in
+such numbers, as to prove that the building to which they belonged had
+been one of considerable importance.[923] Because some of the capitals
+seemed ornamented with the heads of bulls and lions, Dr. Paspates came
+to the conclusion that the ruins were the remains of the celebrated
+Palace of the Bucoleon.[924] On the other hand, Dr. Mordtmann thinks
+that here was the site of the Imperial residence, known as the Palace of
+Mangana,[925] an erection of Basil I.[926]
+
+That the latter opinion is the correct one may be proved by means of the
+fact that the Church of St. Saviour stood at Indjili Kiosk. In the first
+place, the Palace of Mangana was near the Church of St. George
+Mangana—so near that the destruction of that palace by Isaac Angelus, to
+obtain material for edifices of his own construction, was viewed as an
+act of sacrilege committed against the property of the great saint.[927]
+But the Church of St. George Mangana, we have found, lay a short
+distance to the west of the Church of St. Saviour,[928] near the site of
+Indjili Kiosk. Consequently the remains of a palace near that kiosk must
+be those of the Palace of Mangana. This conclusion agrees, furthermore,
+with the fact that the Mangana, which gave name to the palace, was in
+this vicinity.[929] It is also consistent with the circumstance that the
+Palace of Mangana was noted for its coolness,[930] as would be
+characteristic of a residence in the position of Indjili Kiosk, which is
+exposed to the north wind that sweeps down the Bosporus from the Black
+Sea.
+
+Thus, also, the site of the Church of St. Lazarus can be approximately
+determined. From the order in which the churches visited by the Deacon
+Zosimus[931] between St. Sophia and St. George Mangana are mentioned, it
+is clear that the Church of St. Lazarus lay to the south of the Church
+of St. Saviour, and consequently somewhere between Indjili Kiosk and the
+Seraglio Lighthouse. The identification is important; for near the
+Church of St. Lazarus was found the tier of seats, known as the Topi,
+which marked the southern extremity of the walls of old Byzantium on the
+side of the Sea of Marmora.[932]
+
+Thus, also, the eastern limit of the grounds of the palace erected by
+Constantine the Great is determined. “The Triclinia erected by
+Constantine the Great,” says Codinus,[933] “reached to that point,”
+_i.e._ the Topi. Furthermore, the Tzycanisterion, or polo-ground,
+attached to the Great Palace, extended, we are told, as far as the
+neighbourhood of the Church of St. Lazarus and the Topi.[934] Dr.
+Paspates is therefore mistaken in making the palace grounds reach to
+within a short distance of the Seraglio Point.
+
+Near the Topi likewise stood the Thermæ Arcadianæ,[935] constructed by
+the Emperor Arcadius, and one of the finest ornaments of the capital.
+There, also, was a church dedicated to the Archangel Michael, ἐν
+Ἀρκαδιαναῖς.[936]
+
+In this neighbourhood, moreover, must have stood the Atrium of Justinian
+the Great,[937] a favourite public resort towards sunset, when the
+eastern side of the city was in shade, to admire the magnificent display
+of colour then reflected on the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast and
+mountains. It was built of white marble and adorned with statuary, among
+which the statue of the Empress Theodora, upon a pillar of porphyry, was
+specially remarkable.[938]
+
+Still further south of the Church of St. Saviour rose one of the most
+venerated shrines in Constantinople, the Church of the Theotokos
+Hodegetria (τῶν Ὁδηγῶν) founded by the Empress Pulcheria, and
+reconstructed by Michael III.[939] It boasted of a Holy Well famed for
+marvellous cures,[940] and of an Icon of the Virgin, attributed to St.
+Luke, which was regarded as the palladium of the city and the leader
+(Ὁδηγητρία) of the hosts of the Empire to victory. Generals on leaving
+the city to engage in war paid their devotions at this shrine, and the
+sacred picture had the first place of honour in a triumphal procession,
+taking precedence of the emperor himself.[941] In view of the siege of
+the city by Branas, in the reign of Isaac Angelus, the Icon was carried
+round the fortifications;[942] while in 1453 it was placed in the Church
+of the Chora, not far from the Gate of Charisius, to support the
+defence. There, upon the capture of the city, it was found by the Turks,
+and cut to pieces.[943]
+
+According to the Russian pilgrims, the Church of the Hodegetria was
+situated to the south of St. George Mangana, and to the east of St.
+Sophia, on the right of the street conducting from the cathedral to the
+sea.[944] These indications support the opinion of Dr. Mordtmann[945]
+that the position of the church is marked by a neglected Hagiasma in the
+large vegetable garden at the south-eastern corner of the Seraglio
+grounds.
+
+Two small gates in the city walls were respectively named after the two
+churches just mentioned, one being styled the Postern of St. Lazarus
+(τοῦ αγίου Λαζάρου πυλίς),[946] the other the Small Gate of the
+Hodegetria (ἡ μίκρα πύλη τῆς Ὁδηγητρίας).[947] They must have stood to
+the south of Indjili Kiosk; and, in fact, at the distance of some 145
+paces from that point the marble frames of two small gateways are seen
+built in the wall. On the lintel of the one more to the south is a
+cross, and on two slabs built into the inner side of the gateway are the
+words, “Open to me the gates of righteousness, that entering into them I
+may worship the Lord.”[948] Two similar gates are seen still further
+south, one on either side of the second tower beyond Indjili Kiosk.
+These four entrances must have belonged to some of the numerous churches
+which were situated, according to the Russian pilgrims, in this part of
+the city. One of them, doubtless, represents the Postern of St. Lazarus,
+while another may claim to be the Small Gate of the Hodegetria.
+
+The Postern of St. Lazarus is mentioned in history on the occasion of
+the sudden appearance, in 1269, of seventy-five Venetian galleys in the
+offing.[949] As soon as the fleet was sighted, all the gates of the city
+were closed, with the exception of this postern; and from it envoys were
+despatched in a boat to ascertain the object of the expedition. The
+public anxiety was relieved, when it was found that the Venetians had
+come to settle disputes with the Genoese at Galata and not to molest the
+capital.
+
+According to Ducas[950] it was through the Gate of the Hodegetria that
+John VI. Palæologus penetrated, in 1355, into the city to overthrow John
+Cantacuzene. The voyage of the conspirators from Tenedos had been
+accomplished in rough weather; and it was dark and stormy when they
+arrived before Constantinople. As their force consisted of but two
+galleys, with 2000 men, the assailants could hope to enter the city only
+by stratagem. Approaching, therefore, the Gate of the Hodegetria, they
+proceeded to hurl empty oil-jars against the walls, and to rend the air
+with loud cries of distress. The startled sentinels, imagining it was a
+case of shipwreck, and touched by appeals to their humanity and by
+promises of a share in the rich cargo of oil reported to be on board the
+galleys, opened the gate and rushed to the rescue. When they discovered
+their mistake, it was too late. They were promptly overpowered and
+killed, and the Italian adventurers seized the gate, mounted the
+adjoining towers, and raised the cry in favour of Palæologus.
+
+It was at the Gate of the Hodegetria, probably, that Bardas, in 866,
+embarked to conduct an expedition against the Saracens in Crete, after
+invoking the aid of the Virgin Hodegetria.[951] Here, the troops sent by
+Alexius III. to suppress the insurrection under John the Fat landed to
+gain the Great Palace, which the rebel leader was occupying.[952] The
+gate appears in the last siege, as a point blockaded by the Turkish
+fleet which invested the walls along the Sea of Marmora.[953]
+
+In the recess of the shore immediately beyond the Seraglio Lighthouse,
+where the coast bends westwards, are two gates, known, respectively, as
+Balouk Haneh Kapoussi and Ahour Kapoussi. The former, the Gate of the
+Fish House, obtained its name from the circumstance that it led to the
+quarters of the fishermen in the service of the Turkish Court; the
+latter was styled the Stable Gate, because it conducted to the Sultan’s
+Mews.
+
+The Patriarch Constantius[954] identified Balouk Haneh Kapoussi with the
+Postern of Michael the Protovestarius, mentioned once in Byzantine
+history. That was the gate by which Constantine Ducas, in 913, entered
+the city to join the conspirators who sought to place him upon the
+throne instead of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, then a minor under the
+tutelage of his uncle and colleague, Alexander.[955] The fact that
+Constantine Ducas reached the gate by sea without being immediately
+discovered, and that he was then able to reach the Hippodrome quickly,
+is in favour of the view that the entrance stood upon the Sea of
+Marmora. But if, as seems probable, the entrance at Balouk Haneh
+Kapoussi was within the limits of the Great Palace, it cannot be the
+Parapylis of Michael Protovestarius; for that postern did not conduct
+Ducas into the grounds of the Imperial residence, but to the private
+house of his father-in-law Gregoras, without the palace precincts.
+Possibly one of the small gates between the Lighthouse and Indjili Kiosk
+represents the postern.
+
+The ancient name of Ahour Kapoussi is not known. The Patriarch
+Constantius,[956] it is true, identifies it with the Gate of the
+Hodegetria. But the Gate of the Hodegetria was remarkable for its small
+size, and stood outside the enclosure of the Great Palace; whereas Ahour
+Kapoussi was within the palace grounds, and is of ordinary dimensions.
+
+Equally erroneous is the view of Labarte[957] that the recess in the
+shore at this point marks the site of the Port of the Bucoleon, the
+harbour attached to the Imperial palace. Doubtless, the small bay before
+Ahour Kapoussi, as its position implies, served the convenience of the
+Byzantine Court, but it was not the Port of Bucoleon strictly so called.
+That harbour, we shall find, lay further west at Tchatlady Kapou, the
+gate next in order.
+
+The splendid marble stables erected by Michael III. at the
+Tzycanisterion[958] were in this vicinity. May this gate not have been
+at their service? It would not be strange if the Sultan’s Mews were
+built upon the site of the Mews of his Byzantine predecessors.
+
+Passing next to Tchatlady Kapou (the Broken or Cracked Gate), we reach
+the entrance attached, as already intimated, to the Imperial Port of the
+Bucoleon. Its Byzantine name has not been preserved, but in the time of
+Gyllius[959] it was called the Gate of the Lion (Porta Leonis), after
+the marble figure of a lion near the entrance. Upon the maps of
+Constantinople, made in the sixteenth century, it is styled “Porta liona
+della riva.” Leunclavius names it the Gate of the Bears (Πόρτα ταῖς
+Ἀρκούδαις), a designation derived, doubtless, from the figures of bears
+which once adorned the adjoining quay.[960]
+
+Some authorities[961] have identified the entrance with the Sidhera
+Porta (the Iron Gate), which stood on this side of the city. But this is
+a mistake. The Iron Gate opened on the Harbour of Sophia,[962] and was
+near the Church of St. Thomas Amantiou;[963] and both these points were
+to the west of Tchatlady Kapou. Therefore Tchatlady Kapou itself cannot
+have been the Iron Gate.
+
+That the Harbour of Sophia lay in that direction is unquestionable, for
+it stood at Kadriga Limani,[964] which is to the west of Tchatlady
+Kapou. And that the same was true of the Church of St. Thomas is clear
+from the fact that this sanctuary and the Church of SS. Sergius and
+Bacchus marked, respectively, the western and eastern limits of the
+ravages made beside the Sea of Marmora, by the great fire in the reign
+of Leo I.[965] The Church of St. Thomas lay, therefore, to the west of
+SS. Sergius and Bacchus, and, consequently, as the latter stands to the
+west of Tchatlady Kapou, the former, also, must have occupied a similar
+position.
+
+[Illustration: Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.]
+
+In the city walls, a little to the west of Tchatlady Kapou, opposite the
+beautiful Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, is a small postern, opened,
+doubtless, for the use of the monastery attached to that church. Its
+side-posts are shafts of marble, covered with a remarkable inscription,
+and were evidently brought from some other building, when the postern
+was constructed or repaired.
+
+The inscription is a cento of verses, taken, with slight modifications,
+from the Prophet Habakkuk and the Psalter, to form a pæan in honour of
+the triumph of some emperor over his foes.
+
+    ΕΠΙΒΗΣΙ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΙΠΠΟΥΣ ΣΟΥ Κ. Η ΙΠΠΑΣΙΑ ΣΟΥ ΣΩ [ΤΗΡ] ΙΑ :[966] ΟΤΙ
+    Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΗΜΩΝ ΕΛΠΙΖΙ ΕΠΙ ΚΝ. ΕΝ ΤΩ ΕΛΕΙ ΤΟ [Υ ΥΨΙΣΤΟΥ ΟΥ ΜΗ]
+    SALEUΘΗ :[967] ΟΥΚ ΟΦΕΛΗΣΙ ΕΚΘΡΟΣ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ Κ. ΥΙΟΣ ΑΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΟΥ
+    ΠΡΟΣΘΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΚΩΣΙ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ :[968] ΑΙΝΩΝ ΕΠΙΚΑΛΙΣΕΤΟ [ΚΝ.] : ΕΚ ΤΩΝ
+    ΕΚΘΡΩΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΣΩΘΗΣΕΤΕ :[969] ΕΞΟΥΔΕΝΩΤΕ ΕΝΩΠΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΟΝΗΡΕΥΟΜΕΝΟΣ,
+    ΤΟΥΣ ΔΕ ΦΟΒΟΥ [ΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΝ.] ΔΟΞΑΣΙ.[970]
+
+The next entrance, the Gate of Sophia (Πόρτα τῶν Σοφιῶν),[971] as its
+name implies, was attached to the Harbour of Sophia. It was known also
+as the Porta Sidhera (Πόρτα Σιδηρᾶ),[972] from the material of its
+construction, and after the Turkish Conquest was designated Porta
+Katerga Limani,[973] the Gate of the Harbour of the Galleys, from
+κάτεργον, the Greek word for a galley.
+
+The Porta Kontoscalion (τὸ δὲ λεγόμενον Κοντοσκάλιον ἡ Πόρτα)[974]
+communicated with the Harbour of the Kontoscalion,[975] and stood at
+Koum Kapoussi.
+
+Next follows the gate Yeni Kapou, in the quarter of Vlanga. The Latin
+inscription which was found over the gate[976] proves it to have been a
+Byzantine entrance, but its ancient name has not been preserved. The
+gate was beside the Harbour of Theodosius, or Eleutherius[977] (Vlanga
+Bostan). Its Turkish name must allude to repairs made after 1453.
+
+The next gate, Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, immediately to the west of Vlanga
+Bostan, is the Gate of St. Æmilianus (ἡ Πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου
+Αἰμιλιανοῦ),[978] named so after a church of that dedication in the
+vicinity. It is identified by its situation. On the one hand, the Gate
+of St. Æmilianus was the westernmost entrance in the line of the
+Constantinian Walls beside the Sea of Marmora.[979] It must, therefore,
+have been a gate to the west of the old harbour at Vlanga Bostan, which,
+under the name of the Harbour of Eleutherius, stood within the city of
+Constantine.[980] On the other hand, it cannot have been a gate further
+west than Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, for the two gates which pierce the city
+wall in that direction can be identified with other gates, and were,
+moreover, beyond the original bounds of Constantinople. Near the Gate of
+St. Æmilianus stood the Church of St. Mary Rhabdou, venerated as the
+shrine in which the rod of Moses was kept.[981]
+
+The next gate retains its old name, Gate of Psamathia (Πόρτα τοῦ
+Ψαμαθᾶ),[982] derived from the ancient quarter Psamathia (τοῦ Ψαμαθᾶ).
+The name alludes to the sand thrown up on the beach here, as at Koum
+Kapoussi (the Sand Gate).
+
+Narli Kapoussi (the Pomegranate Gate), the succeeding entrance,
+accommodated the quarter around the celebrated Church and Monastery of
+St. John the Baptist, known as the Studion, because founded, in 463, by
+Studius, a patrician from Rome. The gate is never mentioned by name, but
+is clearly referred to by Constantine Porphyrogenitus[983] in his
+account of the Imperial visit paid, annually, to the Studion on the 29th
+of August, in commemoration of the martyrdom of the Baptist. On that
+occasion it was usual for the emperor to come from the Great Palace by
+water, in his state barge, and to land at this gate, where he was
+received by the abbot and monks of the monastery, and conducted to the
+services of the day.
+
+On the cliff outside the gate is an Armenian Chapel of St. John the
+Baptist, which Dr. Paspates[984] thinks belonged originally to the
+Studion.
+
+The excavations made in laying out the public garden beside the city
+walls west of the Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, brought to light
+substructures of an ancient edifice, in the construction of which bricks
+stamped with the monogram of Basil I. and with a portion of the name
+Diomed were employed. The ruins marked, undoubtedly, the site of the
+Church and Monastery of St. Diomed, upon whose steps Basil flung himself
+to sleep the evening he entered the city, a poor homeless adventurer
+from Macedonia, in search of fortune. The kindness shown to the stranger
+by the abbot of the House was never forgotten; and when Basil reached
+the throne he rebuilt the church and the monastery on a more extensive
+scale, and enriched them with ample endowments.[985] The large number of
+pillars strewn upon the adjoining beach belonged, probably, to the
+church.
+
+Somewhere in the neighbourhood was the prison, known as the Prison of
+St. Diomed. In it, Pope Martin I. was detained by the Emperor Constans
+in 654;[986] and there Maria, the wife of Manuel Comnenus and mother of
+Alexius II., was confined by the infamous Andronicus Comnenus.[987]
+
+The last tower in this line of fortifications, situated on a small
+promontory commanding a wide view of the Sea of Marmora, is a very
+striking and picturesque object. It has four stories, and is constructed
+mostly of large blocks of marble. To it was attached a two-storied
+building, forming, with the tower, a small château or castle at this
+point. Only the foundations of the western and northern walls of the
+building are left, but the eastern wall, pierced by two tiers of small
+windows, and ornamented with string-courses, stands almost intact. The
+castle must have been the residence of some superior military officer.
+Here, some think, was the Prison of St. Diomed. In the recess of the
+shore immediately beyond the tower was a small postern for the use of
+the garrison at this point.
+
+                  *       *       *       *       *
+
+One cannot bring this account of the Walls of Constantinople to a close
+without calling to mind, again, the splendid part they played in the
+history of the world. To them the Queen of Cities, as her sons loved to
+call her, owed her long life, and her noble opportunity to advance the
+higher welfare of mankind. How great her services in that respect have
+been, we are coming to recognize more clearly, through a better
+acquaintance with her achievements, and a fairer judgment upon her
+faults. The city which preserved Greek learning, maintained Roman
+justice, sounded the depths of religious thought, and gave to Art new
+forms of beauty, was no mean city, and had reason to be proud of her
+record.
+
+[Illustration: Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of
+the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.]
+
+But never was she so grand as in her attitude towards the barbarous
+tribes and Oriental peoples which threatened her existence, and sought
+to render European civilization impossible. Some of her foes—the Goths
+and the great Slavic race—she not only fought, but also gathered within
+the pale of civilized Christendom. With others, like the Huns, Persians,
+Saracens, Turks, she waged a relentless warfare, often achieving signal
+triumphs, sometimes worsted in the struggle, always contesting every
+inch of her ground, retarding for a thousand years the day of her fall,
+perishing sword in hand, and giving Western Europe, meantime, scope to
+become worthy to take from her dying hands the banner of the world’s
+hope. This is service similar to that which has earned for Ancient
+Greece men’s eternal gratitude, and has made Marathon, Thermopylæ,
+Salamis, Platæa, names which will never die.
+
+Among the monuments brought by Constantine from various parts of the
+Empire to adorn his city was the serpent column which had stood for
+eight centuries before the shrine of Delphi, inscribed with the names of
+the Greek States whose valour on the field of Platæa hurled the Persian
+out of Greece. In placing that column in the Hippodrome of New Rome, did
+he divine the mission of the new capital? It was Greece transferring to
+the city founded on the banks of the Bosporus the championship of the
+world’s best life. And as we look backwards upon the tremendous conflict
+between barbarism and civilization, which forms the very core of
+Byzantine history, we see that nowhere could that venerable monument
+have been placed more appropriately, and that if the name of the City of
+Constantine were inscribed upon it no dishonour would be cast upon the
+names already there, and only justice would be done to the Empire which
+assumed their task and emulated their renown.
+
+But the shield of the city in that long heroic contest were the Walls
+whose history we have reviewed.
+
+Footnote 884:
+
+  See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 885:
+
+  Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169;
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 221.
+
+Footnote 886:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p.
+  270.
+
+Footnote 887:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 888:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας πύλης, ἥτις ἀνέῳγε κατὰ τὴν
+  ἀκρόπολιν. Cf. _Ibid._, p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.
+
+Footnote 889:
+
+  Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 890:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.
+
+Footnote 891:
+
+  Pachymeres, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 892:
+
+  See above, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 893:
+
+  Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.
+
+Footnote 894:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.
+
+Footnote 895:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 26.
+
+Footnote 896:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 205.
+
+Footnote 897:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 898:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.
+
+Footnote 899:
+
+  Page 268, Ὁ ἀντίπορθμος οὖτος πύργος τῆς τῶν Μαγγάνων ἄγχιστα
+  δεδομημένος μονῆς.
+
+Footnote 900:
+
+  The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares,
+  admiral of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of
+  Macedon, erected a pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a
+  monument to the memory of his wife, Damalis, who had accompanied him
+  on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis. Hence that suburb and the
+  rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the Byzantine emperors
+  at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin,
+  c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius,
+  _De Bosporo Thracio_, iii. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 901:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.
+
+Footnote 902:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 495; _Notitia, ad Reg. II._ See above, p. 13.
+
+Footnote 903:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 904:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus,
+  see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.
+
+Footnote 905:
+
+  Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.
+
+Footnote 906:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 268.
+
+Footnote 907:
+
+  Zonaras, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 908:
+
+  M. Attaliota, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 909:
+
+  _Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du
+  XV. Siècle_. Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.
+
+Footnote 910:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 162.
+
+Footnote 911:
+
+  See below, pp. 253, 254.
+
+Footnote 912:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; _William of Tyre_, lib. xx. c. xxiv.
+
+Footnote 913:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.
+
+Footnote 914:
+
+  Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of
+  the wall between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk.
+  One gallery measures 123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the
+  chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.
+
+Footnote 915:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 119.
+
+Footnote 916:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, i. c. vii.
+
+Footnote 917:
+
+  _Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant_, c. xviii. (1665).
+
+Footnote 918:
+
+  _Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople_, p. 83 (1670).
+
+Footnote 919:
+
+  _Constantinopolis und der Bosporos_, vol. i. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 920:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Constantinople et ses Abords_, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 921:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i.
+  p. 181.
+
+Footnote 922:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 119, 202, 231.
+
+Footnote 923:
+
+  See above, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 924:
+
+  For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.
+
+Footnote 925:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 107.
+
+Footnote 926:
+
+  Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals
+  found among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann
+  remarks, “explication qui n’a point été admise par ses
+  contradicteurs.”
+
+Footnote 927:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 337.
+
+Footnote 928:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 581.
+
+Footnote 929:
+
+  See above, p. 252.
+
+Footnote 930:
+
+  See above, p. 250.
+
+Footnote 931:
+
+  Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.
+
+Footnote 932:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent
+  (Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres,
+  celui de Lazare le Ressuscité, où ses reliques et (celles de) sa sœur
+  Marie sont incrustées dans une colonne; et secondement celui de
+  Lazare, évêque de Galassie.”
+
+Footnote 933:
+
+  Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the
+  theatres erected by Severus in Byzantium?
+
+Footnote 934:
+
+  Page 79.
+
+Footnote 935:
+
+  Leo Gram., p. 273, Εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Λάζαρον, εἰς τὸ καταβάσιον τοῦ
+  Τζυκανιστηρίου: p. 274, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Τόπους. Cf. Theophanes
+  Cont., pp. 859, 860.
+
+Footnote 936:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 937:
+
+  Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, _ad vocem_ στήλη.
+
+Footnote 938:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 939:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 940:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.
+
+Footnote 941:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 229.
+
+Footnote 942:
+
+  Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26;
+  Pachymeres, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 943:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.
+
+Footnote 944:
+
+  Ducas, p. 288.
+
+Footnote 945:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent
+  d’Odigitria, dans la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “à l’est de Sainte
+  Sophie, dans la direction de la mer, à droite, s’élève un couvent
+  appelé Odigitria.”
+
+Footnote 946:
+
+  Page 52.
+
+Footnote 947:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 948:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.
+
+Footnote 949:
+
+  Psalm cxviii. 19. † ΑΝΥΞΑΤΑΙ ΜΟΙ ΠΥΛΑΣ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΥΝΗΣ ΙΝΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΩΝ ΕΝ
+  ΑΥΤΑΙΣ ΕΞΟΜΟΛΟΓΗΣΩΜΑΙ ΤΩ ΚΥΡΙΩ †. Cf. _Proceedings of Greek Literary
+  Syllogos of Consple._, vol. xvi., 1885; _Archæological Supplement_,
+  pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.
+
+Footnote 950:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
+
+Footnote 951:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John Palæologus
+  took the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon
+  during the night.
+
+Footnote 952:
+
+  Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.
+
+Footnote 953:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 698.
+
+Footnote 954:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 955:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 956:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 289.
+
+Footnote 957:
+
+  _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 958:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 207.
+
+Footnote 959:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 23.
+
+Footnote 960:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, ii. c. xv.
+
+Footnote 961:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200, Πόρτα ταῖς Ἀρκούδες; Itinéraires Russes
+  en Orient, p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent
+  des ours et des aurochs en pierre.”
+
+Footnote 962:
+
+  Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 963:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 964:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (_De Leone Basilii Filio_,
+  c. i.) records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate,
+  which burned the Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood
+  near one another.
+
+Footnote 965:
+
+  See below, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 966:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.
+
+Footnote 967:
+
+  Habakkuk iii. 8.
+
+Footnote 968:
+
+  Psalm xxi. 7.
+
+Footnote 969:
+
+  Psalm lxxxix. 22.
+
+Footnote 970:
+
+  Psalm xviii. 3
+
+Footnote 971:
+
+  Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of
+  Justinian over the Factions in 532.
+
+Footnote 972:
+
+  Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 973:
+
+  _Ibid._ _ut supra_; _ibid._, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 974:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200.
+
+Footnote 975:
+
+  Codinus, p. 109.
+
+Footnote 976:
+
+  See below, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 977:
+
+  See above, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 978:
+
+  See below, p. 296.
+
+Footnote 979:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.
+
+Footnote 980:
+
+  Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 981:
+
+  _Ibid._, iii. p. 46; _ibid._, p. 49.
+
+Footnote 982:
+
+  _Ibid._, iii. p. 49; _ibid._, pp. 102, 103.
+
+Footnote 983:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms Ψαμάθεα
+  (Codinus, p. 109); τῶν Ὕψωμαθίων (Phrantzes, p. 253); τοῦ Ψωμαθέως
+  (Constant. Porphyr., _De Administratione Imperii_, c. 43). The quarter
+  boasted of a palace and gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus,
+  _ut supra_), a monastery (Constant. Porphyr., _ut supra_), and the
+  Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir).
+
+Footnote 984:
+
+  _De Cer._, pp. 562, 563.
+
+Footnote 985:
+
+  Page 349.
+
+Footnote 986:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
+
+Footnote 987:
+
+  See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth
+  Epistle.
+
+Footnote 988:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 347.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVII.
+                  THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA.
+
+
+The number of harbours found, at one time or other, on the southern
+shore of the city formed one of the most striking features in the aspect
+of Byzantine Constantinople. This was not due to any natural facilities
+offered by that shore for the purpose. On the contrary, although the
+outline of the coast is very irregular, it presents no bay where ships
+may be moored for the convenience of commerce, or into which they can
+find refuge from storms. The waves, moreover, cast up great quantities
+of sand upon the beach. Hence, all the harbours on this side of the city
+were, to a great measure, artificial extensions of some indentation of
+the coast, and their construction and maintenance involved great labour
+and expense. They ranked, in fact, among the principal public works of
+the capital. But the interests of commerce with the regions around the
+Sea of Marmora and with the Mediterranean were so great, and the
+difficulty which vessels coming from those regions often found to make
+the Golden Horn, owing to the prevalence of north winds, was so serious
+as to outweigh all drawbacks or impediments, and secured for the
+accommodation of the shipping frequenting this side of the city no less
+than five harbours. These harbours were probably constructed in the
+following chronological order: the Harbour of Eleutherius, known also as
+the Harbour of Theodosius; the Harbour of the Emperor Julian, known also
+as the New Harbour, and as the Harbour of Sophia; the Harbour of
+Kaisarius, the same probably as the Neorion at the Heptascalon; the
+Harbour of the Bucoleon; and the Kontoscalion. We shall consider them in
+the order of their position on the shore, proceeding from east to west.
+
+[Illustration: Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora
+Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.]
+
+
+                        Harbour of the Bucoleon.
+
+
+The Harbour of the Bucoleon was attached to the Great Palace[988] (τὸ
+τοῦ παλατίου νεώριον ἑν τῷ Βουκολέοντι) for the convenience of the
+emperor, who in a city like Constantinople would have frequent occasion
+to move to and fro by water. Its name was derived from a marble group of
+a Lion and a Bull upon the harbour’s quay, the lion being represented
+with his left foot upon a horn of the bull, in the act of twisting his
+victim’s head round to get at the throat.[989] The harbour, partly
+artificial, was protected by two jetties from the violence of the winds
+and waves;[990] and, in keeping with its destination, displayed
+considerable architectural splendour. Its quay was paved with
+marble,[991] and adorned with figures of lions, bulls, bears, and
+ostriches;[992] a handsome flight of marble steps led to the water;[993]
+and upon the adjoining city walls rose two Imperial villas, known as the
+Palace of the Bucoleon (τὰ παλάτια τοῦ Βουκολέοντος).[994]
+
+Strangely enough, the site of a harbour so prominent, and so fully
+described, has been a point concerning which students of the topography
+of the city have widely differed. Dr. Paspates[995] placed the harbour
+at a distance of 104 feet to the south of Indjili Kiosk, consistently
+with his opinion that the ruins discovered behind that Kiosk marked the
+site of the Palace of the Bucoleon.[996] With much learning and
+ingenuity, Labarte argues that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in the
+recess of the shore at Ahour Kapoussi.[997] Von Hammer wavered in his
+opinion, placing the harbour at one time at Tchatlady Kapou, and at
+another at Kadriga Limani.[998] And yet to Von Hammer is due the
+discovery of the evidence that puts an end to all uncertainty on the
+subject, by showing us that the marble group of the Lion and the Bull,
+which gave the harbour its name, stood at Tchatlady Kapou.
+
+The evidence on the subject is found in a report which Pietro Zen,
+Venetian envoy to the Turkish Court, sent to his Government in 1532,
+where he describes the monument at great length, as he saw it after it
+had been shaken by an earthquake. In quoting this description,[999] Von
+Hammer, however, not only fails to use it for the settlement of the
+question at issue, but also omits portions of the report which are of
+the utmost importance for determining the exact site of the famous
+group. Dr. Mordtmann, citing Von Hammer, has appreciated the
+significance of the passage referred to, and employs it more
+successfully, but with the same omissions.[1000]
+
+The original manuscript of the report is preserved in the Marciana
+Library, among the unpublished Archives of the Venetian Republic,[1001]
+and the passage with which we are concerned reads to the following
+effect:
+
+“At the gate at which animals are slaughtered (near the columns of the
+Hippodrome, on the road below), which in Turkish is named Chiachadi
+Capisso, which in the Frank language means ‘Gate of the Crack,’ outside
+the said water-gate, and beneath the three ancient windows which have a
+lion at either end (of the row); there, down beside the shore, on two
+columns, is a marble block upon which is a very large bull, much larger
+than life, attacked at the throat by a lion, which has mounted upon the
+back of the (bull’s) neck, and thrown him down, and strikes at a horn of
+the bull with great force. This lion is considerably larger than life,
+all cut out of one piece of stone of very fine quality. These animals
+used to stand with their heads turned towards Asia, but it seems that on
+that night (the night of the catastrophe) they turned themselves with
+their heads towards the city. When this was observed next morning, the
+whole population of the place ran together to the spot, full of
+amazement and stupefaction. And every one went about discoursing upon
+the significance of the event according to his own turn of mind; a comet
+also appearing for many nights.”
+
+The original is as follows, the words in italics being omitted by Von
+Hammer: “Alla porta dove si amaza animali, acosto dile colone
+dilprodramo, da basso via, _e in Turcho si chiama chiachadi capisso, e
+in francho vol dir para di crepido_, fuora dila dita porta de marina,
+_sotto quelle tre fenestre antiquissime che hanno uno lione per banda_,
+li abasso alla marina, sopra due colone, e una lastra di marmoro sopra
+la qual e uno granmo tauro, maior bonamente che il vivo, acanatto de uno
+lione, el qual li e montato sopra la schena, et lo ho atterato, et da
+una brancha ad un corno dil tauro in un grandissimo atto; e questo leone
+assai maior del vivo e tutto di una piera de una bona vena ouer miner.
+Questi animali soleano esser con le teste voltate verso Anatolia, et par
+che quella medema notte i se voltasseno con le teste verso Conple., il
+che la matina veduto tutta questa terra li e concorsa et ha fatto stupir
+e stornir tutta quest terra; et ogni uno va discorendo secondo le
+passione dil animo suo, stante una cometa apparsa per molte notte,
+questa cosa per il preditto rispetto ho voluto significar.”[1002]
+
+Nothing can be more explicit or more decisive.
+
+There is no room to doubt that the monument described by Zen was the
+group of the Lion and the Bull, described, before him, by Anna Comnena
+and Zonaras.[1003] His description might be a translation of the account
+given of the group by those writers. Nor is there any uncertainty as to
+the locality where Zen saw the monument. He indicates the site with a
+redundancy which makes misunderstanding simply impossible, and for which
+he may be pardoned, since minute particularity seldom distinguishes the
+statements of authorities on the topography of the city. According to
+the Venetian envoy, the monument stood on the quay outside the
+water-gate named Tchatlady Kapou, which was a gate below the Hippodrome,
+and near a slaughter-house. The group stood, he adds, beneath a row of
+three windows, adorned with a lion at either end, belonging to a very
+ancient building.
+
+[Illustration: Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the
+Palace of the Bucoleon.]
+
+Now, the gate to which the name Tchatlady pertains is a matter of public
+notoriety, and every particular by which Zen marks the entrance he had
+in mind holds good of that gate. It is near the Hippodrome, and on the
+level ground below the race-course. On the western headland of the
+little bay in front of it, is an old slaughter-house, by which
+Leunclavius, likewise, identifies the gate Tchatlady Kapou, and from
+which he derived the name of the entrance;[1004] while to the east of
+the gate stood, until recent times, a Byzantine palace, in the façade of
+which was a row of three windows, supported at either end by the figure
+of a lion. The palace is thus described by Leunclavius: “This gate
+(Tchatlady Kapou) has on one side of it the marble-framed windows of an
+ancient building or palace, which rests upon the city walls
+themselves.”[1005] Gyllius refers to it in the following terms: “Below
+the Hippodrome towards the south is the Gate of the Marble Lion, which
+stands without the city among the ruins of the Palace of Leo Marcellus.
+The windows of the palace are of ancient workmanship, and are in the
+city wall.”[1006] Choiseul-Gouffier[1007] gives a view of the palace as
+seen in his day, and so does Canon Curtis, in his _Broken Bits of
+Byzantium_. The façade was torn down in 1871, and the lions have been
+placed at the foot of the steps leading to the Imperial School of Art,
+within the Seraglio enclosure.[1008]
+
+With this evidence as regards the site of the group of the Lion and the
+Bull, it is impossible to doubt that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in
+the little bay before Tchatlady Kapou. And with this conclusion every
+statement made by Byzantine writers regarding the harbour will be found
+to agree.
+
+[Illustration: Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.[1009]]
+
+That the shore of this bay was, like the Harbour of the Bucoleon, once
+richly adorned with monumental buildings, is manifest from the beautiful
+pieces of sculptured marble found upon its beach and in the water.
+Furthermore, the bay stands, as the Harbour of the Bucoleon stood,
+within easy reach of the site of the Great Palace. Here also are found
+the ruins of two Imperial villas, situated in the very position ascribed
+to the Palaces of the Bucoleon; namely, upon the city walls, at the
+waters edge, and one of them on a lower level than the other.[1010] Such
+correspondence goes to make the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon one
+of the best authenticated localities in the topography of Byzantine
+Constantinople.
+
+Here, however, a question arises. How far is this conclusion, regarding
+the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, compatible with the received
+opinion that the palace on the bay before Tchatlady Kapou was the Palace
+of Hormisdas, the residence of Justinian the Great while
+heir-apparent;[1011] and that the bay itself was the Harbour of
+Hormisdas (ὁ λιμὴν τὰ Ὁρμίσδου)?[1012]
+
+In the face of all the evidence we have that the Harbour and the Palace
+of the Bucoleon were in the bay to the east of Tchatlady Kapou, there is
+but one answer to the question. We must either abandon the view that the
+Harbour and the Palace of Hormisdas had anything to do with that bay,
+and maintain that they stood elsewhere, or we must conclude that they
+were the Harbour and the Palace of the Bucoleon, under an earlier
+designation.
+
+Two considerations may be urged in favour of the former alternative.
+First, the Anonymus distinguishes between the two palaces in a way which
+seems to imply that they were different buildings. “The Palace of the
+Bucoleon,” he says, “which stands upon the fortifications, was erected
+by Theodosius the Younger;”[1013] while of the Palace of Hormisdas he
+remarks: “The very large buildings near St. Sergius were the residence
+of Justinian when a patrician.”[1014]
+
+In the second place, the Anonymus[1015] identifies the Harbour of
+Hormisdas with that of Julian. “What is called τὰ τοῦ Ὁρμίσδου,”
+observes the former writer, “was a small harbour where Justinian the
+Great built a monastery and called it Sergius and Bacchus, and another
+church, that of the Holy Apostles (SS. Peter and Paul), after receiving
+unction at the foot of the seats (of the Hippodrome), because of the
+massacre in the Hippodrome. It was named the Harbour of Julian, from its
+constructor.” Codinus[1016] also identifies the two harbours, and adds,
+that the Harbour of Julian had served for the accommodation of ships
+before the Harbour of the Sophiôn was constructed; that it had long been
+filled up; and that Justinian the Great had lived there before his
+accession to the throne. But if on the ground of these statements we
+identify the Harbour of Hormisdas with that of Julian, as Banduri[1017]
+and Labarte[1018] maintain, then the Harbour of Hormisdas was not
+situated in the bay to the east of Tchatlady Kapou, but at Kadriga
+Limani, the undoubted site of the Harbour of Julian, to the west of the
+gate.[1019] The Palace of Hormisdas, also, must then have been in that
+direction.
+
+In the light, however, of all our knowledge on the subject, the identity
+of the two harbours just named cannot be maintained. John of
+Antioch,[1020] a far more reliable authority than the Anonymus or
+Codinus, makes it perfectly clear that the Harbour of Julian (which he
+calls by its later name, the Harbour of Sophia) was different from any
+harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. According to him, the troops
+collected by Phocas for the defence of the city against Heraclius
+occupied three positions—the Harbour of Kaisarius, the Harbour of
+Sophia, and the quarter of Hormisdas. At the first two points were
+placed the Greens, while the third position was held by the Blues. From
+this account of the matter it is evident that the Harbour of Julian was
+not the harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. It is a corroboration of
+this conclusion to find that in the narrative of the same events, given
+in the _Paschal Chronicle_,[1021] while no mention is made of the
+Harbour of Hormisdas, the Harbour of Julian is described as situated in
+another quarter, the quarter of Maurus (κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μαύρου).
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.[1022]]
+
+In favour of the alternative that the Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas
+were the Palace and Harbour of the Bucoleon under another name, may be
+urged all that goes to show that the former stood where the evidence
+furnished by Pietro Zen has obliged us to place the latter. The bay and
+palace on the east of Tchatlady Kapou stand close to what was
+unquestionably the district of Hormisdas; for the Church of SS. Sergius
+and Bacchus (Kutchuk Aya Sophia), a short distance to the west of the
+gate, was in that district.[1023] It would be strange if a palace and
+harbour so near that district were not those known by its name.
+
+The palace at Tchatlady Kapou answers, moreover, to the description
+which Procopius gives of the Palace of Hormisdas, the residence of
+Justinian, as near SS. Sergius and the Great Palace.[1024] Its position
+agrees also with the statement of John of Ephesus that the Palace of
+Hormisdas was below the great Imperial residence.[1025] Again, the style
+of the capitals and other pieces of marble, which have fallen from the
+palace at Tchatlady Kapou into the water, resemble the sculptured work
+in the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, erected by Justinian. And
+lastly, the palace at this point was regarded as the Palace of Justinian
+when Bondelmontius visited the city in 1422. “Beyond Condoscali (Koum
+Kapoussi),” says that traveller, as he proceeds eastward, along the
+Marmora shore of the city, “was the very large Palace of Justinian upon
+the city walls” (“Ultra fuit supra mœnia amplissimum Justiniani
+Palatium”).
+
+All this being the case, it seems unavoidable to conclude that the
+Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas were the Palace and Harbour of the
+Bucoleon, under an earlier name. The circumstance that the palaces are
+distinguished by the Anonymus presents, after all, no serious
+difficulty, but the reverse; for, as a matter of fact, there are two
+palatial buildings on the bay east of Tchatlady Kapou, at a distance of
+some 110 yards from each other, and on different levels. One of the
+buildings, probably the lower, might be the Palace of Hormisdas; the
+other, on higher ground, and nearer the gate—may be the palace to which
+the Anonymus referred as the Bucoleon.
+
+It is in keeping with this view of the subject to find that the terms
+“Palace of Hormisdas,” “Port of Hormisdas,” are not employed by
+Byzantine authors to designate an Imperial residence or harbour, after
+the name Bucoleon came into vogue.
+
+The earliest writer who refers to the Harbour of the Bucoleon is the
+Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,[1026] in the tenth century. Later
+writers,[1027] it is true, employ the name when speaking of events which
+occurred in the reign of Michael I., and in that of Theophilus, in the
+course of the ninth century. But whether these writers do so because the
+name was contemporary with the events narrated, or because, when the
+historians wrote, it was the more familiar appellation for the scene of
+those events, is uncertain. Should the former supposition be preferred,
+it was early in the ninth century that the term “Bucoleon” first
+appeared.
+
+On the other hand, the last author who alludes to the Palace of
+Hormisdas is the historian Theophanes, who died in 818. The passage in
+which the allusion is found refers, indeed, to matters which transpired
+in the seventh century, viz. to the execution of a certain David,
+Chartophylax of (the Palace of) Hormisdas, in the reign of Phocas. But
+the historian could hardly have described an official position in terms
+not still familiar to his readers.[1028]
+
+Accordingly, the designation “Palace of Hormisdas” disappears about the
+time when the term “Bucoleon” appears, and this is consistent with the
+supposition that the two names denoted the same building at different
+periods of its history.[1029]
+
+The Palace of Hormisdas was so named in honour of the Persian Prince
+Hormisdas, who had been deprived of the succession to the throne of his
+country by a conspiracy of nobles, and confined in a tower; but who
+escaped from his prison through the ingenuity of his wife, and fled to
+New Rome for protection at the hands of Constantine the Great. The royal
+fugitive was received with the honour due to his rank, and this
+residence was assigned to him because near the emperor’s own
+palace.[1030] Later, the residence was occupied, as already intimated,
+by Justinian while Crown Prince, with his consort Theodora; and after
+his accession to the throne, was by his orders, improved and annexed to
+the Great Palace.[1031] It appears in the reign of Justin II. as the
+abode of Tiberius, upon his being appointed Cæsar.[1032] Under ordinary
+circumstances, Tiberius should have occupied apartments in the Great
+Palace. But the Empress Sophia was bitterly jealous of his wife Ino, and
+forbade her to show herself at Court, on any pretext whatever. Obliged,
+consequently, to find a home elsewhere, the Cæsar selected the Palace of
+Hormisdas, because its proximity to the Great Palace would allow him to
+enjoy the society of his family, and attend to his official duties. But
+the jealousy of the empress was not to be allayed so readily. It
+followed Ino to the Palace of Hormisdas with such intensity that the
+ladies of the Court dared not visit her even there; and it compelled her
+at last to leave the capital and retire to Daphnusium.
+
+As already stated, when Heraclius appeared with a fleet, in 610, before
+the city to put an end to the tyranny of Phocas, he found the quarter of
+Hormisdas defended by the Faction of the Blues.[1033]
+
+During the tenth century, the port and palace, then called Bucoleon,
+received special marks of Imperial favour. Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
+noted for his devotion to the Fine Arts, adorned the quay of the harbour
+with figures of animals, brought from various parts of the Empire.[1034]
+Possibly, the group of the Lion and the Bull was placed there by him. He
+also attached a fishpond to the palace.
+
+Later, Nicephorus Phocas added a villa, which he made his usual place of
+residence.[1035] It was probably the building with the row of three
+windows, supported by a lion at either end. A still more important
+change was introduced by the same emperor. His austere character, and
+the heavy taxes he imposed for the maintenance of the army, made him
+exceedingly unpopular, notwithstanding his eminent services as the
+conqueror of the Saracens. So strong did the hostile feeling against him
+become, that, returning once from a visit to the Holy Spring of the
+Pegè, he was mobbed at the Forum of Constantine, and narrowly escaped
+being stoned to death before he could reach the palace.[1036] Rumours of
+a plot to dethrone and kill him were also in circulation. He therefore
+decided to convert the Great Palace into a fortress, and to provision it
+with everything requisite to withstand a siege.[1037]
+
+Accordingly, he surrounded the grounds of the Imperial residence with a
+strong and lofty wall, which described a great arc from the
+neighbourhood of Ahour Kapoussi on the east to Tchatlady Kapou on the
+west, and thus cut off the palace from the rest of the city.[1038]
+Luitprand,[1039] who saw the wall soon after its erection, says of it:
+“The palace at Constantinople surpasses in beauty and strength any
+fortifications that I have ever seen.” Within this wall the Palace of
+Bucoleon was, of course, included.
+
+Labarte[1040] and Schlumberger[1041] maintain, indeed, that Nicephorus
+surrounded the Palace of Bucoleon with special works of defence, and
+constituted it a citadel within the fortifications of the Great Palace.
+But Leo Diaconus, Cedrenus and Zonaras, our authorities on the subject,
+make no such statement.[1042]
+
+[Illustration: Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.]
+
+As might be expected, historical events of considerable importance
+transpired at the Port and the Palace of the Bucoleon.
+
+Here, in 919, Romanus Lecapenus, admiral of the fleet, made the naval
+demonstration which compelled Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus to accept
+him as a colleague, and to surrender the administration of affairs into
+his hands.[1043]
+
+It was here that the memorable conspiracy against Nicephorus Phocas was
+carried out, in 969, by John Zimisces, with the connivance of the
+Empress Theophano.[1044] Under cover of the night, the conspirators
+embarked at Chalcedon, the residence of Zimisces at the time, and in the
+teeth of a strong north wind, and with snow falling heavily, crossed to
+the Bucoleon. A low whistle announced their arrival to their
+accomplices, who were watching on the terrace of the palace; and in
+response, a basket held fast by ropes was stealthily lowered and raised,
+again and again, until one by one all in the boat were lifted to the
+summit. The last to ascend was Zimisces himself. Then the traitors made
+for the apartment in which they expected to find the emperor.
+Nicephorus, who had received some intimation of the plot, was not in his
+usual chamber, and the conspirators, fearing they had been betrayed,
+were about to leap into the sea and make their escape, when a eunuch
+appeared and guided them to the room in which the doomed sovereign lay
+fast asleep on the floor, on a leopard’s skin, and covered with a
+scarlet woollen blanket. Not to spare their victim a single pang, they
+first awakened the slumberer, and then assailed him with their swords as
+he prayed, “Lord, have mercy upon me.” As if to add irony to the event,
+Nicephorus met his fate, it is said, on the very day on which the
+fortifications around the palace were completed. After this, guards were
+stationed, at night, on the quay of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, to warn
+off boats that approached the shore.[1045]
+
+From this point, Alexius Comnenus entered the Great Palace, after the
+deposition of Nicephorus Botoniates; leaving his young wife and her
+immediate relatives in the residence by the shore, while he himself,
+with the members of his own family, proceeded to the higher palace (τὸ
+ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον).[1046] Here, also, in 1170, Amaury, King of
+Jerusalem, landed on the occasion of his visit to Manuel Comnenus, to
+seek the emperor’s aid against Saladin. Access to the palace by this
+landing, says William of Tyre,[1047] in his account of that visit, was
+reserved, as a rule, for the emperor exclusively. But it was granted to
+Amaury as a special honour, and here he was welcomed by the great
+officers of the palace, and then conducted through galleries and halls
+of wonderful variety of style, to the palace on an eminence, where
+Manuel and the great dignitaries of State awaited the arrival of the
+king.
+
+In the course of time, as the prominent position of the Palace and the
+Harbour of Bucoleon rendered natural, the name Bucoleon, it would
+appear, was extended to the whole collection of buildings which formed
+the Great Palace, facing the Sea of Marmora. That is certainly the sense
+in which Ville-Hardouin employs the term in his work on the Conquest of
+Constantinople by the Crusaders. He associates “le palais de Bouchelyon”
+with the Palace of Blachernæ, as one of the principal residences of the
+Greek emperors. In the division of the spoils of the city, the Palace of
+“Bouchelyon,” like the Palace of Blachernæ, was to belong to the prince
+whom the Crusaders would elect Emperor of Constantinople;[1048] upon the
+capture of the city, the Marquis of Montferrat hastened to seize the
+Palace of Bucoleon, while Henry, the brother of Baldwin, secured the
+surrender of the Palace of Blachernæ;[1049] the treasure found in the
+former is described as equal to that in the latter: “Il n’en faut pas
+parler; car il y en avait tant que c’était sans fin ni mesure.” Indeed,
+the statements of Ville-Hardouin concerning the Palace of Bucoleon make
+the impression that of the two Imperial residences which he names, it
+was, if anything, the more important.[1050] Thither Murtzuphlus fled
+when his troops were discomfited.[1051] There, the Marquis of Montferrat
+found congregated for safety most of the great ladies of the Court,
+including Agnes of France, wife of Alexius II., and Margaret of Hungary,
+wife of Isaac Angelus.[1052] And to the Palace of Bucoleon, the richest
+in the world (“el riche palais de Bochelyon, qui onques plus riches ne
+fu veuz”), the Latin Emperor Baldwin proceeded in great state, after his
+coronation in St. Sophia, to celebrate the festivities attending his
+accession to the throne.[1053] There, also, were held the festivities in
+honour of the marriage of the Emperor Henry with Agnes, the daughter of
+the Marquis of Montferrat.[1054] It is not possible that the two
+comparatively small buildings at Tchatlady Kapou could be the palace
+which Ville-Hardouin had in mind in connection with these events. The
+terms he employs, in speaking on the subject, were appropriate only to
+the Great Palace as a whole.
+
+The designation of the Palace of Bucoleon as “Chastel de
+Bouchelyon”[1055] is no evidence that Ville-Hardouin used the name in
+its restricted sense, as Labarte contends. For the Great Palace was
+within a fortified enclosure, and could therefore be styled a castle
+with perfect propriety, just as the same historian, for a similar
+reason, speaks of the Palace of Blachernæ as a “chastel.” Nor does the
+fact that the Marquis of Montferrat reached the Palace of Bucoleon by
+riding along the shore (“chevaucha tout le long du rivage, droit vers
+Bouchelion”)[1056] prove that the residence beside Tchatlady Kapou was
+the one he wished specially to secure. For the grounds of the Great
+Palace were thus accessible by a gate which stood at the eastern
+extremity of the Tzycanisterion, on the plain beside the Sea of Marmora,
+and which communicated with the quarter of the city near the head of the
+promontory.
+
+Two incidents in Byzantine history, cited by Labarte[1057] himself,
+establish the existence of such a gate, beyond contradiction. When
+Stephen and Constantine, the sons of the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus,
+deposed their father, in 944, and sent him to a monastery on the island
+of Proti,[1058] great fears were entertained in the city, that a
+similar, if not a worse, fate had befallen his associate upon the
+throne, the popular Constantine VII., Porphyrogenitus. The people,
+therefore, crowded about the palace to ascertain the truth, and were
+reassured that their favourite was safe by his appearance, with
+dishevelled hair, at the iron bars of the gate which stood at the end of
+the Tzycanisterion (“Ex ea parte qua Zucanistrii magnitudo portenditur,
+Constantinus crines solutus per cancellos caput exposuit.”) The
+existence of a gate at this point is, if possible, still clearer from
+the statement of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,[1059] that the Saracen
+ambassadors, after their audience of the emperor, left the palace
+grounds by descending to the Tzycanisterion, and mounting horse there.
+To approach the palace by that entrance evinced, therefore, no
+particular intention on the part of the Marquis of Montferrat to reach
+the buildings to which the name of Bucoleon strictly belonged. On the
+contrary, by that entrance one would reach the principal apartments of
+the Great Palace, sooner than the palaces beside the group of the Lion
+and the Bull, at Tchatlady Kapou.
+
+The Bucoleon is mentioned for the last time in Byzantine history, in
+connection with the events of the final fall of the city. “To Peter
+Guliano, consul of the Catalans, was entrusted,” says Phrantzes,[1060]
+“the defence of the quarter of the Bucoleon, and the districts as far as
+the neighbourhood of the Kontoscalion.”
+
+Footnote 989:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.
+
+Footnote 990:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.
+
+Footnote 991:
+
+  Bondelmontius’ Map.
+
+Footnote 992:
+
+  William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.
+
+Footnote 993:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; _Itinéraires
+  Russes en Orient_, p. 235.
+
+Footnote 994:
+
+  William of Tyre, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 995:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.
+
+Footnote 996:
+
+  Page 118.
+
+Footnote 997:
+
+  See above, p. 255.
+
+Footnote 998:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, pp. 201-210.
+
+Footnote 999:
+
+  _Constantinopolis und der Bosporos_, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.
+
+Footnote 1000:
+
+  _Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman_, vol. v., note xxxv.
+
+Footnote 1001:
+
+  Pages 53, 54.
+
+Footnote 1002:
+
+  Marin Sanuto, _Diarii Autographi_, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14
+  Decembrio, 1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who
+  had been in Constantinople, and knew the localities to which allusion
+  was made.
+
+Footnote 1003:
+
+  Von Hammer (_Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman_, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes
+  also from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman,
+  who alludes to the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam
+  hic propere ad mare, in quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum
+  cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille hominibus moveri non possit.”
+
+  The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his _Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi
+  Ottomani,_ adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In
+  Constantinopoli un Leone di pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a
+  Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro, guardava prima verso
+  Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche, era situato
+  sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una
+  coscia e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che
+  bevese” (_Libro_, iv. p. 319. Venezia, 1677).
+
+  With the above compare the statement found in the _Spectator_ of April
+  20, 1895, p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in
+  Southern Austria, Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste
+  there was also a good deal of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue
+  of the Emperor Charles is reported to have twisted round on its
+  pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What an omen
+  that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”
+
+Footnote 1004:
+
+  See above, p. 269, ref. 2.
+
+Footnote 1005:
+
+  _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione
+  pecudum.... Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac
+  vetus habet undique circumfluum nisi qua terræ jungitur, in quo
+  mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur pecudes.”
+
+Footnote 1006:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_: “Fenestres habet hæc porta (Tchatlady Kapou)
+  marmoreas a latere, cujusdam ædificii vel palatii veteris, quod ipsis,
+  muris urbanis incumbit.”
+
+Footnote 1007:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo
+  versus meridiem est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in
+  ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli; cujus fenestræ antiquo opere
+  laboratæ extant in muro inclusæ.”
+
+Footnote 1008:
+
+  _Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc._, vol. iv.
+
+Footnote 1009:
+
+  The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some
+  200 by 175 feet. See Map facing p. 269.
+
+Footnote 1010:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1011:
+
+  See above, p. 269. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a
+  higher palace, Ἐν τῷ κάτω παλατίῳ: εἰς τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον.
+
+Footnote 1012:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, _Librum Insularum_, p.
+  121.
+
+Footnote 1013:
+
+  Labarte, _Le Palais Imperial de Consple._, pp. 208-210.
+
+Footnote 1014:
+
+  Lib. i. p. 9.
+
+Footnote 1015:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.
+
+Footnote 1016:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1017:
+
+  Codinus, p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1018:
+
+  _Imperium Orientale_, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.
+
+Footnote 1019:
+
+  _Le Palais Imperial de Consple._, pp. 208, 209.
+
+Footnote 1020:
+
+  See below, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 1021:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1022:
+
+  Page 700.
+
+Footnote 1023:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1024:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1025:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1026:
+
+  Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.
+
+Footnote 1027:
+
+  _De Cer._, p. 601.
+
+Footnote 1028:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.
+
+Footnote 1029:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of
+  Du Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of
+  SS. Sergius and Bacchus?
+
+Footnote 1030:
+
+  Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the
+  Palace of the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the
+  Anonymus on points of history is not very great. Or, it may be held,
+  that the palace was founded by Theodosius II., and that the name
+  Bucoleon was given to it later.
+
+Footnote 1031:
+
+  Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.
+
+Footnote 1032:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._ i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1033:
+
+  _John of Ephesus_, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.
+
+Footnote 1034:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. iv. p. 107.
+
+Footnote 1035:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 447.
+
+Footnote 1036:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.
+
+Footnote 1037:
+
+  Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.
+
+Footnote 1038:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c.
+  xxvi. p. 123. The last author describes the work thus: Τῷ νῦν ὁρωμένῳ
+  τείχει τὰ βασίλεια ἐστεφάνωσεν. Ἄκροπολιν δ᾽ οἱ πολίται τοῦτο καὶ
+  τυραννεῖον καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν γινόμενον ἔκρινον.
+
+Footnote 1039:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 64, Περίβολον ἐκ τοῦ θατέρου μέρους τοῦ πρὸς θάλατταν
+  ἐπικλινοῦς τῶν ἀνακτόρων τειχίζειν ἀρξάμενος, κατὰ θάτερον πρὸς
+  θάλατταν συνεπέρανε, καὶ τεῖχος, τὸ νῦν ὁρώμενον ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὀχυρὸν
+  ἐδομήσατο, καὶ τὴν βασίλειον ἑστίαν ὡς ὑπετόπαζεν, ἠσφαλίσατο. Not, as
+  Schlumberger supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora,
+  across the promontory (_Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, p.
+  544).
+
+Footnote 1040:
+
+  Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, vol. cxxxvi.
+
+Footnote 1041:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 210.
+
+Footnote 1042:
+
+  _Op. cit._, p. 545.
+
+Footnote 1043:
+
+  Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a
+  special enclosure, although the historians do not refer to it
+  particularly.
+
+  In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a
+  portion of a Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet
+  high, is found standing. It was discovered, when walls and houses in
+  the neighbourhood were demolished for the construction of the
+  Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted
+  gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns.
+  Gate and columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall
+  would join the tower at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if
+  produced northwards, the wall would abut against the retaining wall of
+  the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet and its courtyards
+  are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing _east_, and
+  behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches
+  occurring at intervals.
+
+  Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of
+  Marcian (see Labarte, _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 214),
+  attached to the Great Palace. But this view of its character is not
+  consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards. That fact
+  indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon which
+  stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these
+  palaces were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall
+  not have turned westwards, at its present northern extremity, to
+  protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon along the north, and then
+  southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady Kapou, and
+  protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the
+  southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified
+  enclosure of their own.
+
+Footnote 1044:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
+
+Footnote 1045:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.
+
+Footnote 1046:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.
+
+Footnote 1047:
+
+  Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.
+
+Footnote 1048:
+
+  Lib. xx. c. 23.
+
+Footnote 1049:
+
+  _Conquête de Consple._, c. li. E.
+
+Footnote 1050:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv.
+
+Footnote 1051:
+
+  _Conquête de Consple._, c. li.
+
+Footnote 1052:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. liii.
+
+Footnote 1053:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv.
+
+Footnote 1054:
+
+  Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.
+
+Footnote 1055:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. cvi.
+
+Footnote 1056:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. liii., lv.
+
+Footnote 1057:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of
+  Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the
+  statements of Ville-Hardouin.
+
+Footnote 1058:
+
+  _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi
+  Antapodosis, lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., _Mon. Germ. Hist._, t. v. p.
+  333.
+
+Footnote 1059:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
+
+Footnote 1060:
+
+  _De Cer._, p. 586.
+
+Footnote 1061:
+
+  Page 253.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVIII.
+            THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—_continued_.
+
+
+    The NEW HARBOUR[1061] (Portus Novus), known also as the HARBOUR OF
+    JULIAN[1062] (Portus Divi Juliani: Λιμὴν τοῦ Ἰουλιανοῦ), and the
+    HARBOUR OF SOPHIA,[1063] or the SOPHIAS[1064] (Λιμὴν τῆς Σοφίας, τῶν
+    Σοφιῶν).
+
+
+About 327 yards to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus traces are found
+of an ancient harbour extending inland to the foot of the steep slope
+above which the Hippodrome is situated. The Turkish name for the
+locality, Kadriga Limani, “the Harbour of the Galleys,” is in itself an
+indication of the presence of an old harbour at that point. When Gyllius
+visited Constantinople, the port was enclosed by walls and almost filled
+in, but still contained a pool of water, in which the women of the
+district washed their clothes, and at the bottom of which, it was
+reported, submerged triremes could sometimes be seen.[1065]
+
+Here, as we shall immediately find, was the site of the harbour known by
+the three names Portus Novus, the Harbour of Julian, the Harbour of
+Sophia.
+
+The harbour obtained its first name, when newly opened in the fourth
+century, to distinguish it from the earlier harbours of the city; while
+its other names were, respectively, bestowed in honour of the Emperor
+Julian, the constructor of the harbour, and of the Empress Sophia, who
+restored it when fallen into decay.
+
+That these three names designated the same harbour can be proved, most
+briefly and directly, by showing first the identity of the Portus Novus
+with the Harbour of Sophia, and then the identity of the latter with the
+Harbour of Julian.
+
+The former point is established by the fact that the Portus Novus and
+the Harbour of Sophia occupied the same position; both were situated on
+the southern side of the city, and at the foot of the steep slope
+descending from the Hippodrome towards the Sea of Marmora.[1066]
+
+The evidence for the identity of the Harbour of Sophia with that of
+Julian rests upon express declarations to that effect. There is, first,
+the statement of Leo the Grammarian[1067] that the Emperor Justin II.
+built the Palace of Sophia at the Harbour of Julian, and having cleaned
+the latter, changed its name to the Harbour of Sophia. Then, we have two
+passages in which Theophanes[1068] takes particular care to explain that
+the Harbour of Julian went also by the name of Sophia. Furthermore, both
+names are used to designate the scene of the same events, and the
+position of the same buildings. For instance; whereas the _Paschal
+Chronicle_[1069] states that the final action in the struggle between
+Phocas and Heraclius took place in the Harbour of Julian, John of
+Antioch[1070] and Cedrenus[1071] say it occurred at the Harbour of
+Sophia. Again, while some authors[1072] put the Residence of Probus, the
+district of Maurus, and the Palace of Sophia, beside the Harbour of
+Julian, others[1073] place them beside the Harbour of Sophia.
+
+That the harbour known under these different names was at Kadriga Limani
+admits of no doubt, seeing the Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia
+were, as already intimated, at the foot of the steep ascent below the
+Hippodrome,[1074] where Kadriga Limani is found. Or the same conclusion
+may be reached by another line of argument. The Portus Juliani
+(identical with the Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia) was a large
+harbour on the southern side of the city,[1075] and close to the Church
+of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.[1076] It could not, however, have stood to
+the east of that church, for not only are all traces of such a harbour
+wanting in that direction, but no large harbour could possibly have been
+constructed there, on account of the character of the coast. The Portus
+Juliani, therefore, lay to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. But it
+could have been very near that church (the other indication of its
+site), only if at Kadriga Limani.
+
+The construction of the harbour was ordered by Julian during his stay of
+ten months in Constantinople, on his way to the scene of war in
+Persia.[1077] He likewise erected beside it, for the convenience of
+merchants and traders frequenting the harbour, a fine crescent-shaped
+portico styled, from its form, the Sigma (Σίγμα);[1078] and there, also,
+his statue stood until 535, when it fell in an earthquake, and was
+replaced by a cross.[1079] In promoting such public works, Julian was
+actuated not only by the dictates of enlightened policy, but also by the
+affection he cherished for the city of his birth.[1080]
+
+After one hundred and fifty years, the harbour was so injured by the
+accumulation of the sand thrown up on this coast as to call for
+extensive repairs; and accordingly, at the order of Anastasius I., it
+was, in 509, dredged, and protected by a mole.[1081]
+
+Nevertheless, further restoration was required sixty years later, in the
+reign of Justin II. The work was then executed under the superintendence
+of Narses and the Protovestarius Troilus, at the urgent solicitation of
+the Empress Sophia, whose sympathies had been greatly stirred by seeing,
+from her palace windows, ships in distress during a violent storm on the
+Sea of Marmora. It was in recognition of the empress’s interest in the
+matter that the harbour received her name,[1082] and was adorned with
+her statue, as well as with the statues of Justin II., her daughter
+Arabia, and Narses.[1083] Owing to the improvements made on the harbour
+at this time, the Marine Exchange of the city was transferred to it from
+the Neorion on the Golden Horn.[1084] The port continued in use to the
+end of the Empire, and also for some sixty years after the Turkish
+Conquest. The entrance (now closed) was between the two large towers
+immediately to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.
+
+With the harbour the following historical events are associated: Here
+the body of St. Chrysostom was landed, and placed for a time in the
+neighbouring Church of St. Thomas Amantiou, when brought from the land
+of his exile to be entombed in the Church of the Holy Apostles.[1085] In
+the riot of the Nika, the Residence of Probus, which stood beside the
+harbour, was first searched for arms, and then set on fire by the
+Factions.[1086] Here Phocas placed a division of the Green Faction, to
+prevent the landing of troops from the fleet of Heraclius;[1087] and
+hither the tyrant himself was dragged from his palace, thrown into a
+boat, and taken to Heraclius, in whose presence he was put to
+death.[1088] Here Leontius, upon his appointment as Governor of the
+Theme of Hellas, embarked to proceed to his post; but, at the instance
+of his friends, landed to head the revolution which overthrew Justinian
+II.[1089]
+
+Several of the great fires to which Constantinople was so liable reached
+this harbour. Among them was the terrible conflagration in the reign of
+Leo the Great, which devastated the principal quarters of the city, from
+the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora.[1090] The equally destructive
+fire of 1203, which started with the burning, by the Crusaders, of the
+Saracen Mosque beside the Golden Horn, near Sirkedji Iskelessi, likewise
+swept across the city to this point.[1091] Other fires of minor
+importance occurred here in 561, 863, 887, and 956.
+
+To the list of the noted buildings and districts near the Harbour of
+Julian, already mentioned, may be added the Residence of Bardas, father
+of Nicephorus Phocas;[1092] the Residence of Isaac Sevastocrator, which
+was converted by Isaac Angelus into a khan or hostelry (Pandocheion),
+with accommodation for one hundred men and as many horses;[1093] the
+Churches of St. Thekla;[1094] St. Thomas, Amantiou;[1095] the Archangel
+Michael, of Adda (τοῦ Ἀδδᾷ);[1096] St. Julian Perdix; and St. John the
+Forerunner, near the Residence of Probus.[1097]
+
+Close to the Harbour of Sophia stood a tower known as the Bukanon, or
+the Trumpet (τὸ Βύκανον).[1098] It was so named, according to the
+Anonymus,[1099] both because trumpets were kept there, and because the
+tower itself, being hollow, resounded like a trumpet when struck by the
+waves. Whenever the Imperial fleet, the same writer adds, sailed from
+the city, it was customary for the ships to assemble before this tower
+and exchange musical salutes with it; a legend, which is probably a
+fanciful travesty of the simple fact that the tower was a station from
+which the movements of vessels were directed by trumpet signals.
+
+If the order in which the Anonymus mentions the tower, between the SS.
+Sergius and Bacchus and the Harbour of Sophia, indicates its actual
+position, the Bukanon stood on the eastern side of the harbour.
+
+
+             Harbour of the Kontoscalion (τὸ Κοντοσκάλιον).
+
+
+Another harbour on the Marmora side of the city was the Harbour of
+Kontoscalion.
+
+The first reference to the Kontoscalion occurs in the Anonymus,[1100] in
+the eleventh century, but the harbour acquired its greatest importance
+after 1261, when it was selected by Michael Palæologus to be the
+dockyard and principal station of the Imperial navy. Here the emperor
+thought his fleet could lie more secure from attack, and in a better
+position to assail an enemy, than in any other haven of the city. For
+the force of the current along this shore would soon oblige hostile
+ships approaching the port to beat a hasty retreat, lest they should be
+driven upon the coast, and consequently expose them, as they withdrew,
+to be taken in the rear by the Imperial vessels that would then sally
+forth in pursuit. Great labour was therefore expended upon the old
+harbour. It was dredged and deepened to render it more commodious; and
+to make it more secure, it was surrounded with immense blocks, closed
+with iron gates, and protected by a mole.[1101] Subsequently, as his
+coat-of-arms on the western tower of the harbour indicated, the
+Kontoscalion was repaired by Andronicus II.[1102]
+
+A Russian pilgrim who visited the city about 1350 has drawn a vivid
+picture of the harbour when crowded with triremes on account of contrary
+weather:—
+
+“De l’Hippodrome on passe devant Cantoscopie; là est la superbe et très
+grande porte en fer à grillage de la ville. C’est par cette porte que la
+mer pénétre dans la ville. Si la mer est agitée, jusqu’a trois cents
+galères y trouvent place; ces galères ont les unes deux cents et les
+autres trois cents rames. Ces vaisseaux sont employés au transport des
+troupes. Si le vent est contraire, ils ne peuvent avancer, et doivent
+attendre le beau temps.”[1103]
+
+The Kontoscalion is generally held to have stood in front of Koum
+Kapoussi, where the traces of an old harbour, about 270 yards wide and
+some 217 yards long, are still discernible in an extensive mole off the
+shore, and in the great bend described by the city walls at that point
+to enclose an area which, at one time, was evidently a basin of water.
+
+There is scarcely any room for doubt that this view is correct. The
+adherence of the name Kontoscalion to this quarter, apparently, ever
+since the Turkish Conquest,[1104] is in favour of the opinion. So,
+likewise, is the fact that thus it becomes intelligible how
+Pachymeres[1105] and Bondelmontius[1106] associate the harbour with
+Vlanga, on the one hand, while Nicephorus Gregoras[1107] associates it
+with the Hippodrome on the other. It is also a corroboration of this
+view to find on the walls of the harbour the coat-of-arms of Andronicus
+II., who is declared, by one authority, to have restored the
+Kontoscalion.[1108] The only objection to this identification is found
+in the difference between the character of the actual enclosure around
+the harbour at Koum Kapoussi and the character of the enclosure which
+Michael Palæologus placed around the Kontoscalion. The former consists
+of the ordinary walls of the city; the latter consisted, according to
+Pachymeres,[1109] of very large blocks of stone: ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν
+μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον. But in reply to this objection it may
+be said, either (though not without some violence to the words of the
+historian) that the great blocks of stone referred to were the boulders
+which form the mole of the harbour; or that the work done under Michael
+Palæologus was temporary, and was superseded by the improvements
+executed in the reign of his son and successor Andronicus II. The
+objection must not be ignored.[1110]
+
+
+                 Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.
+
+
+According to the _Notitia_,[1111] Constantinople possessed a harbour
+called Portus Theodosianus, in the Twelfth Region of the city. As that
+Region comprised within its limits the shore of the Sea of Marmora at
+the southern base of the Seventh Hill, the Harbour of Theodosius must
+have been found at Vlanga Bostan, where the basin of a very ancient
+harbour, now filled in and converted into market-gardens, is distinctly
+visible.
+
+There can be little doubt that this harbour was also the one which went
+by the name Harbour of Eleutherius[1112] (ὁ λιμὴν τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου): for
+the district of Eleutherius, and the palace of that name,[1113] were
+situated in the valley leading from Vlanga Bostan to Ak Serai, and the
+Et Meidan. The harbour at Vlanga Bostan, moreover, corresponds to the
+description given of the Harbour of Eleutherius by the Anonymus,[1114]
+who speaks of it as a very ancient harbour, situated to the west of that
+of Sophia, and abandoned long before his time.
+
+If this be so, then the name Harbour of Eleutherius was its earlier
+designation, and the port itself was the oldest on the side of the city
+towards the Sea of Marmora, its construction being ascribed to a certain
+Eleutherius, who was present at the foundation of Constantinople.[1115]
+Its antiquity is supported by the aspect of its remains, for the walls
+enclosing it on the north are the oldest portion of the fortifications
+of the city, and possibly belong to the time of Constantine the Great.
+Here the statue of Eleutherius was erected, in the appropriate equipment
+of an excavator, with a spade in his hand and a basket on his
+back.[1116]
+
+[Illustration: Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and
+Theodosius.[1117]]
+
+From the fact that the harbour was called Portus Theodosianus, it is
+evident that it was improved by Theodosius I., to whom the city owed so
+many public works.
+
+When precisely the harbour was filled in is a question not easily
+settled. The Anonymus declares, indeed, that this was done in the reign
+of Theodosius I., with the earth excavated in laying the foundations of
+the column of that emperor in the Forum of Taurus.[1118] But, had that
+been the case, the _Notitia_ would scarcely have mentioned an abandoned
+harbour among the objects for which the Twelfth Region of the city was
+remarkable. What is certain is that the harbour was destroyed some time
+before the eleventh century; probably because the earth brought by the
+stream of the Lycus, which flows into the harbour, and the sand cast up
+by the sea, proved too troublesome for the maintenance of a sufficient
+depth of water.
+
+The harbour measured 786 yards from east to west and 218 yards from
+south to north. Along its southern side, as well as along a portion of
+its side towards the east, it was protected by a mole twelve feet thick,
+carefully constructed of masonry, and extending from the Gate of St.
+Æmilianus (Daoud Pasha Kapoussi) eastwards for about 436 yards, and then
+northwards for 327 yards more.[1119] Upon the greater portion of the
+mole, walls were constructed for the military defence of the harbour.
+
+The entrance was at the north-eastern end, between the head of the mole
+and the site of the Gate Yeni Kapou, the opening through which the
+Roumelian Railway now runs, and was guarded by a tower built at a short
+distance out in the sea.[1120]
+
+[Illustration: Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and
+Theodosius.[1121]]
+
+As stated already, the adjacent quarter was called the quarter of
+Eleutherius (τὰ τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου). It is mentioned under that name in
+1203, as the farthest point reached by the great fire which then
+devastated the city through the folly of the Crusaders.[1122] The
+present name of the quarter, Vlanga, appears first in the eleventh
+century, as the designation of the residence of Andronicus Comnenus in
+this part of the city (οἶκος ὅς τοῦ Βλάγγα ἐπικέκληται),[1123] and it is
+the name by which writers subsequent to the Restoration of the Greek
+Empire refer to the district.[1124]
+
+In the vicinity stood the Palace of the Empress Irene,[1125] the
+unnatural mother of Constantine VI., in which Basil II. entertained the
+Legates of Pope Hadrian II.[1126]
+
+The Church of St. Panteleemon, erected by Theodora the wife of Justinian
+the Great, on the site of her humble dwelling when a poor woman earning
+her bread by spinning wool[1127] and the district of Narses (τὰ
+Ναρσοῦ)[1128] were in this neighbourhood; so also was the district of
+Canicleius (τὰ Κανικλείου), where the emperor landed when proceeding to
+pay his annual visit to that church.[1129] The modern Greek church of
+St. Theodore, to the south of Boudroum Djamissi (Myrelaion), marks, Dr.
+Mordtmann[1130] suggests, the district of Claudius (τὰ Κλαυδίου).
+
+
+                    The Harbour of the Golden Gate.
+
+
+Another harbour on this side of the city was the Harbour of the Golden
+Gate (ὁ λιμὴν τῆς Χρυσῆς),[1131] in the bay to the west of the entrance
+of that name. This is implied in the statement of Ducas, that during the
+siege of 1453 the right wing of the Turkish army extended southwards
+from the Gate of St. Romanus to the Harbour of the Golden Gate.[1132]
+
+On the occasion of a triumph celebrating a victorious campaign in Asia
+Minor, the harbour presented an animated scene; for the spoils and
+prisoners which were to figure in the procession, were ferried across
+from Chrysopolis, and landed at this point, to be marshalled on the
+plain before the Golden Gate.[1133]
+
+It was off this point that the Turkish fleet, in 1453, waited to
+intercept the five gallant ships, which brought provisions to the city
+from the island of Scio, and which forced their way to the Golden Horn,
+notwithstanding all the efforts of 305 vessels of the Sultan to capture
+them.[1134]
+
+
+      The Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon.
+
+
+Before concluding this account of the city harbours on the Sea of
+Marmora, a point of some importance remains to be settled.
+
+Byzantine historians speak of the Harbour of Kaisarius, and of the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon, on the southern shore of the city. Now, as
+traces of an additional harbour to those already mentioned, on this side
+of the city, may be disputed, the question presents itself: Have the
+Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon disappeared, or
+were they one or other of the harbours already identified?
+
+The Harbour of Kaisarius (Λιμὴν τοῦ Καισαρείου) is mentioned for
+the first time in the Acts of the Fifth General Council of
+Constantinople,[1135] held in 553, under Justinian the Great. Near
+it, we are there informed, stood the Residence of Germanus: “In
+domo Germani, prope portum Cæsarii.” The harbour is mentioned for
+the last time by Cedrenus,[1136] in what is manifestly a quotation
+from Theophanes.[1137] Beside it stood a district,[1138] and a
+palace,[1139] known respectively as the District and the Palace of
+Kaisarius (ἐν τοῖς Καισαρείου: κυράτωρ τῶν Καισαρείου); the latter
+being probably the residence of Germanus above mentioned.
+
+After whom the harbour was named is uncertain. Du Cange[1140] suggests
+three persons from whom the designation may have been derived:
+Kaisarius, Prefect of the City under Valentinian; Kaisarius, Prætorian
+Prefect under Theodosius I.; and Kaisarius, a personage of some note in
+the reign of Leo I. If the choice lies between these persons, the
+preference must be given to the last; for the _Notitia_, which describes
+the city in the reign of Theodosius II., makes no mention of this
+harbour. In all probability, therefore, the Harbour of Kaisarius was
+constructed towards the close of the fifth century.
+
+That it stood on the Sea of Marmora is evident; first, from its
+association with the Harbours of Julian and of Hormisdas, as one of the
+points at which the tyrant Phocas placed troops to prevent the landing
+of Heraclius on the southern side of the city;[1141] and secondly, from
+the fact that it was there that Constantine Pogonatus, in 673, placed
+his ships, armed with the newly invented tubes for squirting Greek fire,
+to await the Saracen fleet coming up against the city from the
+Ægean.[1142]
+
+Passing next to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, we find that the term
+“Heptascalon” is employed by Byzantine writers only in two connections:
+first, and then generally in the corrupt form Πασχάλῳ or Πασκάλῳ, it
+serves to mark the site of a church dedicated to St. Acacius; the
+earliest writer who uses it for that purpose being Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus,[1143] in his biography of Basil I., by whom the church
+was restored: secondly, Cantacuzene[1144] employs the phrase to indicate
+the situation of the harbour now under discussion.
+
+In 1351 Cantacuzene[1145] found the harbour in a very unsatisfactory
+condition. Owing to the sand which had accumulated in it for many years,
+it could hardly float a ship laden with cargo; and accordingly, in
+pursuance of his policy to develop the naval resources of the Empire, he
+caused the harbour to be dredged at much labour and expense, to the
+great convenience of public business. So extensive was the work of
+restoration that in one passage the harbour is styled the New
+Neorion.[1146]
+
+Du Cange,[1147] misled by the fact that a Church of St. Acacius was
+found in the Tenth Region—one of the Regions on the northern side of the
+city—has classed the Neorion at the Heptascalon among the harbours on
+the Golden Horn. But to identify a site in Byzantine Constantinople by
+means of a church alone is a precarious proceeding, for churches of the
+same dedication were to be found in different quarters of the city.
+This, Du Cange[1148] himself admits, was possible in the case before us;
+since, besides the Church of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, writers
+speak of a Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (Ἐν τῇ Καρύᾳ), and the
+identity of the two sanctuaries cannot be assumed. But the existence of
+a second church dedicated to St. Acacius is not a mere possibility.
+According to Antony of Novgorod,[1149] there was a church of that
+dedication also on the southern side of the city, not far from the
+Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. The Neorion at the Heptascalon may,
+therefore, have been on the Sea of Marmora.
+
+And that it was there, as a matter of fact, is evident from the
+statements made regarding that harbour by Cantacuzene and Nicephorus
+Gregoras, in their account of the naval engagement fought in the
+Bosporus in 1351, between a Genoese fleet on the one hand, and the
+Greeks, supported by Venetian and Spanish ships, on the other.
+
+Upon coming up from the Ægean to take part in the war, the Venetians and
+the Spaniards, says the former historian,[1150] anchored off the
+Prince’s Island, to rest their crews after the hardships of the winter.
+There they remained three days. Then, quitting their moorings, the two
+allies made for the Neorion at the Heptascalon, or, as it is also
+styled, the Neorion of the Byzantines (τὸ Βυζαντίων νεώριον),[1151] to
+join the Imperial fleet which was stationed there, all ready for action,
+and awaiting their arrival. Meanwhile, the Genoese admiral, with seventy
+ships, had taken up his position at Chalcedon (Kadikeui), to watch and
+oppose the movements of the allied squadrons. The wind was blowing a
+gale from the south, and though the Venetians and Spaniards had started
+for the Heptascalon very early in the morning, it was with the utmost
+difficulty, and late in the afternoon, that they succeeded in crossing
+from the island to the city. Even at the last moment they narrowly
+escaped destruction, by being dashed to pieces against the boulders
+scattered along the foot of the walls as a breakwater.
+
+The Byzantine admiral, encouraged by the arrival of his allies, then
+sallied forth from the Heptascalon, and led the way towards the Genoese
+ships at Chalcedon. The latter, finding it impossible to make head
+against the wind, retired towards Galata, and skilfully entrenched
+themselves among the shoals and rocks off Beshiktash, preferring to be
+attacked in that advantageous situation.[1152] The allies came on, and a
+desperate conflict, partly on the water, partly on the rocks, ensued,
+until night parted the combatants without a decisive victory on either
+side.
+
+With this narrative of Cantacuzene in view, no one familiar with the
+vicinity of Constantinople can doubt for a moment that the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon was upon the Sea of Marmora. The single circumstance
+that the walls in the neighbourhood of the harbour were protected by
+boulders placed in the sea as a breakwater is alone sufficient to prove
+the fact; for only the walls bordering the Sea of Marmora were defended
+in that manner. Equally conclusive is the circumstance that the Venetian
+and Spanish ships found it difficult to make the harbour from the
+Prince’s Island with a strong south wind on their left. Such a wind
+would drive them towards the Bosporus with a violence that would render
+it almost impossible for them to put into any port on the Marmora shore
+of the city. Nor is it less decisive to find, as the historian’s account
+makes perfectly clear, that the harbour was so situated; that the
+approach to it, and possible shipwrecks at its entrance, could be
+observed by the Genoese admiral stationed off Chalcedon; that an enemy
+at Chalcedon found it hard to advance towards the Heptascalon in a
+strong south wind; and that vessels proceeding from the harbour to
+Galata could, on the way, touch at Chalcedon. These facts hold true only
+of a harbour on the Sea of Marmora.
+
+This conclusion, based on the narrative of Cantacuzene, is corroborated
+by the indications which Nicephorus Gregoras[1153] furnishes regarding
+the site of the Neorion. The events which transpired, according to the
+former historian, at the Neorion at the Heptascalon, or the Neorion of
+the Byzantines, took place, according to the latter, in the Harbour of
+the Byzantines, or, more definitely, “the Harbour of the Byzantines
+facing the east” (τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων λιμένος, τοῦ πρὸς ἒω
+βλέποντος).[1154] That the expression “facing the east” denoted the
+shore of the city facing the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast is
+manifest, from the use which Nicephorus Gregoras makes of that
+expression in other passages of his work. The Golden Gate, which stands
+near the Sea of Marmora, on what would generally be described as the
+southern shore of the city, stood, according to him, near the city’s
+_eastern_ shore.[1155] Again, the gale from the south, which damaged the
+city fortifications along the Sea of Marmora in the year 1341, assailed,
+he says, the _eastern_ walls of the capital.[1156] This way of speaking,
+if not strictly accurate, is justified by the fact that extensive
+portions of the city beside the Sea of Marmora face east or south-east.
+
+Nor is this all. The harbour in question, adds Nicephorus
+Gregoras,[1157] stood where the walls of the city were protected by
+boulders; ships issuing from it, in a south wind, could readily make the
+Bosporus;[1158] while ships proceeding from the Bosporus to the harbour
+passed Chalcedon on the left, and could be watched from Chalcedon, upon
+their arrival at their destination.[1159]
+
+Such facts, we repeat, hold good only of a harbour situated on the shore
+of the city beside the Sea of Marmora.
+
+It being thus proved that the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon were situated on the Marmora side of the city, we return
+to the question, whether they have disappeared, or were different names
+for one or other of the harbours already identified.
+
+So far as room for harbours additional to those already identified is
+concerned, such room could be found only in the level ground at the foot
+of the Third Hill, extending from the Kontoscalion at Koum Kapoussi to
+the Harbour of Theodosius at Vlanga, points some 910 yards apart. An
+additional harbour elsewhere was impossible, owing to the character of
+the coast. Accordingly, if the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at
+the Heptascalon cannot be identified with one or other of the well-known
+harbours on the Sea of Marmora, they must have been situated between
+Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga.
+
+So far as the Harbour of Kaisarius is concerned, it could not have been
+another name for the Harbour of the Bucoleon, or the Harbour of Julian
+and Sophia, or the Harbour of the Golden Gate. For, as John of
+Antioch[1160] makes perfectly clear in his account of the defence of the
+city by Phocas against Heraclius, the Harbour of Kaisarius was situated
+in the same general district as the two former harbours, and to the west
+of them. Nor can the Harbour of Kaisarius be identified with the Harbour
+of Theodosius, inasmuch as the latter had been filled in and
+abandoned[1161] before the reigns of Phocas and Constantine IV., in the
+seventh century, when the Harbour of Kaisarius was still one of the
+principal ports on the southern coast of the city.[1162]
+
+The Harbour of Kaisarius must, therefore, have been either the
+Kontoscalion, at Koum Kapoussi, or another harbour between that gate and
+Vlanga. To suppose that it was the Kontoscalion, under an earlier name,
+is possible, since the name Kontoscalion, we have seen,[1163] appears
+for the first time in the eleventh century. Still the circumstance that
+a fire which started beside the Harbour of Kaisarius extended to the
+Forum of the Ox (ἕως τοῦ Βοός),[1164] situated at Ak Serai far up the
+valley that runs northwards from Yeni Kapou, suggests a situation nearer
+Vlanga.
+
+Turning, next, to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, it could, obviously,
+not be the Harbour of the Bucoleon, attached to the Imperial Palace; nor
+the Harbour of the Golden Gate, which was beyond the city limits; nor
+the Harbour of Theodosius, which had been filled in long before the
+reign of Cantacuzene, and which in 1400 and 1422, dates respectively not
+fifty and seventy years after that emperor’s reign, is described as a
+garden.[1165] The Neorion at the Heptascalon, therefore, must have been
+either the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Kontoscalion, or an
+additional harbour between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga. One objection to
+the first supposition is that the Harbour of Julian and Sophia was so
+notoriously known under its own special name, that reference to it by
+another designation is extremely improbable. Another objection is that
+the indications respecting the site of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon,
+however vague their character, furnish no ground for believing that the
+church stood in the vicinity of the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, but
+support, rather, the opinion that it stood in the neighbourhood of
+Boudroum Djamissi, in the quarter of Laleli Hamam, situated to the
+north-west of Koum Kapoussi.[1166]
+
+The supposition that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was the same as the
+Kontoscalion is open to objections equally, if not more, serious. The
+identity of the two harbours is inconsistent with the fact that the two
+names occur in the writings of the same author, Cantacuzene,[1167] in
+the same section of his work, in passages not widely separated and
+treating of kindred matters, without the slightest hint that under the
+different names he refers to the same thing. The natural impression made
+by the use of the two names in such a way is that they denote different
+things. Then, there is an opposition between the respective meanings of
+the two names, which makes their application to the same object
+incompatible; a harbour distinguished by a short pier cannot also be a
+harbour distinguished by seven piers. In the next place, the different
+accounts which Cantacuzene gives of the condition of the two harbours in
+his reign imply that he is not speaking of the same port. He refers to
+the Kontoscalion,[1168] in 1348, without a note of disparagement, as a
+harbour in which he constructed several large triremes for the increase
+of his fleet; while he describes the Neorion at the Heptascalon,[1169]
+only three years later, as a harbour which had long been neglected,
+which was full of silt, and which he restored at great expense, for the
+public advantage, on a scale which entitled it to be styled the New
+Neorion.[1170]
+
+And just as all that Cantacuzene states regarding the two harbours
+implies that they were different, so does the language of Nicephorus
+Gregoras. When the latter writer alludes to the Kontoscalion, he
+describes it as the harbour near the Hippodrome;[1171] when he alludes
+to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, he describes it as the harbour facing
+the east.[1172] Different marks are generally employed to distinguish
+different objects.[1173] This being so, the unavoidable conclusion is
+that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was a harbour situated between Koum
+Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou, the only possible situation for an additional
+harbour.
+
+We should feel obliged to insist upon this conclusion, even in the
+absence of any remains of a harbour in the situation indicated. Our
+task, however, is not so arduous; for manifest traces of such a harbour
+have been identified. In the first place, traces of a harbour in the
+district above mentioned came to view in 1819, and were then officially
+noted by so competent an authority as the Patriarch Constantius.[1174]
+In that year a great fire burned down a large part of the Turkish
+quarter near Yeni Kapou—Tulbenkdji Djamissi—and brought to light a
+portion of an ancient circular enclosure around that quarter. The
+discovery excited considerable attention, and the patriarch was
+specially instructed by the Turkish Government of the day to examine the
+wall and report the result of his investigations. Accompanied by two
+distinguished members of the Greek community, the prelate proceeded to
+the scene of the conflagration, and found a wall built of huge blocks of
+stone, about seven feet long, four and a half feet wide, and over a foot
+thick. The stones were carefully hewn and placed in three tiers; the
+blocks in the two lower tiers being the ordinary limestone found on the
+banks of the Bosporus, while the blocks in the highest row were of
+marble from the Island of Marmora. The territory enclosed by the wall
+presented the appearance of a great hollow which had been filled in,
+since the Turkish Conquest, and raised to afford ground for building.
+All that the patriarch saw convinced him that he stood upon the site of
+one of the ancient harbours of the city. The wall has disappeared, as
+the excellent building material it provided rendered natural. But other
+remains of a harbour at this point, the complement of those discovered
+by the patriarch, have been recognized, and can, to some extent, be
+still distinguished.
+
+Off the shore in front of the territory enclosed by the wall described
+above is a mole formed with boulders (marked “Molotrümmer” on Stolpe’s
+map of the city), similar to the mole before the old harbour at Koum
+Kapoussi. At a point about half-way between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni
+Kapou, there is a wide gap in this mole, dividing it in two unequal
+parts, and forming a passage through it. The shore[1175] opposite the
+gap was, until the construction of a quay in 1870 for the Roumelian
+railroad, a sandy beach extending back to the foot of the city walls.
+The portion of the walls at the rear of the beach was, however, not
+Byzantine; but a piece of Turkish work[1176] inserted between the
+Byzantine walls on either hand to close an opening which gave admittance
+to the area occupied by the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi.
+
+Here, accordingly, we have traces of all that constitutes a harbour: its
+mole, its entrance, its basin and enclosure, indicating where the
+Neorion at the Heptascalon, which the language of Cantacuzene and
+Nicephorus Gregoras obliges us to distinguish from the Kontoscalion, was
+probably situated. At this point, it seems reasonable to think, stood
+also the Harbour of Kaisarius, if we may judge from the circumstance
+that a fire which originated at that harbour extended up the valley from
+Vlanga to Ak Serai.[1177]
+
+In the opinion of the Patriarch Constantius,[1178] indeed, the harbour
+discovered in 1819 was the Kontoscalion. The statement of
+Pachymeres[1179] and Bondelmontius,[1180] that the Kontoscalion was near
+Vlanga, cannot, perhaps, be held to lend much countenance to this
+supposition, for in view of the short distance between Vlanga and Koum
+Kapoussi, the Kontoscalion might be thus described, although situated in
+front of the latter. But what presents a most serious consideration in
+favour of the patriarch’s opinion is the fact that the wall which he
+examined answered exactly to the description of the wall with which
+Michael Palæologus enclosed the Kontoscalion.
+
+That emperor, according to Pachymeres,[1181] surrounded the Kontoscalion
+with very large stones; and closed the entrance in the stones with iron
+gates (Ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον, ... πύλας δ᾽
+ἐπιθεῖναι ἀραρυίας ἐκ σιδήρου τῇ ἐν ταῖς πέτραις εἰσίθμη ἔξωθεν).
+
+No language could describe better the enclosure of large blocks
+discovered in 1819; while the expression “the entrance in the stones”
+applies admirably to the gap in the mole which protected the harbour.
+Nothing of the kind is found at the harbour before Koum Kapoussi, which
+lay within a mole and a great curve of the ordinary city walls. This, it
+must be admitted, is an exceedingly strong argument in support of the
+patriarch’s contention. On the other hand, we have seen how strong also
+are the arguments in favour of the view that the Kontoscalion stood at
+Koum Kapoussi.[1182] Perhaps the solution of the difficulty is found in
+the supposition that while the name Kontoscalion strictly belonged to
+the harbour at Koum Kapoussi, it was sometimes applied also to other
+harbours in the vicinity, because the name of the most important member
+of the group.
+
+
+Note on the Locality where the Ancient Harbour Wall, discovered in 1819,
+                               was found.
+
+
+    The Patriarch Constantius, our sole informant on the subject, refers
+    to this discovery twice; first, in his work on _Ancient and Modern
+    Constantinople_ (Κωνσταντινιὰς Παλαιὰ τε καὶ Νεωτέρα), published in
+    1844; secondly, in a letter, dated April 12, 1852, which is found in
+    the collection of his minor works (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες), and
+    which was addressed to Mr. Scarlatus Byzantius, upon the publication
+    of that gentleman’s work on the history and antiquities of the city.
+    In that letter the patriarch corrects several mistakes made in his
+    own work on the same subject, and gives additional information on
+    other points.
+
+    The earlier reference to the discovery is brief, and when viewed in
+    the light of the later statements, altogether misleading. It occurs
+    in the paragraph upon Koum Kapoussi, the ancient Gate of
+    Kontoscalion (English translation, p. 21; Greek original, p. 30).
+    After expressing the opinion that the Neorion of the Kontoscalion
+    stood at that gate, and quoting the description which Pachymeres
+    gives of the wall around the harbour, the reverend author adds: “A
+    portion of this circular enclosure appeared in 1819, consisting of
+    three layers of very large stones placed one upon the other” (Ἕν
+    μέρος δὲ τούτου τοῦ κυκλικοῦ περιφράγματος τοῦ λιμένος ἀνεφάνη τῷ
+    1819 ἔτει, συνιστάμενον ἐκ τριῶν θέσεων παμμεγίστων ἀλλεπαλλήλων
+    πετρῶν).
+
+    There can be but one meaning to this language, namely, that the
+    enclosure referred to stood beside the harbour at Koum Kapoussi. But
+    the difficulty with this language has always been how to make it
+    coincide with the facts in the case. For, as already intimated, the
+    enclosure around the harbour at Koum Kapoussi is almost intact, and
+    consists of the ordinary walls of the city at their usual elevation.
+    There has never been room at that point for another enclosure such
+    as the patriarch describes. But his later, and, fortunately, fuller
+    statements (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες, pp. 443, 444) make the matter
+    clear, although, at the same time, they convict the patriarch of
+    inaccuracy in his first statement, so far as the locality of the
+    discovery is concerned. According to the patriarch’s letter, the
+    locality in question was not at Koum Kapoussi, but between that gate
+    and the gate Yeni Kapou of Vlanga, and nearer to the latter entrance
+    than to the former. This fact is confirmed by the additional
+    indication that the discovery was made in a Turkish quarter; for the
+    only Turkish quarter near the shore between Kadriga Limani, on the
+    east of Koum Kapoussi, and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, on the west of
+    Vlanga, is the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi near Yeni Kapou. But
+    to render all doubt as to the situation of the locality impossible,
+    the route taken to reach it is minutely described; the patriarch and
+    his friends passed first through Kadriga Limani and the parishes of
+    St. Kyriakè and St. Elpis; then they went beyond Koum Kapoussi
+    itself, and, keeping within the line of the walls, proceeded to the
+    neighbourhood of the gate of Yeni Kapou at Vlanga, where the wall
+    had come to light. These particulars are, indeed, at variance with
+    the statement found in _Ancient and Modern Constantinople_, but as
+    they constitute the patriarch’s clearest and fullest declarations on
+    the point at issue, and are made in a letter correcting mistakes in
+    his former work, they have been adopted as his most authoritative
+    statements. The subject being important and the patriarch’s letter
+    but little known, the passages bearing most directly upon the
+    question are here appended: Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Προποντίδα λιμένος,
+    περὶ οὗ σημειοῦμεν ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ Συγγράμματι, τοῦ παρὰ Μιχαὴλ τοῦ
+    Παλαιολόγου κατασκευασθέντος, αὐτὸς κεῖται ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς Πύλης
+    Κοντοσκαλίου (Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ) καὶ τῆς τοῦ Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας,
+    καὶ ὑπῆρχε, διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον, ἔνδον τῶν παραλίων τειχῶν
+    κατεσκευασμενος. ... Ἀλλ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ μέρους, ἐν ᾦ ὁ τοῦ Παλαιολόγου
+    ἔκειτο, κατοικουμενου ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν, κατὰ τὸ 1819 ἔτος πυρπολυθέντος,
+    ἀνεφάνη τὸ τοῦ λιμένος τούτου κυκλικὸν περίφραγμα, κατὰ τὸν
+    Παχυμέρην, γεγυρωμένον ἐκ τριῶν ἀλλεπαλλήλως τεθειμένων μεγάλων
+    πετρῶν, εἰργασμένων ὡς πλακῶν, ἐχουσῶν μῆκος μὲν τριῶν πήχεων, εὖρος
+    δὲ δύω, καὶ βάθος ἡμίσειαν, τῶν μὲν δύω κάτωθεν ἀλλεπαλλήλων πλακῶν
+    ἐκ πετρῶν τοῦ Βοσπόρου, λευκομελανοχρόων, τῆς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τρίτης
+    σειρᾶς καὶ ἀνωτέρας, ἐκ μαρμάρων ἰσομέτρων Προκονησίων. He then
+    refers to the order received from the Government to investigate the
+    discovery, and mentions the persons who accompanied him on that
+    errand; after which he continues thus: Διήλθομεν δὲ τὸ
+    Κάτεργα-λιμὰν, τὰς ἐνορίας Ἁγίας Κυριακῆς καὶ Ἐλπίδος, παρήλθομεν τὸ
+    Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ, καὶ προεχωρήσαμεν ἔχοντες ἀριστερόθεν τὰ παράλια
+    τείχη ἔνδοθεν, ἐγγὺς τῆς Πύλης Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας, ὅπου
+    εἴδομεν τὸ ἐκ πετρῶν καὶ μαρμάρων κυκλοτερὲς περίφραγμα,
+    ἐκτεινόμενον ὑποκάτω ἑνὸς τεφρωθέντος Τζαμίου, ἑνὸς μεγάλου
+    Ὀθωμανικοῦ οἴκου καὶ περαιτέρω. Καὶ παραυτίκα ἐγνώκαμεν ὅτι τοῦτο
+    αὐτὸ ἐστι, κατὰ τὸν Παχυμέρην, τὸ πρὸς τὴν Βλάγκαν νεῦον τοῦ
+    Κοντασκαλίου Νεώριον. Ὅλος ὁ τόπος ὁ περιέχων ποτὲ τὸ Νεώριον αὐτὸ,
+    μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐπληρώθη, ἐχερσώθη καὶ ὑψώθη τὸ ἔδαφος,
+    κατοικούμενος ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν· αἱ δὲ ἀραρυῖαι ἐκ σιδήρου πύλαι, δι᾽ ὦν
+    εἰσέπλεεν ὁ στόλος ἐλλιμενιζόμενος, ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν.
+
+Footnote 1062:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. III._
+
+Footnote 1063:
+
+  Theod. Cod., _De Calcis Coctor_.
+
+Footnote 1064:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 284.
+
+Footnote 1065:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
+
+Footnote 1066:
+
+  _De Top. CP._, ii. c. xv.
+
+Footnote 1067:
+
+  _Notitia, ad Reg. III._; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp.
+  83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1068:
+
+  Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.
+
+Footnote 1069:
+
+  Pages 284, 564, Εἰς τὸν Ἰουλιανοῦ τῆς Σοφίας λεγόμενον λιμένα: ἐν τῷ
+  Ἰουλιανισίῳ λιμένι τῆς Σοφίας.
+
+Footnote 1070:
+
+  Page 700.
+
+Footnote 1071:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1072:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.
+
+Footnote 1073:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.
+
+Footnote 1074:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.
+
+Footnote 1075:
+
+  _Notitia ad Reg. III._; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1076:
+
+  Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.
+
+Footnote 1077:
+
+  Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.
+
+Footnote 1078:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.
+
+Footnote 1079:
+
+  Zosimus, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1080:
+
+  Malalas, p. 479.
+
+Footnote 1081:
+
+  See Epistle 58.
+
+Footnote 1082:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus
+  cœno effoso purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.
+
+Footnote 1083:
+
+  The plural form of the name (τῶν Σοφιῶν) may allude to the two
+  divisions of the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration
+  actuelle permet encore de distinguer un port intérieur et un port
+  extérieur, séparés par une étroite digne.”
+
+Footnote 1084:
+
+  Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1085:
+
+  Anonymus, ii. p. 30.
+
+Footnote 1086:
+
+  _Menæa_, January 27. This point was known also as ἐν τῷ μούλῳ τοῦ
+  ἁγίου Θωμᾶ (Theophanes, p. 673).
+
+Footnote 1087:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 622.
+
+Footnote 1088:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 700.
+
+Footnote 1089:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1090:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 564.
+
+Footnote 1091:
+
+  Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
+
+Footnote 1092:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
+
+Footnote 1093:
+
+  Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
+
+Footnote 1094:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
+
+Footnote 1095:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1096:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 385.
+
+Footnote 1097:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1098:
+
+  Codinus, p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1099:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, _Bibl. Græc. Med.
+  Ævi._, vol. v. p. 214).
+
+Footnote 1100:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1101:
+
+  Lib. ii. p. 34.
+
+Footnote 1102:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.
+
+Footnote 1103:
+
+  See below, p. 295, note 5.
+
+Footnote 1104:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, pp. 120, 121.
+
+Footnote 1105:
+
+  Leunclavius, _Pand. Hist. Turc._, s. 200, is the first writer after
+  the Conquest who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (_i.e._ Contoscalion) velut
+  intra sinum quemdam abscedit versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum
+  sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in mare se porrigentem et muris
+  circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the Kontoscalion is
+  strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.
+
+Footnote 1106:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1107:
+
+  _Liber Insularum Archipelagi_, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga)
+  Condoscali vel Arsena restat.”
+
+Footnote 1108:
+
+  Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.
+
+Footnote 1109:
+
+  In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth
+  century, the copyist, under the heading Περὶ τὸν Σοφιανῶν λιμένα, adds
+  the note that the harbour εἰς τὸ Κοντοσκάλον was constructed by
+  Justin, and had been deepened and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure
+  in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus Palæologus. See Banduri,
+  _Imperium Orientale_, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist is at fault in
+  identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was a
+  historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the
+  restoration of the Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.
+
+Footnote 1110:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1111:
+
+  See below, pp. 312, 313.
+
+Footnote 1112:
+
+  _Ad Reg. XII._
+
+Footnote 1113:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1114:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1115:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. _ibid._, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1116:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1117:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1118:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1119:
+
+  Lib. iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1120:
+
+  Gyllius, _De Top. CP._, iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this
+  authority the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being
+  600 paces long and 12 feet broad.
+
+Footnote 1121:
+
+  Gyllius, _ut supra_. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum æstivum, a
+  quo moles extendebatur ad occasum æstivum, supra quam nunc muri
+  adstricti existunt.”
+
+  “In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis,
+  etiamnum videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquæ
+  ruinarum.”
+
+  Grelot, in his _Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople_, pp.
+  79, 80, refers to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English
+  translation of his work by J. Philips, London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by
+  sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you meet with a square
+  tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from the
+  city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it
+  Belisarius Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great
+  and famous commander, for the recompense of all those signal services
+  which he had done the Emperor Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as
+  well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being despoyled of all his
+  estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity, after he
+  had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and
+  forced for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his
+  chamber, and cry to the passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing,
+  whom envy and no crime has deprived of his eyes.’ Near to the place
+  where stands this tower was formerly the harbour where Theodosius,
+  Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”
+
+Footnote 1122:
+
+  From _Broken Bits of Byzantium_. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
+
+Footnote 1123:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
+
+Footnote 1124:
+
+  Nicetas Chon., p. 170.
+
+Footnote 1125:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; _Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani_,
+  year 1400, p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old
+  harbour is given: Κῆπος περὶ τὸν Βλάγκαν, ἔξω που καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῦ
+  τείχους τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1126:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.
+
+Footnote 1127:
+
+  Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.
+
+Footnote 1128:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1129:
+
+  _Ibid._ p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1130:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 560.
+
+Footnote 1131:
+
+  Page 59.
+
+Footnote 1132:
+
+  Ducas, p. 283.
+
+Footnote 1133:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1134:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 438, 499, 504.
+
+Footnote 1135:
+
+  Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place
+  off the entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says
+  that the Sultan viewed the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle
+  Perensi, fortunæ expectans eventum.”
+
+Footnote 1136:
+
+  Act II.
+
+Footnote 1137:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 679.
+
+Footnote 1138:
+
+  Page 364.
+
+Footnote 1139:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1140:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1141:
+
+  Du Cange, _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. p. 169.
+
+Footnote 1142:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, vol. v. p. 38. Ἐπιτρέπει
+  φυλάττεσθαι ἐκ τῶν Πρασίνων τὸν λιμένα τοῦ Καισαρείου καὶ τὸν Σοφίας,
+  τοὺς δὲ Βενετοὺς τὰ ἐπὶ Ὁρμίσδου. Cf. _Paschal Chron._, p. 700.
+
+Footnote 1143:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, Ἐν τῷ Προκλιανισίῳ τῷ
+  Καισαρίου λιμένι. What does Προκλιανισίῳ mean?
+
+Footnote 1144:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 324; _Synaxaria_, May 7, July 21.
+
+Footnote 1145:
+
+  Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.
+
+Footnote 1146:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1147:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 290.
+
+Footnote 1148:
+
+  Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1149:
+
+  _Ibid._, iv. p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1150:
+
+  _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of
+  the Church of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la
+  montagne, se trouve l’eglise des saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the
+  Latin version given in Riant’s _Exuviæ CP._, ii. pp. 228, 229, the
+  passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia
+  SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”
+
+Footnote 1151:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.
+
+Footnote 1152:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 220.
+
+Footnote 1153:
+
+  But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would
+  suppose that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs
+  and shoals off the shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus
+  says explicitly that the conflict took place off the Diplokionion
+  (Beshiktash), ὅπη κίονες διπλοῖ σχῆμα τάφου τινὸς ἀνέχοντες ἵστανται.
+  According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore between Beshiktash and
+  Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. _De Bosporo Thracio_,
+  ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam
+  eminentibus inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore,
+  Beshiktash, Cabatash, refer to these rocks.
+
+Footnote 1154:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. pp. 85-92.
+
+Footnote 1155:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.
+
+Footnote 1156:
+
+  Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.
+
+Footnote 1157:
+
+  Lib. ix. p. 460.
+
+Footnote 1158:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1159:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
+
+Footnote 1160:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 90.
+
+Footnote 1161:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1162:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
+
+Footnote 1163:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 1164:
+
+  See above, p. 293.
+
+Footnote 1165:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 364.
+
+Footnote 1166:
+
+  _Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani_, year 1400, p. 394;
+  Bondelmontius, “In quibus mœnibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus
+  Vlanga.” See above, p. 300, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1167:
+
+  The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It
+  was ἐν Ἑπτασκάλω (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St.
+  Metrophanes (_Synaxaria_, June 4; _Itinéraires Russes en Orient_, p.
+  106); (3) near the Residence of Moselè (Μωσηλὲ), and the monument
+  named the Christocamaron (Χριστοκάμαρον), after a gilt Icon of Christ
+  upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it is supposed,
+  was the same as the Chrysocamaron (Χρυσοκάμαρον: Anonymus, iii. p.
+  48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (_Imp. Orient._, ii. p.
+  688) and Dr. Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the
+  rear of the Myrelaion (Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was
+  the church, now the Mosque Boudroum Djamissi (Gyllius, _De Top. CP._,
+  iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, _Ancient and Modern Consple._, p.
+  75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the
+  rear, or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points
+  in this chain of arguments; Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the
+  two monuments which are identified above, and speaks of two places in
+  Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.
+
+Footnote 1168:
+
+  He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72,
+  74; and to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165,
+  212, 220, 284.
+
+Footnote 1169:
+
+  Codinus, p. 72.
+
+Footnote 1170:
+
+  Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.
+
+Footnote 1171:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the
+  subject, the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the
+  Heptascalon, implied not only that the harbour was no longer its old
+  self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished from another and
+  earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during the
+  reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.
+
+Footnote 1172:
+
+  Lib. xvii. p. 854: Ἐς τὸ περὶ τὸν τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἱππόδρομον νεώριον.
+  Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.
+
+Footnote 1173:
+
+  Lib. xxvi. p. 90.
+
+Footnote 1174:
+
+  Unger (_Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte_, p. 264), without
+  discussing the question at length, holds, as the result of his study
+  of the texts, that the Kontoscalion cannot be identified with either
+  the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon. Scarlatus Byzantius (Ἡ
+  Κωνσταντινούπολις, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains that the three
+  names designated different harbours.
+
+Footnote 1175:
+
+  Συγγραφαὶ Ἐλάσσονες, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.
+
+Footnote 1176:
+
+  For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight,
+  LL.D., who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many
+  years a resident there.
+
+Footnote 1177:
+
+  It is still standing.
+
+Footnote 1178:
+
+  See above, p. 308.
+
+Footnote 1179:
+
+  _Ut supra._
+
+Footnote 1180:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, Τὸ πρὸς τὸν Βλάγκα Κοντοσκέλιον.
+
+Footnote 1181:
+
+  _Librum Insularum Archipelago_, p. 121.
+
+Footnote 1182:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 365.
+
+Footnote 1183:
+
+  See above, p. 295.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIX.
+                             THE HEBDOMON.
+
+
+The Hebdomon (τὸ Ἕβδομον, “Septimum”) was a suburb of Constantinople,
+situated on the Egnatian Road, at the distance of seven miles from the
+centre of the city. It obtained its name, as so many villages and towns
+on the great Roman highways did,[1183] from the number of the milestone
+beside which it stood (ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ), and holds a noteworthy place
+in history on account of its military associations and its connection
+with the Court of Constantinople. Considerable interest attaches to it
+also on account of the discussions which the question of its site has
+occasioned.
+
+There can be no doubt that the Hebdomon is represented by the modern
+village of Makrikeui, situated on the shore of the Sea of Marmora, three
+miles to the west of the Golden Gate. But the opinion which has been
+generally accepted, and has had the greatest names in its favour, is
+that the suburb stood at the northern extremity of the Theodosian Walls,
+where the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus and the quarter of Blachernæ
+were found.
+
+[Illustration: Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.]
+
+Now, of all the mistakes committed by students of the topography of
+Byzantine Constantinople, none is so preposterous or inexcusable as this
+identification. It is a mistake made when to err seems impossible, for
+it is in direct opposition to the plainest and most convincing evidence
+that the famous suburb was situated elsewhere. A blind man, Valesius
+exclaims in his indignation at such a baseless opinion, might see the
+truth in the matter.
+
+The blunder started with Gyllius, and was afterwards supported with all
+the immense learning of Du Cange. It was soon denounced by
+Valesius,[1184] and shown to be utterly inconsistent with the most
+obvious facts in the case; but the reputation of the great authorities
+upon its side gave it a vitality which made it the commonly received
+opinion until the most recent times. Unger, however, contested the
+error, once more, in his important work entitled _Quellen der
+Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte_,[1185] published in 1878, and maintained
+the correct view, but without discussing the question at length.
+Schlumberger, also, in his monograph on the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas,
+has seen the facts in their true light.[1186]
+
+Under these circumstances one is strongly tempted to let the fallacies
+with which Gyllius and Du Cange maintained their views pass into
+oblivion, and to be satisfied with proving the truth on the subject. But
+the great authority and eminent services of these students of the
+topography of the city, and the tenacity with which the error they
+countenanced has held the field demand some account of the arguments
+which have been employed in support of an untenable position.
+
+Gyllius[1187] entered upon the discussion of the subject with the fixed
+idea that no locality entitled to be regarded as a suburb could be seven
+miles distant from the city to which it belonged. With this conviction
+rooted in his mind, he found himself called to interpret the passage in
+which Sozomon relates how Theodosius the Great, upon leaving
+Constantinople for Italy to suppress the rebel Eugenius, stopped at the
+seventh mile from the city to invoke the Divine blessing upon the
+expedition, in the Church of St. John the Baptist which the emperor had
+erected at that point of the road.[1188] Gyllius knew his Greek too well
+not to recognize the obvious meaning of this statement. He acknowledges
+that the passage may be understood to intimate that the church above
+mentioned stood at the seventh milestone from Constantinople. But while
+allowing that this is a possible meaning of the historian’s words, he
+contends that it cannot be his actual meaning, because the Hebdomon,
+being a suburb, could not be so distant from the city as seven miles.
+Hence Gyllius separates the numeral adjective “seventh” from the noun
+“mile,” and treating the former as a proper name, construes the passage
+to signify that the Church of St. John the Baptist, in the suburb of the
+Hebdomon, was one mile from the capital. The proposed construction is so
+original that it must be given in its author’s own words: “Theodosius
+egressus unum milliare extra Constantinopolim, in æde Divi Joannis
+Baptistæ, quam ipse construxerat in Hebdomo suburbio, a Deo precatus
+est.”
+
+Under the guidance of this strange interpretation of Sozomon’s
+statement, the indefatigable explorer of the ancient sites of
+Constantinople set himself to discover the precise locality which the
+Hebdomon had occupied. As the suburb was in existence before the
+erection of the Theodosian Walls, the specified distance of one mile had
+to be measured from the original limits of the city, viz. from the Wall
+of Constantine. This, Gyllius thought, would put the suburb somewhere in
+the neighbourhood of the Walls of Theodosius. Searching next for more
+definite indications, he found the ruins of a splendid church dedicated
+to St. John the Baptist on the Sixth Hill, at Bogdan Serai near Kesmè
+Kaya. But a church of St. John the Baptist, as already intimated,
+adorned the Hebdomon, and so Gyllius leaped to the conclusion that the
+Hebdomon was the district on the Sixth Hill: “Suburbium Hebdomon
+appellatum in sexto colle fuisse, qui nunc est intra urbem, ostendit
+ædes Divi Joannis Baptistæ, quam etiam nunc Græci vulgo vocant
+Prodromi.”
+
+Having adopted this conclusion, it only remained for Gyllius to explain
+how a suburb only one mile from the city could have been styled the
+Hebdomon. His explanation is that the extramural territory along the
+Wall of Constantine had been occupied, before its enclosure within the
+Theodosian lines, by a series of suburbs distinguished from one another
+by numerals, and that the Hebdomon was so named because it was the
+seventh suburb in the series. This explanation he supports by pointing
+to the undoubted fact that one portion of that territory is frequently
+named the Deuteron[1189] by Byzantine writers. And he might have added
+that other portions of the territory were, respectively, styled the
+Triton[1190] and the Pempton.[1191]
+
+Du Cange[1192] was unable to accept Gyllius’s interpretation of the
+phrase, Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ. He insists upon its correct and only
+signification; and admits that the suburb derived its name from its
+situation near the seventh milestone from the capital. Nevertheless he
+is, impossible though it may seem, in substantial agreement with
+Gyllius.
+
+The fundamental thesis of Du Cange on the subject is that the term
+“Hebdomon” had two meanings. Strictly speaking, he grants, it meant the
+seventh mile; but it was also employed, he maintains, as the designation
+of the whole district extending between the Wall of Constantine and the
+seventh milestone. Hence, after the erection of the Theodosian Walls, a
+considerable portion of the suburb was included within the new city
+limits, so that the Hebdomon could very well be where Gyllius supposed
+it stood.
+
+Only, while supporting Gyllius on this point, Du Cange considers that
+the identification of the Church of St. John at Kesmè Kaya with the
+Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon is a mistake. For the
+latter is described by Constantine Porphyrogenitus[1193] as without the
+city walls in the tenth century, and therefore never stood, like the
+Church of St. John at Kesmè Kaya, within the Theodosian lines. At the
+same time, Du Cange does not concede that the church of that dedication
+in the Hebdomon was near the seventh milestone. In harmony with his view
+regarding the extent of the area to which the term “Hebdomon” was
+applied, he holds that the church, though outside the Walls of
+Theodosius, was close to them. Du Cange differs from Gyllius also in
+laying great stress upon Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of
+the Hebdomon, identifying that palace with the Palace of the Magnaura,
+one of the noted buildings of the suburb.[1194]
+
+What induced Du Cange to maintain the application of the term “Hebdomon”
+to the whole territory extending from the seventh mile eastwards to the
+walls of the city was the opinion, that only thus could certain
+statements regarding the suburb become intelligible or credible. The
+statement, for instance, that the plain at the Hebdomon was “adjacent”
+(ἀνακείμενον)[1195] to the city implies, he thinks, that the plain of
+the Hebdomon was contiguous to the city; “quæ (vox) campus urbi
+adjacuisse situ prodit.” So does, he contends, the statement that the
+Avars, upon approaching to lay siege to the city, encamped “at what of
+the city is named the Hebdomon.”[1196] For how could an enemy besiege a
+city without coming close up to its walls? The consideration, however,
+which above everything else led Du Cange to attach a wider meaning to
+the term “Hebdomon” than the seventh mile, was the difficulty of
+believing that the great religious processions which, on the occasion of
+a severe earthquake, went on foot from the city to the Campus of the
+Hebdomon to implore Divine Mercy, walked the whole distance of seven
+miles on that pious errand.[1197]
+
+Such a performance seemed to Du Cange, especially when the emperor and
+the patriarch took part in the procession, incredible; and since he
+could not imagine the people going to the Hebdomon, in the strict sense
+of the word, he made the Hebdomon come to the people, by extending the
+signification of the term.
+
+But Du Cange forgets that the processions to which he refers were
+recognized to be extraordinary performances, even in the age in which
+they were undertaken; that they were acts of profoundest humiliation in
+view of a most awful danger; that they were deeds of penance, whereby
+men hoped to move the Almighty to spare His people. The distance of
+seven miles is not too great for men to walk in order to escape a
+terrible death.
+
+At the same time, it is quite possible that the Campus of the Hebdomon
+extended some distance towards the city. The plain was not a
+mathematical point, and a portion of it may have been nearer the city
+than the seventh milestone itself was. That must be decided by the
+nature of the ground, not by subjective considerations. But to make the
+plain reach to the city walls for the reason assigned is preposterous.
+
+This brief account of the arguments with which Gyllius and Du Cange
+upheld their views must suffice. For all the evidence at our command
+goes to prove that the suburb occupied the site of the modern village of
+Makrikeui.
+
+In support of this proposition there are, first, express statements to
+the effect that the Hebdomon, taken as a whole, was seven miles distant
+from the city. That is how Theophylactus Simocatta,[1198] for instance,
+indicates the situation of the suburb: “It was a place seven miles from
+the city”—ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ (τόπος δὲ οὗτος τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπὸ σημείων
+ἑπτὰ). That is how Idatius, also, describes the suburb’s position, when
+speaking of the inauguration of Valens and of Arcadius there: “Levatus
+est Constantinopoli in Milliario VII.”[1199] And it is in the same terms
+that Marcellinus Comes refers to the suburb, when he records the fact
+that Honorius was created Cæsar in it: “Id est, septimo ab urbe regia
+milliario.” To understand such expressions as denoting the whole
+territory between the walls of the city and the seventh milestone is out
+of the question. As employed by these writers, the term “Hebdomon” or
+“Septimum” means a definite place, reached only when a person stood
+seven miles from the point whence distances from Constantinople were
+measured.
+
+In the second place, not only is the Hebdomon, as a whole, described as
+being seven miles from the city, but the particular objects found there
+are similarly identified. The Church of St. John the Baptist in that
+suburb, Sozomon,[1200] Socrates,[1201] and John of Antioch[1202] state
+in express words, was seven miles from the city. The Church of St. John
+the Evangelist, which stood in the suburb, is declared by Socrates[1203]
+to have been at the same distance. Thus, also, the Campus of the
+Hebdomon is described by Cedrenus as “the plain in front of the city,
+seven miles distant.”[1204] The Imperial Tribune in that Campus was,
+according to Idatius and Marcellinus Comes, at the seventh mile: “In
+milliario septimo, in Tribunali;” “Septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” So,
+likewise, the palace which Justinian the Great built at the
+Hebdomon[1205] is described, in the subscription to several of his laws,
+as at the seventh mile: “Recitata septimo milliario hujus inclytæ
+civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani.”[1206] In all these
+passages the Hebdomon is defined with a precision that renders any vague
+and loose application of the term impossible, if language has any
+meaning. So much for the distance of the Hebdomon from the city.
+
+That the Hebdomon was situated on the shore of the Sea of Marmora is
+placed beyond dispute by the fact that ships approaching Constantinople
+from the south reached the Hebdomon before arriving at the city. When,
+for example, Epiphanius came by ship from Cyprus to Constantinople, in
+402, to attend a synod called to condemn the heresies of Origen, he
+landed at the Hebdomon, and celebrated divine service there in the
+Church of St. John the Baptist, before entering the capital.[1207] This
+order in the stages of the bishop’s journey implies that the suburb
+stood on the shore of the Sea of Marmora. Again, when the fleet of
+Heraclius came up from Carthage to overthrow Phocas, in 610, the latter
+proceeded to the Hebdomon to view the ships of the hostile expedition as
+they stood off the suburb, and there he remained until they advanced
+towards the city, when he mounted horse and hurried back to fight for
+his throne.[1208] Such proceedings were possible only if the suburb
+stood beside the Sea of Marmora. Yet again; the Saracen fleets which
+came against Constantinople, in 673 and 717, put into the harbour of the
+Hebdomon on their way to the city. On the first occasion the enemy’s
+vessels anchored, says Theophanes,[1209] “off Thrace, from the
+promontory of the Hebdomon, otherwise named Magnaura, to the promontory
+of the Cyclobion.” The ships of the second Saracen expedition, likewise,
+“anchored between the Magnaura and the Cyclobion.” There they waited for
+two days, and then, taking advantage of a south wind, “they sailed
+alongside the city,” some of them making the ports of Anthemius and
+Eutropius (at Kadikeui), others of them reaching the Bosporus, and
+dropping anchor between Galata and Klidion (Ortakeui).[1210] Manifestly,
+the Hebdomon lay to the west of the city, upon the Sea of Marmora.
+
+Let one more proof of this fact suffice. When Pope Constantine visited
+Constantinople in 708, for the settlement of certain disputes between
+Eastern and Western Christendom, he came all the way by sea until he
+reached the Hebdomon. There the Pontiff and his retinue disembarked, and
+having been welcomed with distinguished honour, mounted horses which had
+been sent from the Imperial stables, and rode into the city in great
+state: “A quo loco (the island Cæa) navigantes venerunt a Septimo
+Milliario Constantinopolim, ubi egressus Tiberius Imperator, filius
+Justiniani Augusti (Justinian II.) cum Patriciis, cum clero, et populi
+multitudine, omnes lætantes, et diem festum agentes. Pontifex autem et
+ejus primates, cum sellaribus imperialibus, sellis et frenis inauratis,
+simul et mappulis, ingressi sunt civitatem.”[1211] On the view that the
+Hebdomon was situated beside the Sea of Marmora, all this is clear.
+
+The data for determining the situation of the Hebdomon therefore are:
+that the suburb was seven miles from the city; that it stood beside the
+Sea of Marmora; that it had a harbour, on the one hand, and a plain of
+considerable extent, on the other.
+
+There is little room for difference of opinion in regard to the point
+from which the seven miles are to be measured. That point could not have
+been in the Theodosian Walls, as the Hebdomon is mentioned before they
+were in existence. For a similar reason, it could not have been in the
+Wall of Constantine, seeing the Egnatian Road which led from Byzantium
+to Rome was marked with the seventh milestone before the foundation of
+Constantinople. It must, therefore, have been the point whence distances
+from old Byzantium were measured under the Roman domination. This being
+so, the choice lies between the Milion near St. Sophia, and the gate of
+Byzantium near the Column of Constantine. In favour of the former is the
+fact that it was the point from which distances from Constantinople were
+afterwards measured; for in all probability that usage was the
+continuation of the practice of the older city, any change in that
+respect being not only unnecessary, but exceedingly inconvenient. Still,
+the result will be substantially the same if the gate of Byzantium is
+preferred, since the Milion and that gate were at a short distance from
+each other. Seven miles from either point, westwards, to the Sea of
+Marmora will bring us to the modern suburb of Makrikeui.
+
+Between the promontory on which that village stands and the promontory
+of Zeitin Bournou, to the east, is a bay which could serve as a harbour;
+while to the north and north-east spreads a magnificent plain.
+Makrikeui, therefore, satisfies all the indications regarding the site
+of the Hebdomon.
+
+As a corollary from this determination of the real site of the Hebdomon
+there follows the determination of the real site of the Cyclobion; and
+thus the correction of another of the mistakes into which students of
+the topography of Byzantine Constantinople have fallen. The prevalent
+opinion on the subject, since Du Cange[1212] propounded the opinion, has
+been that the Cyclobion was a fortress attached to the Golden Gate. But
+this could not have been the case, for the Cyclobion was at the
+Hebdomon. It was a fortification on the eastern headland of the bay
+which formed the Harbour of the Hebdomon,[1213] and, therefore, stood
+some two miles and a half from the Golden Gate. This explains how
+Theophanes[1214] describes the engagements between the Greeks and the
+Saracens, who landed at the Hebdomon in 673, as taking place between the
+Golden Gate and the Cyclobion. The fortress was so closely connected
+with the suburb that the latter is sometimes referred to under the name
+of the former. The Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon,
+for example, is declared by one authority[1215] to have stood in the
+Cyclobion: “Ad Castrum autem Rotundum, in quo est Ecclesia, miræ
+magnitudinis, Sancti Evangelistæ Johannis nomini dicata.” Again, whereas
+John of Antioch[1216] represents the fleet of Heraclius as standing off
+the Hebdomon, the _Paschal Chronicle_,[1217] on the other hand, says the
+fleet was seen off the Round Tower. In all probability, the Cyclobion
+stood at Zeitin Bournou, on the tongue of land to the east of Makrikeui.
+It derived its name, Κυκλόβιον, Στρογγύλον Καστέλλιον (Castrum
+Rotundum), from its circular form,[1218] and was a link in the chain of
+coast fortifications defending the approach to the city. It was repaired
+by Justinian the Great, who connected it by a good road with
+Rhegium[1219] (Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), another military post, and drew upon
+its garrison for troops to suppress the riot of the Nika.[1220] There
+Constantine Copronymus died on board the ship on which he had hoped to
+reach the capital from Selivria, when forced by his mortal illness to
+return from an expedition against the Bulgarians.[1221]
+
+Whether the Cyclobion was the same as the “Castle of the Theodosiani at
+the Hebdomon,” mentioned by Theophanes,[1222] is not certain. On the
+whole, the fact that the two names are employed by the same historian
+favours the view that they designated different fortifications. The
+Theodosiani were a body of troops named in honour of Theodosius the
+Great.[1223]
+
+What gave the Hebdomon its importance and explains its history was,
+primarily, its favourable situation for the establishment of a large
+military camp in the neighbourhood of the capital. An extensive plain,
+with abundance of water, and at a convenient distance from the city,
+furnished a magnificent camping-ground for the legions of New Rome.
+This, in view of the military associations of the throne, especially
+during the earlier period of the Empire, brought the emperors frequently
+to the suburb to attend great functions of State, and thus converted it
+also into an Imperial quarter, embellished with the palaces, churches,
+and monuments which spring up around a Court. To these political reasons
+for the prosperity of the suburb were added the natural attractions of
+the place—its pleasant climate, its wide prospect over the Sea of
+Marmora, and the excellent sport obtained in the surrounding country.
+
+It was on the plain of the Hebdomon that Theodosius the Great joined the
+army which he led against the usurper Eugenius in Italy.[1224] There,
+the Gothic troops which Arcadius recalled from the war with Alaric took
+up their quarters under the command of Gainas, and there that emperor,
+accompanied by his minister Rufinus, held the memorable review of those
+troops, in the course of which Rufinus was assassinated in the Imperial
+tribune.[1225] It was at the Hebdomon that Gainas gathered the soldiers
+with which he planned to seize the capital.[1226] There Vitalianus
+encamped with more than sixty thousand men to besiege Constantinople in
+the reign of Anastasius I.[1227] Thither Phocas[1228] and Leo the
+Armenian[1229] brought the armies that enabled them to win the crown.
+And there Avars, Saracens, Bulgarians, and, doubtless, other foes halted
+to gaze upon the walls and towers they hoped to scale, or from which
+they retired baffled and broken.[1230]
+
+The plain at the Hebdomon was used, also, for military exercises and
+athletic sports, and consequently appears under the name of the Campus
+Martius,[1231] as though to give it the prestige of the ground devoted
+to similar purposes on the banks of the Tiber. There recruits were
+drilled and trained in the use of arms,[1232] and there the popular game
+of polo was played.[1233]
+
+Thither, also, on account of the wide and free space afforded by the
+plain the population of the city fled, on the occasion of a violent
+earthquake, to find a temporary abode, or to take part in public
+supplications for the withdrawal of the calamity.[1234] Such services
+were attended by the emperor and the patriarch, and it was on such an
+occasion that the Emperor Maurice, a particularly devout man, and the
+Patriarch Anatolius, proceeded from the city to the Campus, on
+foot.[1235] It was customary, moreover, to hold religious services at
+the Campus on the anniversary of a great earthquake, to avert the
+recurrence of the disaster, or to celebrate the fact that it had not
+been attended with loss of life.[1236] There, also, public executions
+took place,[1237] or the heads of persons executed elsewhere were set up
+for public gaze, as in the case of the Emperor Maurice and his five
+sons.[1238]
+
+But the chief interest of the Hebdomon belongs to it on account of the
+many associations of the suburb with the life of the Byzantine Court.
+There, in the early days of the Eastern Empire, while old Roman customs
+prevailed and the army continued to be a great political factor, an
+emperor often assumed the purple, in the presence of his legions and a
+vast concourse of the citizens of the capital. At the suburb, also,
+triumphal processions sometimes commenced their march to the Golden Gate
+and the city. And there the emperors had a palace to which they resorted
+for country air, or to escape the turbulence of the Factions, or to take
+part in the State ceremonies performed on the adjoining Campus.
+
+The earliest reference to the Hebdomon, though not by name, is in
+connection with the inauguration of Valens there, in 364, as the
+colleague of his brother, the Emperor Valentinian: “Valentem, in
+suburbanum, universorum sententiis concinentibus (nec enim audebat
+quisquam refragari) Augustum pronuntiavit; decoreque imperatorii cultus
+ornatum et tempore diademate redimitum in eodem vehiculo secum
+reduxit.”[1239] In commemoration of the event Valens erected a tribune,
+adorned with many statues, for the accommodation of the emperors when
+taking part in State functions on the Campus of the suburb.[1240] It was
+known as the Tribune of the Hebdomon (ἐν τῷ Τριβουναλίῳ Ἑβδόμου).[1241]
+
+[Illustration: Triumphus Theodosii.]
+
+Valens also provided the Harbour of the Hebdomon with a quay, and showed
+his partiality for the suburb otherwise to such an extent that
+Themistius ventured to expostulate with him, and to charge him with
+forgetting to improve and beautify the capital.[1242]
+
+After Valens, the following ten emperors were invested with the purple
+at the Hebdomon: Arcadius,[1243] by his father Theodosius the Great, who
+also raised Honorius to the rank of Cæsar there;[1244] Theodosius
+II.;[1245] Marcian;[1246] Leo the Great;[1247] Zeno;[1248]
+Basiliscus;[1249] Maurice;[1250] Phocas;[1251] Leo the Armenian;[1252]
+and Nicephorus Phocas.[1253] Doubtless the fatigue involved in
+celebrating the ceremony so far from the heart of the city had much to
+do with transferring the scene of Imperial inaugurations to the
+Hippodrome.
+
+The custom of installing an emperor thus into his office was the
+continuation of an old Roman practice which testified to the power
+acquired by the army in deciding the succession to the throne. We have
+two accounts of the ceremonies observed on such an occasion at the
+Hebdomon, given at great length and with minute details by that devoted
+student and admirer of Byzantine Court etiquette, Constantine
+Porphyrogenitus.[1254] They are interesting, both as an exhibition of
+public life during the Later Empire, and as an illustration of the
+extent to which old Roman forms, and even the old Roman spirit, survived
+the profound changes which the Empire underwent after the capital was
+removed to the banks of the Bosporus.
+
+When all interested in the event of the day had assembled, the troops
+present laid their standards prostrate upon the ground, to express the
+desolation of the State bereft of a ruler. Meanwhile, from every point
+of the Campus rose the sound of prayer, as the immense multitudes
+gathered there joined in supplications that God would approve the man
+who had been chosen as the new chief of the Empire. “Hear us, O God; we
+beseech Thee to hear us, O God. Grant Leo life; let him reign. O God,
+Lover of mankind, the public weal demands Leo; the army demands him; the
+laws wait for him; the palace awaits him. So prays the army, the Senate,
+the people. The world expects Leo; the army waits for him. Let Leo, our
+common glory, come; let Leo, our common good, reign. Hear us, O God, we
+beseech Thee.” At length the emperor-elect appeared, and ascended the
+Imperial tribune. A coronet was placed upon his head by one high
+military officer, an armlet upon his right arm by another. And instantly
+the prostrate standards were lifted high, and the air shook with
+acclamations: “Leo, Augustus, thou hast conquered; thou art Pius,
+August. God gave thee, God will guard thee. Ever conquer, worshipper of
+Christ. Long be thy reign. God will defend the Christian Empire.”[1255]
+This was the first act in the dramatic spectacle. Next came the solemn
+investiture of the emperor with the Imperial insignia. This took place
+behind a shield held before him by soldiers of the household-troops
+known as the Candidati, and when he had been duly robed, crowned, and
+armed with shield and spear, the screen was removed, and the new
+sovereign stood before the gaze of his subjects in all his
+majesty.[1256]
+
+The dignitaries of the State now approached, in the order of their rank,
+and did homage to the monarch, while the crowds around made the air ring
+again with every acclamation that loyalty or adulation could invent. As
+soon as this scene terminated, the emperor addressed a brief allocation
+to the soldiers, through a herald; claiming to reign by the will of God
+and their suffrage, promising devotion to the welfare of the Empire, and
+a generous donative to each of his faithful companion-in-arms,
+announcements which were greeted with storms of applause. Then the sum
+of money required for the promised largess was handed over by the
+emperor to the officers charged with its distribution.
+
+Upon the conclusion of this important part of the day’s proceedings, the
+ceremonies assumed a religious character. The emperor now repaired, on
+foot, to a camp-chapel, a tent of many colours, at a short distance from
+the Imperial tribune, and, leaving his crown without, entered to bow
+before the King of kings. It was a simple service conducted by ordinary
+priests, as the patriarch and higher clergy had left the Campus for St.
+Sophia. Upon issuing from the chapel, the emperor resumed his crown, and
+proceeded on a white charger, followed by a brilliant escort of
+dignitaries also on horseback, to the Church of St. John the Baptist,
+the principal sanctuary of the Hebdomon. This second service may be
+described as the Consecration of the Crown. For in this case, the crown,
+upon being again removed from the emperor’s head, was not left in the
+vestry, but was carried by a court official up to the altar, and then
+placed by the emperor himself on the sacred table. There it remained
+until the service closed, when the emperor handed it to the court
+official, and, having presented a rich gift to the church, returned to
+the vestry and assumed his diadem once more. This brought the coronation
+ceremonies, so far as they concerned the Hebdomon, to an end. The stream
+of life now poured into the city, the Imperial _cortége_ gathering more
+and more pomp as it passed the Golden Gate, the Helenianæ,[1257] the
+Forum of Constantine, and entered St. Sophia for the supreme coronation
+of the emperor by the patriarch in the Great Cathedral of the
+capital.[1258]
+
+Only one triumphal procession, that of Basil I.,[1259] is expressly
+described as starting from the Hebdomon, but the suburb was in all
+probability[1260] the starting-point also of the processions which
+celebrated the victories of Theodosius the Great, Heraclius, Constantine
+Copronymus, Zimisces, and Basil II., if not of Michael Palæologus.
+
+On the occasion of the triumph accorded to Basil I., the Senate and a
+vast crowd, representing all classes of the population, and carrying
+wreaths of roses and other flowers, went forth from the city to the
+Hebdomon to welcome the conqueror, who had crossed to the suburb from
+the palace at Hiereia (Fener Bagtchè). After the customary salutations
+had been exchanged, the emperor proceeded to the Church of St. John the
+Baptist to pray and light tapers at that venerated shrine. Then having
+put on his “scaramangion triblation,” he and his son Constantine mounted
+horse and took the road towards the Golden Gate, the Senate and people
+leading the way, with banners waving in the air. A short halt was made
+at the monastery of the Abramiti (τῶν Ἀβραμιτῶν), which stood between
+the suburb and the gate, that Basil might offer his devotions in the
+Church of the Theotokos Acheiropoietos (Ἀχειροποίητος), and then the
+procession resumed its march, and entered through the Golden Gate into
+the jubilant capital.[1261]
+
+[Illustration: Trivmphvs Heraclii.]
+
+The first writer who mentions the Hebdomon by name refers to it as an
+Imperial country retreat which the emperors gladly frequented. From
+the connection in which Rufinus[1262] makes this statement, it is
+evident that a palace stood at the Hebdomon before the reign of
+Theodosius the Great. That residence was either rebuilt or enlarged in
+the reign of Justinian the Great, when mention is made of “the New
+Consistorium of the Palace of Justinian, at the seventh mile from this
+renowned city.”[1263] How agreeable a retreat the palace was may be
+inferred from the name bestowed upon it—the Pleasance, Jucundianæ
+(Ἰουκουνδιαναὶ).[1264]
+
+In front of the palace rose the statue of Justinian, on a porphyry
+column brought for the purpose from the Forum of Constantine, where it
+had borne the silver statue of Theodosius I.[1265] Justinian showed his
+partiality for the suburb, moreover, by the erection of porticoes, fora,
+baths, churches, all built in a style worthy of the capital itself, and
+by having the Harbour of the Hebdomon dredged and provided with jetties
+for the better accommodation and safety of the shipping frequenting the
+coast.[1266]
+
+In the seventh and eighth centuries the palace of the Hebdomon appears
+under the name of Magnaura;[1267] but whether it was the old residence
+under a different designation, or a new building added to the Imperial
+quarters, in the style of the Hall of the Magnaura in the Great Palace
+beside the Hippodrome,[1268] it is impossible to say.
+
+It was to the palace of the Hebdomon, probably, that Pulcheria retired
+from the Court of her brother Theodosius II., while the influence of the
+Empress Eudoxia had the ascendency.[1269] Basiliscus withdrew to it from
+the storm of theological hatred which his opposition to the creed of
+Chalcedon had excited in the capital, and thither the pillar-saint of
+Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), Daniel Stylites, went to rebuke him and foretell
+the loss of the throne which had been usurped and dishonoured.[1270] As
+already intimated, it was a favourite resort of Justinian the
+Great,[1271] and several of his laws were promulgated during his
+residence there. On the occasion of one of his visits, the Imperial
+crown mysteriously disappeared and was not heard of again for eight
+months, when it as strangely reappeared, without a single gem
+missing.[1272] The palace was occupied also by Justin II.[1273] and
+Tiberius II., the latter dying in it.[1274]
+
+The Hebdomon enjoyed, moreover, a great religious reputation on account
+of its numerous churches. The oldest sanctuary of the suburb was the
+Basilica of St. John the Evangelist,[1275] which appears first in the
+reign of Arcadius,[1276] but claimed to be a foundation of Constantine
+the Great. It is described by the Legates of Hadrian II., after its
+restoration under Basil I.,[1277] as remarkable for its size, “miræ
+magnitudinis,”[1278] and continued to be a venerated shrine as late as
+the Comnenian period,[1279] after which it was allowed to fall into
+decay. Basil II. was interred in it, according to his dying
+request,[1280] and his grave was discovered among the ruins of the
+church in the thirteenth century, while Michael Palæologus was engaged
+in the siege of Galata, in 1260. Some members of the Imperial household,
+in the course of their exploration of the surrounding country, then
+visited the Hebdomon, and found the church of St. John the Evangelist
+turned into a fold for sheep and cattle. As the visitors wandered among
+the ruins, admiring the traces of the building’s former beauty, they
+stumbled upon the dead body of a man. It was naked, but well preserved,
+and in its mouth a vulgar jester had placed a shepherd’s lute by way of
+derision. As the corpse lay near a sarcophagus upon which was inscribed
+an epitaph in honour of Basil II., no doubt could be entertained
+regarding the identity of the body. When the discovery was reported to
+Michael Palæologus, he commanded the mortal remains of his predecessor
+to be conveyed in great state to the camp before Galata, to receive once
+more a tribute of respect, and then sent them with solemn ceremonial to
+Selivria,[1281] for interment in the monastery of St. Saviour.
+
+Another of the sanctuaries at the Hebdomon was the church erected, in
+407, by the Emperor Arcadius to enshrine the reputed remains of the
+Prophet Samuel.[1282] Such importance was attached to these relics that
+their conveyance from Palestine to Constantinople, by way of Asia Minor,
+resembled an Imperial progress through the country. One might have
+supposed the prophet himself was moving through the land, so great was
+the interest and devotion displayed by the population along the
+route.[1283] Nor were the relics less honoured upon their arrival at the
+capital. The emperor and the highest dignitaries of Church and State did
+homage to them at the Scala Chalcedonensis and carried them in
+procession to the Church of St. Sophia, where the sacred remains rested
+until the church built for them at the Hebdomon was completed.[1284] The
+church fell in the earthquake which shook the city in the thirty-first
+year of the reign of Justinian the Great.[1285]
+
+But the most venerated church in the suburb was that dedicated to St.
+John the Baptist (τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ Ἰωάννου),[1286] a domical
+edifice, built by Theodosius the Great[1287] for the reception of the
+head, it was supposed, of the heroic Forerunner of Christ. The Emperor
+Valens had already sought to obtain the relic. But its possessors,
+certain monks of the sect of Macedonius, who had taken it with them from
+Jerusalem to Cilicia, refused to surrender the treasure, and all that
+Valens succeeded in doing was to bring it as near to Constantinople as
+Panticheion (Pendik), on the opposite shore of the Sea of Marmora.
+There, the mules which drew the car conveying the relic refused to
+proceed any further, and at that village, accordingly, in obedience to
+what appeared to be an indication of the Divine will, the sacred head
+was allowed to remain. When Theodosius the Great endeavoured to acquire
+the relic, its custodians, a woman Matrona and a priest Vicentius, did
+everything in their power to prevent the execution of the emperor’s
+design. But the pressure to make them yield was such that at last they
+gave their reluctant consent. In doing so, however, Matrona cherished
+the secret belief that Theodosius would be hindered, like Valens, from
+carrying out his purpose; while Vicentius laid down a condition which he
+thought could never be fulfilled, viz. that the emperor in removing the
+head should walk after the Baptist. Theodosius saw no difficulty in the
+condition. He reverently wrapped the reliquary in his Imperial mantle
+and, holding the sacred contents in front of him, took them to the
+Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon, and commenced the
+erection of a church consecrated to the Forerunner’s name as their final
+shrine. This won Vicentius over to the emperor’s side, and he followed
+the head to the Hebdomon. But Matrona, with a true woman’s intensity of
+feeling, maintained her protest, and would never come near the suburb
+which had disappointed her faith, and purloined her treasure.[1288]
+
+It was the possession of this relic that gave the church its great
+religious repute. This explains why, as we have seen, Theodosius the
+Great,[1289] Epiphanius of Cyprus,[1290] Gainas,[1291] at important
+moments in their lives, performed their devotions there; and this
+accounts for the association of the church with the ceremonies attending
+Imperial inaugurations and triumphs.[1292]
+
+In the course of its history the church was twice restored on a
+magnificent scale; first by Justinian the Great,[1293] and again by
+Basil I.[1294]
+
+Other churches of less note at the Hebdomon were respectively dedicated
+to St. Theodotè (τὸ Θεδότης ἁγίας τέμενος);[1295] SS. Menas and Menaius
+(Μηνᾶς καὶ Μηναίος);[1296] SS. Benjamin and Berius (Ἁγίων Βενιαμὶν καὶ
+Βηρίου);[1297] and the Holy Innocents (τῶν Νηπίων).[1298] The first two
+sanctuaries owed their foundation to Justinian the Great, who did so
+much for the suburb in other ways; at the last church, the Senate
+welcomed an emperor upon his return to the capital by land, from the
+West.
+
+Finally, in days when travellers made the first and last stages of a
+journey short, the Hebdomon enjoyed considerable importance as a
+halting-place for persons leaving or approaching Constantinople; its
+proximity to the city rendering it a caravansary, where a traveller
+could conveniently make his final arrangements to start on his way, or
+to enter the capital in a suitable manner. The suburb served that
+purpose, even in the case of the emperors.[1299]
+
+Instances of this use of the suburb, by Theodosius the Great,
+Epiphanius, and Pope Constantine, have already been noticed, when
+referring to other matters connected with the Hebdomon. There also the
+Legates of Pope Hormisdas, in 515,[1300] and the Legates of Pope Hadrian
+II., in 869,[1301] rested before entering the city. There the Emperor
+Maurice halted, upon leaving Constantinople, to join the expedition
+against the Avars;[1302] and there Peter, King of Bulgaria, stopped on
+his return home, in 927, with the Princess Maria, the granddaughter of
+the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus, as his bride.[1303]
+
+On the last occasion, as relatives and friends, doubtless, often did
+under similar circumstances, the parents of the princess accompanied her
+as far as the suburb to take leave of her there. The historian has left
+a vivid picture of the scene. “When the moment for their daughter’s
+departure approached, father and mother burst into tears, as is natural
+for parents about to part with the dearest pledge of their love. Then
+having embraced their son-in-law, and entrusted their child to his care,
+they returned to the Imperial city. Maria proceeded on her journey to
+Bulgaria in the king’s charge, with mingled feelings of grief and
+joy—sad, because carried away from beloved parents, Imperial palaces,
+and the society of her relations and friends; happy, because her husband
+was a king, and she was the Despina of Bulgaria. She took with her much
+wealth, and an immense quantity of baggage.”
+
+In keeping with such practices, when the Icon of St. Demetrius was
+transported from Thessalonica to Constantinople, in the reign of Manuel
+Comnenus, to be placed in the Church of the Pantocrator (now Zeirek
+Klissè Djamissi, above Oun Kapan Kapoussi), members of the Senate and a
+vast multitude of priests, monks, and laymen, went seven miles from the
+capital to receive the sacred picture and escort it with great pomp to
+its destination.[1304]
+
+Footnote 1184:
+
+  A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between
+  that city and Milan, _viâ_ Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the
+  reminiscence of its ancient designation, ad Septimum.
+
+Footnote 1185:
+
+  In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius
+  were unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It
+  was startling to find, afterwards, that the truth had been established
+  so long ago by substantially the same evidence as convinced my own
+  mind, and that truth so well established had been ignored. My reasons
+  for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange were first
+  published in the _Levant Herald_, April 12, 1891.
+
+Footnote 1186:
+
+  Pages 113, 114.
+
+Footnote 1187:
+
+  _Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle_, p. 299.
+
+Footnote 1188:
+
+  See _De Top. CP._, iv. c. i. iv.
+
+Footnote 1189:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., Λέγεται δὲ τότε τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως
+  ἐκδημῶν, πρὸς τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ μιλίῳ γενόμενος, προσεύξασθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐη τῇ
+  ἐνθάδε ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥν ἐπὶ τιμῇ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ ἐδείματο.
+
+Footnote 1190:
+
+  See above, p. 74.
+
+Footnote 1191:
+
+  See above, pp. 77, 78.
+
+Footnote 1192:
+
+  See above, pp. 81, 82.
+
+Footnote 1193:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on
+  the Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at
+  Venice.
+
+Footnote 1194:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 1195:
+
+  Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of
+  Constantine, and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura
+  at the Hebdomon; but he neither identifies the two palaces, nor points
+  to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon.
+
+Footnote 1196:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, Τὸ πεδίον
+  τὸ ἀνακείμενον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ, ὅν Κάμπον Ῥωμαῖοι κατονομάζουσι.
+
+Footnote 1197:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, pp. 15, 16, Καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅ
+  Ἕβδομον καλοῦσι καταλαβόντες ἱδρύσαντο. What the enemy did was to halt
+  at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.
+
+Footnote 1198:
+
+  See below, p. 329.
+
+Footnote 1199:
+
+  Page 333; cf. _Ibid._, p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from
+  the city is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives
+  the distance as forty stadia.
+
+Footnote 1200:
+
+  Cf. _Paschal Chron._, pp. 556, 562.
+
+Footnote 1201:
+
+  Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. 318, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1202:
+
+  Lib. vi. c. vi., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1203:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, iv. p. 611, Ὅς ζ᾽ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως
+  ἀφειστήκει.
+
+Footnote 1204:
+
+  Lib. vi. c. xii., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
+
+Footnote 1205:
+
+  Vol. i. p. 641, Εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίοv ἑπτὰ σημείοις ἀπέχον.
+
+Footnote 1206:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 1207:
+
+  Lib. xxii., _De Sacros Eccl._
+
+Footnote 1208:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.
+
+Footnote 1209:
+
+  John of Antioch, _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38; cf. _Paschal Chron._,
+  pp. 699, 700.
+
+Footnote 1210:
+
+  Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36)
+  describes the Hebdomon as παραθαλάσσιον τόπον. In regard to the
+  situation of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September
+  2, the Festival of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.
+
+Footnote 1211:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 608, Ἀπάραντες ἐκεῖθεν παρέπλευσαν τὴν πόλιν.
+
+Footnote 1212:
+
+  Anastasius Bibliothecarius, _De Vitis Pontificum Roman_, p. 56. Paris,
+  1649.
+
+Footnote 1213:
+
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, i. p. 45. See above, p. 70, ref. 1.
+
+Footnote 1214:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 541.
+
+Footnote 1215:
+
+  Page 541.
+
+Footnote 1216:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano II._
+
+Footnote 1217:
+
+  _Fragm. Hist. Græc._, v. p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1218:
+
+  Page 699.
+
+Footnote 1219:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, iv. c. viii.
+
+Footnote 1220:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1221:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 622.
+
+Footnote 1222:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 693.
+
+Footnote 1223:
+
+  Page 458, Τὸ καστέλλιν τῶν Θεοδοσιανῶν ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ.
+
+Footnote 1224:
+
+  _Notitia Dignitatum_, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du
+  Cange thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by
+  Tiberius to protect his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus,
+  iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).
+
+Footnote 1225:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with
+  which he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).
+
+Footnote 1226:
+
+  Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.
+
+Footnote 1227:
+
+  _Ibid._, pp. 272, 273.
+
+Footnote 1228:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes, in 513.
+
+Footnote 1229:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
+
+Footnote 1230:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 1231:
+
+  Nicephorus, _Patriarcha CP._, pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
+
+Footnote 1232:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 414, 416.
+
+Footnote 1233:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 458.
+
+Footnote 1234:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 379.
+
+Footnote 1235:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i.
+  p. 641; _Paschal Chron._, p. 702.
+
+Footnote 1236:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 169.
+
+Footnote 1237:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still
+  commemorates seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the
+  Byzantine period.
+
+Footnote 1238:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 458.
+
+Footnote 1239:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
+
+Footnote 1240:
+
+  Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below;
+  _Paschal Chron._ p. 556.
+
+Footnote 1241:
+
+  Themistius, _Oratio VI._, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
+
+Footnote 1242:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of
+  the Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ἐν τῷ Κάμπῳ
+  τοῦ Τριβουναλίου.
+
+Footnote 1243:
+
+  Themistius, _Oratio VI._, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
+
+Footnote 1244:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 562.
+
+Footnote 1245:
+
+  Marcellinus Comes.
+
+Footnote 1246:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 568.
+
+Footnote 1247:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 590.
+
+Footnote 1248:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 592.
+
+Footnote 1249:
+
+  Victor Tunnensis.
+
+Footnote 1250:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.
+
+Footnote 1251:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 388.
+
+Footnote 1252:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 447.
+
+Footnote 1253:
+
+  _Ibid._, p. 784.
+
+Footnote 1254:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 438.
+
+Footnote 1255:
+
+  The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas
+  in 963. See Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 410-417, 433-440.
+
+Footnote 1256:
+
+  The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the
+  Hippodrome. See Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 431. Probably that
+  was the rule.
+
+Footnote 1257:
+
+  In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of
+  the proceedings. _E.g._ Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius,
+  Valens (Idatius _Fasti Consulares_); Theodosius II. (_Paschal Chron._,
+  p. 568); Marcian (_Paschal Chron._, p. 590).
+
+Footnote 1258:
+
+  Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.
+
+Footnote 1259:
+
+  In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the
+  patriarch took place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the
+  Hebdomon.
+
+  So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted
+  by Du Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra
+  consuetudinem coronatur.”
+
+Footnote 1260:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 498.
+
+Footnote 1261:
+
+  The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as
+  exceptional, and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.
+
+Footnote 1262:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 498-503.
+
+Footnote 1263:
+
+  Rufinus, _De Vitis Patrum_, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus
+  in Constantinopoli, temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem
+  in parva cella foris civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in
+  Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de civitate, libenter
+  degere.”
+
+Footnote 1264:
+
+  _De Sacro Eccl._, Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytæ
+  civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. _Novella_,
+  118.
+
+Footnote 1265:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form
+  Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope
+  Gregory the Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf.
+  Malalas, p. 486).
+
+Footnote 1266:
+
+  Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and
+  sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).
+
+Footnote 1267:
+
+  Procopius, _ut supra_; Theophanes, p. 353.
+
+Footnote 1268:
+
+  Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.
+
+Footnote 1269:
+
+  See Labarte, _Le Palais Impérial de Consple._, pp. 185-195. It was a
+  hall in the form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of
+  six columns, with an apse at the eastern end, where the emperor’s
+  throne stood on a platform. In it foreign princes and ambassadors were
+  received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of the State
+  were held.
+
+Footnote 1270:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 152.
+
+Footnote 1271:
+
+  Symeon Metaphrastes, _Life of Daniel Stylites_, p. 1025. Patrol.
+  Græca, Migne.
+
+Footnote 1272:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. xi.
+
+Footnote 1273:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 351.
+
+Footnote 1274:
+
+  Eustachius, _Vita Eutychii Patriarchæ_, as quoted by Du Cange,
+  _Constantinopolis Christiana_, iv. p. 177.
+
+Footnote 1275:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 690.
+
+Footnote 1276:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1277:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. vi.
+
+Footnote 1278:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
+
+Footnote 1279:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano PP._
+
+Footnote 1280:
+
+  Anna Comn., p. 149.
+
+Footnote 1281:
+
+  Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.
+
+Footnote 1282:
+
+  Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri,
+  _Imp. Orient._, vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:
+
+      ΙΣΤΙΜΙ ΤΥΜΒΟΝ ΕΝ ΜΕΣΩ ΓΗΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΥ
+
+Footnote 1283:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, p. 570.
+
+Footnote 1284:
+
+  Jerome, _Adversus Vigilantium_, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.
+
+Footnote 1285:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, pp. 569, 570.
+
+Footnote 1286:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 357.
+
+Footnote 1287:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. vi.
+
+Footnote 1288:
+
+  Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1289:
+
+  Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.
+
+Footnote 1290:
+
+  _Ibid._, vii. c. xxiv.
+
+Footnote 1291:
+
+  _Ibid._, viii. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1292:
+
+  Socrates, vi. c. xii.
+
+Footnote 1293:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, pp. 413, 499.
+
+Footnote 1294:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. viii.
+
+Footnote 1295:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon,
+  mentioned in history, was probably attached to this church (John
+  Scylitzes, in Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 714).
+
+Footnote 1296:
+
+  Procopius, _De Æd._, i. c. iv.
+
+Footnote 1297:
+
+  _Ibid._, c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1298:
+
+  _Menæa_, 29 July, πλησίον τῶν παλατίων τοῦ Ἑβδόμου.
+
+Footnote 1299:
+
+  Constant. Porphyr., _De Cer._, p. 496.
+
+Footnote 1300:
+
+  _Ibid._, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1301:
+
+  Anastasius Biblioth. in _Hormisda PP_.
+
+Footnote 1302:
+
+  Guillelmus Biblioth. in _Hadriano PP_.
+
+Footnote 1303:
+
+  Theophylactus Simocat., pp. 236, 237.
+
+Footnote 1304:
+
+  Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.
+
+Footnote 1305:
+
+  _Synaxaria_, 26 October.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XX.
+                          THE ANASTASIAN WALL.
+
+
+Some notice, however brief, may here be taken of the wall erected by the
+Emperor Anastasius I. to increase the security of the capital, and at
+the same time to protect from hostile incursions the suburbs and a
+considerable tract of the rich and populous country, outside the
+Theodosian Walls. This additional line of defence, consisting of a wall
+twenty feet thick flanked by towers, stood at a distance of forty miles
+to the west of the city, and was carried from the shore of the Sea of
+Marmora to the shore of the Black Sea, across a territory fifty-four
+miles broad, or, as Procopius measures it, what would take two days to
+traverse.[1305] It was known, in view of its length, as the Long Wall
+(Μακρὸν τεῖχος),[1306] the Long Walls (τὰ Μακρὰ τείχη),[1307] and, after
+the emperor by whom it was erected, as the Anastasian Wall (τὸ τεῖχος τὸ
+Ἀναστασιακὸν).[1308] In 559, in the reign of Justinian the Great, it
+demanded extensive repairs on account of injuries due to earthquakes,
+and occasion was then taken to introduce a change which, it was hoped,
+would render the defence of the wall an easier task. All tower-gateways
+permitting communication between the towers along the summit of the wall
+were built up, so that a tower could be entered only by the gateway at
+its base; the object of this arrangement being to make every tower an
+independent fort, which could hold out against an enemy even after he
+was in possession of the wall itself.[1309] The Anastasian Wall appears
+in history in connection with the attacks of the Huns and Avars, in the
+reigns of Justinian the Great,[1310] Maurice,[1311] and Heraclius.[1312]
+But it cannot be said to have been of much service. The attempt to
+obstruct the march of the enemy, and to join issue with him at a
+distance from the city, was indeed a wise measure. It has been imitated
+by the recent establishment, nearer the city, of a chain of forts across
+the promontory, from Tchataldja to Derkos; a line of defence occupying a
+position which makes Constantinople, in the judgment of a competent
+military authority,[1313] the best-fortified capital in the world. But
+the weakness of the Anastasian Wall was its great length, which required
+for its proper defence a larger garrison than the Empire was able to
+provide for the purpose.[1314] And, of course, it was useless against an
+enemy advancing upon the capital by sea.[1315] Traces of the wall are,
+it is said, visible at Koush Kaya and at Karadjakeui.
+
+Footnote 1306:
+
+  For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius,
+  _De Æd._, iv. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1307:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 1308:
+
+  Agathias, p. 305.
+
+Footnote 1309:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 360.
+
+Footnote 1310:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, _De Æd._, iv. c. ix.
+
+Footnote 1311:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 361.
+
+Footnote 1312:
+
+  Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.
+
+Footnote 1313:
+
+  _Paschal Chron._, 712.
+
+Footnote 1314:
+
+  Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, _The Russian
+  Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78_, p. 362.
+
+Footnote 1315:
+
+  Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, _ut supra_.
+
+Footnote 1316:
+
+  Theophanes, p. 460.
+
+
+
+
+                           TABLE OF EMPERORS.
+
+
+                     Constantine I., the    306-337
+                     Great
+
+                     Constantius II.        337-361
+
+                     Julian                 361-363
+
+                     Jovian                 363-364
+
+                     Valens                 364-378
+
+                     Theodosius I., the     378-395
+                     Great
+
+                     Arcadius               395-408
+
+                     Theodosius II.         408-450
+
+                     Marcian                450-457
+
+                     Leo I.                 457-474
+
+                     Zeno                   474-491
+
+                     Anastasius I.          491-518
+
+                     Justin I.              518-527
+
+                     Justinian I., the      527-565
+                     Great
+
+                     Justin II.             565-578
+
+                     Tiberius II.           578-582
+
+                     Maurice                582-602
+
+                     Phocas                 602-610
+
+                     Heraclius              610-641
+
+                     Heraclius              641-642
+                     Constantinus and
+                     Heracleonas
+
+                     Constans II.           642-668
+
+                     Constantine IV.        668-685
+
+                     Justinian II.          685-695
+
+                     Leontius               695-697
+
+                     Tiberius III.          697-705
+                     Apsimarus
+
+                     Justinian II.          705-711
+                     (restored)
+
+                     Philippicus            711-713
+
+                     Anastasius II.         713-715
+
+                     Theodosius III.        715-717
+
+                     Leo III., the          717-740
+                     Isaurian
+
+                     Constantine V.         740-775
+                     Copronymus
+
+                     Leo IV.                775-779
+
+                     Constantine VI.        779-797
+
+                     Irene                  797-802
+
+                     Nicephorus I.          802-811
+
+                     Stauricius                 811
+
+                     Michael I. Rhangabe    811-813
+
+                     Leo V., the Armenian   813-820
+
+                     Michael II., the       820-829
+                     Amorian
+
+                     Theophilus             829-842
+
+                     Michael III.           842-867
+
+                     Basil I., the          867-886
+                     Macedonian
+
+                     Leo VI., the Wise      886-912
+
+                     Constantine VII.       912-958
+                     Porphyrogenitus
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     Alexander              912-913
+
+                     Romanus I. Lecapenus   919-945
+
+                     Constantine VIII.          944
+                     and Stephanus, sons
+                     of Romanus I.,
+                     reigned five weeks
+
+                     Romanus II.            958-963
+
+                     Basil II.             963-1025
+                     Bulgaroktonos
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     Nicephorus II.         963-969
+                     Phocas
+
+                     John I. Zimisces       969-976
+
+                     Constantine IX.       976-1025
+
+                     Constantine IX.      1025-1028
+
+                     Romanus III. Argyrus 1028-1034
+
+                     Michael IV., the     1034-1042
+                     Paphlagonian
+
+                     Michael V.                1042
+
+                     Zoe and Theodora          1042
+
+                     Constantine X.       1042-1054
+                     Monomachus
+
+                     Theodora (restored)  1054-1056
+
+                     Michael VI.          1056-1057
+                     Stratioticus
+
+                     Isaac I. Comnenus    1057-1059
+
+                     Constantine XI.      1059-1067
+                     Ducas
+
+                     Michael VII. Ducas   1067-1078
+
+                     _Co-Emperor_—
+
+                     Romanus IV. Diogenes 1067-1078
+
+                     Nicephorus III.      1078-1081
+                     Botoniates
+
+                     Alexius I. Comnenus  1081-1118
+
+                     John II. Comnenus    1118-1143
+
+                     Manuel I. Comnenus   1143-1180
+
+                     Alexius II. Comnenus 1180-1183
+
+                     Andronicus I.        1183-1185
+                     Comnenus
+
+                     Isaac II. Angelus    1185-1195
+
+                     Alexius III. Angelus 1195-1203
+
+                     Isaac II. (restored) 1203-1204
+
+                     Alexius IV. Angelus
+
+                     Nicolas Canabus           1204
+
+                     Alexius V. Ducas,         1204
+                     Murtzuphlus
+
+
+                            Latin Emperors.
+
+
+                     Baldwin I.           1204-1205
+                     Henry                1205-1216
+                     Peter                1217-1219
+                     Robert               1219-1228
+                     John of Brienne      1228-1237
+                     Baldwin II.          1237-1261
+
+
+                            Nicæan Emperors.
+
+
+                     Theodore I. Lascaris 1204-1222
+                     John III. Ducas      1222-1254
+                     Theodore II. Ducas   1254-1259
+                     John IV. Ducas       1259-1260
+
+
+                            Empire Restored.
+
+
+                     Michael VIII.        1260-1282
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     Andronicus II.       1282-1328
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     _Co-Emperor_—
+
+                     Michael IX.          1295-1320
+
+                     Andronicus III.      1328-1341
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     John VI. Palæologus  1341-1391
+
+                     _Co-Emperors_—
+
+                     John V. Cantacuzene  1342-1355
+
+                     Andronicus IV.       1376-1379
+                     Palæologus (usurped
+                     throne)
+
+                     Manuel II.           1391-1425
+                     Palæologus
+
+                     John VII. Palæologus 1425-1448
+
+                     Constantine XII.     1448-1453
+                     Palæologus
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX.
+
+
+ A.
+
+ Achilles and Ajax, Shrine of, 14.
+
+ Achmet, Sultan, 72.
+
+ Acropolis, 36, 179, 181, 182, 194, 222, 223, 227. _See_ Seraglio Point.
+
+ —— at Athens, 13.
+
+ —— of Byzantium, 5, 6, 8, 13, 249.
+
+ Adrianople, 32, 40.
+
+ Ædes Severianæ, 138.
+
+ Ægean, 4, 181, 182, 302, 304.
+
+ Agnes, 285.
+
+ Aivan Serai, 39, 89, 117, 118, 121, 175, 191, 196, 202.
+
+ Aivan Serai Iskelessi, 195, 203.
+
+ Ak Serai, 296, 308, 312.
+
+ Alaric, 32, 328.
+
+ Alexandria, 40, 217.
+
+ Alti Mermer, 3, 20, 21, 78.
+
+ Amalfi, 218, 220.
+
+ Amaury, King of Jerusalem, 128, 284.
+
+ Amphitheatre of Byzantium, 37.
+
+ Amurath I., Sultan, 162.
+
+ Anaplus, Arnaout Keui, 36, 336.
+
+ Anatolius, Patriarch, 329.
+
+ Anaxibius, 5, 6, 249.
+
+ André d’Urboise, 208.
+
+ Anemas, 146, 147, 154, 155, 156. See Prison.
+
+ Angora, 71.
+
+ Anna, Princess, 158-161.
+
+ Anna of Savoy, 110, 127.
+
+ Anthemius, Prefect, 43-46, 50, 62, 96, 119, 180.
+
+ Antony, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Apobathra, Pier of the Emperor, 195.
+
+ Apocaucus, 103, 104, 127, 251.
+
+ Apollinarius, 216.
+
+ Aqueduct of Hadrian, 14, 37.
+
+ —— of Valens, 3, 41.
+
+ Arch of Constantine, at Rome, 64.
+
+ —— of Severus, at Rome, 64.
+
+
+ —— of Urbicius, 7, 8.
+
+ Archways near Balat Kapoussi, 198-202, 234.
+
+ Arcla, 231, 250.
+
+ Argyra Limnè, Silver Lake, 127.
+
+ Arians, 19, 20.
+
+ Arsenius, of Crete, 84.
+
+ Artavasdes, 90, 91.
+
+ Asia, Asia Minor, 1, 38, 40, 226, 300, 338.
+
+ Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, 242.
+
+ Athanaric, 40.
+
+ Athens, 226.
+
+ Athos, 252.
+
+
+ Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè), 45, 77.
+
+ Atrium of Justinian the Great, 257.
+
+ Attila, 45, 47.
+
+ Augusta, 34.
+
+ Avars, 23, 77, 86, 97, 119, 165, 170, 174, 210, 321, 329, 340, 343.
+
+ Avret Bazaar, 3, 16, 20, 21, 22. _See_ Forum of Arcadius.
+
+
+ B.
+
+ Bacchatureus, Murus, 86, 87.
+
+ Bajazet, Sultan, 71, 87, 162, 163.
+
+ Balata, 202.
+
+ Baloukli, 75. _See_ Pegè.
+
+ Balata Liman, 176, 241, 245.
+
+ Barbyses, 175, 176.
+
+ Bardas, 185, 259, 292.
+
+ Basilica, Great Law Courts, 7.
+
+ —— Senate House, 35.
+
+ Bas-reliefs at Golden Gate, 65, 66.
+
+ Belisarius, 68.
+
+ Berenger, 238, 240.
+
+ Berœa, 158.
+
+ Beshiktash, 241-243, 246, 305.
+
+ Blachernæ, district of, 14, 39 90, 116 164, 165, 169, 173, 179, 194,
+    196, 197, 210, 211, 316.
+
+ Black Sea, Euxine, 1, 9, 181, 256, 342.
+
+ Board of Health, Galata, 229.
+
+ Bodgan Serai, 84, 319.
+
+ Bohemond, 128, 170.
+
+ Bonus, Patrician, 23.
+
+ —— Rector, 225.
+
+ Bosporus, _passim_.
+
+ Brachionion of Blachernæ, 168, 169.
+
+ Branas, Alexius, 86, 257.
+
+ Braz Saint George, 252.
+
+ Bridge at St. Mamas, 175.
+
+ ——, Byzantine, across the Golden Horn, 174-177.
+
+ ——, Galata, 229.
+
+ ——, inner, across the Golden Horn, 16, 18, 212.
+
+ Brousa, 71.
+
+ Bucanon, 293.
+
+ Bucoleon. _See_ Palace; Harbour.
+
+ Bulgarian, 68, 70, 87, 90, 163, 171, 327-329.
+
+ Buyuk Tchekmedjè. _See_ Athyras.
+
+ Byzantium, 5-15, 27, 33, 34, 37, 38, 42, 77, 179, 220, 226, 249-251,
+    256, 325, 326.
+
+ Byzas, 8, 27.
+
+
+ C.
+
+ Cabatash, 305.
+
+ Cæa, island of, 325.
+
+ Campus, Campus Martius, 329. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Candidati, 332.
+
+ Candidus, 197.
+
+ Canicleius, district of, 300.
+
+ Carthage, 324.
+
+
+ Cassim Pasha, 223, 229, 231, 241, 246.
+
+ Castamon, 250.
+
+ Castinus, 207.
+
+
+ Castle—
+   Blachernæ. 111, 130.
+   Bohemond, 170.
+   Bucoleon, 285.
+   Cyclobion, Strongylon, Castrum Rotundum, 70, 324, 326, 327.
+   Kalojean, 71.
+   St. Gregorius, 160.
+   Seven Towers, 71, 104, 168. _See_ Yedi Koulè.
+   Theodosiani, 327, 328.
+
+ Castron, of the Petrion, 206.
+
+ Catalans, 170, 287.
+
+ Cemetery, Imperial, 84, 85.
+
+ Chain across the Golden Horn, 222-224, 228, 229, 231, 238-240.
+
+ Chalcedon, 2, 6, 165, 226, 249, 304-307, 336.
+
+ Chalcoprateia, 7.
+
+ Charisius, 83. _See_ Gate.
+
+ Chares, 250.
+
+ Christocamaron, 309.
+
+ Christodoulos, 208.
+
+ Chrysaphius, 77, 78.
+
+ Chrysocamaron, 309.
+
+ Chrysopolis, 2, 11, 12, 181, 250, 251, 301.
+
+ Chrysotriclinium, 189.
+
+ Chrysostom, 43, 75, 82, 90, 291.
+
+
+ Church—
+   St. Acacius, in Heptascalon, 303, 304, 308, 309.
+   St. Acacius, in Karya, 36, 213, 303.
+   St. Æmilianus, 36, 179, 264.
+   St. Agathonicus, 36.
+   All Saints, 71.
+   St. Anastasia, 197.
+   Angels, Seven Orders of the, Monastery, 113.
+   St. Anna, in the Deuteron, 75, 77.
+   St. Antony, of Harmatius, 18, 26, 27, 28, 37, 179.
+   Holy Apostles, 24, 25, 29, 35, 37, 82, 84, 213, 291.
+   St. Barbara, 249.
+   Batopedi, on Mount Athos, 252.
+   SS. Benjamin and Berius, 340.
+   St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, 234, 235.
+   St. Conon, 210.
+   SS. Cosmas and Damianus, 90, 127, 165, 169, 170, 171, 174.
+   Prophet Daniel, 81.
+   St. Demetrius, near the Acropolis, 189, 219, 249.
+   St. Demetrius, of Kanabus, 117, 121, 197, 198, 201, 205.
+   St. Demetrius, in the Great Palace, 189, 219.
+   Dexiocrates, Monastery of, 209.
+   St. Diomed, 73, 265.
+   St. Dius, 18, 22.
+   Prophet Elias, in the Petrion, 26, 207.
+   St. Elpis, 314.
+   St. Euphemia, in the Petrion, 207.
+   Forty Martyrs, 71.
+   St. George, Armenian Church (Soulon Monastir), on site of Church of
+      St. Mary Peribleptos, 20.
+   St. George, near the Gate of Charisius, 84.
+   St. George, in the Deuteron, 75.
+   St. George, at the Mangana, 251, 252, 254-256, 258.
+   St. George, Patriarchal Church, 28.
+   San Georgio Majore, Venice, 211, 217.
+   Holy Innocents, 340.
+   St. Icasia, 18, 22, 23.
+   St. Irene, in the Acropolis, 2, 7, 12, 35, 82, 229.
+   St. Irene, in Galata, 210, 216.
+   St. Isaacius, 78.
+   Prophet Isaiah, 26, 212.
+   St. John the Baptist, Armenian Chapel of, 265.
+   St. John the Baptist, near Balat Kapoussi, 234, 235, 240.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Basilikè Pylè, 234, 238, 240.
+   St. John the Baptist, at the Hebdomon, 318-320, 323, 324, 333, 334,
+      338-340.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Gate of the Kynegos, 205.
+   St. John the Baptist, near the Palaia Porta, 21.
+   St. John the Baptist, in Petra, 24, 84, 205, 319, 320.
+   St. John the Baptist, near Residence of Probus, 293.
+   St. John the Baptist, of Studius, 69, 78, 91, 265.
+   St. John de Cornibus, 214, 215.
+   St. John the Evangelist, at the Hebdomon, 323, 327, 337, 339.
+   St. Julian, Perdix, 293.
+   St. Julianè, 207.
+   St. Kallinicus, 174.
+   St. Kyriakè, near Koum Kapoussi, 314.
+   St. Kyriakè, near the Lycus, 82.
+   St. Laurentius, 26, 27, 28, 210, 212.
+   St. Lazarus, 256.
+   St. Luke, 23.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90, 175.
+   Manuel, Monastery of, 23.
+   SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael, 18, 26.
+   St. Mary Acheiropoietos, of the Abramiti, 334, 335.
+   St. Mary, of Blachernæ, 116, 117, 118, 119, 128, 130, 152, 164, 165,
+      166, 169, 174, 195, 196, 197, 201.
+   St. Mary, Hodegetria, 254, 256-258, 260.
+   St. Mary, of the Mongolians, Kan Klissè, 208.
+   St. Mary, Pammacaristos, 198.
+   St. Mary, of the Pegè, 76, 90.
+   St. Mary, Peribleptos, 19, 20, 240, 264.
+   St. Mary, of the Rhabdos, 18, 28, 32, 264.
+   St. Mary, in the Sigma, 78.
+   SS. Menas and Menaius, 340.
+   St. Metrophanes, 309.
+   St. Michael, near the Acropolis, 230.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, of Adda, 292.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, at Anaplus, 36.
+   St. Michael the Archangel, in Arcadianais, 257.
+   St. Mokius, 20, 23, 36, 71.
+   Myrelaion, 300, 309.
+   St. Nicholas, at the Acropolis, 249.
+   St. Nicholas, between the Walls of Heraclius and Leo V., 118, 119,
+      165, 169, 170, 210.
+   St. Nicetas, 81.
+   SS. Notarii, 75, 77.
+   St. Panteleemon, 174, 300.
+   St. Paul the Apostle, 227, 230.
+   St. Paul the Patriarch, 75.
+   SS. Peter and Mark, 197.
+   SS. Peter and Paul, 276.
+   Petrion, Convent of, 206, 207.
+   St. Priscus, 169.
+   St. Romanus, 81.
+   Prophet Samuel, at the Hebdomon, 338.
+   St. Saviour, of the Chora, 84, 257, 258.
+   St. Saviour, Euergetes, Monastery of, 210, 211.
+   St. Saviour, Pantocrator, 211, 341.
+   St. Saviour, Pantopoptes, 211.
+   St. Saviour, Philanthropos, near Indjili Kiosk, 252-257.
+   St. Saviour, at Selivria, 337.
+
+   SS. Sergius and Bacchus, 262, 275-279, 288, 290, 291, 293, 304.
+   St. Sophia, 2, 7, 12, 13, 36, 67, 84, 157, 159, 217, 226, 227, 256,
+      258, 285, 326, 333, 334, 338.
+   St. Stephen, of the Romans, 207.
+   St. Stephen, in the Sigma, 78.
+   St. Thekla, 196, 292.
+   St. Theodore, of Claudius, 300.
+   St. Theodore, in the Deuteron, 75.
+   St. Theodore, above Galata, 231.
+   St. Theodosia, 26, 208, 209, 211.
+   St. Theodotè, 340.
+   St. Thomas, Amantiou, 262, 291, 292.
+   St. Timothy, 75.
+
+ Cilicia, 250, 338.
+
+ Circus Maximus, 35.
+
+ Cistern—
+   Aspar, 16, 17, 18, 23, 25.
+
+   Basilica, 7.
+   Bonus, 18, 23, 24, 25.
+   Mokius, 16, 17, 74.
+   Soulon Monastir, 20.
+   Yeri Batan Serai. _See above_, Basilica.
+
+ Clari, 38.
+
+ Clarissimi, 38.
+
+ Claudius, district of, 300.
+
+ Cold Waters, 211, 241. _See_ Cassim Pasha.
+
+
+ Column—
+   Outside the Ancient Gate, 18, 21, 22.
+   Arcadius, 3, 29, 63. _See_ illustration facing p. 330.
+   Burnt Column. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Claudius, 13.
+
+   Constantine the Great, 3, 10, 16, 34, 326.
+   On the Fifth Hill, 19.
+   Justinian the Great, at the Hebdomon, 335.
+   Porphyry. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Serpent Column, 34, 267.
+   Strategion, in the, 37.
+   Tchemberli Tash. _See_ Column of Constantine the Great.
+   Theodosius the Great, in the Forum of Taurus, 63, 298.
+   Theodosius II., in the Sigma, 78.
+   Twisted Columns of the Tzycalarii, 7.
+
+ Constantine, Pope, 67, 325, 340.
+
+ Constantine, Prefect, 46-51, 72, 79, 91, 119, 180.
+
+ Constantine Ducas, 260.
+
+ Contoscopie, 294.
+
+ Convent. _See_ Church.
+
+ Coparia, 221.
+
+
+ Cosmidion, 89, 90, 127, 169, 170, 174, 175, 223, 241.
+
+ Council of Basle, 203.
+
+ —— of Ferrara, 84, 203.
+
+ ——, Fifth General, 301.
+
+ —— of Florence, 203.
+
+ Count of the Walls, 95.
+
+ Courapas, 154.
+
+ Crete, Cretans, 154, 182, 186, 187, 236, 240, 260.
+
+ Crimea, 192.
+
+ Crum, 70, 90, 91, 167, 170.
+
+ Crusade I., 128, 176.
+
+ Crusade II., 176.
+
+ Crusade III., 91.
+
+ Crusade IV., 127, 129, 171, 176, 193, 195, 197, 207, 211.
+
+ Crusaders, 61, 73, 122, 126, 129, 171, 172, 209, 292, 299.
+
+ Custom House, Galata, 229.
+
+ ——, Stamboul, 218, 220.
+
+ Cyclobion. _See_ Castle.
+
+ Cyprus, 324, 339.
+
+ Cyrus, Prefect, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51.
+
+
+ D.
+
+ Damalis, 231, 250, 251.
+
+ Dandolo, Henrico, 129, 171, 172, 178, 207.
+
+ Daniel Stylites, 336.
+
+ Danube, 41, 43, 45.
+
+ Daphnusium, 280.
+
+ David, Chartophylax of the Palace of Hormisdas, 279.
+
+ Delassaina, 207.
+
+ Delphi, 34, 267.
+
+ St. Demetrius, Icon of, 341.
+
+ Demosthenes, 49, 226.
+
+ Derkos, 343.
+
+ Deuteron, district of, 74, 75, 77, 319.
+
+ Dexiocratis, district of, 209.
+
+ Diedo, Aluxio, 172, 202.
+
+ Diplokionion, 242, 243, 305.
+
+ Dolma Bagtchè, 242-246.
+
+ Domestic of the Walls, 95.
+
+ Domos Politymos, 128.
+
+ Domus-Dama, 189.
+
+ Domus Gaiana, 142.
+
+ Doria, 190.
+
+ Dositheos, 91.
+
+ Drungarius, 214.
+
+ Drungarius, district of, 211.
+
+
+ E.
+
+ Edessa, 67.
+
+ Egnatian Road, 316, 325.
+
+ Egypt, 38.
+
+ Egri Kapou, district of, 128.
+
+ Eleutherius, 297.
+
+ Eleutherius, district of, 296, 299.
+
+ Emperor—
+   Alexius I. Comnenus, 86, 123, 128, 146, 147, 148, 155, 156, 170, 171,
+      214, 217, 220, 283.
+   Alexius II. Comnenus, 266, 285.
+   Alexius III. Angelus, 172, 260.
+   Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus, 197, 285.
+   Alexius, of Trebizond, 107.
+   Anastasius I., 70, 91, 128, 140, 173, 291, 329, 332, 342.
+   Anastasius II., 91, 98, 170, 181.
+   Andronicus I. Comnenus, 103, 156, 157, 266, 299.
+   Andronicus II. Palæologus, 103, 110, 126, 160, 161, 170, 189, 190,
+      294-296.
+   Andronicus III. Palæologus, 110, 127, 161, 190, 198.
+   Andronicus IV. Palæologus, 71, 76, 87, 162, 163.
+   Antoninus, 77.
+   Arcadius, 42, 43, 82, 228, 257, 299, 322, 328, 331, 332, 337, 338.
+   Baldwin I., 129, 171, 285.
+   Baldwin II., 129.
+   Basil I., 19, 68, 72, 90, 187, 207, 255, 265, 303, 334, 335, 337,
+      340.
+   Basil II., 67, 68, 100-102, 186, 187, 300, 334, 337.
+   Basiliscus, 67, 331, 336.
+   Cantacuzene, 70, 86, 91, 92, 103, 104, 110, 111, 112, 113, 127, 161,
+      177, 190, 191, 227, 251, 252, 259, 303, 308, 310.
+   Caracalla, 9, 138.
+   Charlemagne, 100.
+   Charles V., 272.
+   Claudius Gothicus, 13.
+   Conrad, German Emperor, 176.
+   Constans II., 265.
+   Constantine I., the Great, 2, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 24,
+      26, 29, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 90, 179, 213, 256, 280, 297, 337.
+   Constantine IV., 302, 308.
+   Constantine V. Copronymus, 68, 90, 91, 98, 99, 100, 226, 251, 327,
+      334.
+   Constantine VI., 90, 100, 300.
+   Constantine VII., 112, 260, 265, 279, 280, 282, 286, 303.
+   Constantine VIII., 286.
+   Constantine IX., 100, 101, 102.
+   Constantine X. Monomachus, 171, 251.
+   Constantine XII. Dragoses, 87, 92, 108, 124, 223.
+   Constantius II., 29, 36, 41.
+   Frederick Barbarossa, 91.
+   Hadrian, 14, 37.
+   Henry, 129, 284, 285.
+   Heraclius, 23, 67, 69, 116, 165, 166, 173, 175, 176, 180, 276, 280,
+      289, 292, 302, 307.
+   Honorius, 322, 331.
+   Isaac Angelus, 86, 91, 125, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 147, 149, 150,
+      157, 173, 193, 197, 207, 220, 255, 257, 285, 292.
+   John Comnenus, 250.
+   John VI. Palæologus, 70, 71, 76, 87, 103, 104, 110, 111, 152, 153,
+      162, 163, 197, 259.
+   John VII. Palæologus, 104-108, 126, 193, 203.
+   Julian, 41, 289, 290, 328, 332.
+   Justin I., 67.
+   Justin II., 80, 97, 220, 280, 289, 291, 295, 336.
+   Justinian I., the Great, 33, 35, 64, 75, 83, 84, 90, 96, 165, 170,
+      174, 206, 215-217, 229, 251, 257, 263, 276, 278, 280, 299, 300,
+      301, 327, 335, 336, 338, 340, 342, 343.
+   Justinian II., 67, 86, 170, 251, 292, 325.
+   Kanabus, Nicholas, 197, 205.
+   Leo I., 67, 77, 90, 96, 226, 262, 273, 292, 302, 331, 332.
+   Leo II., 334.
+   Leo III, Isaurian, 35, 65, 98, 99, 100, 209, 229.
+   Leo IV., 100.
+   Leo V., the Armenian, 67, 70, 115, 164, 167, 170, 329, 331.
+   Leo VI. the Wise, 186, 187, 207.
+   Leontius, 251, 292.
+   Manuel I. Comnenus, 103, 122, 123, 128, 129, 157, 187, 220, 250, 266,
+      284, 341.
+   Manuel II. Palæologus, 71, 162, 163, 193, 240.
+   Marcian, 67, 331, 332.
+   Maurice, 68, 90, 196, 329, 330, 331, 340, 343.
+   Michael I., 279.
+   Michael II., 166, 168, 169, 179, 182, 185, 229.
+   Michael III., 64, 90, 91, 184, 185, 257, 261.
+   Michael V., 19, 78.
+   Michael VIII. Palæologus, 68, 69, 76, 103, 129, 157, 158, 159, 160,
+      188, 189, 208, 210, 293, 295, 296, 312-314, 334, 337.
+   Nicephorus Botoniates, 86, 171, 207, 283.
+   Nicephorus Phocas, 65-67, 68, 76, 154, 229, 250, 281, 282, 283, 292,
+      317, 331.
+   Phocas, 67, 90, 180, 276, 279, 280, 289, 292, 302, 307, 324, 329,
+      331, 334.
+   Romanus I., Lecapenus, 24, 67, 170, 207, 282, 286, 341.
+   Romanus II., 154.
+   Romanus III., Argyrus, 19, 102.
+   Romanus, 169.
+   Septimius Severus, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 37, 138, 251, 256.
+   Stephen, 286.
+   Theodosius I., the Great, 12, 19, 22, 42, 60-64, 67, 298, 299, 302,
+      318, 328, 331, 334, 335, 338-340.
+   Theodosius II., 17, 31, 42, 43, 45, 47-50, 62, 72, 77, 78, 82, 112,
+      119, 279, 302, 331, 332, 336.
+   Theodosius III., 91, 170.
+   Theophilus, 23, 68, 69, 90, 101, 112, 149, 168, 173, 182-185, 228,
+      250, 279.
+   Tiberius II., 280, 328, 336.
+   Tiberius III., Apsimarus, 170, 180, 251.
+   Valens, 41, 322, 330-332, 338, 339.
+   Valentinian, 302, 330.
+   Zeno, 26, 96, 227, 331, 334.
+   Zimisces, 68, 69, 101, 155, 283, 334.
+
+ Epiphanius, 324, 339, 340.
+
+ Et Meidan, 296.
+
+ Eubulus, 37.
+
+ Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, 48, 82.
+
+ Eugenius, 62, 227-229, 318, 328.
+
+ Exartesis Palaia, 220. _See_ Harbour.
+
+
+ Exokionion, 18-20, 22, 31, 37, 74.
+
+ Exokionitai, 19.
+
+ Eyoub, 89, 241. _See_ Cosmidion.
+
+
+ F.
+
+ Faction, Blue, 44, 83, 276, 280.
+
+ ——, Green, 44, 215, 276, 292.
+
+
+ ——, Red, 79.
+
+ Factions, 44, 69, 215, 263, 292, 330.
+
+ Faletri, Doge, 217.
+
+ Fener Bagtchessi, 176.
+
+ Ferikeui, 242.
+
+ Ferry of St. Antony, 18, 27.
+
+ Fœderati, 33, 85.
+
+ Forum—
+   Amastrianon, 156.
+
+   Arcadius, 19, 20, 31, 32, 63.
+   Augustaion, 34, 35, 37.
+   Bous, 308.
+   Constantine the Great, 10, 11, 34, 37, 39, 76, 281, 334, 335.
+   Strategion, 6, 7, 14.
+
+   Taurus, 63, 226, 298.
+   Tetrastoon, 34.
+   Theodosius the Great, 42. _See_ Forum of Taurus.
+   Xerolophos. _See_ Forum of Arcadius.
+
+
+ G.
+
+ Gabriel, Archangel, 198.
+
+ Gabriel, of Treviso, 202, 204, 230-233, 236, 237, 240.
+
+ Gainas, 32, 328, 339.
+
+ Galata, 14, 39, 176, 181, 188, 190, 192, 210, 216, 217, 228, 231, 241,
+    243, 259, 305, 325, 337.
+
+ Galbius, 197.
+
+ Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, 265.
+
+
+ Gate. _See_ also Postern.
+   Adrianople, 3, 16, 23, 29, 110.
+
+   St. Æmilianus, 18, 27, 28, 32, 264, 298.
+   Ahour Kapoussi, 186, 187, 192, 260, 261, 270, 281, 285.
+   Aivan Serai Kapoussi, 151, 195.
+   St. Anastasia, 197.
+   Ancient Gate, Porta Antiqua, Palaia Porta of the Forerunner,
+      Antiquissima Pulchra Porta, 18, 21, 22, 30, 74.
+   Asomaton, Seven Orders of Angels, 113.
+   Atalus, 29, 33.
+   Aurea, 17, 22, 30, 31, 37, 59-73. _See_ Golden Gate.
+
+   Aya Kapou, 27. _See_ Gate of St. Theodosia.
+   Ayasma Kapoussi, 32, 212, 213.
+   Bagtchè Kapoussi, 7, 8, 200, 218-220, 236, 237.
+   Balat Kapoussi, 3, 116, 117, 121, 195, 198-202, 204-206, 230,
+      232-235, 239.
+   Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, 214, 216, 217.
+   Balouk Haneh Kapoussi, 260.
+
+   St. Barbara, 184, 232, 236, 238, 239, 249, 250.
+
+   Basilikè, Imperial Gate, 32, 192, 199, 200, 203, 204, 213, 230-240.
+   Bears, of the, 261.
+   Blachernæ, 166, 168, 170, 171.
+
+   Bonus, 225, 226, 240.
+   Byzantium, 5, 7, 9-11, 16, 34, 249, 326.
+   Caraviorum, 215.
+   Catena, 228.
+
+   Charisius, 80-86, 89-92, 101, 107, 110, 124, 152, 223, 257.
+   Chrysè. _See_ Golden Gate.
+   Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, 16, 314. _See_ Gate of St. Æmilianus.
+   Deïrmen Kapoussi, 183, 187, 250, 251.
+   St. Demetrius, 249.
+   Demir Kapou, 252, 253.
+
+   Deuteron, 74, 75.
+   Dexiocrates, 209.
+   Diplophanarion, 206.
+   Djubali Kapoussi, 191. _See_ Gate Ispigas.
+
+   Drungarii, 214-216, 218.
+   Eastern Gate, 249.
+   Edirnè Kapoussi, 57, 58. _See_ Gate of Charisius.
+   Egri Kapou, 3, 39, 83, 110, 122, 124.
+
+   Eugenius, 6, 191, 222, 223, 227-229, 232, 236-239.
+   Fifth Military Gate. _See_ Gate of the Pempton.
+   Fourth Military Gate, 80.
+
+   Golden Gate, Porta Aurea, Chrysè Pylè, 19, 30, 55, 58, 59-73, 84, 90,
+      96, 104, 176, 179, 201, 223, 250, 300, 301, 306, 316, 326, 327,
+      330, 334, 335.
+   Gyrolimnè, 110, 126, 127, 177.
+
+   Hebraica, 216-219, 225.
+   Hicanatissa, 219, 220.
+   Hodegetria, 223, 258-260, 261.
+   Horaia, Beautiful, 187, 221-225, 232, 235-237.
+   Imperial. _See_ Basilikè.
+   Isa Kapoussi, 21, 30, 33.
+
+   Ispigas, 209, 210. _See_ Porta Puteæ.
+   St. John, 205.
+
+   St. John de Cornibus, 214, 216.
+   Judece, 218.
+   Kaligaria, 124, 152.
+   Katerga Limani, 263.
+
+   Kerko Porta, 115-117, 119-121, 166, 223. _See_ Gate of the
+      Xylokerkus.
+   Kiliomenè, 195, 196.
+   Kiretch Kapoussi, 229.
+   Kontoscalion, 263, 294, 295, 313. _See_ Koum Kapoussi.
+
+   Koum Kapoussi, 186, 190, 193, 263, 264, 278, 294, 295, 307-314.
+   Kynegos, 199-205, 233.
+   St. Lazarus, 258, 259.
+   Leonis, 261, 273.
+   Marina, 272.
+   St. Mark, 219.
+   Marmora Porta, 228. _See_ Gate of Eugenius.
+   Melandesia or Melantiados, 74, 76, 77.
+   Mesè, 212.
+   Michael Protovestarius, 260.
+   Myriandron, 84.
+   Narli Kapoussi, 187, 264, 265.
+   Neorion, 218-222, 224, 225, 235.
+   Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, 213. _See_ Gate Drungarii.
+   Oun Kapan Kapoussi, 27, 341. _See_ Gate of Platea.
+   Palatina, Balat Kapoussi, 199.
+
+   Pegè, 75-77, 101, 106.
+
+   Pempton, 58, 74, 81, 83, 85, 86, 96.
+   Perama, 214, 216-220.
+   Petrus, Petri Kapoussi, 28, 206, 207.
+   Phanar, Phani, del Pharo, Fener
+   Kapoussi, 201, 206, 207, 233.
+   Piazza, ala, 212.
+   Piscaria, 217.
+
+   Platea, 209, 212, 214, 233.
+   Polyandrion, 29, 37, 81, 84, 85. _See_ Gate of Charisius.
+   Precursoris, Porta juxta Parvum Templum. _See_ St. John de Cornibus.
+   Psamathia, 16, 264.
+   Puteæ, del Pozzo, 211, 233. _See_ Gate Ispigas.
+   Rectoris Veteris. _See_ Gate of Bonus.
+   Regia, 152.
+
+   Rhegium, 72, 78, 79, 91. _See_ Porta Rhousiou.
+
+   Rhousiou, 45, 78, 79, 96, 97, 100, 102, 180. _See_ Gate of Rhegium.
+
+   St. Romanus, 80-89, 110, 125, 127, 223, 300. _See_ Top Kapoussi.
+   Saouk Tchesmè Kapoussi, 13.
+   Saturninus, 32.
+   Second Military Gate. _See_ Gate of the Deuteron.
+   Selivria, 58, 75, 90. _See_ Gate of the Pegè.
+   Sidhera, 206, 262, 263.
+   Sixth Military Gate, 89.
+   Sophia, 263.
+   Tchatlady Kapou, 140, 192, 261, 262, 270-278, 281, 282, 285, 286.
+   Tchifout Kapoussi, 224. _See_ Porta Hebraica.
+
+   St. Theodosia, 208, 209, 233. _See_ Aya Kapou.
+   Third Military Gate, 77, 78.
+
+   Top Kapoussi, in Land Walls, 57, 58. _See_ Gate of St. Romanus.
+   Top Kapoussi, at Seraglio Point, 237, 249. _See_ Gate of St. Barbara.
+   Tzycanisterion, Gate at eastern end of the, 286.
+   Veteris Rectoris. _See_ Gate of Bonus.
+   Xylo Porta, Xylinè, 110, 147, 151, 173, 174, 191, 195, 200, 201, 212,
+      223, 227, 233.
+
+   Xylokerkus, 46, 89-94, 109, 111, 173. _See_ Kerko Porta.
+   Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, 7, 191, 200, 253. _See_ Gate of Eugenius.
+   Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. _See_ Golden Gate.
+   Yeni Aya Kapou, 208.
+   Yeni Kapou, Vlanga, 180, 193, 263, 264, 298, 308, 310-312, 314.
+   Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, 58, 76. _See_ Gate of Rhegium.
+   Zindan Kapoussi, 213-216.
+
+ Genoa, 188, 190, 192.
+
+ Genoese, 87, 162, 163, 188, 190, 192, 210, 219, 225, 231, 240, 241,
+    259, 304-306.
+
+ George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia, 107, 193.
+
+ Georgius, 80, 156.
+
+ Germanicia, 68.
+
+ Germanus, residence of, 301, 302.
+
+ Gerocomion, 264.
+
+ Giustiniani, 87, 88, 92.
+
+ Godfrey de Bouillon, 128, 171, 176.
+
+ Golden Horn, _passim_.
+
+ Goths Gothic, 13, 32, 33, 40, 41, 43, 77, 85, 328.
+
+ Governor of the Wall, 95.
+
+ Grand Bazaar, 3, 8, 11, 13, 39.
+
+ Grant, 125.
+
+ Gregoras, 261.
+
+ Gritti, Doge, 270.
+
+ Guliano, Peter, 287.
+
+
+ H.
+
+ Habakkuk, Prophet, 263.
+
+ Hadrian II., Pope, 67, 300, 337, 340.
+
+
+ Harbour—
+   Ancient Neorion, 7, 8, 11, 14, 179, 220-222, 291.
+   Anthemius, 324.
+   Blachernæ, 196, 202, 203, 240.
+   Bosporion. _See below_, Prosphorion.
+   Bucoleon, 261, 269-287, 307, 308.
+   Diplokionion, 243.
+
+   Eleutherius, 36, 264, 268, 296-300.
+   Eutropius, 324.
+   Galata, or Pera, 241.
+   Golden Gate, 300, 301, 307, 308.
+   Hebdomon, 325, 326, 330, 335.
+   Heptascalon, 259, 269, 301-315.
+   Hormisdas, 275-279, 302.
+
+   Julian, 41, 97, 269, 276, 277, 288-293, 302, 307, 308.
+   Kadriga Limani, 262, 270, 295, 314. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+   Kaisarius, 269, 276, 301-315.
+   Kontoscalion, 186, 223, 263, 269, 278, 287, 293-296, 308-315.
+   Latins, 211.
+   St. Mamas, 90, 91.
+   New Neorion, 303, 310.
+   Phosphorion. _See below_, Prosphorion.
+   Portus Novus. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+
+   Prosphorion, 7, 14, 182, 225, 226.
+   Sophia, 262, 263, 295, 296, 310. _See_ Harbour of Julian.
+   Theodosius, 264, 269, 307, 308. _See_ Harbour of Eleutherius.
+
+ Harmatius, 26.
+
+ ——, district of, 18, 26, 37.
+
+ Haskeui, 201, 221, 245, 246.
+
+
+ Hebdomon, 32, 67, 68, 70, 109, 316-341.
+
+ Helas, Theme of, 292.
+
+ Helena, Empress, 34, 81, 264.
+
+ Helenianæ, District of the, 334.
+
+ Helenopolis, 160.
+
+ Hellespont, 4, 178, 252.
+
+ Heptapyrgion, 168.
+
+ Heraclea, 38, 190.
+
+ Hexakionion, 18, 20. _See_ Exokionion.
+
+ Hicanati, 220.
+
+ Hiereia. _See_ Palace.
+
+ Hills of Constantinople, 2, 3.
+
+ Hippodrome, 2, 12, 13, 34, 49, 63, 68, 76, 157, 189, 215, 251, 260,
+    267, 271-273, 288-290, 295, 310, 331, 332, 336.
+
+ Hippodrome at St. Mamas, 89, 90, 91.
+
+ Holy Well of Blachernæ, 118, 150, 152.
+
+ —— at Church of St. Nicholas, 118, 169, 170.
+
+ —— of the Hodegetria, 254, 257, 258.
+
+ —— of the Pegè, 75-78, 281.
+
+ —— of St. Saviour, 252-254.
+
+ Hormisdas, district of, 277, 280.
+
+ Hormisdas, Pope, 67, 340.
+
+ Hormisdas, Prince, 279, 280.
+
+ Horrea, 226.
+
+ Hospitia, 229.
+
+ Huns, 41, 43, 45, 47, 77, 267, 343.
+
+
+ I.
+
+ Iagari, Manuel, 108.
+
+ Ibrahim, Sultan, 20.
+
+ Icon of Christ, from Edessa, 67.
+
+ Illyria, 43.
+
+ Indjili Kiosk, 185, 252-258, 261, 270.
+
+ Ino, 280.
+
+ Irene, Empress, 90, 99, 100, 103, 126, 128, 300.
+
+ Isaac Sevastocrator, 292.
+
+ Isa Kapoussi Sokaki, 22.
+
+ Isidore, Cardinal, 152.
+
+ Italian Hospital, 231.
+
+
+ J.
+
+ Jerusalem, 338.
+
+ Jews, 210, 219, 221.
+
+ Joannicus, King of Bulgaria, 86.
+
+ John the Fat, 260.
+
+ Joseph, Patriarch, 84.
+
+ Judeca, 217, 218.
+
+ Julian, Prefect, 227.
+
+ Jus Italicus, 38.
+
+ Justinian Code, 221.
+
+ Justinianopolis, 217.
+
+
+ K.
+
+ Kadikeui, 2, 176, 304, 305, 324.
+
+ Kaffa, 192.
+
+ Kaisarius, 302.
+
+ ——, district of, 302.
+
+ Kaligaria. _See_ Gate.
+
+ Kanatissa, residence of, 219.
+
+ Karadjakeui, 343.
+
+ Kesmè Kaya, 206, 319, 320.
+
+ Khan of the Mongols, 208.
+
+ Kiathaneh, Sweet Waters of Europe, 175, 245.
+
+ Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, 5.
+
+ Kitchens, Imperial, 5.
+
+ Kiz Kalehssi. _See_ Tower.
+
+ Klidion, 325.
+
+ Koumbaradji Sokaki, 242.
+
+ Koush Kaya, 343.
+
+ Kral of Servia, 158, 159.
+
+ Krenides, 210.
+
+ Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik, 245.
+
+ Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, 79. _See_ Rhegium.
+
+ Kynegion, 12, 204, 251, 252.
+
+ Kynegon, district of, 201-203, 205, 233, 234.
+
+
+ L.
+
+ Latins, 76, 86, 103, 122, 188.
+
+ Leo, brother of Nicephorus Phocas, 68.
+
+ Leontari, Manuel Bryennius, 106, 107.
+
+ Levend Tchiflik, 245.
+
+ Londja, 117.
+
+ Lycus, 2, 25, 52, 80-83, 85, 86, 87, 298.
+
+
+ M.
+
+ Macedonia, 45, 265.
+
+ Macedonius, 213, 338.
+
+ Magnaura. _See_ Palace.
+
+ Mahmoud IV., Sultan, 250.
+
+ Makrikeui, 44, 67, 70, 109, 316, 322, 326, 327. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Mamas, St., suburb, 89, 90.
+
+ Mandrahio, Cassim Pasha, 244.
+
+ Mangana, 7, 37, 182, 249-251, 256.
+
+ Manuel, 23.
+
+ Manuel of Liguria, 71.
+
+ Manuel Phakrasè, 191, 192.
+
+ Marathon, 267.
+
+ Marble Kiosk, 250.
+
+ Marciana Library, 270.
+
+ Margaret of Hungary, 285.
+
+ Maria, 99, 107, 208, 265, 341.
+
+ Marine Exchange, 220, 291.
+
+ Marmora, Island of, 311.
+
+ ——, Sea of, _passim_.
+
+ Martin I., Pope, 265.
+
+ Matrona, 339.
+
+ Maurus, district of, 277, 289.
+
+ Mausoleum at the Church of the Holy Apostles, 35.
+
+ Maximus, 62, 63, 67.
+
+ Megara, 5.
+
+ Mehemet, Sultan, 71, 87-89, 125, 186, 208, 211, 223, _passim_.
+
+ Melanciada, Melantiada, Melantrada, 77.
+
+ Menas, Patriarch, 216.
+
+ Mesè, 37, 68, 69, 155.
+
+ Mesoteichion, 85-89, 92.
+
+ Mews, Imperial, 171, 261.
+
+ Michael, Despot, 160, 161.
+
+ Milan, 62, 316.
+
+ Milion, 7, 8, 326.
+
+ Minotto, 151, 152.
+
+ Moda, 176.
+
+ Mole of St. Thomas, 291.
+
+ Monferrat, Marquis of, 284-286.
+
+ Moselè, residence of, 309.
+
+ Mosque—
+   Achmet, Sultan, 282.
+   Aivas Effendi Djamissi, 133, 135.
+   Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, Church of SS. Peter and Mark, 196, 197.
+   Aya Sofia. _See_ St. Sophia.
+   Bajazet, Sultan, 3.
+   Boudroum Djamissi, Myrelaion, 300, 309.
+   Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi, 25.
+   Eski Imaret Djamissi, Church of the Pantopoptes, 211.
+   Fethiyeh Djamissi, Church of the Pammacaristos, 198.
+   Gul Djamissi, Church of St. Theodosia, 27, 208.
+   Isa Kapou Mesdjidi, 22, 30.
+   Kahriyeh Djamissi, Church of St. Saviour in the Chora, 84.
+   Kefelè Djamissi, Monastery of Manuel, 23.
+   Khadin Ibrahim Pasha, 77.
+   Kutchuk Aya Sofia. _See_ Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus.
+   Mehemet, Sultan, 3, 16, 19, 23, 25, 35, 208.
+   Mihrimah Djamissi, 84.
+   Murad Mesdjidi, Sheik, 27, 212.
+   Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, 27, 212.
+   Saracen, 292.
+   Selim, Sultan, 3, 24-26.
+   Sinan Pasha, 211.
+   Suleiman, Sultan, 3, 19.
+   Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, Church of St. Thekla, 196.
+   Tulbenkdji Djamissi, 311, 312, 314.
+   Yeni Validè Djamissi, 221.
+   Yol Getchen Mesdjidi, 78.
+   Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, Church of the Pantocrator, 211, 341.
+
+ Municipal Gardens, 242.
+
+ Murad, Sultan, 76, 87, 193.
+
+ Museum, Imperial, 5, 191, 198.
+
+ Myriandrion, 85, 87.
+
+
+ N.
+
+ Naples, 33.
+
+ Narses, 97, 291, 300.
+
+ Nemitzi, 86.
+
+ Neophytus of Rhodes, 108.
+
+ Neorion. _See_ Harbour.
+
+ Nicephorus Bryennius, 156.
+
+ Nicholas V., Pope, 150.
+
+ Nika, Riot of, 210, 215, 291, 327.
+
+ Nikè, 198, 205.
+
+ Normans, 103.
+
+ Notaras, 192, 193, 237, 240.
+
+ Novobrodo, 125.
+
+ Numeri, 76.
+
+
+ O.
+
+ Obelisk, 63.
+
+ Odeon, 13.
+
+ Ok Meidan, 245.
+
+ Olympus, 35.
+
+ Orban, 125.
+
+ Orphanage, Great, 229.
+
+ Ortakdjilar, 89.
+
+ Ortakeui, 325.
+
+
+ P.
+
+
+ Palace—
+   At the Argyra Limnè, 127.
+   Blachernæ, 3, 68, 103, 109-111, 118, 119, 121-123, 125-127, 130-133,
+      135, 136, 138, 140-147, 150, 151, 152, 164, 170, 171, 176, 195,
+      201, 202, 233, 284.
+   Bonus, 24.
+
+   Bucoleon, 129, 140, 255, 269-287.
+   The Cæsars, 35, 142.
+   Constantine, Great Palace, Imperial Palace, 34, 35, 67, 69, 76, 155,
+      161, 168, 189, 223, 256, 260, 261, 265, 269, 274, 280-287, 308,
+      336.
+   Hebdomon, 109, 335.
+   Hiereia, Fener Bagtchè, 176, 181.
+   Hormisdas. _See_ Palace of Bucoleon.
+   Irene, 300.
+   Justinian. _See_ Palace of Bucoleon.
+   Justinian, Jucundianæ at the Hebdomon, 323, 335.
+   Kaisarius, 302.
+   Karya, 213.
+   Magnaura, 320, 324, 336.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90.
+   Mangana, 255, 256.
+   Pegè, 75, 162.
+
+   Porphyrogenitus Tekfour Serai, 3, 45, 109-114, 118-120, 123, 139,
+      152, 202, 233, 316.
+   Psamathia, 264.
+   Scutarion, 251.
+   Secundianas, 335.
+
+   Sophia, 289, 290.
+
+ Palatine, 35, 138, 142.
+
+ Palestine, 338.
+
+ Panteleon, Saint, 196.
+
+ Panticheion, Pendik, 338.
+
+ Patriarchate, Greek, 28.
+
+ Paul, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Paulinus, 170.
+
+ Pausanias, 9.
+
+ Pegæ, 210.
+
+
+ Pegè. _See_ Gate; Holy Well.
+
+ Pelerine, 207.
+
+ Pempton, district of the, 82, 319.
+
+ Pentapyrgion, 150, 168.
+
+ Pepagomenes, George, 198.
+
+ Pera, 243.
+
+ Perama, 216, 217.
+
+ Peridromi of Marcian, 282.
+
+ Perinthus, 226.
+
+ Persia, 5, 23, 165, 290.
+
+ Persians, 9, 23, 68, 267.
+
+ Pescennius Niger, 9.
+
+ Peter the Hermit, 128.
+
+ Peter, King of Bulgaria, 341.
+
+ Petits Champs, 242.
+
+ Petra, Petra Palaia, 206.
+
+ Petrion, 26-28, 200, 206, 207, 208.
+
+ Petrus, Patrician, 206.
+
+ Petty, Mr., 66.
+
+ Phanar, district of the, 3, 206-208, 233, 234.
+
+ Pharos, 189.
+
+ Phedalia, 27, 176.
+
+ Philip of Macedon, 226, 250.
+
+ Philippopolis, 91.
+
+ Phœnicia, 40.
+
+ Pisa, Pisans, 218, 220.
+
+ Platæa, 9, 267.
+
+ Platea, Plateia, 27, 212.
+
+ Pontus, 38.
+
+ Portico—
+   Between Augustaion and Forum of Constantine, 37.
+   Cariana, 196.
+   Eubulus, 37.
+   Josephiacus, 128.
+   St. Mamas, 89, 90.
+   Severus, 9-11.
+   Troadenses, 18, 22.
+
+
+ Postern—
+   Giustiniani, 88, 89, 94.
+   St. Kallinicus, 124, 173, 174.
+   Kerko Porta, 93, 94.
+   With Monogram of Christ, 60.
+   Porphyrogenitus, 112.
+   SS. Sergius and Bacchus, 262, 263.
+
+ Prince’s Island, 35, 304, 305.
+
+
+ Prison—
+   Anemas, 87. _See_ Chapters X., XI.
+   Byzantium, 14.
+   St. Diomed, 265, 266.
+
+ Probus, residence of, 289, 292, 293.
+
+ Proteichisma, 118.
+
+ Proti, Island of, 286.
+
+ Psamathia, 3, 20, 264.
+
+ Pteron, 118.
+
+ Pulcheria, 257, 336.
+
+ Pusæus, 96.
+
+
+ R.
+
+ Region IV., 228.
+
+ Region V., 7, 225.
+
+ Region VII., 39.
+
+ Region X., 213, 303.
+
+ Region XI., 25, 26.
+
+ Region XII., 22, 32, 296, 298.
+
+ Region XIII., 39.
+
+ Region XIV., 39, 119-121, 128, 167, 174.
+
+ Regions, Fourteen, 39, 120, 131.
+
+
+ Rhegium, Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, 79, 327.
+
+ Rhousiou. _See_ Red Faction; Gate.
+
+ Roe, Sir Thomas, 66.
+
+ Rome, 2, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 63, 325.
+
+ Roumelian Railroad, 6, 250, 255, 282, 298, 312.
+
+ Rufinus, 328.
+
+ Russians, 68, 155, 179, 229.
+
+
+ S.
+
+ Saladin, 284.
+
+ Salamis, 267.
+
+ Sali Bazaar, 242.
+
+ St. Mamas, suburb, 89-91, 175, 181.
+
+ Salmak Tombruk, 23.
+
+ Sandakdjar Youkousou, 208.
+
+ Saoudji, 162.
+
+ Saouk Tchesmè, 13.
+
+ Saracen, 68, 70, 98, 178-182, 229, 260, 267, 286, 302, 324, 327, 329.
+
+ Saturninus, 32.
+
+ Scala—
+   Acropolis, 249.
+   Chalcedonensis, 225, 338.
+   De Drongorio, 215.
+   Sycena, 217.
+   Timasii, 228.
+
+ Scholarii, 185.
+
+ School of Arts, 274.
+
+ Scio, 301.
+
+ Scutari, 2, 226, 231, 305.
+
+ Selivria, 75, 77, 192, 327, 337.
+
+ Senate of Constantinople, 38, 195, 332, 334, 336.
+
+ Senate House, 34, 35.
+
+ Septimius Severus, 9, 12-14, 38, 138.
+
+ Septimum. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Seraglio Grounds, 34, 81, 189, 229, 252, 253, 258, 274.
+
+ Seraglio Lighthouse, 7, 13, 256, 260, 261.
+
+ Seraglio Plateau, 2, 5, 12.
+
+
+ Seraglio Point, 6, 189, 191, 194, 218, 219, 224, 230, 232, 233,
+    235-237, 246, 247, 256.
+
+ Servia, 125, 158, 159, 161, 193.
+
+ Settimo, 316.
+
+ Sicily, 182
+
+ Sigma, 19, 20, 78, 290.
+
+ Simeon, King of Bulgaria, 70, 170.
+
+ Sirkedji Iskelessi, 7, 225, 240, 292.
+
+ Sirmium, 97.
+
+ Smyrna, 49.
+
+ Sophia, Empress, 80, 97, 280, 289, 291.
+
+ Soulou Kaleh. _See_ Tower.
+
+ Spanish, 304, 305.
+
+ Sphendonè, 12.
+
+ Spigæ, De Spiga, 211. _See_ Ispigas.
+
+ Stadium, 13, 37, 229.
+
+ Statue—
+   Apollo, 34.
+   Arabia, 291.
+   Atalus, 28.
+   Constantine the Great, 17, 28, 33, 36.
+   Eleutherius, 297.
+   Eudoxia, Empress, 82.
+   Fortune of the City, 64.
+   Helena, Empress, 34.
+   Julian, 290.
+   Justin II., 291.
+   Justinian the Great, 335.
+   Muses of Helicon, 35.
+   Narses, 291.
+   Pallas of Lindus, 35.
+   Sophia, Empress, 291.
+   Theodosius I., 63.
+   Theodosius II., 78.
+   Victory, on Golden Gate, 64.
+   Zeus of Dodona, 35.
+
+ Stephen, 97.
+
+ Strategion. 6, 7, 37.
+
+ Strategopoulos, Alexius, 76.
+
+ Studius, 265. _See_ Church.
+
+ Suleiman, Sultan, 84, 272.
+
+ Swiatoslaf, 68, 155.
+
+ Sycæ, 13, 38, 216, 217.
+
+ Syrghiannes, 161.
+
+ Syria, 40.
+
+
+ T.
+
+ Tamerlane, 71.
+
+ Tarsus, 250.
+
+ Taxim, 242.
+
+ Tchataldja, 343.
+
+ Tchemberli Tash. _See_ Column.
+
+ Tchoukour Bostan, 3, 16, 20, 23, 199.
+
+ Tekfour Serai, 45, 89, 91, 93, 94, 107, 152, 320. _See_ Palace of the
+    Porphyrogenitus.
+
+ Templar, 60.
+
+ Temple—
+   Aphroditè, 11, 12, 13.
+   Apollo, 13.
+   Artemis, 13.
+   Demeter, 13.
+   Poseidon, 12, 13, 37.
+   Zeus, 13, 14, 37.
+
+ Temple Bar, 21.
+
+ Tenedos, 162, 163, 259.
+
+ Ten Thousand, 5,
+
+ Tephrice, 68.
+
+ Terter, King of Bulgaria, 161.
+
+ Theatre of Byzantium, 37.
+
+ —— of Dionysius, 13.
+
+ Theodora, Empress of Justinian the Great, 84, 229, 257, 280, 300.
+
+ Theodora, Empress, 207.
+
+ Theodore, 162.
+
+ Theodosiani, 327, 328.
+
+ Theodota, Empress, 90.
+
+ Theologus, 240.
+
+ Theophano, Empress, 283.
+
+ Thermæ—
+   Achilles, 7, 47.
+   Arcadianæ, 7, 257.
+   Constantianæ, 82.
+   Zeuxippus, 13, 34.
+
+ Thermopylæ, 267.
+
+ Thessalonica, 103, 113, 341.
+
+ Thomas, 169, 170, 179, 182, 229.
+
+ Thrace, 32, 45, 324.
+
+ Tiber, 2, 174, 329.
+
+ Tiberius, son of Justinian II., 325.
+
+ Timasius, 228.
+
+ Top Haneh, 231, 241-246.
+
+ Topi, 7, 179, 256, 257.
+
+ Tornikius, 171.
+
+
+ Tower—
+   Acropolis, 6.
+   Anemas. _See_ Prison.
+   Baccaturea, 86.
+   Belisarius, 299.
+   Eugenius, 6.
+   Fire Signal, 3.
+   Galata, 228, 229.
+   Hercules, 9.
+   Imperial Gate, near, 230-232.
+   Isaac Angelus, 117, 129. _See_ Chapter X., _passim_.
+   Kaligaria, 125.
+   Kentenarion, 228.
+   Kiz Kalessi, Leander’s Tower, 231, 250.
+   Mangana, 251.
+   Marble, 266.
+   Pentapyrgion, 150.
+   Phani, Turris, 232-234.
+   Seven Towers. _See_ Yedi Koulè.
+   Seven Towers of Byzantium, 9.
+   Soulou Kaleh, 51.
+   Virgioti, 211.
+
+ Transitus Justinianarum, 217.
+
+ Transitus Sycenus, Trajectus Sycarum, 217.
+
+ Trebizond, 156.
+
+ Tribunal, Tribune, 330. _See_ Hebdomon.
+
+ Triclinium of Anastasius, 128.
+
+ —— Danubius, 128.
+
+ —— Holy Shrine, 128.
+
+ Triton, 77, 78, 319.
+
+ Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, 87.
+
+ Troilus, Protovestarius, 291.
+
+ Tsinar Tchesmè, 117.
+
+ Turks, Ottoman, 188, 192, 195, 209, 223, 224, 240, 241, 267.
+
+ Tzycanisterion, 36, 256, 261, 286.
+
+
+ U.
+
+ Ukooz-Limani, 226.
+
+ Uldin, 43.
+
+ Urbicius. _See_ Arch.
+
+
+ V.
+
+ Vandal, John the, 77.
+
+ Vandals, 68.
+
+ Varangians, 159, 172, 193.
+
+ Veccus, 157-160.
+
+ Venetian, 151-163, 171, 172, 178, 179, 194, 207, 209-211, 214-219, 229,
+    230, 233, 234, 243, 259, 270, 272, 304, 305.
+
+ Venice, 162, 163, 211, 219.
+
+ Vercelli, 316.
+
+ Via Drungariou, 215.
+
+ Via Triumphalis, 31.
+
+ Vicentius, 339.
+
+ Vigla, 215, 217, 218.
+
+ Visigoths, 32.
+
+ Vitilianus, 70, 328.
+
+ Vlanga, 219, 223, 263, 295, 299, 307, 308, 312, 314.
+
+ Vlanga Bostan, 36, 180, 264, 296.
+
+
+ W.
+
+ War Office, 3.
+
+
+ X.
+
+ Xenophon, 5, 249.
+
+ Xerolophos, 3, 14, 19, 20, 29.
+
+ Xylokerkus, 88, 90. _See_ Gate.
+
+
+ Y.
+
+ Yalova, 160.
+
+
+ Yedi Koulè, 30, 265.
+
+ Yemish Iskelessi, 216.
+
+ Yeri Batan Serai, 7.
+
+
+ Z.
+
+ Zeitin Bournou, 326, 327.
+
+ Zen, Carlo, 152, 153, 163.
+
+ Zeugma, 215.
+
+ Zeugma of St. Antony, 18, 27.
+
+ Zoe, Empress, 207.
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
+
+STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
+
+
+
+
+ ● Transcriber’s Notes:
+    ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
+    ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
+    ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
+      when a predominant form was found in this book.
+    ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
+    ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are
+      referenced.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Byzantine Constantinople: the walls of
+the city and adjoining historical site, by Alexander Van Millingen
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 61475 ***