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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:05:23 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:05:23 -0700 |
| commit | 74cb2255cb0c0f434edcabcbeb8eda7461e631bb (patch) | |
| tree | cdeb2219ec6b75e58835d61385a3b4023b275f8c /61475-h | |
Diffstat (limited to '61475-h')
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diff --git a/61475-h/61475-h.htm b/61475-h/61475-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7da0ee --- /dev/null +++ b/61475-h/61475-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,17568 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> + <title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Byzantine Constantinople, by Alexander Van Millingen</title> + <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> + <style type="text/css"> + body { margin-left: 8%; margin-right: 10%; } + h1 { text-align: center; font-weight: normal; font-size: 1.4em; } + h2 { text-align: center; font-weight: normal; font-size: 1.2em; } + h3 { text-align: center; font-weight: normal; font-size: 1.2em; } + .pageno { right: 1%; font-size: x-small; background-color: inherit; color: silver; + text-indent: 0em; text-align: right; position: absolute; + border: thin solid silver; 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+ border:1px solid silver;margin:1em 5% 0 5%;text-align:justify; } + </style> + </head> + <body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 61475 ***</div> + +<div class='figcenter id001'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_on'>on</span> +<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> +</div> +<div class='pbb'> + <hr class='pb c000' /> +</div> +<div> + <h1 class='c001'>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE</h1> +</div> +<div id='frontis' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/frontispiece-large.jpg'><img src='images/frontispiece.jpg' alt='Map of Constantinople in 1422.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Map of Constantinople in 1422.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div class='nf-center-c1'> +<div class='nf-center c002'> + <div><span class='xxlarge'><b>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE</b></span></div> + <div class='c000'><span class='xlarge'><b>THE WALLS OF THE CITY AND ADJOINING HISTORICAL SITES</b></span></div> + <div class='c000'><b>BY</b></div> + <div class='c000'><span class='xxlarge'><b>ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN, M.A.</b></span></div> + <div><b>PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, ROBERT COLLEGE, CONSTANTINOPLE</b></div> + <div class='c003'><b>WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS</b></div> + <div class='c000'>LONDON</div> + <div>JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET</div> + <div>1899</div> + <div class='c000'><i>All rights reserved</i></div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c004'>Ἐγὼ δὲ ὧς μητέρα φιλῶ καὶ γὰρ ἐγενόμην πὰρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ +ἐτράφην ἐκεῖσε, καὶ οὐ δύναμαι περὶ αὐτὴν ἀγνωμονῆσαι.</p> + +<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Emperor Julian</span>, <i>Epistle 58</i>.</p> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span> + <h2 class='c006'>PREFACE.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>In the following pages I venture to take part in the task +of identifying the historical sites of Byzantine or Roman Constantinople, +with the view of making the events of which that +city was the theatre more intelligible and vivid. The new +interest now taken in all related to the Byzantine world +demands a work of this character.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The attention I have devoted, for many years, to the +subject has been sustained by the conviction that the Empire +of which New Rome was the capital defended the higher +life of mankind against the attacks of formidable antagonists, +and rendered eminent service to the cause of human welfare. +This is what gives to the archæological study of the city its +dignity and importance.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Only a portion of my subject is dealt with in the present +volume—the walls of the city, which were the bulwarks of +civilization for more than a thousand years, and the adjoining +sites and monuments memorable in history.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While availing myself, as the reader will find, of the results +obtained by my predecessors in this field of research, I have +endeavoured to make my work a fresh and independent +<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>investigation of the subject, by constant appeals to the original +authorities, and by direct examination of the localities concerned. +The difficult questions which must be decided, in +order that our knowledge of the old city may be more satisfactory, +have been made prominent. Some of them, however, +cannot be answered once for all, until excavations are permitted.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By the frequent quotations and references which occur in +the course of the following discussions, the student will find +himself placed in a position to verify the statements and to +weigh the arguments submitted to his consideration. All +difference of opinion leading nearer to the truth in the case +will be welcomed.</p> + +<p class='c008'>My best thanks are due to the friends and the photographers +who have enabled me to provide the book with illustrations, +maps, and plans, thus making the study of the subject +clearer and more interesting. The plan of the so-called Prisons +of Anemas by Hanford W. Edson, Esq., the sketches by Mrs. +Walker, the photographs taken by Professor Ormiston, and the +maps and plans drawn by Arthur E. Henderson, Esq., are +particularly valuable. I wish to express my gratitude also to +the many friends who accompanied me on my explorations of +the city, thereby facilitating the accomplishment of my work, +and associating it with delightful memories.</p> + +<p class='c008'>ALEXANDER VAN MILLINGEN.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Robert College,<br /> +Constantinople,<br /> +<i>September, 1899</i>.</p> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span> + <h2 class='c006'>CONTENTS</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>I. <span class='sc'>The Site of Constantinople—The Limits of Byzantium</span> <a href='#chap01'>1</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>II. <span class='sc'>The City of Constantine—Its Limits—Fortifications—Interior Arrangement</span> <a href='#chap02'>15</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>III. <span class='sc'>The Theodosian Walls</span> <a href='#chap03'>40</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>IV. <span class='sc'>The Gates in the Theodosian Walls—The Golden Gate</span> <a href='#chap04'>59</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>V. <span class='sc'>The Gates in the Theodosian Walls</span>—<i>continued</i> <a href='#chap05'>74</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>VI. <span class='sc'>Repairs on the Theodosian Walls</span> <a href='#chap06'>95</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>VII. <span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Tekfour Serai</span>) <a href='#chap07'>109</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>VIII. <span class='sc'>The Fortifications on the North-Western Side of the City, before the Seventh Century</span> <a href='#chap08'>115</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>IX. <span class='sc'>The Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span> <a href='#chap09'>122</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>X. <span class='sc'>The Tower of Anemas: The Tower of Isaac Angelus</span> <a href='#chap10'>131</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XI. <span class='sc'>Inmates of the Prison of Anemas</span> <a href='#chap11'>154</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XII. <span class='sc'>The Wall of the Emperor Heraclius: The Wall of the Emperor Leo the Armenian</span> <a href='#chap12'>164</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XIII. <span class='sc'>The Seaward Walls</span> <a href='#chap13'>178</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XIV. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Golden Horn</span> <a href='#chap14'>194</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XV. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Golden Horn</span>—<i>continued</i> <a href='#chap15'>212</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XVI. <span class='sc'>The Walls along the Sea of Marmora</span> <a href='#chap16'>248</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XVII. <span class='sc'>The Harbours on the Sea of Marmora</span> <a href='#chap17'>268</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XVIII. <span class='sc'>The Harbours on the Sea of Marmora</span>—<i>continued</i> <a href='#chap18'>288</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XIX. <span class='sc'>The Hebdomon</span> <a href='#chap19'>316</a></p> + +<p class='c008'>XX. <span class='sc'>The Anastasian Wall</span> <a href='#chap20'>342</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Table of Emperors</span> <a href='#emperors'>344</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Index</span> <a href='#index'>349</a></p> +<div class='chapter'> + <h2 class='c006'>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Map of Constantinople in 1422.</span> (<i>By Bondelmontius</i>) <a href='#frontis'><i>Frontispiece</i></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Bust over the Gate of Gyrolimnè</span> <a href='#figxi'>xi</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium</span> <a href='#fig_fp014'><i>To face</i> 14</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of Byzantine Constantinople</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp019'>19</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Land Walls of Constantinople</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp041'>41</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi</span>) <a href='#fig_fp046'><i>To face</i> 46</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>from within the City</span>) “ <a href='#fig_fp052'>52</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Aqueduct across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp056'>56</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II.</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp056a'>56</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the Golden Gate</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp060'>60</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Golden Gate</span> (<span class='sc'>Inner</span>) “ <a href='#fig_fp064'>64</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Golden Gate</span> (<span class='sc'>Outer</span>) “ <a href='#fig_fp068'>68</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp072'>72</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of the Pegè</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp076'>76</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Rhegium</span> “ <a href='#fig_fp078'>78</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of St. Romanus</span> <a href='#fig_fp080'>80</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Charisius</span> <a href='#fig_fp080a'>80</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>View across the Valley of the Lycus</span> (<span class='sc'>looking North</span>) <a href='#fig_fp086'>86</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The (so-called) Kerko Porta</span> <a href='#fig093'>93</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium</span> <a href='#fig_fp096'><i>To face</i> 96</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower of the Theodosian Walls</span> (<span class='sc'>with Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.</span>) <a href='#fig_fp098'><i>To face</i> 98</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.</span> <a href='#fig099'>99</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monograms on Ninth Tower, North of the Gate of Pegè</span> <a href='#fig100'>100</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Basil II. and Constantine IX.</span> <a href='#fig101'>101</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Constantine IX.</span> <a href='#fig102'>102</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Romanus</span> <a href='#fig102a'>102</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls</span> <i>To face</i> <a href='#fig_fp102'>102</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor John VII. Palæologus</span> <a href='#fig105'>105</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing Approximate Section and Restoration of the Theodosian Walls</span> <i>Facing</i> <a href='#fig_fp107a'>106</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Diagram showing Approximate Elevation and Restoration of the Theodosian Walls</span> <i>Facing</i> <a href='#fig_fp107b'>107</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Sketch-plan of the Blachernæ Quarter</span> <a href='#fig_fp109'><i>To face</i> 115</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Southern Façade</span>) <a href='#fig_fp110a'><i>To face</i> 110</a> +<span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>Northern Façade</span>) <a href='#fig_fp110b'><i>To face</i> 111</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monogram of the Palæologi</span> <a href='#fig112'>112</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>View of Interior</span>) <a href='#fig_fp112a'><i>To face</i> 112</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Monogram found in the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> <a href='#fig113'>113</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus, and Adjoining Walls</span> <a href='#fig_fp115'><i>To face</i> 115</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> (<span class='sc'>from the West</span>) <a href='#fig_fp118b'>118</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</span> <a href='#fig_fp118a'><i>To face</i> 118</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span> <a href='#fig_fp122'>122</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span> <a href='#fig_fp126a'><i>To face</i> 126</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The Gate of Gyrolimnè</span> <a href='#fig_fp126b'>126</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span> <a href='#fig_fp128'>128</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Plan of the so-called Prison of Anemas</span> <a href='#fig_fp131'>131</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>The L-shaped Chamber in Upper Story of “The Tower of Anemas”</span> <a href='#fig137'>137</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span> (<span class='sc'>from the South-West</span>) <a href='#fig_fp138'><i>To face</i> 138</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span> (<span class='sc'>from the North-West</span>) <a href='#fig_fp144'><i>To face</i> 144</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas”</span> (<span class='sc'>being the Sub-structures which supported the Palace of Blachernæ</span>) <a href='#fig_fp150'><i>To face</i> 150</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas”</span> <a href='#fig_fp156'>156</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Entrance of Passage from the Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” to Chamber D in “The Tower of Isaac Angelus”</span> <a href='#fig_fp162a'><i>To face</i> 162</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ</span> (<span class='sc'>looking South-West</span>) <a href='#fig_fp162b'><i>To face</i> 162</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>General View of the Walls of the City from the Hill on which the Crusaders encamped in 1203</span> <a href='#fig_fp166'><i>To face</i> 166</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Romanus</span> <a href='#fig169'>169</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.</span> <a href='#fig_fp184'><i>To face</i> 184</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus</span> <a href='#fig187'>187</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Coat-of-arms of Andronicus II. Palæologus</span> <a href='#fig189'>189</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Bas-relief, on the Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, representing the Three Hebrew Youths cast into the Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as described in the Book of Daniel</span> <a href='#fig191'>191</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span><span class='sc'>Nikè</span> (<span class='sc'>formerly near Balat Kapoussi</span>) <a href='#fig_fp198'><i>To face</i> 198</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Chain stretched across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453</span> <a href='#fig_fp228'><i>To face</i> 228</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Inscription in Honour of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine;<a href='#fig_fp248a'><i>To face</i> 248</a> +Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Theophilus; <a href='#fig_fp248b'><i>To face</i> 248</a> +Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus</span> <a href='#fig_fp248c'><i>To face</i> 248</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of Walls beside the Sea of Marmora</span> <a href='#fig_fp262'>262</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Chateau and Marble Tower near the Western Extremity of the Walls beside the Sea of Marmora</span> <a href='#fig_fp266'><i>To face</i> 266</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Shore of Constantinople between the Seraglio Light-house and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi</span> <a href='#fig_fp269'><i>To face</i> 269</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Marble Figures of Lions attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon</span> <a href='#fig_fp272'><i>To face</i> 272</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon</span> <a href='#fig274'>274</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas</span> <a href='#fig277'>277</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas</span> <a href='#fig_fp282'><i>To face</i> 282</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Tower guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius</span> <a href='#fig297'>297</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Portion of the Wall around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius</span> <a href='#fig299'>299</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Map of the Territory between the Hebdomon and the City Walls</span> <a href='#fig_fp316'><i>To face</i> 316</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Triumphus Theodosii</span> <a href='#fig_fp330'>330</a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='sc'>Triumphus Heraclii</span> <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a></p> + +<div id='figxi' class='figcenter id003'> +<img src='images/figxi.jpg' alt='Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Bust Over the Gate of Gyrolimne.</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> + <h2 id='chap01' class='c006'>BYZANTINE CONSTANTINOPLE. <br /> CHAPTER I. <br /> THE SITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE—THE LIMITS OF BYZANTIUM.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Without attempting any elaborate description of the site +occupied by Constantinople, such as we have in Gyllius’ valuable +work on the topography of the city,<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c009'><sup>[1]</sup></a> it is necessary to indicate +to the reader, now invited to wander among the ruins of New +Rome, the most salient features of the territory he is to +explore.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The city is situated at the south-western end of the +Bosporus, upon a promontory that shoots out from the +European shore of the straits, with its apex up stream, as +though to stem the waters that rush from the Black Sea into +the Sea of Marmora. To the north, the narrow bay of the +Golden Horn runs inland, between steep banks, for some six or +seven miles, and forms one of the finest harbours in the world. +The Sea of Marmora spreads southwards like a lake, its +Asiatic coast bounded by hills and mountains, and fringed +with islands. Upon the shore of Asia, facing the eastern side +<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>of the promontory, stand the historic towns of Chrysopolis +(Scutari) and Chalcedon (Kadikeui). The mainland to the +west is an undulating plain that soon meets the horizon. It +offers little to attract the eye in the way of natural beauty, +but in the palmy days of the city it, doubtless, presented a +pleasing landscape of villas and gardens.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The promontory, though strictly speaking a trapezium, is +commonly described as a triangle, on account of the comparative +shortness of its eastern side. It is about four miles +long, and from one to four miles wide, with a surface broken +up into hills and plains. The higher ground, which reaches an +elevation of some 250 feet, is massed in two divisions—a large +isolated hill at the south-western corner of the promontory, +and a long ridge, divided, more or less completely, by five +cross valleys into six distinct eminences, overhanging the Golden +Horn. Thus, New Rome boasted of being enthroned upon as +many hills beside the Bosporus, as her elder sister beside the +Tiber.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The two masses of elevated land just described are separated +by a broad meadow, through which the stream of the +Lycus flows athwart the promontory into the Sea of Marmora; +and there is, moreover, a considerable extent of level land along +the shores of the promontory, and in the valleys between the +northern hills.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Few of the hills of Constantinople were known by special +names, and accordingly, as a convenient mode of reference, +they are usually distinguished by numerals.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The First Hill is the one nearest the promontory’s apex, +having upon it the Seraglio, St. Irene, St. Sophia, and the +Hippodrome. The Second Hill, divided from the First by the +valley descending from St. Sophia to the Golden Horn, bears +upon its summit the porphyry Column of Constantine the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>Great, popularly known as the Burnt Column and Tchemberli +Tash. The Third Hill is separated from the preceding by the +valley of the Grand Bazaar, and is marked by the War Office +and adjacent Fire-Signal Tower, the Mosque of Sultan Bajazet, +and the Mosque of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The +Fourth Hill stands farther back from the water than the +five other hills beside the Golden Horn, and is parted from +the Third Hill by the valley which descends from the aqueduct +of Valens to the harbour. It is surmounted by the Mosque of +Sultan Mehemet the Conqueror. The Fifth Hill is really a +long precipitous spur of the Fourth Hill, protruding almost to +the shore of the Golden Horn in the quarter of the Phanar. +Its summit is crowned by the Mosque of Sultan Selim. Between +it and the Third Hill spreads a broad plain, bounded by the +Fourth Hill on the south, and the Golden Horn on the north. +The Sixth Hill is divided from the Fifth by the valley which +ascends southwards from the Golden Horn at Balat Kapoussi +to the large Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the +ridge that runs from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the +Gate of Adrianople. It is distinguished by the ruins of the +Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Tekfour Serai) and the quarter +of Egri Kapou. Nicetas Choniates styles it the Hill of +Blachernae (βουνὸς τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c009'><sup>[2]</sup></a> and upon it stood the +famous Imperial residence of that name. The Seventh Hill, +occupying the south-western angle of the city, was known, on +account of its arid soil, as the Xerolophos—the Dry Hill.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c009'><sup>[3]</sup></a> +Upon it are found Avret Bazaar, the pedestal of the Column of +Arcadius, and the quarters of Alti Mermer and Psamathia.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>Here, then, was a situation where men could build a noble +city in the midst of some of the fairest scenery on earth.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the history of Constantinople cannot be understood unless +the extraordinary character of the geographical position of the +place is present to the mind. No city owes so much to its site. +The vitality and power of Constantinople are rooted in a unique +location. Nowhere is the influence of geography upon history +more strikingly marked. Here, to a degree that is marvellous, +the possibilities of the freest and widest intercourse blend with +the possibilities of complete isolation. No city can be more in +the world and out of the world. It is the meeting-point of some +of the most important highways on the globe, whether by sea +or land; the centre around which diverse, vast, and wealthy +countries lie within easy reach, inviting intimate commercial +relations, and permitting extended political control. Here the +peninsula of Asia Minor, stretching like a bridge across the +seas that sunder Asia and Europe, narrows the waters between +the two great continents to a stream only half a mile across. +Hither the Mediterranean ascends, through the avenues of the +Ægean and the Marmora, from the regions of the south; while +the Euxine and the Azoff spread a pathway to the regions of +the north. Here is a harbour within which the largest and +richest fleets can find a perfect shelter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But no less remarkable is the facility with which the great +world, so near at hand, can be excluded. Access to this point +by sea is possible only through the straits of the Hellespont on +the one side, and through the straits of the Bosporus on the other—defiles +which, when properly guarded, no hostile navy could +penetrate. These channels, with the Sea of Marmora between +them, formed, moreover, a natural moat which prevented an +Asiatic foe from coming within striking distance of the city; +while the narrow breadth of the promontory on which the city +<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>stands allowed the erection of fortifications, along the west, +which could be held against immense armies by a comparatively +small force.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As Dean Stanley, alluding to the selection of this site for the +new capital of the Empire, has observed: “Of all the events of +Constantine’s life, this choice is the most convincing and enduring +proof of his real genius.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Although it does not fall within the scope of this work to +discuss the topography of Byzantium before the time of Constantine, +it will not be inappropriate to glance at the circuits of +the fortifications which successively brought more and more of +this historic promontory within their widening compass, until the +stronghold of a small band of colonists from Megara became the +most splendid city and the mightiest bulwark of the Roman world.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Four such circuits demand notice.</p> + +<p class='c008'>First came the fortifications which constituted the Acropolis +of Byzantium.<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c009'><sup>[4]</sup></a> They are represented by the walls, partly +Byzantine and partly Turkish, which cling to the steep sides of +the Seraglio plateau at the eastern extremity of the First Hill, +and support the Imperial Museum, the Kiosk of Sultan Abdul +Medjid, and the Imperial Kitchens.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That the Acropolis occupied this point may be inferred from +the natural fitness of the rocky eminence at the head of the +promontory to form the kind of stronghold around which ancient +cities gathered as their nucleus. And this inference is confirmed +by the allusions to the Acropolis in Xenophon’s graphic account +of the visit of the Ten Thousand to Byzantium, on their return +from Persia. According to the historian, when those troops, after +their expulsion from the city, forced their way back through the +western gates, Anaxibius, the Spartan commander of the place, +found himself obliged to seek refuge in the Acropolis from the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>fury of the intruders. The soldiers of Xenophon had, however, +cut off all access to the fortress from within the city, so that +Anaxibius was compelled to reach it by taking a fishing-boat in +the harbour, and rowing round the head of the promontory to +the side of the city opposite Chalcedon. From that point also he +sent to Chalcedon for reinforcements.<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c009'><sup>[5]</sup></a> These movements imply +that the Acropolis was near the eastern end of the promontory.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In further support of this conclusion, it may be added that +during the excavations made in 1871 for the construction of the +Roumelian railroad, an ancient wall was unearthed at a short +distance south of Seraglio Point. It ran from east to west, and +was built of blocks measuring, in some cases, 7 feet in length, 3 +feet 9 inches in width, and over 2 feet in thickness.<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c009'><sup>[6]</sup></a> Judging +from its position and character, the wall formed part of the +fortifications around the Acropolis.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The second circuit of walls around Byzantium is that described +by the Anonymus of the eleventh century and his follower +Codinus.<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c009'><sup>[7]</sup></a> Starting from the Tower of the Acropolis at the apex +of the promontory, the wall proceeded along the Golden Horn +as far west as the Tower of Eugenius, which must have stood +beside the gate of that name—the modern Yali Kiosk Kapoussi.<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c009'><sup>[8]</sup></a> +There the wall left the shore and made for the Strategion and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>the Thermæ of Achilles. The former was a level tract of ground +devoted to military exercises—the <i>Champ de Mars</i> of Byzantium—and +occupied a portion of the plain at the foot of the +Second Hill, between Yali Kiosk Kapoussi and Sirkedji Iskelessi.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c009'><sup>[9]</sup></a> +The Thermæ of Achilles stood near the Strategion; and +there also was a gate of the city, known in later days as the +Arch of Urbicius. The wall then ascended the slope of the hill to +the Chalcoprateia, or Brass Market, which extended from the +neighbourhood of the site now occupied by the Sublime Porte +to the vicinity of Yeri Batan Serai, the ancient Cisterna Basilica.<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c009'><sup>[10]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The ridge of the promontory was reached at the Milion, +the milestone from which distances from Constantinople were +measured. It stood to the south-west of St. Sophia, and +marked the site of one of the gates of Byzantium. Thence the +line of the fortifications proceeded to the twisted columns of +the Tzycalarii, which, judging from the subsequent course of +the wall, were on the plateau beside St. Irene. Then, the wall +descended to the Sea of Marmora at Topi,<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c009'><sup>[11]</sup></a> somewhere near the +present Seraglio Lighthouse, and, turning northwards, ran along +the shore to the apex of the promontory, past the sites occupied, +subsequently, by the Thermae of Arcadius and the Mangana.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If we are to believe the Anonymus and Codinus, this was +the circuit of Byzantium from the foundation of the city by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>Byzas to the time of Constantine the Great. On the latter +point, however, these writers were certainly mistaken; for the +circuit of Byzantium was much larger than the one just +indicated, not only in the reign of that emperor, but as far +back as the year 196 of our era, and even before that date.<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c009'><sup>[12]</sup></a> +The statements of the Anonymus and Codinus can therefore +be correct only if they refer to the size of the city at a very +early period.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One is, indeed, strongly tempted to reject the whole account +of this wall as legendary, or as a conjecture based upon the +idea that the Arch of Urbicius and the Arch of the Milion +represented gates in an old line of bulwarks. But, on the +other hand, it is more than probable that Byzantium was not +as large, originally, as it became during its most flourishing +days, and accordingly the two arches above mentioned may +have marked the course of the first walls built beyond the +bounds of the Acropolis.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We pass next to the third line of walls which guarded the +city, the walls which made Byzantium one of the great fortresses +of the ancient world. These fortifications described a circuit of +thirty-five stadia,<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c009'><sup>[13]</sup></a> which would bring within the compass of the +city most of the territory occupied by the first two hills of the +promontory. Along the Golden Horn, the line of the walls +extended from the head of the promontory to the western side +of the bay that fronts the valley between the Second and Third +Hills, the valley of the Grand Bazaar. Three ports, more or +less artificial,<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c009'><sup>[14]</sup></a> were found in that bay for the accommodation of +the shipping that frequented the busy mart of commerce, one +of them being, unquestionably, at the Neorion.<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c009'><sup>[15]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>These bulwarks, renowned in antiquity for their strength, +were faced with squared blocks of hard stone, bound together +with metal clamps, and so closely fitted as to seem a wall of +solid rock around the city. One tower was named the Tower +of Hercules, on account of its superior size and strength, and +seven towers were credited with the ability to echo the slightest +sound made by the movements of an enemy, and thus secure +the garrison against surprise. From the style of their +construction, one would infer that these fortifications were +built soon after Pausanias followed up his victory on the field +of Platæa by the expulsion of the Persians from Byzantium.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These splendid ramparts were torn down in 196 by Septimius +Severus to punish the city for its loyalty to the cause of his +rival, Pescennius Niger. In their ruin they presented a scene +that made Herodianus<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c009'><sup>[16]</sup></a> hesitate whether to wonder more at the +skill of their constructors, or the strength of their destroyers. +But the blunder of leaving unguarded the water-way, along which +barbarous tribes could descend from the shores of the Euxine +to ravage some of the fairest provinces of the Empire, was too +glaring not to be speedily recognized and repaired. Even the +ruthless destroyer of the city perceived his mistake, and ere +long, at the solicitation of his son Caracalla, ordered the +reconstruction of the strategic stronghold.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is with Byzantium as restored by Severus that we are +specially concerned, for in that form the city was the immediate +predecessor of Constantinople, and affected the character of the +new capital to a considerable extent. According to Zosimus, +the principal gate in the new walls of Severus stood at the +extremity of a line of porticoes erected by that emperor for the +embellishment of the city.<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c009'><sup>[17]</sup></a> There Constantine subsequently +<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>placed the Forum known by his name, so that from the Forum +one entered the porticoes in question, and passed beyond the +limits of Byzantium.<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c009'><sup>[18]</sup></a> Now, the site of the Forum of Constantine +is one of the points in the topography of the capital of the +Eastern Roman Empire concerning which there can be no +difference of opinion. The porphyry column (Burnt Column) +which surmounts the Second Hill was the principal ornament of +that public place. Therefore the gate of Byzantium must have +stood at a short distance from that column. According to the +clearest statements on the subject, the gate was to the east of +the column, the Forum standing immediately beyond the +boundary of the old city.<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c009'><sup>[19]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The language of Zosimus, taken alone, suggests, indeed, +the idea that the gate of Byzantium had occupied a site to the +west of the Forum; in other words, that the Forum was constructed +to the east of the gate, within the line of the wall of +Severus. For, according to the historian, one entered the porticoes +of Severus and left the old town, after passing through +the arches (δι᾽ ὧν) which stood, respectively, at the eastern and +western extremities of the Forum of Constantine. This was +possible, however, only if these various structures, in proceeding +from east to west, came in the following order: Forum of Constantine; +porticoes of Severus; gate of Byzantium. On this +view, the statement that the Forum was “at the place where the +gate had stood” would be held to imply that the porticoes +between the Forum and the gate were too short to be taken +<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>into account in a general indication of the Forum’s position. +But to interpret Zosimus thus puts him in contradiction, first, +with Theophanes, as cited above; secondly, with Hesychius +Milesius,<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c009'><sup>[20]</sup></a> who says that the wall of Byzantium did not go +beyond the Forum of Constantine (οὐκ ἔξω τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἀγορᾶς +τοῦ βασιλέως); thirdly, though that is of less moment, with the +Anonymus<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c009'><sup>[21]</sup></a> and Codinus,<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c009'><sup>[22]</sup></a> who explain the circular shape of the +Forum as derived from the shape of Constantine’s tent when he +besieged the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Lethaby and Swainson<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c009'><sup>[23]</sup></a> place the Forum between the porticoes +of Severus on the east and the gate of Byzantium on the +west, putting the western arch of the Forum on the site of the +latter. They understand the statement of Zosimus to mean that +a person in the Forum could either enter the porticoes <i>or</i> leave +the old town according as he proceeded eastwards or westwards.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From that gate the wall descended the northern slope of the +hill to the Neorion, and thence went eastwards to the head of the +promontory.<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c009'><sup>[24]</sup></a> In descending to the Golden Horn the wall kept, +probably, to the eastern bank of the valley of the Grand Bazaar, +to secure a natural escarpment which would render assault +more difficult.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Upon the side towards the Sea of Marmora the wall proceeded +from the main gate of the city to the point occupied by +the temple of Aphrodite, and to the shore facing Chrysopolis.<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c009'><sup>[25]</sup></a> +The temple of the Goddess of Beauty was one of the oldest +sanctuaries in Byzantium,<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c009'><sup>[26]</sup></a> and did not entirely disappear until +<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>the reign of Theodosius the Great, by whom it was converted +into a carriage-house for the Prætorian Prefect.<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c009'><sup>[27]</sup></a> It was, consequently, +a landmark that would long be remembered. Malalas<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c009'><sup>[28]</sup></a> +places it within the ancient Acropolis of the city. Other +authorities likewise put it there, adding that it stood higher up +the hill of the Acropolis than the neighbouring temple of +Poseidon,<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c009'><sup>[29]</sup></a> where it overlooked one of the theatres built +against the Marmora side of the citadel,<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c009'><sup>[30]</sup></a> and faced Chrysopolis.<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c009'><sup>[31]</sup></a> +From these indications it is clear that the temple lay to the +north-east of the site of St. Sophia, and therefore not far from +the site of St. Irene on the Seraglio plateau.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the wall of Severus, upon leaving the western +gate of the city, did not descend to the shore of the Sea of +Marmora, but after proceeding in that direction for some +distance turned south-eastwards, keeping well up the south-western +slopes of the First Hill, until the Seraglio plateau was +reached.<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c009'><sup>[32]</sup></a> As these slopes were for the most part very steep, +the city, when viewed from the Sea of Marmora, presented the +appearance of a great Acropolis upon a hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Where precisely the wall reached the Sea of Marmora +opposite Chrysopolis is not stated, but it could not have been +far from the point now occupied by the Seraglio Lighthouse, for +the break in the steep declivity of the First Hill above that point +offered the easiest line of descent from the temple of Aphrodite +to the shore. Thus it appears that the circuit of the walls +erected by Severus followed, substantially, the course of the +fortifications which he had overthrown. It is a corroboration +<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>of this conclusion to find that the ground outside the wall +constructed by Severus—the valley of the Grand Bazaar—answers +to the description of the ground outside the wall which +he destroyed; a smooth tract, sloping gently to the water: +“Primus post mœnia campus erat peninsulæ cervicis sensim +descendentis ad litus, et ne urbs esset insula prohibentis.”<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c009'><sup>[33]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To this account of the successive circuits of Byzantium until +the time of Constantine, may be added a rapid survey of the +internal arrangements and public buildings of the city after its +restoration by Severus.<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c009'><sup>[34]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A large portion of the Hippodrome, so famous in the history +of Constantinople, was erected by Severus, who left the edifice +unfinished owing to his departure for the West. Between the +northern end of the Hippodrome and the subsequent site of +St. Sophia was the Tetrastoon, a public square surrounded by +porticoes, having the Thermæ of Zeuxippus upon its southern +side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the Acropolis were placed, as usual, the principal sanctuaries +of the city; the Temples of Artemis, Aphrodite, Apollo, +Zeus, Poseidon, and Demeter. Against the steep eastern side +of the citadel, Severus constructed a theatre and a Kynegion +for the exhibition of wild animals, as the Theatre of Dionysius +and the Odeon were built against the Acropolis of Athens.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At a short distance from the apex of the promontory rose the +column, still found there, bearing the inscription <i>Fortunæ Reduci +ob devictos Gothos</i>, in honour of Claudius Gothicus for his victories +over the Goths. To the north of the Acropolis was the Stadium;<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c009'><sup>[35]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>then came the ports of the Prosphorion and the Neorion, and +in their vicinity the Strategion, the public prison,<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c009'><sup>[36]</sup></a> and the +shrine of Achilles and Ajax.<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c009'><sup>[37]</sup></a> The aqueduct which the Emperor +Hadrian erected for Byzantium continued to supply the city of +Severus.<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c009'><sup>[38]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Nor was the territory without the walls entirely unoccupied. +From statements found in Dionysius Byzantius, and from +allusions which later writers make to ruined temples in different +quarters of Constantinople, it is evident that many hamlets and +public edifices existed along the shore of the Golden Horn, and +in the valleys and on the hills beyond the city limits. Blachernæ +was already established beside the Sixth Hill; Sycæ, famous for +its figs, occupied the site of Galata; and the Xerolophos was a +sacred hill, crowned with a temple of Zeus.<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c009'><sup>[39]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp014' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig_fp014.jpg' alt='Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription from the Stadium of Byzantium. (From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>, by kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span> + <h2 id='chap02' class='c006'>CHAPTER II. <br /> THE CITY OF CONSTANTINE—ITS LIMITS—FORTIFICATIONS—INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>In the year 328 of our era, Constantine commenced the transformation +of Byzantium into New Rome by widening the +boundaries of the ancient town and erecting new fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On foot, spear in hand, the emperor traced the limits of the +future capital in person, and when his courtiers, surprised at the +compass of the circuit he set himself to describe, inquired how +far he would proceed, he replied, “Until He stops Who goes +before me.”<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c009'><sup>[40]</sup></a> The story expresses a sense of the profound +import of the work begun on that memorable day. It was the +inauguration of an epoch.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We shall endeavour to determine the limits assigned to the +city of Constantine. The data at our command for that purpose +are, it is true, not everything that can be desired; they are often +vague; at other times they refer to landmarks which have +disappeared, and the sites of which it is impossible now to +identify; nevertheless, a careful study of these indications +yields more satisfactory results than might have been anticipated +under the circumstances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The new land wall, we shall find, crossed the promontory<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c009'><sup>[41]</sup></a> +along a line a short distance to the east of the Cistern of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>Mokius on the Seventh Hill, (the Tchoukour Bostan, west of +Avret Bazaar), and of the Cistern of Aspar at the head of the +valley between the Fourth and Sixth Hills, (the Tchoukour +Bostan on the right of the street leading from the Mosque of +Sultan Mehemet to the Adrianople Gate). The southern end +of the line reached the Sea of Marmora somewhere between +the gates known respectively, at present, as Daoud Pasha +Kapoussi and Psamathia Kapoussi, while its northern extremity +abutted on the Golden Horn, in the neighbourhood of the +Stamboul head of the inner bridge. At the same time the +seaward walls of Byzantium were repaired, and prolonged to +meet the extremities of the new land wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That this outline of the city of Constantine is, substantially, +correct, will appear from the information which ancient writers +have given on the subject.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) According to Zosimus,<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c009'><sup>[42]</sup></a> the land wall of the new capital +was carried fifteen stadia west of the corresponding wall of +Byzantium. The position of the latter, we have already seen, +is marked, with sufficient accuracy for our present purpose by +the porphyry Column of Constantine which stood close to the +main gate of the old Greek town.<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c009'><sup>[43]</sup></a> Proceeding from that +column fifteen stadia westwards, we come to a line within a +short distance of the reservoirs above mentioned.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) In the oldest description of Constantinople—that contained +in the <i>Notitia</i><a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c009'><sup>[44]</sup></a>—the length of the city is put down as +14,075 Roman feet; the breadth as 6150 Roman feet. The +<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span><i>Notitia</i> belongs to the age of Theodosius II., and might therefore +be supposed to give the dimensions of the city after its +enlargement by that emperor. This, however, is not the case. +The size of Constantinople under Theodosius II. is well known, +seeing the ancient walls which still surround Stamboul mark, +with slight modifications, the wider limits of the city in the +fifth century. But the figures of the <i>Notitia</i> do not correspond +to the well-ascertained dimensions of the Theodosian city; +they fall far short of those dimensions, and therefore can +refer only to the length and breadth of the original city of +Constantine. To adhere thus to the original size of the capital +after it had been outgrown is certainly strange, but may be +explained as due to the force of habit. When the <i>Notitia</i> was +written, the enlargement of the city by Theodosius was too +recent an event to alter old associations of thought and introduce +new points of view. “The City,” proper, was still what +Constantine had made it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The length of the original city was measured from the Porta +Aurea on the west to the sea on the east. Unfortunately, a +serious difference of opinion exists regarding the particular gate +intended by the Porta Aurea. There can be no doubt, however, +that the sea at the eastern end of the line of measurement was +the sea at the head of the promontory; for only by coming to +that point could the full length of the city be obtained. Consequently, +if we take the head of the promontory for our starting-point +of measurement, and proceed westwards to a distance +of 14,075 feet, we shall discover the extent of the city of +Constantine in that direction. This course brings us to the +same result as the figures of Zosimus—to the neighbourhood of +the Cisterns of Mokius and Aspar.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Turning next to the breadth of the city, we find that the +only portion of the promontory across which a line of 6150 feet +<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>will stretch from sea to sea lies between the district about the +gate Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, beside the Sea of Marmora on +the south, and the district about the Stamboul head of the +inner bridge on the north; elsewhere the promontory is either +narrower or broader. Hence the southern and northern extremities +of the land wall of Constantine terminated respectively, +as stated above, in these districts.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From these figures we pass to the localities and structures +by which Byzantine writers have indicated the course of Constantine’s +wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the side of the Sea of Marmora the wall extended as +far west as the Gate of St. Æmilianus (πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ), +and the adjoining church of St. Mary Rhabdou (τῆς +ἁγίας θεοτόκου τῆς Ῥάβδου).<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c009'><sup>[45]</sup></a> That gate is represented by +Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, which stands immediately to the west +of Vlanga Bostan.<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c009'><sup>[46]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In crossing from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn, +over the Seventh, Fourth, and Fifth Hills, the line of the +fortifications was marked by the Exokionion; the Ancient Gate +of the Forerunner; the Monastery of St. Dius; the Convent +of Icasia; the Cistern of Bonus; the Church of SS. Manuel, +Sabel, and Ishmael; the Church, and the Zeugma, or Ferry, of +St. Antony in the district of Harmatius, where the fortifications +reached the harbour.<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c009'><sup>[47]</sup></a> To this list may be added the Trojan +Porticoes and the Cistern of Aspar.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp019' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp019-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp019.jpg' alt='Map of Byzantine Constantinople.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Map of Byzantine Constantinople. Drawn by F. R. von Hubner for and under the direction of Professor A. van Millingen.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) The Exokionion (τὸ ἐξωκιόνιον)<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c009'><sup>[48]</sup></a> was a district immediately +outside the Constantinian Wall, and obtained its name from +a column in the district, bearing the statue of the founder of +the city. Owing to a corruption of the name, the quarter was +commonly known as the Hexakionion (τὸ ἑξακιόνιον).<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c009'><sup>[49]</sup></a> It is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>celebrated in ecclesiastical history as the extra-mural suburb in +which the Arians were allowed to hold their religious services, +when Theodosius the Great, the champion of orthodoxy, prohibited +heretical worship within the city.<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c009'><sup>[50]</sup></a> Hence the terms +Arians and Exokionitai became synonymous.<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c009'><sup>[51]</sup></a> In later times +the quarter was one of the fashionable parts of the city, containing +many fine churches and handsome residences.<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c009'><sup>[52]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Gyllius was disposed to place the Exokionion on the Fifth +Hill,<a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c009'><sup>[53]</sup></a> basing his opinion on the fact that he found, when he first +visited the city, a noble column standing on that hill, about half +a mile to the north-west of the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet.<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c009'><sup>[54]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Mordtmann, on the other hand, maintains that the designation +was applied to the extra-mural territory along the whole +line of the Constantinian land fortifications.<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c009'><sup>[55]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But the evidence on the subject requires us to place the +Exokionion on the Seventh Hill, and to restrict the name to +that locality.</p> + +<p class='c008'>For in the account of the triumphal entry of Basil I. through +the Golden Gate of the Theodosian Walls, the Exokionion is +placed between the Sigma and the Xerolophos.<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c009'><sup>[56]</sup></a> The Sigma +appears in the history of the sedition which overthrew Michael V., +(1042), and is described as situated above the Monastery of +St. Mary Peribleptos.<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c009'><sup>[57]</sup></a> Now, regarding the position of that +monastery there is no doubt. The establishment, founded by +Romanus Argyrus, was one of the most important monastic +<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>houses in Constantinople. Its church survived the Turkish Conquest, +and remained in the hands of the Greeks until 1643, when +Sultan Ibrahim granted it to the Armenian community.<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c009'><sup>[58]</sup></a> Since +that time the sacred edifice has twice been destroyed by fire, and +is now rebuilt under the title of St. George. It is popularly known +as Soulou Monastir (the Water Monastery), after its adjoining +ancient cistern, and stands in the quarter of Psamathia, low down +the southern slope of the Seventh Hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Xerolophos was the name of the Seventh Hill in +general,<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c009'><sup>[59]</sup></a> but was sometimes applied, as in the case before us, to +the Forum of Arcadius (Avret Bazaar) upon the hill’s summit.<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c009'><sup>[60]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>This being so, the Exokionion, which was situated between +the Sigma and the Forum of Arcadius, must have occupied the +upper western slope of the Seventh Hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In corroboration of this conclusion two additional facts may +be cited. First, the Church of St. Mokius, the sanctuary accorded +to the Arians for their extra-mural services in the Exokionion, +stood on the Seventh Hill,<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c009'><sup>[61]</sup></a> for it was on the road from the Sigma +to the Forum of Arcadius,<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c009'><sup>[62]</sup></a> and gave name to the large ancient +cistern, the Tchoukour Bostan, to the north-west of the Forum.<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c009'><sup>[63]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the next place, the district on the Seventh Hill to the +west of Avret Bazaar (Forum of Arcadius) and beside the cistern +of Mokius, still retains the name Exokionion under a Turkish +form, its actual name, Alti Mermer, the district of “the Six +Columns,” being, evidently, the Turkish rendering of Hexakionion, +the popular Byzantine alias of Exokionion.<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c009'><sup>[64]</sup></a> The Exokionion, +therefore, was on the Seventh Hill. Accordingly, the Wall +<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>of Constantine crossed that hill along a line to the east of the +quarter of Alti Mermer.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) The next landmark, the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner +(Παλαιὰ Πόρτα τοῦ Προδρόμου), elsewhere styled simply the Ancient +Gate (Παλαιὰ Πόρτα),<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c009'><sup>[65]</sup></a> furnishes the most precise indication we +have of the position of Constantine’s wall. It was a gate which +survived the original fortifications of the city, as Temple Bar outlived +the wall of London, and became known in later days as the +Ancient Gate, on account of its great antiquity. Its fuller designation, +the Ancient Gate of the Forerunner,<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c009'><sup>[66]</sup></a> is explained by the +fact that a church dedicated to the Baptist was built against the +adjoining wall. Conversely, the church was distinguished as the +Church of the Forerunner at the Ancient Gate (τὴν Παλαιὰν).<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c009'><sup>[67]</sup></a> +Manuel Chrysolaras places the entrance to the west of the +Forum of Arcadius, and describes it as one of the finest monuments +in the city.<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c009'><sup>[68]</sup></a> It was so wide and lofty that a tower or +a full-rigged ship might pass through its portals. Upon the +summit was a marble portico of dazzling whiteness, and before +the entrance rose a column, once surmounted by a statue. When +Bondelmontius visited the city, in 1422, the gate was still erect, +and is marked on his map of Constantinople as Antiquissima +Pulchra Porta.<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c009'><sup>[69]</sup></a> It survived the Turkish Conquest, when it +obtained the name of Isa Kapoussi (the Gate of Jesus), and held +its place as late as 1508. In that year it was overthrown by +a great earthquake. “Isa Kapoussi,” says the Turkish historian +Solak Zadè, who records the occurrence, “near Avret Bazaar, +which had been in existence for 1900 years (<i>sic</i>), fell and was +levelled to the ground.”<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c009'><sup>[70]</sup></a> But the shadow of the name still +<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>lingers about the site. A small mosque to the west of Avret +Bazaar bears the name Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi,<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c009'><sup>[71]</sup></a> while the +adjoining street is called Isa Kapoussi Sokaki. The mosque is +an ancient Christian church, and probably bore in its earlier +character a name which accounts for its Turkish appellation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From these facts it is clear that the Wall of Constantine, in +crossing the Seventh Hill, passed very near Isa Kapoussi Mesdjidi, +a conclusion in accordance with the position already assigned +to the Exokionion. The column outside the Ancient Gate was +probably that which gave name to the district. Nowhere could +a column bearing the statue of the city’s founder stand more +appropriately than before this splendid entrance.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) Another landmark of the course of the Constantinian +ramparts in this part of the city were the Trojan Porticoes +(τρῳαδήσιοι ἔμβολοι),<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c009'><sup>[72]</sup></a> which stood so near the wall that it was +sometimes named after them, the Trojan wall (τῶν τειχῶν τῶν +Τρῳαδησίων).<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c009'><sup>[73]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>From their situation in the Twelfth Region,<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c009'><sup>[74]</sup></a> it is probable +that they lined the street leading from the Porta Aurea into the +city. They were evidently of some architectural importance, +and are mentioned on more than one occasion as having been +damaged by fire or earthquake.<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c009'><sup>[75]</sup></a> The reason for their name is +a matter of conjecture, and no trace of them remains.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) Nothing definite regarding the course of the Constantinian +Wall can be inferred from the statement that it ran beside +the Monastery of St. Dius and the Convent of Icasia, seeing the +situation of these establishments cannot be determined more +exactly than that they were found near each other, somewhere +on the Seventh Hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>The former, ascribed to the time of Theodosius I., is mentioned +by Antony of Novgorod in close connection with the +Church of St. Mokius and the Church of St. Luke.<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c009'><sup>[76]</sup></a> The Convent +of Icasia was founded by the beautiful and accomplished +lady of that name,<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c009'><sup>[77]</sup></a> whom the Emperor Theophilus declined to +choose for his bride because she disputed the correctness of his +ungracious remark that women were the source of evil.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) The Cistern of Aspar, which, according to the <i>Paschal +Chronicle</i>,<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c009'><sup>[78]</sup></a> was situated near the ancient city wall, is the old +Byzantine reservoir (Tchoukour Bostan), on the right of the +street conducting from the Mosque of Sultan Mehemet to the +Gate of Adrianople in the Theodosian walls. This is clear from +the following evidence. The cistern in question was a very +large one, and stood near the Monastery of Manuel,<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c009'><sup>[79]</sup></a> which was +founded by the distinguished general of that name in the reign +of Theophilus. The church of the monastery is now the Mosque +Kefelè Mesdjidi in the quarter of Salmak Tombruk, and a little +to the east of it stands the Tchoukour Bostan mentioned above,<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c009'><sup>[80]</sup></a> +the only large Byzantine reservoir in the neighbourhood.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This conclusion is again in harmony with the figures of +Zosimus and the <i>Notitia</i>, which, it will be remembered, brought +the line of the Constantinian Wall close to this point.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) The Cistern of Bonus, the next landmark to be +considered, was built by the Patrician Bonus, celebrated in +Byzantine history for his brave defence of the capital in 627 +against the Avars and the Persians, while the Emperor +Heraclius was in Persia carrying war into the enemy’s country.<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c009'><sup>[81]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Where this cistern was situated is a matter of dispute which +cannot be definitely settled in our present state of knowledge. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>Gyllius identified it with a large cistern, three hundred paces in +length, which he found robbed of its roof and columns, and +turned into a vegetable garden, near the ruins of the Church of +St. John in Petra, on the Sixth Hill.<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c009'><sup>[82]</sup></a> The cistern has disappeared +since that traveller’s day, but as the Wall of +Constantine never extended so far west, the identification +cannot be correct.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion, the Cistern of Bonus was the +large open reservoir to the south-west of the Mosque of Sultan +Selim, on the Fifth Hill,<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c009'><sup>[83]</sup></a> and there is much to be said in favour +of this view.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Cistern of Bonus was, in the first place, situated in one +of the coolest quarters of the city, and beside it, on that +account, the Emperor Romanus I. erected a palace,<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c009'><sup>[84]</sup></a> styled the +New Palace of Bonus,<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c009'><sup>[85]</sup></a> as a residence during the hot season. +Nowhere in Constantinople could a cooler spot be found in +summer than the terrace upon which the Mosque of Sultan +Selim stands, not to speak of the attractions offered by the +superb view of the Golden Horn from that point. Furthermore, +the Cistern of Bonus was within a short distance from the +Church of the Holy Apostles, seeing that on the eve of the +annual service celebrated in that church in commemoration of +Constantine the Great, the Imperial Court usually repaired to +the Palace of Bonus, in order to be within easy riding distance +of the sanctuary on the morning of the festival.<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c009'><sup>[86]</sup></a> A palace near +the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim would be +conveniently near the Church of the Holy Apostles, to suit the +emperor on such an occasion. To these considerations can be +added, first, the fact that on the way from the Palace of Bonus +<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>to the Church of the Apostles there was an old cistern +converted into market gardens,<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c009'><sup>[87]</sup></a> which may have been the +reservoir near the Mosque of Sultan Selim; and, secondly, the +fact that the Wall of Constantine, on its way from the Cistern +of Aspar to the Golden Horn passed near the site now occupied +by the Mosque of Sultan Selim, and, consequently, close to +the old cistern adjoining that mosque. But to this identification +there is a fatal objection: the Cistern of Bonus was roofed +in,<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c009'><sup>[88]</sup></a> whereas the reservoir beside the Mosque of Sultan Selim +appears to have always been open.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Strzygowski has suggested that the Cistern of Bonus +stood near Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi,<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c009'><sup>[89]</sup></a> on the northern bank of the +valley of the Lycus, and to the south-west of the Mosque of +Sultan Mehemet.<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c009'><sup>[90]</sup></a> No traces of a cistern have been found in +that locality, but the conjecture satisfies the requirements of the +case so far as the proximity of that site to the line of +Constantine’s wall and to the Church of the Holy Apostles is +concerned. Why that position should have been selected for a +summer palace is, however, not apparent.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We have said that the Constantinian Wall, upon leaving the +Cistern of Aspar, turned sharply to the north-east, and made for +the shore of the Golden Horn by running obliquely across the +ridge of the Fifth Hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This view of the case is required, first, in order to keep the +breadth of the city within the limits assigned by the <i>Notitia</i>; +and, secondly, by the statement of the same authority that the +Eleventh Region—the Region at the north-western angle of the +Constantinian city—did not extend to the shore of the Golden +Horn: “Nulla parte mari sociata est.”<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c009'><sup>[91]</sup></a> For this statement +<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>implies that the fortifications along the northern front of that +Region stood at some distance from the water. But the northern +slope of the Fifth Hill is so precipitous, and approaches so close +to the Golden Horn that the only available ground for the +fortifications on that side of the city would be the plateau of +the Fifth Hill, where the large cistern beside the Mosque of +Sultan Selim is found.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>g</i>) The church dedicated to the three martyr brothers, SS. +Manual, Sabel, and Ishmael, must likewise have been on the +Fifth Hill; for it stood where the wall began its descent +(κατήρχετο)<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c009'><sup>[92]</sup></a> towards the Golden Horn. This agrees with the +statement of the <i>Synaxaria</i> that the church was situated beside +the land wall of Constantine, upon precipitous ground, and near +the Church of St. Elias at the Petrion.<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c009'><sup>[93]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>h</i>) As to the district of Harmatius, named after Harmatius, +a prominent personage in the reign of Zeno,<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c009'><sup>[94]</sup></a> it must be sought +in the plain bounded by the Fifth, Fourth, and Third Hills, and +the Golden Horn, the plain known in later days as the Plateia, +(Πλατεῖα). To that plain the fortifications of Constantine would +necessarily descend from the Fifth Hill, in proceeding on their +north-eastern course to the Golden Horn; and there also the +figures of the <i>Notitia</i> require the northern end of the walls to +terminate. Doubtless in the time of Constantine the bay at this +point encroached upon the plain more than at present.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A church dedicated to St. Antony was found in this part of +the city by the Archbishop of Novgorod, when he visited +Constantinople at the close of the eleventh century. He +reached it after paying his devotions in the Church of St. +Theodosia, the Church of St. Isaiah, and the Church of St. +Laurentius,<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c009'><sup>[95]</sup></a> sanctuaries situated in the plain before us; the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>first being now the Mosque Gul Djami, near Aya Kapou,<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c009'><sup>[96]</sup></a> +while the two last are represented, it is supposed, respectively, +by the Mosque of Sheik Mourad and the Mosque of Pour +Kouyou, further to the south.<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c009'><sup>[97]</sup></a> The Archbishop places the +Church of St. Antony on higher ground than the Church of +St. Laurentius, apparently a short distance up the slope of the +Fourth Hill, a position which St. Antony of Harmatius may +well have occupied.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>i</i>) The locality known as the Zeugma, or Ferry of St. +Antony, stood, naturally, beside the shore. If it cannot be +identified with Oun-Kapan Kapoussi, where one of the principal +ferries across the Golden Horn has always stood, it must, at all +events, have been in that neighbourhood.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>j</i>) With the result thus obtained regarding the course of the +Constantinian Wall, may now be compared the statement of +the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i> upon the subject. According to that +authority the old land wall of the city crossed the promontory +from the Gate of St. Æmilianus, upon the Sea of Marmora, to +the district of the Petrion, upon the Golden Horn.<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c009'><sup>[98]</sup></a> This +statement is of great importance, because made while the wall +was still standing; and it would on that account have been +considered sooner, but for certain questions which it raises, and +which can be answered more readily now than at a previous +stage of our inquiries. The Chronicler makes the strange +mistake of supposing that the wall which he saw stretching +from sea to sea was the wall built originally for the defence of +Byzantium by Phedalia, the wife of Byzas. Unfortunately, +Byzantine archæologists were not always versed in history.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Setting aside, therefore, the Chronicler’s historical opinions, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>and attending to the facts under his personal observation, we +find him entirely agreed with the Anonymus as regards the point +at which the southern extremity of the Wall of Constantine +terminated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>For the Gate of St. Æmilianus, by which the former authority +marks that extremity, stood close to the Church of St. Mary +Rabdou, the indication given by the latter.<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c009'><sup>[99]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The case seems otherwise as regards the northern end of the +line, for the Petrion, mentioned in the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>, was, +strictly speaking, the district in which the Greek Patriarchate is +now situated, the name of the district being still retained by the +gate (Petri Kapoussi) at the eastern end of the enclosure around +the Patriarchal Church and residence. But this would bring the +northern end of the land wall considerably more to the west +than the point where we have reason to believe the Church +of St. Antony was found. It would also make the city +broader than the <i>Notitia</i> allows. The discrepancy can, however, +be easily removed. For, while the Petrion was pre-eminently +the district above indicated, the designation was applied +also to territory much further to the east. The Church of St. +Laurentius, for example, near which St. Antony’s stood, is at +one time described as standing in the Plateia,<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c009'><sup>[100]</sup></a> the plain to the +east of Petri Kapoussi, while at another time it is spoken of as +in the Petrion.<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c009'><sup>[101]</sup></a> Hence the statement of the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i> +does not conflict with what other authorities affirm respecting +the point at which the Constantinian land fortifications reached +the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>k</i>) Finally, from the Church of St. Antony the wall proceeded +<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>along the shore of the Golden Horn to the head of the promontory, +thus completing the circuit of the fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It should, however, be noted that this work of surrounding +the city with bulwarks was not executed entirely in the reign of +Constantine. A portion of the undertaking—probably the walls +defending the shores of the city—was left for his son and +successor Constantius to complete.<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c009'><sup>[102]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The following gates, mentioned in Byzantine history, were +found, there is reason to believe, in the Constantinian circuit:—</p> + +<p class='c008'>Porta Polyandriou (Πόρτα Πολυανδρίου,<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c009'><sup>[103]</sup></a> the Gate of the +Cemetery) stood in the portion of the wall near the Church of +the Holy Apostles. It is true that this was one of the names of +the Gate of Adrianople in the later Theodosian Walls, but if the +name was derived from the Imperial Cemetery beside the Church +of the Holy Apostles, there is much probability in Dr. Mordtmann’s +opinion that the designation belonged originally to the +corresponding gate in the Constantinian fortifications, which +stood closer to the cemetery.<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c009'><sup>[104]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Another gate was the Porta Atalou (Πόρτα Ἀτάλου).<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c009'><sup>[105]</sup></a> It +was adorned with the statue of Constantine the Great and the +statue of Atalus, after whom the gate was named. Both monuments +fell in the earthquake of 740. The presence of the statue +of the founder of the city upon the gate, the fact that the +damage which the gate sustained in 740 is mentioned in close +connection with the injuries done at the same time to the Column +of Arcadius on the Xeropholos,<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c009'><sup>[106]</sup></a> and the lack of any proof that +the gate stood in the Theodosian Walls, are circumstances which +favour the view that it was an entrance in the Wall of Constantine. +From its association with the Xerolophos one would infer +that the Gate of Atalus was situated on the Seventh Hill, in a +<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>position corresponding to one of the later Theodosian gates on +that eminence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That the Palaia Porta—Isa Kapoussi, beside the Mosque Isa +Kapou Mesdjidi—was a Constantinian gate is beyond dispute.<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c009'><sup>[107]</sup></a> +But a difficult, and at the same time important, question occurs +in connection with it. Was it the Porta Aurea mentioned in +the <i>Notitia</i> as the gate from which the length of the city was +measured? What renders this a difficult question is the fact +that the Porta Aurea of the Theodosian Walls—the celebrated +Golden Gate which appears so frequently in the history of the +city, and which is now incorporated in the Turkish fortress of +the Seven Towers (Yedi Koulè), under the name Yedi Koulè +Kapoussi—was already in existence when the <i>Notitia</i> was written.<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c009'><sup>[108]</sup></a> +That being the case, the presumption is in favour of the opinion +that the Golden Gate at Yedi Koulè is the Porta Aurea to which +the <i>Notitia</i> refers; and this opinion has upon its side the great +authority of Dr. Strzygowski.<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c009'><sup>[109]</sup></a> On the other hand, the distance +from the Porta Aurea to the sea, as given by the <i>Notitia</i>, does +not correspond to the distance between Yedi Koulè and the head +of the promontory, the latter distance being much greater. To +suppose that this discrepancy is due to a mistake which has +crept into the figures of the <i>Notitia</i> is possible; but the supposition +is open to more than one objection. In the first place, +such a view obliges us to assume a similar mistake in the figures +which that authority gives for the breadth of the city, seeing +they do not accord with the breadth of the city along the line of +the Theodosian Walls. But even if this objection is waived, and +the possibility of a double error admitted in the abstract, the +hypothesis of a mistake in the figures before us is attended by +another difficulty, which cannot be dismissed so easily. How +comes it that figures condemned as inaccurate because they do +<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>not accord with the size of Constantinople under Theodosius II., +prove perfectly correct when applied to the dimensions of the +city under its founder? How come these figures to agree completely +with what we learn regarding the length and breadth of +the city of Constantine from other data on that subject? This +cannot be an accident; the only satisfactory explanation is that +the figures in question belonged to the primitive text of the +document in which they are found, and never referred to anything +else than the original size of the city. Hence we are compelled +to adopt the view that when the <i>Notitia</i> was written, two +gates bearing the epithet “Golden” existed in Constantinople, +one of them in the older circuit of the city, the other in the +later fortifications of Theodosius, and that the author of the +<i>Notitia</i> refers to the earlier entrance. There is nothing strange +in the existence of a Triumphal Gate in the Wall of Constantine, +while the duplication of such an entrance for a later line of +bulwarks was perfectly natural.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Why the <i>Notitia</i> overlooks the second Porta Aurea is explained +by the point of view from which that work was written. +Its author was concerned with the original city. A gate in the +Wall of Theodosius was only the vestibule of the corresponding +Constantinian entrance.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The existence of a Porta Aurea in the Wall of Constantine +being thus established, the identification of that gate with the +Palaia Porta offers little difficulty. The Constantinian Porta +Aurea, like the Ancient Gate, stood on the Seventh Hill, since +the portion of the Via Triumphalis leading from the Exokionion +to the Forum of Arcadius was on that eminence.<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c009'><sup>[110]</sup></a> Like the +Ancient Gate, the Porta Aurea was, moreover, distinguished by +fine architectural features, as its very epithet implies, and, as the +<i>Notitia</i> declares, when it states that the city wall bounding the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>Twelfth Region, on the Seventh Hill, was remarkable for its +monumental character—“Quam (regionem) mœnium sublimior +decorat ornatus.”<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c009'><sup>[111]</sup></a> Gates so similar in their position and appearance +can scarcely have been different entrances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the Constantinian gates along the seaboard of the city, +the only one about which anything positive can be affirmed is +the Gate of St. Æmilianus, near the Church of St. Mary +Rabdou, on the Sea of Marmora. It is now represented by +Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c009'><sup>[112]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c009'><sup>[113]</sup></a> suggests the existence of a gate known as +the Basilikè Porta beside the Golden Horn, where Ayasma +Kapoussi stands; but this conjecture is exceedingly doubtful.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Wall of Constantine formed the boundary and bulwark +of the city for some eighty years, its great service being the +protection of the new capital against the Visigoths, who asserted +their power in the Balkan Peninsula during the latter part of +the fourth century and the earlier portion of the fifth. After +the terrible defeat of the Roman arms at Adrianople in 378, +the Goths marched upon Constantinople, but soon retired, in +view of the hopelessness of an attack upon the fortifications. +The bold Alaric never dared to assail these walls; while +Gainas, finding he could not carry them by surprise, broke up his +camp at the Hebdomon, and withdrew to the interior of Thrace.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is a mistake, however, to suppose that the original bulwarks +of the capital were demolished as soon as the Theodosian +Walls were built.<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c009'><sup>[114]</sup></a> On the contrary, the old works continued +<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>for a considerable period to form an inner line of defence. We +hear of them in the reign of Justinian the Great, when, together +with the Wall of Theodosius, they were injured by a violent +earthquake.<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c009'><sup>[115]</sup></a> They were in their place also when the <i>Paschal +Chronicle</i> was written.<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c009'><sup>[116]</sup></a> What their condition precisely was in +740, when the Gate of Atalus was overthrown,<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c009'><sup>[117]</sup></a> cannot be determined, +but evidently they had not completely disappeared. +Thereafter nothing more is heard of them, and the probability +is that they were left to waste away gradually. Remains of +ancient walls survived in the neighbourhood of Isa Kapoussi as +late as the early part of this century.<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c009'><sup>[118]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>Interior Arrangements of the City of Constantine.</h3> +<p class='c007'>The work of altering Byzantium to become the seat of +government was commenced in 328, and occupied some two +years, materials and labourers for the purpose being gathered +from all parts of the Empire. Workmen skilled in cutting +columns and marble came even from the neighbourhood of +Naples,<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c009'><sup>[119]</sup></a> and the forty thousand Gothic troops, known as the +Fœderati, lent their strength to push the work forward.<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c009'><sup>[120]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At length, on the 11th of May, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 330,<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c009'><sup>[121]</sup></a> the city of Constantine, +destined to rank among the great capitals of the +world, and to exert a vast influence over the course of human +<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>affairs, was dedicated with public rejoicings which lasted forty +days.<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c009'><sup>[122]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The internal arrangements of the city were determined +mainly by the configuration of its site, the position of the +buildings taken over from Byzantium, and the desire to reproduce +some of the features of Rome.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The principal new works gathered about two nuclei—the +chief Gate of Byzantium and the Square of the Tetrastoon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Immediately without the gate was placed the Forum, named +after Constantine.<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c009'><sup>[123]</sup></a> It was elliptical in shape, paved with large +stones, and surrounded by a double tier of porticoes; a lofty +marble archway at each extremity of its longer axis led into +this area, and in the centre rose a porphyry column, bearing a +statue of Apollo crowned with seven rays. The figure represented +the founder of the city “shining like the sun” upon the +scene of his creation. On the northern side of the Forum a +Senate House was erected.<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c009'><sup>[124]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Tetrastoon was enlarged and embellished, receiving +in its new character the name “Augustaion,” in honour of +Constantine’s mother Helena, who bore the title Augusta, and +whose statue, set upon a porphyry column, adorned the square.<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c009'><sup>[125]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Hippodrome was now completed,<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c009'><sup>[126]</sup></a> to become “the axis +of the Byzantine world,” and there, in addition to other monuments, +the Serpent Column from Delphi was placed. The +adjoining Thermæ of Zeuxippus were improved.<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c009'><sup>[127]</sup></a> An Imperial +Palace,<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c009'><sup>[128]</sup></a> with its main entrance on the southern side of the +Augustaion, was built to the east of the Hippodrome, where it +stood related to the race-course very much as the Palace of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>Cæsars on the Palatine was related to the Circus Maximus. +There, at the same time, it commanded the beautiful view presented +by the Sea of Marmora, the Prince’s Islands, the hilly +Asiatic coast, and the snow-capped Bythinian Olympus. Eusebius, +who saw the palace in its glory, describes it as “most +magnificent;”<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c009'><sup>[129]</sup></a> while Zosimus speaks of it as scarcely inferior +to the Imperial Residence in Rome.<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c009'><sup>[130]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On the eastern side of the Augustaion rose the Basilica,<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c009'><sup>[131]</sup></a> +where the Senate held its principal meetings. It was entered +through a porch supported by six splendid columns of marble, +and the building itself was decorated with every possible variety +of the same material. There also statues of rare workmanship +were placed, such as the Group of the Muses from Helicon, the +statue of Zeus from Dodona, and that of Pallas from Lindus.<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c009'><sup>[132]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Eusebius, Constantine adorned the city and +its suburbs with many churches,<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c009'><sup>[133]</sup></a> the most prominent of them +being the Church of Irene<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c009'><sup>[134]</sup></a> and the Church of the Apostles.<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c009'><sup>[135]</sup></a> +The former was situated a short distance to the north of the +Augustaion, and there, as restored first by Justinian the Great, +and later by Leo III., it still stands within the Seraglio enclosure, +now an arsenal of Turkish arms.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Church of the Apostles, with its roof covered with tiles +of gilded bronze, crowned the summit of the Fourth Hill, where +it has been replaced by the Mosque of the Turkish Conqueror +of the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There, also, Constantine erected for himself a mausoleum, +surrounded by twelve pillars after the number of the Apostles;<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c009'><sup>[136]</sup></a> +and in the porticoes and chapels beside the church most of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>Constantine’s successors and their empresses, as well as the +patriarchs of the city, found their last resting-place in sarcophagi +of porphyry or marble. Whether Constantine had any +part in the erection of St. Sophia is extremely uncertain. +Eusebius is silent regarding that church; Socrates ascribes it +to Constantius. Possibly Constantine laid the foundations of +the famous sanctuary.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Among other churches ascribed to the founder of the city +are those dedicated, respectively, to St. Mokius, St. Acacius, St. +Agathonicus, and to Michael the Archangel at Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), +on the Bosporus.<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c009'><sup>[137]</sup></a> There is no doubt that in the foundation +of New Rome, Constantine emphasized the alliance of +the Empire with the Christian Church. “Over the entrance of +his palace,” says Eusebius, “he caused a rich cross to be erected +of gold and precious stones, as a protection and a divine charm +against the machinations and evil purposes of his enemies.”<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c009'><sup>[138]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Three streets running the length of the city formed the great +arteries of communication.<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c009'><sup>[139]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>One started from the south-western end of the palace enclosure, +and proceeded along the Sea of Marmora to the Church +of St. Æmilianus, at the southern extremity of the land wall. +At that point was the Harbour of Eleutherius,<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c009'><sup>[140]</sup></a> on the site of +Vlanga Bostan, providing the city with what Nature had failed +to supply—a harbour of refuge on the southern coast of the +promontory.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another street commenced at the south-eastern end of the +palace grounds (Tzycanisterion), and ran first to the point of +the Acropolis along the eastern shore of the city, passing on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>the way the theatre and amphitheatre of Byzantium. Near the +latter Constantine built the Mangana, or Military Arsenal.<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c009'><sup>[141]</sup></a> +The street then proceeded westwards along the Golden Horn, +past the Temples of Zeus and Poseidon, the Stadium, the +Strategion, and the principal harbours of the city, to the Church +of St. Antony in the quarter of Harmatius. In the Strategion +an equestrian statue of Constantine was placed, and a pillar +bearing the edict which bestowed upon the city the name of New +Rome, as well as the rights and privileges of the elder capital.<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c009'><sup>[142]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The third street started from the main gate of the palace, +and proceeded, first, from the Augustaion to the Forum of +Constantine. On reaching the Third Hill it divided into two +branches, one leading to the Porta Aurea and the Exokionion, +the other to the Church of the Holy Apostles and the Gate +of the Polyandrion. This was the main artery of the city, +and was named the Mesè (Μεσὴ) on account of its central +position. Porticoes built by Eubulus, one of the senators who +accompanied Constantine from Rome, lined both sides of the +Mesè, and one side of the two other streets, adding at once to +the convenience and beauty of the thoroughfares. The porticoes +extending from the Augustaion to the Forum of Constantine were +particularly handsome.<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c009'><sup>[143]</sup></a> Upon the summit of all the porticoes +walks or terraces were laid out, adorned with countless statues, +and commanding views of the city and of the surrounding hills +and waters. Thus, the street scenery of Constantinople combined +the attractions of Art and Nature.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The water-supply of the new capital was one of the most +important undertakings of the day.<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c009'><sup>[144]</sup></a> While the water-works of +Byzantium, as improved by Hadrian, continued to be used, they +<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>were extended, to render the supply of water more abundant. +What exactly was done for that purpose is, however, a matter of +conjecture.<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c009'><sup>[145]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To the construction of the aqueducts, porticoes, and fortifications +of New Rome sixty centenaria of gold (£2,500,000) were +devoted.<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c009'><sup>[146]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The health of the city was consulted by building sewers far +underground, and carrying them to the sea.<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c009'><sup>[147]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>With the view of drawing population to the new city, Constantine +made the wheat hitherto sent from Egypt to Rome the +appanage of Constantinople, and ordered the daily free distribution +of eighty thousand loaves.<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c009'><sup>[148]</sup></a> The citizens were, moreover, +granted the Jus Italicus,<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c009'><sup>[149]</sup></a> while, to attract families of distinction +the emperor erected several mansions for presentation to Roman +senators.<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c009'><sup>[150]</sup></a> House-building was encouraged by granting estates +in Pontus and Asia, on the tenure of maintaining a residence in +the new capital.<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c009'><sup>[151]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Furthermore, in virtue of its new dignity, the city was +relieved from its subordination to the town of Heraclea,<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c009'><sup>[152]</sup></a> imposed +since the time of Septimius Severus, and the members of +the public council of New Rome were constituted into a Senate, +with the right to bear the title of Clari.<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c009'><sup>[153]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>For municipal purposes the city was divided, like Rome, into +<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>Fourteen Regions,<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c009'><sup>[154]</sup></a> two of them being outside the circuit of the +fortifications, viz. the Thirteenth, which comprised Sycæ (Galata), +on the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the Fourteenth, +constituting the suburb of Blachernæ, now the quarters of Egri +Kapou and Aivan Serai.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span> + <h2 id='chap03' class='c006'>CHAPTER III. <br /> THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The enduring character of the political reasons which had +called the new capital into being, and the commercial advantages +which its unique position commanded, favoured such an increase +of population, that before eighty-five years had elapsed, the +original limits of Constantinople proved too narrow for the crowds +gathered within the walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So numerous were the inhabitants already in 378, that the +Goths, who then appeared before the city after the defeat of the +Roman arms at Adrianople, abandoned all hope of capturing +a stronghold which could draw upon such multitudes for its +defence.<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c009'><sup>[155]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp041' class='figcenter id003'> +<img src='images/fig_fp041.jpg' alt='The Land Walls of Constantinople.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Land Walls of Constantinople.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Three years later, Athanaric<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c009'><sup>[156]</sup></a> marvelled at the variety of +peoples which poured into the city, as they have ever since, like +streams from different points into a common reservoir. Soon +the corn fleets of Alexandria, Asia, Syria, and Phœnicia, were +unable to provide the city with sufficient bread.<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c009'><sup>[157]</sup></a> The houses +were packed so closely that the citizens, whether at home or +abroad, felt confined and oppressed, while to walk the streets +was dangerous, on account of the number of the beasts of burden +that crowded the thoroughfares. Building-ground was in such +<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>demand that portions of the sea along the shores of the city had +to be filled in, and the erections on that artificial land alone +formed a considerable town.<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c009'><sup>[158]</sup></a> Sozomon goes so far as to affirm +that Constantinople had grown more populous than Rome.<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c009'><sup>[159]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>This increase of the population is explained, in part, by the +attractions which a capital, and especially one founded recently, +offered alike to rich and poor as a place of residence and occupation. +The ecclesiastical dignity of the city, when elevated to +the second rank in the hierarchy of the Church, made it, moreover, +the religious centre of the East, and drew a large body of +ecclesiastics and devout persons within its bounds. The presence +and incursions of the Goths and the Huns south of the Danube +drove many of the original inhabitants of the invaded districts +for shelter behind the fortifications of the city, and led multitudes +of barbarians thither in search of employment or the pleasures +of civilized life.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Then, it must be remembered that no capital is built in +a day.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To make the city worthy of its name involved great labour, +and demanded an army of workmen of every description. There +were many structures which Constantine had only commenced; +the completion of the fortifications of the city had been left to +Constantius; Julian found it necessary to construct a second +harbour on the side of the Sea of Marmora; Valens was obliged +to improve the water-works of the city by the erection of the fine +aqueduct which spans the valley between the Fourth and Fifth +Hills. And how large a number of hands such works required +appears from the fact that when the aqueduct was repaired, in +the ninth century, 6000 labourers were brought from the provinces +to Constantinople for the purpose.<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c009'><sup>[160]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Under the rule of the Theodosian dynasty the improvement +<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>of the city went forward with leaps and bounds. Most of the +public places and buildings enumerated by the <i>Notitia</i>, were +constructed under the auspices of that House, and transformed +the city. A vivid picture of the change is drawn by Themistius,<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c009'><sup>[161]</sup></a> +who knew all the phases through which Constantinople had passed, +from the reign of Constantius to that of Theodosius the Great. +“No longer,” exclaims the orator, as he viewed the altered +appearance of things around him, “is the vacant ground in the +city more extensive than that occupied by buildings; nor are we +cultivating more territory within our walls than we inhabit; the +beauty of the city is not, as heretofore, scattered over it in patches, +but covers its whole area like a robe woven to the very fringe. +The city gleams with gold and porphyry. It has a (new) Forum, +named after the emperor; it owns Baths, Porticoes, Gymnasia; +and its former extremity is now its centre. Were Constantine +to see the capital he founded he would behold a glorious and +splendid scene, not a bare and empty void; he would find it +fair, not with apparent, but with real beauty.” The mansions +of the rich, the orator continues, had become larger and more +sumptuous; the suburbs had expanded; the place “was full of +carpenters, builders, decorators, and artisans of every description, +and might fitly be called a work-shop of magnificence.” “Should +the zeal of the emperor to adorn the city continue,” adds Themistius, +in prophetic strain, “a wider circuit will be demanded, +and the question will arise whether the city added to Constantinople +by Theodosius is not more splendid than the city which +Constantine added to Byzantium.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The growth of the capital went on under Arcadius, with the +result that early in the reign of his son, the younger Theodosius, +the enlargement of the city limits, foreseen by Themistius, was +carried into effect.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>But this extension of the boundaries was not made simply +to suit the convenience of a large population. It was required +also by the need of new bulwarks. Constantinople called for +more security, as well as for more room. The barbarians were +giving grave reasons for disquiet; Rome had been captured by +the Goths; the Huns had crossed the Danube, and though +repelled, still dreamed of carrying their conquests wherever the +sun shone. It was, indeed, time for the Empire to gird on its +whole armour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Fortunately for the eastern portion of the Roman world, +Anthemius, the statesman at the head of the Government for six +years during the minority of Theodosius II., was eminently +qualified for his position by lofty character, distinguished ability, +and long experience in the public service. When appointed +Prætorian Prefect of the East, in 405, by the Emperor Arcadius, +Chrysostom remarked that the appointment conferred more +honour on the office than upon Anthemius himself; and the +ecclesiastical historian Socrates extols the prefect as “one of the +wisest men of the age.”<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c009'><sup>[162]</sup></a> Proceeding, therefore, to do all in his +power to promote the security of the State, Anthemius cleared the +Balkan Peninsula of the hostile Huns under Uldin, driving them +north of the Danube. Then, to prevent the return of the enemy, +he placed a permanent flotilla of 250 vessels on that river, and +strengthened the fortifications of the cities in Illyria; and to +crown the system of defence, he made Constantinople a mighty +citadel. The enlargement and refortification of the city was thus +part of a comprehensive and far-seeing plan to equip the Roman +State in the East for the impending desperate struggle with +barbarism; and of all the services which Anthemius rendered, +the most valuable and enduring was the addition he made to the +military importance of the capital. The bounds he assigned to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>the city fixed, substantially, her permanent dimensions, and +behind the bulwarks he raised—improved and often repaired, +indeed, by his successors—Constantinople acted her great part in +the history of the world.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The erection and repair of the fortifications of a city was an +undertaking which all citizens were required to assist, in one +form or another. On that point the laws were very stringent, +and no rank or privilege exempted any one from the obligation +to promote the work.<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c009'><sup>[163]</sup></a> One-third of the annual land-tax of the +city could be drawn upon to defray the outlay, all expenses +above that amount being met by requisitions laid upon the +inhabitants. The work of construction was entrusted to the +Factions, as several inscriptions on the walls testify. In 447, +when the Theodosian fortifications were repaired and extended, +the Blues and the Greens furnished, between them, sixteen +thousand labourers for the undertaking.<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c009'><sup>[164]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The stone employed upon the fortifications is tertiary +limestone, brought from the neighbourhood of Makrikeui, +where the hollows and mounds formed in quarrying are still +visible. The bricks used are from 1 foot 1 inch to 1 foot 2 +inches square, and 2 inches thick. They are sometimes stamped +with the name of their manufacturer or donor, and occasionally +bear the name of the contemporary emperor, and the indiction +in which they were made. Mortar, mixed with powdered brick, +was employed in large quantities, lest it should dry without +taking hold,<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c009'><sup>[165]</sup></a> and bound the masonry into a solid mass, hard +as rock.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The wall of Anthemius was erected in 413,<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c009'><sup>[166]</sup></a> the fifth year of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>Theodosius II., then about twelve years of age, and is now +represented by the inner wall in the fortifications that extend +along the west of the city, from the Sea of Marmora to the ruins +of the Byzantine Palace, known as Tekfour Serai. The new city +limits were thus placed at a distance of one mile to one mile and +a half west of the Wall of Constantine.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This change in the position of the landward line of defence +involved the extension likewise of the walls along the two shores +of the city; but though that portion of the work must have been +included in the plan of Anthemius, it was not executed till after +his day. As we shall find, the new seaboard of the capital was +fortified a quarter of a century later, in 439, under the direction +of the Prefect Cyrus, while Theodosius II. was still upon the +throne.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The bulwarks of Anthemius saved the city from attack by +Attila. They were too formidable for him to venture to assail +them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But they suffered soon at the hands of the power which was +to inflict more injury upon the fortifications of Constantinople +than any other foe. In 447, only thirty-four years after their +construction, the greater portion of the new walls, with fifty-seven +towers, was overthrown by a series of violent earthquakes.<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c009'><sup>[167]</sup></a> +The disaster was particularly inopportune at the moment it +occurred, for already in that year Attila had defeated the +armies of Theodosius in three successive engagements, ravaged +with fire and sword the provinces of Macedonia and Thrace, and +come as near to Constantinople as Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè). +He had dictated an ignominious treaty of peace, exacting the +cession of territory south of the Danube, the payment of an +<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>indemnity of 6000 pounds of gold, and the increase of the annual +tribute paid to him by the Eastern Empire from 700 pounds of +gold to 2100.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The crisis was, however, met with splendid energy by Constantine, +then Prætorian Prefect of the East, and under his +direction, as Marcellinus Comes affirms, the walls were restored +in less than three months after their overthrow.<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c009'><sup>[168]</sup></a> But besides +restoring the shattered bulwarks of his predecessor, Constantine +seized the opportunity to render the city a much stronger fortress +than even Anthemius had made it. Accordingly, another wall, +with a broad and deep moat before it, was erected in front of +the Wall of Anthemius, to place the city behind three lines of +defence. The walls were flanked by 192 towers, while the +ground between the two walls, and that between the Outer Wall +and the Moat, provided room for the action of large bodies of +troops. These five portions of the fortifications rose tier above +tier, and combined to form a barricade 190-207 feet thick, and +over 100 feet high.<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c009'><sup>[169]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As an inscription<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c009'><sup>[170]</sup></a> upon the fortifications proclaimed, this +was a wall indeed, τὸ καὶ τεῖχος ὄντως—a wall which, so long as +ordinary courage survived and the modes of ancient warfare +were not superseded, made Constantinople impregnable, and +behind which civilization defied the assaults of barbarism for +a thousand years.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp046' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig_fp046.jpg' alt='Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of the Theodosian Walls (Between the Gate of the Deuteron and Yedi Koulè Kapoussi).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Three inscriptions commemorating the erection of these +noble works of defence have been discovered. Two of them +are still found on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi +(Porta Rhousiou), one being in Greek, the other in Latin, as +<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>both languages were then in official use. The former reads to +the effect that “In sixty days, by the order of the sceptre-loving +Emperor, Constantine the Eparch added wall to wall.”</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟΣΚΗΠΤΡΩ ΒΑΣΙΛΗΙ †</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΔΕΙΜΑΤΟ ΤΕΙΧΕΙ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The Latin legend is more boastful: “By the commands of +Theodosius, in less than two months, Constantine erected triumphantly +these strong walls. Scarcely could Pallas have built so +quickly so strong a citadel.”</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>THEODOSII JUSSIS GEMINO NEC MENSE PERACTO †</div> + <div class='line'>CONSTANTINUS OVANS HAEC MOENIA FIRMA LOCAVIT</div> + <div class='line'>TAM CITO TAM STABILEM PALLAS VIX CONDERET ARCEM †<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c009'><sup>[171]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The third inscription has disappeared from its place on the +Porta Xylokerkou, but is preserved in the Greek Anthology.<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c009'><sup>[172]</sup></a> It +declared that, “The Emperor Theodosius and Constantine the +Eparch of the East built this wall in sixty days.”</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The shortness of the time assigned to the execution of the +work is certainly astonishing. Perhaps the statement of the +inscriptions will appear more credible if understood to refer +exclusively to the second wall, and if we realize the terror which +the Huns then inspired. The dread of Attila, “the Scourge of +God,” might well prove an incentive to extraordinary performance, +and strain every muscle to the utmost tension.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the question of the time occupied in the reconstruction +of the walls is not the only difficulty raised by these inscriptions. +They present a question also as regards the official under whose +direction that work was executed. For according to them, and +Marcellinus Comes, the superintendent of the work was named +<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>Constantine.<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c009'><sup>[173]</sup></a> Theophanes and subsequent historians, on the +other hand, ascribe the undertaking to the Prefect Cyrus.<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c009'><sup>[174]</sup></a> +This is a serious discrepancy, and authorities are not agreed in +their mode of dealing with it. Some have proposed to remove +the difficulty by the simple expedient of identifying Constantine +and Cyrus;<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c009'><sup>[175]</sup></a> while others maintain a distinction of persons, and +reconcile the conflicting statements by understanding them to +refer, respectively, to different occasions on which the walls +were repaired.<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c009'><sup>[176]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Cyrus was one of the most conspicuous figures in the +history of the city during the reign of Theodosius II.<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c009'><sup>[177]</sup></a> On +account of his talents and integrity he held the office of +Prætorian Prefect, and that of Prefect of the City, for four +years, making himself immensely popular by the character of +his administration. During his prefecture, in 439, the new +walls along the shores of the city were constructed. The fires +and earthquakes, moreover, which devastated Constantinople in +the earlier half of the fifth century, afforded him ample opportunity +for carrying out civic improvements, and he was to be +seen constantly driving about the city in his chariot to inspect +the public buildings in course of erection, and to push forward +their completion. Among other works, he restored the great +Bath of Achilles, which had been destroyed in the fire of 433.<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c009'><sup>[178]</sup></a> +To him also is ascribed the introduction of the practice of +lighting the shops and streets of the capital at night.<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c009'><sup>[179]</sup></a> He was, +moreover, a man of literary tastes, and a poet, who counted the +Empress Eudoxia, herself a poetess, one of his admirers.<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c009'><sup>[180]</sup></a> In +<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>the competition between Greek and Latin for ascendency as +the official language of the Government, he took the side of +the former by issuing his decrees in Greek, a practice which +made the conservative Lydus style him ironically, “Our +Demosthenes.”<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c009'><sup>[181]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But in the midst of all his success, Cyrus remained self-possessed +and sober-minded. “I do not like Fortune, when +she smiles much,”<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c009'><sup>[182]</sup></a> he was accustomed to say; and at length +the tide of his prosperity turned. Taking his seat one day in +the Hippodrome, he was greeted with a storm of applause. +“Constantine,” the vast assembly shouted, “founded the city; +Cyrus restored it.” For a subject to be so popular was +a crime. Theodosius took umbrage at the ovation accorded +to the renovator of the city, and Cyrus was dismissed from +office, deprived of his property, forced to enter the Church, and +sent to Smyrna to succeed four bishops who had perished at the +hands of brigands. Upon his arrival in that city on Christmas +Day he found his people ill-prepared to receive him, so indignant +were they that a man still counted a heathen and a heretic +should have been appointed the shepherd of their souls. But a +short allocution, which Cyrus delivered in honour of the festival, +disarmed the opposition to him, and he spent the last years of +his life in the diocese, undisturbed by political turmoils and +unmolested by robbers.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Returning to the question of the identity of Cyrus with the +Prefect Constantine above mentioned, the strongest argument in +favour of that identity is the fact that, commencing with +Theophanes, who flourished in the latter part of the eighth +century, all historians who refer to the fortification of the city +under Theodosius II. ascribe the work to Cyrus. That they +<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>should be mistaken on this point, it may be urged, is extremely +improbable. On this view, the occurrence of the name Constantine +instead of Cyrus in the inscriptions and in Marcellinus +Comes, is explained by the supposition that the former name +was the one which Cyrus assumed, as usual under such circumstances, +after his conversion to the Christian faith.<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c009'><sup>[183]</sup></a> But +surely any name which Cyrus acquired after his dismissal from +office could not be employed as his designation in documents +anterior to his fall. Perhaps a better explanation is that Cyrus +always had both names, one used habitually, the other rarely, +and that the latter appears in the inscriptions because more +suited than the former to the versification in which they are +cast. This, however, does not explain why Marcellinus Comes +prefers the name Constantine.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the proposed identification of Cyrus and +Constantine is open to serious objections. In the first place, +not till the eighth century is the name of Cyrus associated with +the land walls of Constantinople. Earlier historians,<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c009'><sup>[184]</sup></a> when speaking +of Cyrus and extolling his services, say nothing as to his +having been concerned in the fortification of the city in 447.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the next place, the information of Theophanes and his +followers does not seem based upon a thorough investigation of +the subject. These writers ignore the fact that under Theodosius +II. the land walls were built on two occasions; they ascribe to +Cyrus everything done in the fifth century in the way of +enlarging and fortifying the capital, and are silent as regards the +connection of the great Anthemius with that work.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The only Byzantine author later than the fifth century who +recalls the services of Anthemius is Nicephorus Callistus,<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c009'><sup>[185]</sup></a> and +even he represents Cyrus as the associate of that illustrious +<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>prefect. If such inaccuracies do not render the testimony of +Theophanes and subsequent historians worthless, they certainly +make one ask whether these writers were not misled by the +great fame of Cyrus on the ground of other achievements, and +especially on account of his share in building the walls along +the shores of the city in 439, to ascribe to him a work which +was really performed by the more obscure Constantine.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Inner Wall. <br /> Τὸ κάστρον τὸ μέγα:<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c009'><sup>[186]</sup></a> Τὸ μέγα τεῖχος.<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c009'><sup>[187]</sup></a></h3> +<p class='c007'>The Inner Wall was the main bulwark of the capital. It +stood on a higher level than the Outer Wall, and was, at the +same time, loftier, thicker, and flanked by stronger towers. In +construction it was a mass of concrete faced on both sides with +blocks of limestone, squared and carefully fitted; while six +brick courses, each containing five layers of bricks, were laid at +intervals through the thickness of the wall to bind the structure +more firmly.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The wall rises some 30-½ feet above the present exterior +ground-level, and about 40 feet above the level within the +city, with a thickness varying from 15-½ feet near the base to +13-½ feet at the summit. The summit had along its outer edge +a battlement, 4 feet 8 inches high, and was reached by flights +of steps, placed generally beside the gates, and set at right angles +to the wall, upon ramps of masonry.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The ninety-six towers, now battered and ruined by weather, +war, and earthquakes, which once guarded this wall, stood from +175 to 181 feet apart, and were from 57 to 60 feet high, with +a projection of 18 to 34 feet. As many of them are reconstructions +and belong to different periods, they exhibit various +<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>forms and different styles of workmanship. Most of them are +square; others are hexagonal, or heptagonal, or octagonal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While their structure resembles that of the wall, they are +nevertheless distinct buildings, in compliance with the rule +laid down by military engineers, that a tower should not be +bound in construction with the curtain of the wall behind it.<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c009'><sup>[188]</sup></a> +Thus two buildings differing in weight could settle at different +rates without breaking apart along the line of junction. +As an additional precaution a relieving arch was frequently +inserted where the sides of the tower impinged on the wall.<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c009'><sup>[189]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A tower was usually divided by wooden or vaulted floors into +two chambers. Towers with three chambers, like the Tower of +Basil and Constantine at the southern extremity of the wall, +and the Soulou Kaleh beside the Lycus, were rare. The lower +chamber was entered from the city through a large archway. +Occasionally, it communicated also with the terrace between the +two walls by a postern, situated as a rule, for the sake of concealment +or easier defence, at the angle formed by the tower +and the curtain-wall. Upon these entrances the chamber +depended for light and air, as its walls had few, if any, loopholes, +lest the tower should be weakened where most exposed to +missiles.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Generally, the lower chamber had no means of communication +with the story above it; at other times a circular aperture, +about 7-½ feet in diameter, is found in the crown of the vaulted +floor between the chambers.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp052' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp052-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp052.jpg' alt='Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of the Theodosian Walls (From Within the City).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The lower portion of a tower had evidently little to do +directly with the defence of the city, but served mainly as a +store-room or guard-house. There, soldiers returning home or +<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>leaving for the field were allowed to take up their temporary +quarters.<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c009'><sup>[190]</sup></a> The proprietors of the ground upon which the towers +stood were also allowed to use them,<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c009'><sup>[191]</sup></a> but this permission referred, +doubtless, only to the lower chambers, and that in time of peace.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The upper chamber was entered from the parapet-walk +through an arched gateway, and was well lighted on its three +other sides by comparatively large windows, commanding wide +views, and permitting the occupants to fire freely upon an +attacking force. Flights of steps, similar to the ramps that led +to the summit of the wall, conducted to the battlemented roof of +the towers. There, the engines that hurled stones and Greek fire +upon the enemy were placed;<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c009'><sup>[192]</sup></a> and there, sentinels watched the +western horizon, day and night, keeping themselves awake at +night by shouting to one another along the line.<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c009'><sup>[193]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Inner Terrace. <br /> Ὁ Περίβολος.<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c009'><sup>[194]</sup></a></h3> +<p class='c007'>The Inner Embankment, or Terrace, between the two walls +was 50 to 64 feet broad. It was named the Peribolos, and +accommodated the troops which defended the Outer Wall.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Outer Wall. <br /> Τὸ ἔξω τεῖχος:<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c009'><sup>[195]</sup></a> τὸ ἔξω κάστρον:<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c009'><sup>[196]</sup></a> τὸ μικρόν τεῖχος.<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c009'><sup>[197]</sup></a></h3> +<p class='c007'>The Outer Wall is from 2 to 6-½ feet thick, rising some 10 +feet above the present level of the peribolos,<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c009'><sup>[198]</sup></a> and about 27-½ +feet above the present level of the terrace between the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>Outer Wall and the Moat. Its lower portion is a solid +wall, which retains the embankment of the peribolos. The +upper portion is built, for the most part, in arches, faced +on the outer side with hewn blocks of stone, and is frequently +supported by a series of arches in concrete, and sometimes, +even, by two series of such arches, built against the rear. +Besides strengthening the wall, these supporting arches permitted +the construction of a battlement and parapet-walk on +the summit, and, moreover, formed chambers, 8-½ feet deep, +where troops could be quartered, or remain under cover, while +engaging the enemy through the loophole in the western wall +of each chamber.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The towers which flanked this wall<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c009'><sup>[199]</sup></a> were much smaller than +those of the inner line. They are some 30 to 35 feet high, with +a projection of about 16 feet beyond the curtain-wall. They +alternate with the great towers to the rear, thus putting both +walls more completely under cover. It would seem as if the +towers of this line were intended to be alternately square and +crescent in shape, so frequently do these forms succeed one +another. That this arrangement was not always maintained +is due, probably, to changes made in the course of repairs.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Each tower had a chamber on the level of the peribolos, +provided with small windows. The lower portion of most of the +towers was generally a solid substructure; but in the case of +square towers it was often a small chamber reached from the +Outer Terrace through a small postern, and leading to a subterranean +passage running towards the city. These passages +may either have permitted secret communication with different +parts of the fortifications, or formed channels in which water-pipes +were laid.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>Notwithstanding the comparative inferiority of the Outer +Wall, it was an important line of defence, for it sheltered the +troops which engaged the enemy at close quarters. Both in the +siege of 1422,<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c009'><sup>[200]</sup></a> and in that of 1453,<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c009'><sup>[201]</sup></a> the most desperate fighting +occurred here.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Outer Terrace. <br /> Τὸ ἔξω παρατείχιον.<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c009'><sup>[202]</sup></a></h3> +<p class='c007'>The embankment or terrace between the Outer Wall and +the Moat is some 61 feet broad. While affording room for the +action of troops under cover of the battlement upon the scarp +of the Moat,<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c009'><sup>[203]</sup></a> its chief function was to widen the distance +between the besiegers and the besieged.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Moat. <br /> Τάφρος: σοῦδα.<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c009'><sup>[204]</sup></a></h3> +<p class='c007'>The Moat is over 61 feet wide. Its original depth, which +doubtless varied with the character of the ground it traversed, +cannot be determined until excavations are allowed, for the +market-gardens and <i>débris</i> which now occupy it have raised the +level of the bed. In front of the Golden Gate, where it was +probably always deepest, on account of the importance of that +entrance, its depth is still 22 feet. The masonry of the scarp and +counterscarp is 5 feet thick, and was supported by buttresses to +withstand the pressure of the elevated ground on either side of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>the Moat. The battlement upon the scarp formed a breastwork +about 6-½ feet high.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At several points along its course the Moat is crossed by +low walls, dividing it into so many sections or compartments. +They are generally opposite a tower of the Outer or Inner Wall, +and taper from the base to a sharp edge along the summit, to +prevent their being used as bridges by an enemy. On their +southern side, where the ground falls away, they are supported +by buttresses.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c009'><sup>[205]</sup></a> was the first to call attention to these structures, +and to him, also, belongs the credit of having thrown +some light upon their use. They were, in his opinion, aqueducts, +and dams or batardeaux, by means of which water was +conveyed to the Moat, and kept in position there. But this +service, Dr. Paspates believed, was performed by them only in +case of a siege, when they were broken open, and allowed to run +into the Moat. At other times, when no hostile attack was +apprehended, they carried water across the Moat into the city, +for the supply of the ordinary needs of the population.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That many of these structures, if not all, were aqueducts +admits of no doubt, for some have been found to contain +earthenware water-pipes, while others of them still carry into +the city water brought by underground conduits from the hills +on the west of the fortifications; and that they were dams seems +the only explanation of the buttresses built against their lower +side, as though to resist the pressure of water descending from +a higher level.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp056' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp056-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp056.jpg' alt='Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Aqueduct Across the Moat of the Theodosian Walls.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div id='fig_fp056a' class='figcenter id003'> +<img src='images/fig_fp056a.jpg' alt='Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Coin of the Emperor Theodosius II. (From Du Cange.)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Certainly Dr. Paspates’ view has very much in its favour. It +is, however, not altogether free from difficulties. To begin with, +the idea that the Moat was flooded only during a siege does +not agree with the representations of Manuel Chrysolaras and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>Bondelmontius on that point. The former writer, in his famous +description of Constantinople, speaks as if the Moat was always +full of water. According to him, it contained so much water +that the city seemed to stand upon the sea-shore, even when +viewed from the side of the land.<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c009'><sup>[206]</sup></a> The Italian traveller describes +the Moat as a “vallum aquarum surgentium.”<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c009'><sup>[207]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Are these statements mere rhetorical flourishes? If not, +then water must have been introduced into the Moat by some +other means than by the aqueducts which traverse it, for these, +as Dr. Paspates himself admits, ordinarily took water into the +city. Unfortunately, it is impossible, under present circumstances, +to examine the Moat thoroughly, or to explore the +territory without the city to discover underground conduits, and +thus settle the question at issue. One can only ask, as a +matter for future investigation, whether, on the view that the +Moat was always flooded, the water required for the purpose +was not brought by underground conduits that emptied themselves +a little above the bed of the Moat. The mouth of what +appears to be such a conduit is seen in the counterscarp of the +Moat immediately below the fifth aqueduct to the south of Top +Kapoussi. If water was brought thus to the elevation of Top +Kapoussi and Edirnè Kapoussi, sufficient pressure to flood the +rest of the Moat would be obtained.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But, in the next place, it must be added that objections can +be urged against the opinion that the Moat was flooded even in +time of war. The necessary quantity of water could ill be +spared by a city which required all available water for the +wants of its inhabitants, especially at the season of the year +when sieges were conducted. Then, there is the fact that in +<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>the accounts we have of the sieges of the city, all contemporary +historians are silent as to the presence of water in the Moat, +notwithstanding frequent allusions to that part of the fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Furthermore, there are statements which imply the absence +of water in the Moat during a siege. Pusculus, for instance, +giving a minute account of the measures adopted in 1453 to +place the city in a state of defence, refers to the deepening of +the Moat, but says nothing about water in it. “Fossaque +cavant, atque aggere terræ educto, muros forti munimine +cingunt.”<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c009'><sup>[208]</sup></a> If water had been introduced into the Moat on +this occasion, Pusculus could hardly have ignored the fact.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Again, in the Slavic account of the last siege of the city we +are informed that the Greeks opened mines through the counterscarp +of the Moat, to blow up the Turks who approached the +fortifications: “Les assiégés pendant le jour combattaient les +Turcs, et pendant la nuit descendaient dans les fossés, perçaient +les murailles du fossé du côté des champs, minaient la terre sous +le mur à beaucoup d’endroits, et remplissaient les mines de +poudre et de vases remplis de poudre.”<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c009'><sup>[209]</sup></a> If such action was +possible, there could be no water in the Moat.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span> + <h2 id='chap04' class='c006'>CHAPTER IV. <br /> THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2> +</div> +<h3 class='c010'>The Golden Gate.</h3> +<p class='c007'>The Theodosian Walls were pierced by ten gates, and by +several small posterns.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the former, some led only to the different parts of the +fortifications, serving exclusively the convenience of the garrison. +These may be styled Military Gates. Others connected the +capital, moreover, with the outside world by means of bridges +thrown across the Moat,<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c009'><sup>[210]</sup></a> and constituted the Public Gates of the +city. The two series followed one another in alternate order, +the military entrances being known by numbers, the public +entrances by proper names. Both were double gateways, as +they pierced the two walls. The inner gateway, being the +principal one, was guarded by two large towers, which projected +far beyond the curtain-wall to obtain a good flank fire, and to +command at the same time the outer gateway. Thus also the +passage from the area between the gateways to the peribolos, +on either side, was rendered exceedingly narrow and capable +of easy defence. In view of its great importance, the outer +gateway of the Golden Gate also was defended by two towers, +projecting from the rear of the wall towards the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>For the sake of security against surprise the posterns were +few in number, and occurred chiefly in the great wall and its +towers, leading to the peribolos. It is rare to find a postern in +a tower of the Outer Wall opening on the parateichion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Proceeding northwards from the Sea of Marmora, there is a +postern immediately to the north of the first tower of the Inner +Wall. It is an arched entrance, with the laureated monogram +“ΧΡ.” inscribed above it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The handsome gateway between the seventh and eighth +towers north of the Sea of Marmora, Yedi Koulè Kapoussi, is +the triumphal gate known, from the gilding upon it, as the Porta +Aurea. Its identity cannot be questioned, for the site and +aspect of the entrance correspond exactly to the description +given of the Golden Gate by Byzantine historians and other +authorities.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp060' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig_fp060.jpg' alt='Plan of the Golden Gate.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Plan of the Golden Gate</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>It is, what the Porta Aurea was, the gateway nearest the Sea +of Marmora,<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c009'><sup>[211]</sup></a> and at the southern extremity of the Theodosian +Walls,<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c009'><sup>[212]</sup></a> constructed of marble, and flanked by two great marble +towers.<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c009'><sup>[213]</sup></a> Beside its outer portal, moreover, were found the bas-reliefs +which adorned the Golden Gate, and upon it traces of an +inscription which expressly named it the Porta Aurea are still +visible. The inscription read as follows:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>HAEC LOCA THEVDOSIVS DECORAT POST FATA TYRANNI.</div> + <div class='line'>AVREA SAECLA GERIT QVI PORTAM CONSTRVIT AVRO.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The history of our knowledge of this inscription is curious. +There is no mention made of the legend by any writer before +1453, unless Radulphus de Diceto alludes to it when he +states that in 1189 an old resident of the city pointed a Templar +to certain words upon the Golden Gate, foretelling the capture +<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>of Constantinople by the Crusaders.<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c009'><sup>[214]</sup></a> And of all the visitors +to the city since the Turkish Conquest, Dallaway is the only +one who speaks of having seen the inscription in its place.<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c009'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The inscription is cited first by Sirmondi<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c009'><sup>[216]</sup></a> and Du Cange,<a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c009'><sup>[217]</sup></a> +the former of whom quotes it in his annotations upon Sidonius +Apollonius, as furnishing a parallel to that poet’s mode of spelling +the name Theodosius with a <i>v</i> instead of an <i>o</i> for the sake of +the metre. How Sirmondi and Du Cange, neither of whom +ever visited Constantinople, became acquainted with the inscription +does not appear.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Matters remained in this position until 1891, when the attention +of Professor J. Strzygowski<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c009'><sup>[218]</sup></a> was arrested by certain holes +in the voussoirs of the central archway, both on its western and +eastern faces. The holes are such as are found on stones to +which metal letters are riveted with bolts.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, then, was conclusive evidence that the Porta Aurea +had once borne an inscription, and here, Professor Strzygowski +divined, was also the means by which the genuineness of the +legend given by Sirmondi and Du Cange could be verified. +Accordingly, a comparison between the arrangement of the holes +on the arch and the forms of the letters in the legend was +instituted. As several of the original voussoirs of the arch had +been removed and replaced by others without holes in them, +the comparison could not be complete; but so far as it was +possible to proceed the correspondence was all that could be +desired. Where H, for example, occurred in the inscription, the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>holes on the archway are arranged thus, ::; where an A stood, +the holes are placed thus, ∴; where V came, their position is ∵; +and so on, to an extent which verifies the inscription beyond +dispute. Thus, also, it has been ascertained that the letters were +of metal, probably gilt bronze, and that the words “Haec loca +Thevdosivs decorat post fata Tyranni” stood on the western face +of the arch, while the words “Avrea saecla gerit qvi portam +constrvit avro” were found on the opposite side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The preservation of the inscription is a matter of very great +importance, for it furnishes valuable and interesting information +as to the circumstances under which the Porta Aurea was +erected. From the fact that the entrance is found in the +Theodosian Walls it is natural to infer that the Porta Aurea +was a contemporaneous building, and that the emperor extolled +in the inscription is Theodosius II. But that inference is precluded +by the statement that the arch was set up after the suppression +of a usurper, <i>post fata tyranni</i>. For Theodosius II. +was not called to suppress the usurpation of his imperial +authority at any time during his reign, much less in 413, when +the Wall of Anthemius, in which the Porta Aurea stands, was +built. On the other hand, Theodosius the Great crushed two +serious attempts to dispute his rule, first in 388, when he +defeated Maximus, and again in 395, when he put down the +rebellion of Eugenius. Hence, as Du Cange first pointed out, +the Porta Aurea is a monument erected in the reign of Theodosius +the Great, in honour of his victory over one of the +rebels above mentioned. It could not, however, have been designed +to commemorate the defeat of Eugenius, seeing that +Theodosius never returned to Constantinople after that event, +and died four months later in the city of Milan. It must, +therefore, have been reared in honour of the victory over +Maximus, a success which the conqueror regarded with feelings +<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>of peculiar satisfaction and pride, celebrating it by one triumphal +entry into Rome, in the spring of 389, and by another into Constantinople, +when he returned to the eastern capital in 391.<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c009'><sup>[219]</sup></a> +Accordingly, the Porta Aurea was originally an Arch of Triumph, +erected some time between 388 and 391, to welcome Theodosius +the Great upon his return from his successful expedition against +the formidable rebellion of Maximus in the West. It united +with the Column of Theodosius in the Forum of Taurus, and +the Column of Arcadius in the Forum on the Xerolophus, and +the Obelisk in the Hippodrome,<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c009'><sup>[220]</sup></a> in perpetuating the memory +of the great emperor’s warlike achievements.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In corroboration of the date thus assigned to the monument, +it may be added that the only Imperial statue placed over the +Porta Aurea was that of Theodosius the Great, while the group +of elephants which formed one of the ornaments of the gate was +supposed to represent the elephants attached to the car of that +emperor on the occasion of his triumphal entry into the city.<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c009'><sup>[221]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>There is, however, an objection to this view concerning the +age of the Porta Aurea, which, whatever its force, should not be +overlooked in a full discussion of the subject. The inscription +describes the monument as a gateway, “Qui portam construit +auro.”<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c009'><sup>[222]</sup></a> But such a designation does not seem consistent with +the fact that we have here a building which belongs to the age +of Theodosius the Great, when the city walls in which the arch +stands did not exist, as they are the work of his grandson. +How could an isolated arch be, then, styled a gateway? Can +<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>the difficulty be removed by any other instance of a similar +use of the term “Porta”? Or is the employment of the term in +the case before us explained by the supposition that in the +reign of Theodosius the Great the city had spread beyond +the Constantinian Wall, and reached the line marked by the +Porta Aurea, so that an arch at that point was practically an +entrance into the city? May not that suburban district have +been protected by some slight fortified works? Or was the +Porta Aurea so named in anticipation of the fulfilment of the +prediction of Themistius, that the growth of the city under Theodosius +the Great would ere long necessitate the erection of new +walls?<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c009'><sup>[223]</sup></a> Was it built in that emperor’s reign to indicate to a +succeeding generation the line along which the new bulwarks of +the capital should be built?</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Porta Aurea was the State Entrance into the capital,<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c009'><sup>[224]</sup></a> +and was remarkable both for its architectural splendour and its +military strength. It was built of large squared blocks of +polished marble, fitted together without cement, and was flanked +by two great towers constructed of the same material. Like the +Triumphal Arch of Severus and that of Constantine at Rome, it +had three archways, the central one being wider and loftier than +those on either side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gates glittered with gold,<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c009'><sup>[225]</sup></a> and numerous statues +and other sculptured ornaments were placed at suitable points.<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c009'><sup>[226]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp064' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp064-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp064.jpg' alt='The Golden Gate (Inner).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Golden Gate (Inner).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Of these embellishments the following are mentioned: a +cross, which was blown down by a hurricane in the reign of +Justinian;<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c009'><sup>[227]</sup></a> a Victory, which fell in an earthquake in the reign +of Michael III.;<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c009'><sup>[228]</sup></a> a crowned female figure, representing the +Fortune of the city;<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c009'><sup>[229]</sup></a> a statue of Theodosius the Great, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>overthrown by the earthquake at the close of the reign of Leo +the Isaurian;<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c009'><sup>[230]</sup></a> a bronze group of four elephants;<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c009'><sup>[231]</sup></a> the gates of +Mompseuesta, gilded and placed here by Nicephorus Phocas, +as a trophy of his campaign in Cilicia.<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c009'><sup>[232]</sup></a> At the south-western +angle of the northern tower the Roman eagle still spreads +its wings; the laureated monogram “ΧΡ” appears above the +central archway on the city side of the gateway; and several +crosses are scattered over the building.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In later days, when taste had altered, the scene of the Crucifixion +was painted within one of the lateral archways, while the +Scene of the Final Judgment was represented in the other.<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c009'><sup>[233]</sup></a> +Traces of frescoes are visible on the inner walls of the southern +archway, and suggest the possibility of its having been used as +a chapel.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The whole aspect of the gateway must have been more +imposing when the parapet on the towers and on the wall over +the arches was intact, and gave the building its full elevation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two columns crowned with graceful capitals adorned the +outer gateway, while the wall north and south was decorated +with twelve bas-reliefs, executed with considerable skill, and +representing classical subjects. Remains of the marble cornices +and of the pilasters which framed the bas-reliefs are still found +in the wall, and from the descriptions of the slabs given by +Manuel Chrysolaras, Gyllius, Sir Thomas Roe, and others, a fair +idea of the nature of the subjects treated can be formed.<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c009'><sup>[234]</sup></a> Six +bas-reliefs were placed on either side of the entrance, grouped +in triplets, one above another, each panel being supported by +pilasters, round or rectangular.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>On the northern slabs the subjects pourtrayed were: Prometheus +tortured; a youth pursuing a horse, and trying to pull off +its rider; a satyr, between a woman with a vessel of water behind +her, and a savage man, or Hercules, holding a whip; Labours of +Hercules (on three slabs).</p> + +<p class='c008'>The bas-reliefs to the south were of superior workmanship, +and represented: Endymion asleep, a shepherd’s lute in his +hand, with Selene and Cupid descending towards him; Hercules +leading dogs; two peasants carrying grapes; Pegasus and three +female figures, one of them attempting to hold him back; the +fall of Phaëthon; Hercules and a stag.<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c009'><sup>[235]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>As the Porta Triumphalis of Constantinople, the Golden +Gate was the scene of many historical events and imposing +ceremonies.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So long as the inauguration of an emperor upon his accession +to the throne was celebrated at the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), it +was through the Golden Gate that a new sovereign entered his +capital on the way to the Imperial Palace beside St. Sophia. +Marcian (450),<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c009'><sup>[236]</sup></a> Leo I. (457),<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c009'><sup>[237]</sup></a> Basiliscus (476),<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c009'><sup>[238]</sup></a> Phocas (602),<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c009'><sup>[239]</sup></a> +Leo the Armenian (813),<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c009'><sup>[240]</sup></a> and Nicephorus Phocas (963),<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c009'><sup>[241]</sup></a> were +welcomed as emperors by the city authorities at this portal.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Distinguished visitors to the Byzantine Court, also, were +sometimes allowed to enter the city by this gate, as a mark of +special honour. The Legates of Pope Hormisdas were met here +upon their arrival on a mission to Justin I.:<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c009'><sup>[242]</sup></a> here, in 708, Pope +Constantine was received with great ceremony, when he came to +confer with Justinian II.:<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c009'><sup>[243]</sup></a> and here, in the reign of Basil II., +the Legates of Pope Hadrian II. were admitted.<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c009'><sup>[244]</sup></a> Under +Romanus Lecapenus, the procession which bore through the city +to St. Sophia the Icon of Christ, brought from Edessa, entered +at the Porta Aurea.<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c009'><sup>[245]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It was, however, on the return of an emperor to the city +after a victorious campaign that the Porta Aurea fulfilled its +highest purpose, and presented a brilliant spectacle of life and +splendour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Through this triumphal arch came Theodosius the Great, +after his defeat of Maximus;<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c009'><sup>[246]</sup></a> by it Heraclius entered the capital +<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>to celebrate the success of his Persian expeditions;<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c009'><sup>[247]</sup></a> through it +passed Constantine Copronymus, after the defeat of the Bulgarians;<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c009'><sup>[248]</sup></a> +Theophilus, on two occasions, after the repulse of the +Saracens;<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c009'><sup>[249]</sup></a> Basil I., after his successes at Tephrice and Germanicia;<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c009'><sup>[250]</sup></a> +Zimisces, after his victories over the Russians under +Swiatoslaf;<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c009'><sup>[251]</sup></a> Basil II., after the slaughter of the Bulgarians;<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c009'><sup>[252]</sup></a> +and, for the last time, Michael Palæologus, upon the restoration +of the Greek Empire in 1261.<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c009'><sup>[253]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It would seem that, in accordance with old Roman custom, +victorious generals, below Imperial rank, were not allowed to +enter the city in triumph through this gate. Belisarius,<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c009'><sup>[254]</sup></a> +Maurice,<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c009'><sup>[255]</sup></a> Nicephorus Phocas, before he became emperor,<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c009'><sup>[256]</sup></a> and +Leo his brother,<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c009'><sup>[257]</sup></a> celebrated their respective triumphs over the +Vandals, Persians and Saracens, in the Hippodrome and the +great street of the city.<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c009'><sup>[258]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp068' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp068-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp068.jpg' alt='The Golden Gate (Outer).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Golden Gate (Outer).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>An Imperial triumphal procession<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c009'><sup>[259]</sup></a> was marshalled on the +plain in front of the Golden Gate,<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c009'><sup>[260]</sup></a> and awaited there the arrival +of the emperor, either from the Hebdomon or from the Palace of +Blachernæ. The principal captives, divided into several +companies, and guarded by bands of soldiers, led the march. +Next followed the standards and weapons and other spoils of +war. Then, seated on a magnificent white charger, came the +emperor himself, arrayed in robes embroidered with gold and +pearls, his crown on his head, his sceptre in his right hand, his +<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>victorious sword by his side. Close to him rode his son, or the +Cæsar of the day, another resplendent figure of light, also on a +white horse. Upon reaching the gate the victor might, like +Theophilus, dismount for a few moments, and falling thrice upon +his face, humbly acknowledge the Divine aid to which he owed +the triumph of his arms. At length the Imperial <i>cortège</i> passed +through the great archway. The civic authorities came forward +and did homage, offering the conqueror a crown of gold and a +laurel wreath, and accepting from him a rich largess in return; +the Factions rent the air with shouts—“Glory to God, who restores +our sovereigns to us, crowned with victory! Glory to God, who +has magnified you, Emperors of the Romans! Glory to Thee, +All-Holy Trinity, for we behold our Emperors victorious! Welcome, +Victors, most valiant sovereigns!”<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c009'><sup>[261]</sup></a> And then the glittering +procession wended its way to the Great Palace, through the +dense crowds that packed the Mesè and the principal Fora of +the city, all gay with banners, flowers, and evergreens.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Sometimes the emperor, as in the case of Heraclius,<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c009'><sup>[262]</sup></a> rode in a +chariot instead of on horseback; or the occupant of the triumphal +car might be, as on the occasion of the triumph of Zimisces, the +Icon of the Virgin.<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c009'><sup>[263]</sup></a> Michael Palæologus entered the city on +foot, walking as far as the Church of St. John Studius before he +mounted his horse.<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c009'><sup>[264]</sup></a> On the occasion of the second triumph of +Theophilus, the beautiful custom was introduced of making +children take part in the ceremonial with wreaths of flowers.<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c009'><sup>[265]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But besides serving as a State entrance into the city, +the Porta Aurea was one of the strongest positions in the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>fortifications.<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c009'><sup>[266]</sup></a> The four towers at its gateways, the deep moat +in front, and the transverse walls across the peribolos on either +hand, guarding approach from that direction, constituted a +veritable citadel. Cantacuzene repaired it, and speaks of it as an +almost impregnable acropolis, capable of being provisioned for +three years, and strong enough to defy the whole city in time +of civil strife.<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c009'><sup>[267]</sup></a> Hence the great difficulty he found in persuading +the Latin garrison which held it on his behalf, in 1354, to +surrender the place to his rival John VI. Palæologus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Golden Gate, therefore, figures also in the military annals +of Constantinople. In the reign of Anastasius I. it was the +object of special attack by Vitalianus at the head of his Huns +and Bulgarians.<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c009'><sup>[268]</sup></a> Repeated attempts were made upon it by the +Saracens in the siege of 673-675.<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c009'><sup>[269]</sup></a> Crum stood before it in the +reign of Leo the Armenian, and there he invoked the aid of his +gods against the city, by offering human sacrifices and by the +lustration of his army with sea-water in which he had bathed +his feet.<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c009'><sup>[270]</sup></a> His demand to plant his spear in the gate put an +end to the negotiations for peace. In 913 the Bulgarians, under +their king Simeon, were again arrayed before the entrance.<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c009'><sup>[271]</sup></a> +Here, also, in 1347, John Cantacuzene was admitted by his +partisans.<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c009'><sup>[272]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>John Palæologus, upon receiving the surrender of the gate +foolishly dismantled the towers, lest they should be turned +<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>against him, in the fickle political fortunes of the day.<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c009'><sup>[273]</sup></a> He did +not, however, carry the work of destruction so far as to be +unable to use the position as an “acropolis” when besieged, in +1376, by his rebellious son, Andronicus.<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c009'><sup>[274]</sup></a> Later, when Sultan +Bajazet threatened the city, an attempt was made to restore the +towers, and even to increase the strength of this point in the +fortifications.<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c009'><sup>[275]</sup></a> With materials taken from the churches of All +Saints, the Forty Martyrs, and St. Mokius, the towers were +rebuilt, and a fortress extending to the sea was erected within +the city walls, similar to the Castle of the Seven Towers constructed +afterwards by Mehemet the Conqueror, in 1457. Upon +hearing of this action, Bajazet sent peremptory orders to John +Palæologus to pull down the new fortifications, and compelled +obedience by threatening to put out the eyes of Manuel, the heir +to the throne, at that time a hostage at Brousa. The humiliation +affected the emperor, then seriously ill, so keenly as to hasten his +death. Subsequently, however, probably after the defeat of +Bajazet by Tamerlane at Angora, the defences at the Golden +Gate were restored; for the Russian pilgrim who was in Constantinople +between 1435 and 1453 speaks of visiting the Castle of +the Emperor Kalo Jean.<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c009'><sup>[276]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1390, Manuel II., with a small body of troops, entered +the city by this gate and drove away his nephew John, who had +usurped the throne.<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c009'><sup>[277]</sup></a> During the siege of 1453 the gate was +defended by Manuel of Liguria with 200 men, and before it +the Sultan planted a cannon and other engines of assault.<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c009'><sup>[278]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Between the second and third towers to the north of the +Golden Gate is an entrance known at present, like the Porta +<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>Aurea, also by the name Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. Dr. Paspates +thinks it is of Turkish origin.<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c009'><sup>[279]</sup></a> It has certainly undergone repair +in Turkish times, as an inscription upon it in honour of Sultan +Achmet III. testifies; but traces of Byzantine workmanship about +the gate prove that it belongs to the period of the Empire;<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c009'><sup>[280]</sup></a> and +this conclusion is supported by the consideration that, since the +Porta Aurea was a State entrance, another gate was required in +its immediate neighbourhood for the use of the public in this +quarter of the capital. Hence the proximity of the two gateways.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Regarding the name of the entrance opinions differ. Some +authorities regard the gate as the Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου), the +Gate of Rhegium,<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c009'><sup>[281]</sup></a> mentioned in the Greek Anthology.<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c009'><sup>[282]</sup></a> But +this identification cannot be maintained, for the Porta Rhegiou +was one of two entrances which bore an inscription in honour +of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine, and both those +entrances, as will appear in the sequel, stood elsewhere in the line +of the fortifications.<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c009'><sup>[283]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp072' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp072-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp072.jpg' alt='Yedi Koulè Kapoussi.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. (By kind permission of Phenè Spiers, Esq., F.S.A.)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The gate went, probably, by the designation of the Golden +Gate,<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c009'><sup>[284]</sup></a> near which it stands, just as it now bears the name given +to the latter entrance since the Turkish Conquest. A common +name for gates so near each other was perfectly natural; and on +this view certain incidents in the history of the Golden Gate +become more intelligible. For instance: when Basil, the founder +of the Macedonian dynasty, reached Constantinople in his early +youth, a homeless adventurer in search of fortune, it is related that +he entered the city about sunset through the Golden Gate, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>laid himself down to sleep on the steps of the adjoining Monastery +of St. Diomed.<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c009'><sup>[285]</sup></a> If the only Golden Gate were the Porta Aurea +strictly so called, it is difficult to understand how the poor wayfarer +was admitted by an entrance reserved for the emperor’s +use; whereas the matter becomes clear if that name designated +also an adjoining public gate. Again, when the historian +Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c009'><sup>[286]</sup></a> accompanied by his family and some friends, +left the city five days after its capture by the Crusaders in 1204, +he made his way out, according to his own statement, by the +Golden Gate. In this case also, it does not seem probable that +the captors of the city would have allowed a gate of such military +importance as the Porta Aurea to be freely used by a company +of fugitives. The escape appears more feasible if the Golden +Gate to which Nicetas refers was the humbler entrance in the +neighbourhood of the Porta Aurea.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span> + <h2 id='chap05' class='c006'>CHAPTER V. <br /> THE GATES IN THE THEODOSIAN WALLS—<i>continued</i>.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The entrance between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers to +the north of the Golden Gate was the Second Military Gate, +τοῦ Δευτέρου.<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c009'><sup>[287]</sup></a> Its identity is established by its position in the +order of the gates; for between it and the Fifth Military Gate, +regarding the situation of which there can be no doubt,<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c009'><sup>[288]</sup></a> two +military gates intervene. It must therefore be itself the second +of that series of entrances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Hence, it follows that the quarter of the city known as the +Deuteron (τὸ Δεύτερον) was the district to the rear of this gate. +This fact can be proved also independently by the following +indications. The district in question was without the Walls of +Constantine;<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c009'><sup>[289]</sup></a> it lay to the west of the Exokionion, the Palaia +Porta, and the Cistern of Mokius;<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c009'><sup>[290]</sup></a> it was, on the one hand, +near the last street of the city,<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c009'><sup>[291]</sup></a> the street leading to the Golden +Gate, and, on the other, contained the Gate Melantiados,<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c009'><sup>[292]</sup></a> now +Selivri Kapoussi.<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c009'><sup>[293]</sup></a> Consequently, it was the district behind the +portion of the walls in which the gate before us is situated. This +in turn supports the identification of the gate as that of the +Deuteron. It is the finest and largest of the military gates, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>may sometimes have served as a public gate in the period of +the Empire, as it has since.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the churches in the Deuteron quarter, the most noted +were the Church of the SS. Notarii, attributed to Chrysostom,<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c009'><sup>[294]</sup></a> +and the Church of St. Anna, a foundation of Justinian the +Great.<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c009'><sup>[295]</sup></a> Others of less importance were dedicated respectively +to St. Timothy,<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c009'><sup>[296]</sup></a> St. George,<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c009'><sup>[297]</sup></a> St. Theodore,<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c009'><sup>[298]</sup></a> and St. Paul the +Patriarch.<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c009'><sup>[299]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The next public entrance (Selivri Kapoussi) is situated +between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north of the +Gate of the Deuteron. Its present name appears shortly before +the Turkish Conquest (πύλη τῆς Σηλυβρίας),<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c009'><sup>[300]</sup></a> and alludes to the +fact that the entrance is at the head of the road to Selivria; but +its earlier and more usual designation was the Gate of the Pegè, +<i>i.e.</i> the Spring (Πύλη τῆς Πηγῆς),<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c009'><sup>[301]</sup></a> because it led to the celebrated +Holy Spring (now Baloukli), about half a mile to the +west. This name for the entrance is found in the inscription +placed on the back of the southern gateway tower, in commemoration +of repairs made in the year 1433 or 1438.<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c009'><sup>[302]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The gate possessed considerable importance owing to its +proximity to the Holy Spring,<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c009'><sup>[303]</sup></a> which, with its healing waters +and shrines, its cypress groves, meadows, and delightful air, +formed one of the most popular resorts in the neighbourhood of +the city.<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c009'><sup>[304]</sup></a> There the emperors had a palace and hunting park, +to which they often retired for recreation, especially in the +spring of the year. On the Festival of the Ascension the +emperor visited the “Life-giving Pegè” in state, sometimes +<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>riding thither through the city, at other times proceeding in his +barge as far as the Marmora extremity of the walls, and then +mounting horse for the rest of the way.<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c009'><sup>[305]</sup></a> But in either case, the +Imperial <i>cortége</i> came up to this gate, and was received there by +the body of household troops called the Numeri. It was on +returning from such a visit to the Pegè that the Emperor +Nicephorus Phocas was mobbed and stoned, as he rode +from the Forum of Constantine to the Great Palace beside the +Hippodrome.<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c009'><sup>[306]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The gate is memorable in history as the entrance through +which, in 1261, Alexius Strategopoulos, the general of Michael +Palæologus, penetrated into the city,<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c009'><sup>[307]</sup></a> and brought the ill-starred +Latin Empire of Constantinople to an end. For greater +security the Latins had built up the entrance; but a band of +the assailants, aided by friends within the fortifications, climbed +over the walls, killed the drowsy guards, broke down the barricade, +and flung the gates open for the restoration of the +Greek power. By this gate, in 1376, Andronicus entered, after +besieging the city for thirty-two days, and usurped the throne of +his father, John VI. Palæologus.<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c009'><sup>[308]</sup></a> In the siege of 1422 Sultan +Murad pitched his tent within the grounds of the Church of the +Pegè;<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c009'><sup>[309]</sup></a> while during the siege of 1453 a battery of three guns +played against the walls in the vicinity of this entrance.<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c009'><sup>[310]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>There is reason to think that the gate styled Porta Melantiados +(Μελαντιάδος)<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c009'><sup>[311]</sup></a> and Pylè Melandesia (Μελανδησία),<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c009'><sup>[312]</sup></a> +should be identified with the Gate of the Pegè. Hitherto, indeed, +the Porta Melantiados has been identified with the next public +gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi;<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c009'><sup>[313]</sup></a> but that view runs counter +<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>to the fact that the Porta Melantiados stood in the Deuteron,<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c009'><sup>[314]</sup></a> +whereas the next public gate was, we shall find, in the quarter +of the city called, after the Third Military Gate, the Triton (τὸ +Τρίτον).<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c009'><sup>[315]</sup></a> Unless, therefore, the Porta Melantiados is identified +with the Gate of the Pegè, it cannot be identified with any +other entrance in the Theodosian Walls.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp076' class='figcenter id003'> +<a href='images/fig_fp076-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp076.jpg' alt='The Gate of the Pegè.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Gate of the Pegè.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>That the Gate of the Pegè had originally another name is +certain, since the Holy Spring did not come into repute until +the reign of Leo I.,<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c009'><sup>[316]</sup></a> nearly half a century after the erection of +the Wall of Anthemius. And no other name could have been +so appropriate as the Porta Melantiados, for the road issuing +from the gate led to Melantiada, a town near the Athyras<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c009'><sup>[317]</sup></a> +(Buyuk Tchekmedjè) on the road to Selivria. The town is +mentioned in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus as +Melantrada and Melanciada, at the distance of nineteen miles +from Byzantium; and there on different occasions the Huns, +the Goths,<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c009'><sup>[318]</sup></a> and the Avars<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c009'><sup>[319]</sup></a> halted on their march towards +Constantinople.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At the gate Porta Melantiados, Chrysaphius, the minister +and evil genius of Theodosius II., was killed in 450 by the son +of John the Vandal, in revenge for the execution of the latter.<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c009'><sup>[320]</sup></a> +It has been suggested that the Mosque of Khadin Ibrahim +Pasha within the gate stands on the site of the Church of St. +Anna in the Deuteron.<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c009'><sup>[321]</sup></a> It may, however, mark the site of the +Church of the SS. Notarii, which stood near the Porta +Melantiados.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Third Military Gate is but a short distance from the +Gate of the Pegè, being situated between the fourth and fifth +<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>towers to the north. To the rear of the entrance was the quarter +called the Triton (τὸ Τρίτον),<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c009'><sup>[322]</sup></a> and, more commonly, the Sigma +(Σίγμα);<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c009'><sup>[323]</sup></a> the latter designation being derived, probably, from +the curve in the line of the walls immediately beyond the gate. +What precisely was the object of the curve is not apparent. +One authority explains it as intended for the accommodation of +the courtiers and troops that assembled here on the occasion of +an Imperial visit to the Pegè.<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c009'><sup>[324]</sup></a> But the Theodosian Walls were +built before the Pegè came into repute;<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c009'><sup>[325]</sup></a> and the visits of the +emperors to the Holy Spring were not so frequent or so +important as to affect the construction of the walls in such a +manner.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the quarter of the Sigma stood a column, bearing the +statue of Theodosius II., erected by Chrysaphius.<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c009'><sup>[326]</sup></a> And +there, in the riot of 1042, the Emperor Michael Calaphates +and his uncle Constantine were blinded, having been dragged +thither from the Monastery of Studius, where they had sought +sanctuary.<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c009'><sup>[327]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The most noted churches in the quarter were dedicated +respectively to the Theotokos,<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c009'><sup>[328]</sup></a> St. Stephen, and St. Isaacius.<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c009'><sup>[329]</sup></a> +The site of the first is, in the opinion of Dr. Paspates, marked +by the remains of an old Byzantine cistern off the street leading +from the Guard-house of Alti Mermer to the Mosque of Yol +Getchen.<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c009'><sup>[330]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp078' class='figcenter id003'> +<a href='images/fig_fp078-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp078.jpg' alt='The Gate of Rhegium.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Gate of Rhegium.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The next public gate, Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, situated +between the tenth and eleventh towers north of the Third +Military Gate, was known by two names, Porta Rhegiou (Ῥηγίου),<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c009'><sup>[331]</sup></a> +the Gate of Rhegium, and Porta Rhousiou (τοῦ Ῥουσίου),<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c009'><sup>[332]</sup></a> the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>Gate of the Red Faction. That it bore the former name is +established by the fact that the inscription in honour of Theodosius +II. and the Prefect Constantine, which was placed, according +to the Anthology, on the Gate of Rhegium, is actually found +on the lintel of this entrance.<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c009'><sup>[333]</sup></a> The name alluded to Rhegium +(Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), a town twelve miles distant, upon the +Sea of Marmora, whither the road leading westward conducted.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The title of the gate to the second name rests partly upon +the consideration that the name cannot be claimed for any other +entrance in the walls, and partly upon the fact that two circumstances +connected with the gate can thus be satisfactorily explained. +In the first place, the seven shafts employed to form the +lintel, posts, and sill of the gateway are covered with red wash, +as though to mark the entrance with the colour of the Red +Faction. Secondly, on the northern face of the southern gateway-tower +is an inscription, unfortunately mutilated, such as +the Factions placed upon a structure in the erection of which +they were concerned. The legend as preserved reads thus: +“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Emperor +triumphs....”</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΦΥΛΑΚΤΟΥ ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>† †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The missing words with which the inscription closed were at +some date intentionally effaced, but analogy makes it exceedingly +probable that they were ΚΑΙ ΡΟΥΣΙΩΝ, “and of the Reds.”<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c009'><sup>[334]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The number of inscriptions about this entrance is remarkable, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>five being on the gateway itself, and two on its southern tower. +Of the former those commemorating the erection of the Theodosian +fortifications in 447 are of special importance and +interest;<a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c009'><sup>[335]</sup></a> another records the repair of the Outer Wall under +Justin II. and his Empress Sophia.<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c009'><sup>[336]</sup></a> Indistinct traces of the +fourth are visible on the southern side of the gateway; +while the fifth, too fragmentary to yield a meaning, is on the +tympanum, arranged on either side of a niche for Icons,<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c009'><sup>[337]</sup></a> +for the gates of the city were, as a rule, placed under the ward of +some heavenly guardian. This gate was closed with a portcullis.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Fourth Military Gate stood between the ninth and tenth +towers to the north of the Porta Rhousiou. The northern +corbel of the outer gateway is an inscribed stone brought from +some other building erected by a certain Georgius.<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c009'><sup>[338]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp080' class='figcenter id006'> +<a href='images/fig_fp080-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp080.jpg' alt='The Gate of St. Romanus.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Gate of St. Romanus.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div id='fig_fp080a' class='figcenter id006'> +<a href='images/fig_fp080a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp080a.jpg' alt='The Gate of Charisius.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Gate of Charisius.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Top Kapoussi, between the sixth and seventh towers north of +the Fourth Military Gate, is the Gate of St. Romanus (πόρτα τοῦ +Ἁγίου Ρωμάνου)<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c009'><sup>[339]</sup></a> so named after an adjoining church of that +dedication. Its identity may be established in the following +manner: According to Cananus,<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c009'><sup>[340]</sup></a> the Gate of St. Romanus and +the Gate of Charisius stood on opposite sides of the Lycus. The +Gate of St. Romanus, therefore, must have been either Top +Kapoussi, on the southern side of that stream, or one of the two +gates on the stream’s northern bank, viz. the walled-up entrance +at the foot of that bank, or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. +That it was the gate on the southern side of the Lycus is clear, +from the statements of Critobulus and Phrantzes,<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c009'><sup>[341]</sup></a> that in the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>siege of 1453 the Turkish troops which invested the walls +extending from the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) to the +Golden Horn were on the Sultan’s <i>left</i>, <i>i.e.</i> to the north of the +position he occupied. But the tent of the Sultan was opposite +the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c009'><sup>[342]</sup></a> Hence, the Gate of Charisius was +one of the gates to the north of the Lycus, and, consequently, +the Gate of St. Romanus stood at Top Kapoussi, to the south. +In harmony with this conclusion is the order in which the two +gates are mentioned by Pusculus and Dolfin when describing the +positions occupied by the defenders of the walls from the Sea of +Marmora to the Golden Horn. Proceeding from south to north +in their account of the defence, these writers place the Gate of +St. Romanus before, <i>i.e.</i> to the south of, the Gate of Charisius.<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c009'><sup>[343]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Church of St. Romanus must have been a very old +foundation, for it is ascribed to the Empress Helena. It claimed +to possess the relics of the prophet Daniel and of St. Nicetas.<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c009'><sup>[344]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The entrance between the second and third towers north of +the Lycus, or between the thirteenth and fourteenth towers north +of the Gate of St. Romanus, is the Fifth Military Gate, the Gate +of the Pempton (τοῦ Πέμπτου).<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c009'><sup>[345]</sup></a> It is identified by the fact that +it occupies the position which the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i> assigns to +the Gate of the Pempton; namely, between the Gate of St. +Romanus and the Gate of the Polyandrion—one of the names, +as we shall find,<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c009'><sup>[346]</sup></a> of Edirnè Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Some authorities<a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c009'><sup>[347]</sup></a> have maintained, indeed, that this entrance +was the Gate of Charisius. But this opinion is refuted by the +fact that the Gate of Charisius, as its whole history proves, was +not a military gate, but one of the public gates of the city.<a id='r348' /><a href='#f348' class='c009'><sup>[348]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>Furthermore, the author of the <i>Metrical Chronicle</i> and Cananus +expressly distinguish the Gate of Charisius from the gate situated +beside the Lycus.<a id='r349' /><a href='#f349' class='c009'><sup>[349]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To the rear of the entrance was the district of the Pempton, +containing the Church of St. Kyriakè and the meadow through +which the Lycus flows to the Sea of Marmora. The meadow +appears to have been a popular resort before the Theodosian +Walls were built, if not also subsequently. Here, about the time +of Easter, 404, the Emperor Arcadius came to take exercise on +horseback, and here he found three thousand white-robed catechumens +assembled. They proved to be persons who had +recently been baptized by Chrysostom, in the Thermæ Constantianæ, +near the Church of the Holy Apostles, notwithstanding +his deposition on account of his quarrel with the Empress +Eudoxia. Arcadius was extremely annoyed by the encounter, +and ordered his guards to drive the crowd off the ground.<a id='r350' /><a href='#f350' class='c009'><sup>[350]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>While riding down one of the slopes of the Lycus valley, in +450, Theodosius II. fell from his horse and sustained a spinal +injury, which caused his death a few days later. The Gate of +the Pempton was probably the entrance through which the dying +emperor was carried on a litter from the scene of the accident +into the city.<a id='r351' /><a href='#f351' class='c009'><sup>[351]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>The next public gate, Edirnè Kapoussi, between the eighth +and ninth towers to the north of the Fifth Military Gate, was +named the Gate of Charisius (τοῦ Χαρισίου). The name, which +appears in a great variety of forms, occurs first in Peter +Magister,<a id='r352' /><a href='#f352' class='c009'><sup>[352]</sup></a> a writer of Justinian’s reign, and was derived, according +to the Anonymus, from Charisius, the head of the Blue +Faction, when the Theodosian Walls were built.<a id='r353' /><a href='#f353' class='c009'><sup>[353]</sup></a> While some +authorities, as already intimated, have attached this name to the +Gate of the Pempton, others have supposed that it belonged to +the entrance now known as Egri Kapou.<a id='r354' /><a href='#f354' class='c009'><sup>[354]</sup></a> This, as will be +shown in the proper place, is likewise a mistake.<a id='r355' /><a href='#f355' class='c009'><sup>[355]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The grounds on which the Gate of Charisius must be identified +with the Edirnè Kapoussi are these:<a id='r356' /><a href='#f356' class='c009'><sup>[356]</sup></a> From the statements +of Cananus and Critobulus, already considered in determining +the position of the Gate of St. Romanus,<a id='r357' /><a href='#f357' class='c009'><sup>[357]</sup></a> it is clear that the +Gate of Charisius was one of the two gates on the northern +bank of the Lycus; either the gate at the foot of that bank +or Edirnè Kapoussi upon the summit. That it was not the +former is clearly proved by the fact that Cananus and the +<i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, as already cited, distinguished the Gate of +Charisius from the entrance beside the Lycus. The Gate of +Charisius was, therefore, Edirnè Kapoussi, the gate on the +summit of the bank.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Again, the Gate of Charisius was, like Edirnè Kapoussi, +at the head of the street leading to the Church of the Holy +Apostles. This is evident from the circumstance that when +Justinian the Great, returning to the city from the West, visited +<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>on his way to the palace the tomb of the Empress Theodora at +the Holy Apostles’, he entered the capital by the Gate of Charisius +instead of by the Golden Gate,<a id='r358' /><a href='#f358' class='c009'><sup>[358]</sup></a> because the former entrance +led directly to the Imperial Cemetery near that church.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To these arguments may be added the fact that near the +Gate of Charisius was a Church of St. George,<a id='r359' /><a href='#f359' class='c009'><sup>[359]</sup></a> the guardian of +the entrance, and that a Byzantine church dedicated to that saint +stood immediately to the south-east of Edirnè Kapoussi as late +as the year 1556, when it was appropriated by Sultan Suleiman +for the construction of the Mosque of Mihrimah. At the same +time the Greek community received by way of compensation a +site for another church to the north-west of the gate, and there +the present Church of St. George was built to preserve the +traditions of other days.<a id='r360' /><a href='#f360' class='c009'><sup>[360]</sup></a> Lastly, like Edirnè Kapoussi, the +Gate of Charisius stood at a point from which one could readily +proceed to the Church of the Chora (Kahriyeh Djamissi), the +Church of St. John in Petra (Bogdan Serai), and the Palace +of Blachernæ.<a id='r361' /><a href='#f361' class='c009'><sup>[361]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Another name for the Gate of Charisius was the Gate of +the Polyandrion, or the Myriandron (Πόρτα τοῦ Πολυανδρίου, +τοῦ Μυριάνδρου), the Gate of the Cemetery. This follows from +the fact that whereas the respective names of the three gates +<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>in the walls crossing the valley of the Lycus are usually given +as the Gate of Charisius, Gate of the Pempton, the Gate of St. +Romanus, we find the first name omitted in a passage of the +<i>Paschal Chronicle</i> referring to those entrances, and the Gate of +the Polyandrion mentioned instead.<a id='r362' /><a href='#f362' class='c009'><sup>[362]</sup></a> Evidently, the Gate of +Charisius and the Gate of the Polyandrion were different names +for the same gate.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The latter designation was peculiarly appropriate to an +entrance on the direct road to the Imperial Cemetery. Probably +a public cemetery stood also outside the gate, where a large +Turkish cemetery is now situated, and that may have been +another reason for the name of the gate.<a id='r363' /><a href='#f363' class='c009'><sup>[363]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>With the portion of the walls between the Gate of St. +Romanus and the Gate of Charisius, memorable historical events +are associated which cannot be passed over without some notice, +however brief.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On account of its central position in the line of the land +fortifications, this part of the walls was named the Mesoteichion +(Μεσοτείχιον).<a id='r364' /><a href='#f364' class='c009'><sup>[364]</sup></a> It was also known as the Myriandrion,<a id='r365' /><a href='#f365' class='c009'><sup>[365]</sup></a> on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>account of its proximity to the Gate of Polyandrion; the +portion to the south of the Lycus being further distinguished as +the Murus Bacchatareus,<a id='r366' /><a href='#f366' class='c009'><sup>[366]</sup></a> after the Tower Baccaturea near the +Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r367' /><a href='#f367' class='c009'><sup>[367]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp086' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp086-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp086.jpg' alt='View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>View Across the Valley of the Lycus (Looking North).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Owing to the configuration of the ground traversed by the +Mesoteichion, it was at this point that a besieging army generally +delivered the chief attack. Here stood the gates opening upon +the streets which commanded the hills of the city; here was +the weakest part of the fortifications, the channel of the Lycus +rendering a deep moat impossible, while the dip in the line of +walls, as they descended and ascended the slopes of the valley, +put the defenders below the level occupied by the besiegers. +Here, then, for Constantinople was the “Valley of Decision”—here, +in the armour of the city, the “heel of Achilles.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the siege of 626 by the Avars, the first siege which the +Theodosian Walls sustained, the principal attack was made from +twelve towers which the enemy built before the fortifications +extending from the Gate of Charisius to the Gate of the Pempton, +and thence to the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r368' /><a href='#f368' class='c009'><sup>[368]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Upon the Gate of Charisius attempts were made: by +Justinian II. and his allies for the recovery of his throne +in 705;<a id='r369' /><a href='#f369' class='c009'><sup>[369]</sup></a> by Alexius Branas against Isaac Angelus in 1185;<a id='r370' /><a href='#f370' class='c009'><sup>[370]</sup></a> +by John Cantacuzene in 1345<a id='r371' /><a href='#f371' class='c009'><sup>[371]</sup></a> and through it the Comneni +entered in 1081, by bribing the German guards (Nemitzi) at +the gate, and wrested the sceptre from the hand of Nicephorus +Botoniates.<a id='r372' /><a href='#f372' class='c009'><sup>[372]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1206, during the struggle in which the Latins, soon after +their capture of the city, involved themselves with Joannicus, +King of Bulgaria, a raid was made upon the Gate of St. Romanus +<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>and the adjacent quarter by Bulgarian troops encamped near +the capital.<a id='r373' /><a href='#f373' class='c009'><sup>[373]</sup></a> In 1328 the gate was opened to admit Andronicus +III. by two partisans, who stupefied the guards with drink, and +then assisted a company of his soldiers to scale the walls with +rope ladders.<a id='r374' /><a href='#f374' class='c009'><sup>[374]</sup></a> In 1379 John VI. Palæologus and his son +Manuel, after effecting their escape from the prison of Anemas, +and making terms with Sultan Bajazet, entered the city by +this gate, and obliged Andronicus IV. to retire from the throne +he had usurped.<a id='r375' /><a href='#f375' class='c009'><sup>[375]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But it was in the sieges of the city by the Turks that this +portion of the walls was attacked most fiercely, as well as +defended with the greatest heroism. Here in 1422 Sultan +Murad brought cannon to bear, for the first time, upon the +fortifications of Constantinople. His fire was directed mainly at +an old half-ruined tower beside the Lycus; but the new weapon +of warfare was still too weak to break Byzantine masonry, and +seventy balls struck the tower without producing the slightest +effect.<a id='r376' /><a href='#f376' class='c009'><sup>[376]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453 this portion of the walls was assailed by +Sultan Mehemet himself with the bravest of his troops and his +heaviest artillery, his tent being pitched, as already stated, about +half a mile to the west of the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r377' /><a href='#f377' class='c009'><sup>[377]</sup></a> At the +Murus Bacchatareus fought the Emperor Constantine, with his +400 Genoese allies, under the command of the brave Guistiniani, +who had come to perform prodigies of valour “per benefitio de +la Christiantade et per honor del mundo.” The three brothers, +Paul, Antony, and Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, “with the +courage of Horatius Cocles.”</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>As the struggle proceeded two towers of the Inner Wall +and a large portion of the Outer Wall were battered to pieces +by the Turkish cannon. The enemy also succeeded in filling +the moat at this point with earth and stones, to secure an +unobstructed roadway into the city whenever a breach was +effected.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the other hand, Giustiniani repaired the breach in the +Outer Wall by the erection of a palisade, covered in front with +hides and strengthened on the rear by a rampart of stones, +earth, branches, and herbage of every description, all welded +together with mortar, and supported by an embankment of earth. +Between this barricade and the Inner Wall he furthermore excavated +a trench, to replace to some extent the moat which had +been rendered useless; and to maintain his communications +with the interior of the city he opened a postern in the great +wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Against these extemporized defences assault after assault +dashed in all its strength and fury, only to be hurled back +and broken. Meanwhile, more and more of the Inner and +Outer Walls fell under the Turkish fire, and the Sultan decided +to make a general attack at daybreak on the 29th of May. +The onset upon the Mesoteichion, directed by the Sultan in +person, was, however, repeatedly repelled, and the day threatened +to go against the assailants, when a Turkish missile struck +Giustiniani and forced him to leave the field. His soldiers +refused to continue the struggle, abandoned their post, and +disheartened their Greek comrades. The Sultan, perceiving the +change in the situation, roused his janissaries to make a supreme +effort. They swept forward, carried the barricade, filled the +trench behind it with corpses of the defenders, and passing +over, poured into the doomed city through every available +opening. Some made their way through the breach in the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>great wall, others entered by the postern which Giustiniani had +opened,<a id='r378' /><a href='#f378' class='c009'><sup>[378]</sup></a> while others cut a path through the heap of dead bodies +which blocked the Gate of Charisius. The heroic emperor +refused to survive his empire, and found death near the Gate +of St. Romanus.<a id='r379' /><a href='#f379' class='c009'><sup>[379]</sup></a> And through that gate, about midday, the +Sultan entered, the master of the city of Constantine. It was +the close of an epoch.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The next Theodosian gate stands between the last tower in +the Outer Wall to the north of the Gate of Charisius and the old +Byzantine Palace now called Tekfour Serai. In its present +condition the entrance pierces only the Outer Wall; for the +Inner Wall terminates abruptly a little to the south of the +palace, having been broken away, probably when that edifice +was erected. By way of compensation the Outer Wall was +then raised higher and built thicker, and flanked by a large +tower.</p> + +<p class='c008'>According to its place in the order of the gates, this entrance +should be the Sixth Military Gate; and the smallness of its +dimensions is in keeping with this view. But as it led to a Circus +built of timber beside the Church of St. Mamas without the +walls, it was styled Porta Xylokerkou (Ξυλοκέρκου),<a id='r380' /><a href='#f380' class='c009'><sup>[380]</sup></a> Gate of +the Wooden Circus, or more briefly, Kerko Porta (Κερκόπορτα),<a id='r381' /><a href='#f381' class='c009'><sup>[381]</sup></a> +the Gate of the Circus.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>In support of this identification there is first the fact that the +Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the gate before us, was an entrance +<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>in the Walls of Theodosius, for it bore an inscription, which has +unfortunately disappeared, in honour of that emperor and the +Prefect Constantine, similar to the legend on the Porta Rhegiou.<a id='r382' /><a href='#f382' class='c009'><sup>[382]</sup></a> +In the next place, the Gate of the Xylokerkus, like the entrance +before us, was in the vicinity of the Gate of Charisius, and +below a palace<a id='r383' /><a href='#f383' class='c009'><sup>[383]</sup></a> (Tekfour Serai).</p> + +<div id='fig093' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig093-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig093.jpg' alt='The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The (So-Called) Kerko Porta.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The history of the gate has an interest of its own. When +the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa was at Philippopolis, on his +way to the Holy Land at the head of the Third Crusade, the +prevalent suspicion that he had designs upon the Byzantine +Empire found expression in the prophecy of a certain Dositheos, +a monk of the Monastery of St. John Studius, that the German +emperor would capture Constantinople, and penetrate into the +city through this entrance. Thereupon, with the view of averting +the calamity and preventing the fulfilment of the prophecy, +Isaac Angelus ordered the gate to be securely built up.<a id='r384' /><a href='#f384' class='c009'><sup>[384]</sup></a> In +1346 the partisans of John Cantacuzene proposed to admit him +into the city by breaking the gate open, after its long close.<a id='r385' /><a href='#f385' class='c009'><sup>[385]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But what gives to the Kerko Porta its chief renown is the +part which, according to Ducas, it played in the catastrophe of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>1453, under the following circumstances. A large portion of the +Outer Wall, at the Mesoteichion, having been overthrown by the +Turkish cannon, the besieged were unable to issue from the city +to the peribolos without being exposed to the enemy’s fire. In +this extremity some old men, who knew the fortifications well, +informed the emperor of a secret postern long closed up and +buried underground, at the lower part of the palace, by which +communication with the peribolos might be established.<a id='r386' /><a href='#f386' class='c009'><sup>[386]</sup></a> This +was done, to the great advantage of the Greeks. But on the +last day of the siege, while the enemy was attempting to scale +the walls with ladders at several points, a band of fifty Turkish +nobles detected the newly opened entrance, rushed in, and +mounting the walls from the interior of the city, killed or drove +off the defenders on the summit. Thus a portion of the fortifications +was secured against which scaling-ladders could be +applied without any difficulty, and soon a considerable Turkish +force stood on the Inner Wall, planted their standards on the +towers, and opened a rear fire upon the Greeks, who were fighting +in the peribolos to prevent the Turks from entering at the +great breach. The cry rose that the city was taken, whereupon +an indescribable panic seized the Greeks, already disheartened +by the loss of Giustiniani, and, abandoning all further +resistance, they fled into the city through the Gate of Charisius, +many being trampled to death in the rout. The emperor fell at +his post; and the Turks poured into the city without opposition.<a id='r387' /><a href='#f387' class='c009'><sup>[387]</sup></a> +The fate of Constantinople was thus scaled by the opening of +the Kerko Porta.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But here a difficulty occurs. In one very important particular +the Kerko Porta, as described by Ducas, does not +<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>correspond to the character of the entrance with which it has +been identified. The gate which the historian had in mind led +to the peribolos, the terrace between the two Theodosian walls, +whereas the gate below Tekfour Serai opens on the parateichion, +the terrace between the Outer Wall and the Moat. This +discrepancy may, however, be removed to some extent by supposing +that under the name of the Kerko Porta. Ducas referred +to the postern which Dr. Paspates<a id='r388' /><a href='#f388' class='c009'><sup>[388]</sup></a> found in the transverse wall +built across the northern end of the peribolos, where the Inner +Wall of Theodosius terminates abruptly a little to the south +of Tekfour Serai. The postern was discovered in 1864, after +some houses which concealed it from view had been destroyed +<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>by fire. It was 10-½ feet high by 6 feet wide, and although the +old wall in which it stood has been, for the most part, pulled +down and replaced by a new construction, the outline of the +ancient postern can still be traced. Such an entrance might be +buried out of sight, and be generally forgotten; and to open it, +when recalled to mind in 1453, was to provide the defenders of +the city with a secret passage, as they hoped, to the peribolos +and the rear of the Outer Wall, where the contest was to be +maintained to the bitter end.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The suggestion of Dr. Paspates that this was the entrance at +which the incidents recorded by Ducas occurred may, therefore, +be accepted. But, from the nature of the case, an entrance in +such a position could not have been, strictly speaking, the Gate +of the Circus, and to call it the Kerko Porta was therefore +not perfectly accurate. That was, properly, the name of the +gate below Tekfour Serai. Still, the mistake was not very +serious, and, under the circumstances, was not strange. Two +entrances so near each other could easily be confounded in the +report of the events in the neighbourhood, especially when +the postern in the transverse wall had no special name of +its own. +Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r389' /><a href='#f389' class='c009'><sup>[389]</sup></a> thinks that the postern near the Kerko Porta +was the one which Giustiniani, according to Critobulus,<a id='r390' /><a href='#f390' class='c009'><sup>[390]</sup></a> opened +in the Inner Wall to facilitate communication with the peribolos. +The latter postern, however, is represented as near the position +occupied by Giustiniani and the emperor, while the former is +described as far from that point.<a id='r391' /><a href='#f391' class='c009'><sup>[391]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span> + <h2 id='chap06' class='c006'>CHAPTER VI. <br /> REPAIRS ON THE THEODOSIAN WALLS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The maintenance of the bulwarks of the city in proper +order was naturally a matter of supreme importance, and +although the task was sometimes neglected when no enemy +threatened, it was, on the whole, attended to with the promptitude +and fidelity which so vital a concern demanded. There +was little occasion for repairs, it is true, on account of injuries +sustained in the shock of war, for until the invention of gunpowder +the engines employed in battering the walls were either +not powerful enough, or could not be planted sufficiently near +the fortifications, to produce much effect. Most of the damage +done to the walls was due to the action of the weather, and, +above all, to the violent and frequent earthquakes which shook +Constantinople in the course of the Middle Ages.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The charge of keeping the fortifications in repair was given +to special officers, known under the titles, Domestic of the Walls +(ὁ Δομέστικος τῶν Τειχέων),<a id='r392' /><a href='#f392' class='c009'><sup>[392]</sup></a> Governor of the Wall (Ἄρχων τοῦ +Τείχους),<a id='r393' /><a href='#f393' class='c009'><sup>[393]</sup></a> Count of the Walls (Κόμης τῶν Τειχέων).<a id='r394' /><a href='#f394' class='c009'><sup>[394]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(1) The earliest record of repairs is, probably, the Latin +<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>inscription on the lintel of the inner gateway of the Porta of +the Pempton. It reads:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>PORTARUM VALID † DO FIRMAVIT LIMINE MUROS</div> + <div class='line in7'>PUSAEUS MAGNO NON MINOR ANTHEMIO.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The age of the inscription cannot be precisely determined, +but the employment of Latin, the Gothic form of the D in the +word <i>valido</i>, the allusion to Anthemius, and the situation of the +legend upon the Inner Wall, taken together, point to an early +date.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp096' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp096-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp096.jpg' alt='Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscriptions on the Gate of Rhegium.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>From the statement of the inscription it would seem that +soon after the erection of the wall by Anthemius, either this +gate or all the gates in the line of the new fortifications had to +be strengthened. The only Pusæus known in history who could +have presumed to compare himself with Anthemius was consul +in 467, in the reign of Leo I.<a id='r395' /><a href='#f395' class='c009'><sup>[395]</sup></a> There may, however, have +been an earlier personage of that name.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(2) A considerable portion of the Inner Wall (τὰ ἔσω τείχη) +was injured by an earthquake in 578, the fourth year of the reign +of Zeno;<a id='r396' /><a href='#f396' class='c009'><sup>[396]</sup></a> but no record of the repairs executed in consequence +of the disaster has been preserved.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(3) The frequent shocks of earthquake felt in Constantinople +during the reign of Justinian the Great damaged the walls on, +at least, three occasions; in 542 and 554, when the injury done +was most serious in the neighbourhood of the Golden Gate;<a id='r397' /><a href='#f397' class='c009'><sup>[397]</sup></a> and +again in 558, when both the Constantinian and the Theodosian +Walls were rudely shaken, the latter suffering chiefly in the +portion between the Golden Gate and the Porta Rhousiou.<a id='r398' /><a href='#f398' class='c009'><sup>[398]</sup></a> So +great was the damage sustained by the city and vicinity on the +last occasion that for thirty days the emperor refused to wear +his crown.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>(4) An inscription on the Gate Rhousiou commemorates +the restoration of the Outer Wall in the reign of Justin II. +Whether the work was rendered necessary by some particular +accident does not appear; but a wall so slight in its structure +would naturally need extensive repair when a century old.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With Justin the inscription associates the Empress Sophia, noted +for her interest in the public works of the day, and also names +Narses and Stephen, as the officials who had charge of the +repairs. The latter officer is otherwise unknown. Narses, who +held the offices of Spatharius and Sacellarius, superintended also +the restoration of the Harbour of Julian in the same reign.<a id='r399' /><a href='#f399' class='c009'><sup>[399]</sup></a> +Subsequently he was sent, with large funds, on a mission to the +Avars to persuade them to raise the siege of Sirmium. But +the ship which carried the money was totally wrecked on the +way, and Narses took the misfortune so much to heart that he +fell ill and died.<a id='r400' /><a href='#f400' class='c009'><sup>[400]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The inscription in honour of Justin was to the following +effect:<a id='r401' /><a href='#f401' class='c009'><sup>[401]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΤΕΙΧΙΟΜΑ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΔΟΣΙΑΚΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΕΙΧΟΥΣ ΕΠΙ ΙΟΥΣΤΙΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΗΜΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΔΙΑ ΝΑΡΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΝΔΟΞΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΣΠΑΘΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΑΚΕΛΛΑΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ</div> + <div class='line'>ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΚΟΝΤΟΣ ΕΙΣ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΙΑΝ ΔΟΥΛΟΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΑΣΤΑΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“The Outwork of the Theodosian Wall was restored under Justin and +Sophia, our most pious Sovereigns, by Narses, the most glorious Spatharius +and Sacellarius, and Stephen, who belonged to the service, a +servant of the most pious Sovereigns.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>(5) The next repairs on record were executed early in the +eighth century, in view of the formidable preparations made by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>the Saracens for a second attack upon Constantinople. Anastasius +II. then strengthened the land walls, as well as the other +fortifications of the city;<a id='r402' /><a href='#f402' class='c009'><sup>[402]</sup></a> and thus contributed to the signal +repulse of the enemy in 718 by Leo the Isaurian, at that great +crisis in the history of Christendom.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(6) Repairs were again demanded in 740, in the reign of +Leo the Isaurian, owing to the injuries caused by a long series +of earthquakes during eleven months. So extensive was the +work of restoration required, that to provide the necessary +funds Leo was obliged to increase the taxes.<a id='r403' /><a href='#f403' class='c009'><sup>[403]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Several inscriptions commemorating the repairs executed by +that emperor, in conjunction with his son and colleague Constantine +Copronymus, have been found upon towers of the Inner +Wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) One stood on the seventh tower north of the Sea of +Marmora:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΛΕΩΝ ΣΥΝ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΩ ΣΚΗΠΤΟΥΧΟΙ ΤΟΝΔΕ</div> + <div class='line'>ΗΓΕΙΡΑΝ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΣΥΜΠΤΩΘΕΝΤΑ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Leo with Constantine, wielders of the sceptre, erected from the foundations +this tower which had fallen.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>(<i>b</i>) Another was placed on the ninth tower north of the +Golden Gate, in letters formed of brick:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΣ | ΧΣ</div> + <div class='line'>—--|-—-</div> + <div class='line'>ΝΙ | ΚΑ</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΛΕΩΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΗΝΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Many be the years of Leo and Constantine, Great Kings and Emperors.”</p> + +<div id='fig_fp098' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp098-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp098.jpg' alt='Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Tower of the Theodosian Walls (With Inscription in Honour of the Emperors Leo III. and Constantine V.).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>(<i>c</i>) A similar inscription was found on the third tower north +of the Second Military Gate:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ †</div> + <div class='line'>ΜΕΓΑΛΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡΩΝ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>(<i>d</i>) On the second tower north of the Gate of the Pegè was +an inscription similar to that on the seventh tower north of the +Sea of Marmora. The raised letters are beautifully cut on a +band of marble:</p> + +<div id='fig099' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig099.jpg' alt='Inscription.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription.</p> +</div> +</div> +<p class='c008'>[Illustration]</p> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) The ninth tower north of the same gate bore two inscriptions. +The higher was in honour, apparently, of an Emperor +Constantine; the lower reads:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΤΩΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΘΕΩΦΥΛΑΚΤΩΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΗΡΙΝΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΗΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΗΜΩΝ ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΗΣ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“The Fortune of Leo and Constantine, the God-protected Sovereigns, +and of Irene, our most pious Augusta, triumphs.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>If this inscription belongs to the reign of Leo the Isaurian, +the Empress Irene here mentioned must be Irene, the first wife +of Constantine Copronymus. In that case Maria, the wife of +Leo himself, must have been dead<a id='r404' /><a href='#f404' class='c009'><sup>[404]</sup></a> when the repairs which the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>inscription commemorates were executed. Irene was married +to Constantine in 732, and died in 749 or 750.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is possible, however, that the inscription should be +assigned to the reign of Leo IV. and Constantine VI., so +different is it from the inscriptions which belong undoubtedly +to the time of Leo the Isaurian. If so, the empress named +is the famous Irene who blinded her son, usurped his throne, +restored the use of Icons, and gave occasion for the revival of +the Roman Empire in the West by Charlemagne.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Below the inscription several monograms are found.</p> + +<div id='fig100' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig100.jpg' alt='Monograms.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Monograms.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) There is an interesting inscription, in letters of brick, +constituting a prayer for the safety of the city, on the fourth +tower north of the Gate Rhousiou:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΧΡΙΣΤΕ Ω ΘΕΟΣ ΑΤΑΡΑΧΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΟΛΕΜΟΝ ΦΥΛΑΤΤΕ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΙΝ ΣΟΥ ΝΙΚΑ ΤΟ ΜΕΝΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΙΩΝ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“O Christ, God, preserve Thy city undisturbed, and free from war. Conquer +the wrath of the enemies.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>It is the utterance of the purpose embodied in the erection +of the splendid bulwarks of the city, and might have been +inscribed upon them at any period of their history. It has been +assigned to Constantine IX., when sole ruler after the death of +Basil II. (1025-1028);<a id='r405' /><a href='#f405' class='c009'><sup>[405]</sup></a> but the employment of brick in the construction +of the letters favours the view that the legend belongs +to the reign of Leo the Isaurian.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(7) Fragments of inscriptions recording repairs by Michael +<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>II. and his son Theophilus have been found in the neighbourhood +of the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).<a id='r406' /><a href='#f406' class='c009'><sup>[406]</sup></a> These +emperors were specially distinguished for their attention to the +state of the fortifications along the shores of the city, but +it would have been strange if sovereigns so concerned for the +security of the capital had entirely neglected the condition of +the land walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(8) The earthquake of 975, towards the close of the reign of +Zimisces,<a id='r407' /><a href='#f407' class='c009'><sup>[407]</sup></a> left its mark upon the walls of the city, and two +inscriptions commemorate the repairs executed in consequence +by his successors, Basil II. and Constantine IX.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One of the inscriptions is on the huge, pentagonal, three-storied +tower at the junction of the land walls with the defences +along the Sea of Marmora. The legend reads:</p> + +<div id='fig101' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig101.jpg' alt='Legend.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Legend</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Tower of Basil and Constantine, faithful Emperors in Christ, pious +Kings of the Romans.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>The device</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line in1'>ΙΣ | ΧΡ</div> + <div class='line'>————————</div> + <div class='line in1'>ΝΙ | ΚΑ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>is found over two windows in the northern side of the tower.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The other inscription is on the northern gateway-tower of +the Gate of the Pegè:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΕΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΩΝ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Tower of Basil and Constantine, Emperors in Christ.”</p> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>Possibly the two following inscriptions on the northern side of +the southern tower of the Gate Rhousiou refer to the same +emperors:<a id='r408' /><a href='#f408' class='c009'><sup>[408]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig102' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig102.jpg' alt='“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign, triumphs.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“The Fortune of Constantine, our God-protected Sovereign, triumphs.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The second inscription is mutilated, but manifestly refers to +repairs in the reign of Basil:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΝΕΩΘΗ ΕΠΙ ΑΥ ...</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΑΤΟΥ Λ ...</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕ</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΙΝ ΙΑ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>(9) An inscription on the fourth tower from the Sea of +Marmora records repairs by the Emperor Romanus:</p> + +<div id='fig102a' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig102a.jpg' alt='“Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“Romanus, the Great Emperor of all the Romans, the Most Great, erected this tower new from the foundations.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>As four emperors bore the name Romanus, it is not certain to +which of them reference is here made. The fact that earthquakes +occurred in the reign of Romanus III. Argyrus, first +in 1032, and again in 1033,<a id='r409' /><a href='#f409' class='c009'><sup>[409]</sup></a> is in favour of the view that the +inscription was in his honour.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp102' class='figcenter id003'> +<a href='images/fig_fp102-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp102.jpg' alt='Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Diagram Showing the Interior of a Tower in the Theodosian Walls.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>(10) During the period of the Comneni, particular attention +<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>was given to the state of the fortifications by Manuel Comnenus,<a id='r410' /><a href='#f410' class='c009'><sup>[410]</sup></a> +and by Andronicus I. Comnenus.<a id='r411' /><a href='#f411' class='c009'><sup>[411]</sup></a> As will appear in the sequel, +the former was concerned mainly with the defences in the neighbourhood +of the Palace of Blachernæ, beyond the Theodosian +Walls. The interest of Andronicus in the matter was roused +by fear lest the Normans, who had captured and sacked Thessalonica +in 1185, would advance upon the capital. After making +a minute inspection of the walls in person, Andronicus ordered +the immediate repair of the portions fallen into decay, as well +as the removal of all houses whose proximity to the fortifications +might facilitate escalade.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(11) Under the Palæologi, the Walls of Theodosius, after their +long service of eight centuries, demanded frequent and extensive +restoration, in view of the dangers which menaced them.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Hence, on the recovery of Constantinople from the Latins in +1261, Michael Palæologus, fearing the Western Powers would +attempt to regain the place, took measures to put the fortifications +in a proper state of defence. His chief attention was devoted to +the improvement of the bulwarks guarding the shores of the city, +as those most exposed to attack by the maritime states of +Europe, but he did not overlook the land walls.<a id='r412' /><a href='#f412' class='c009'><sup>[412]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(12) In 1317, general repairs were again undertaken by +Andronicus II. Palæologus, with money bequeathed by his wife, +the Empress Irene, who died in that year.<a id='r413' /><a href='#f413' class='c009'><sup>[413]</sup></a> The only indication, +however, of the fact is now found beyond the Theodosian lines.<a id='r414' /><a href='#f414' class='c009'><sup>[414]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(13) The Theodosian Walls were injured once more by the +great earthquake of October, 1344, during the minority of John +VI. Palæologus.<a id='r415' /><a href='#f415' class='c009'><sup>[415]</sup></a> The disaster occurred when the struggle +between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene for the control of affairs +<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>was at its height, and the ruin of the fortifications made the +position of the former, who then held the city, extremely critical, +seeing his rival was preparing to besiege him. Apocaucus proceeded, +therefore, to reconstruct the fallen bulwarks with the +utmost despatch and thoroughness. The Inner Wall and the +Outer Wall were repaired from one end of the line to the other, +and the parapet along the Moat was raised to the height of a +man;<a id='r416' /><a href='#f416' class='c009'><sup>[416]</sup></a> proceedings which made this the most extensive restoration +of the Theodosian Walls since 447. It was completed in +January 1345, before Cantacuzene appeared to attack the capital.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(14) Mention has already been made of the repair of the +Golden Gate by Cantacuzene, and the erection of a fortress +behind that entrance by John VI. Palæologus, the prototype of +the Turkish Castle of the Seven Towers.<a id='r417' /><a href='#f417' class='c009'><sup>[417]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(15) The last restoration of the Theodosian bulwarks, on an +extensive scale, was undertaken by John VII. Palæologus, +(1425-1448), the Outer Wall being the portion principally concerned +in the matter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Evidently the task proved difficult, for the numerous inscriptions +which celebrate the achievement bear dates extending from +1433-1444, and show that the work proceeded slowly, and with +frequent interruptions, due, doubtless, to the low state of the +Imperial exchequer. The letters of the legends are incised on +small marble slabs, and are filled with lead, exhibiting poor +workmanship both in form and arrangement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One of the inscriptions was placed on the outer tower nearest +the Sea of Marmora:<a id='r418' /><a href='#f418' class='c009'><sup>[418]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ.”</p> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>A similar inscription is on the second outer tower north of +the Golden Gate:</p> + +<div id='fig105' class='figcenter id004'> +<img src='images/fig105.jpg' alt='“(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the year 1444.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“(Tower) of John Palæeologus, Emperor in Christ; in the year 1444.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Another is on the fifth outer tower north of the Second +Military Gate:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ</div> + <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑ ΜÉΝΑ</div> + <div class='line'>ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΜΗ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6948).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of +June of the year 1440.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>On the twelfth tower north of the same gate is a fractured +slab which bore the legend:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΒ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6942).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of +April of the year 1434.”</p> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>Traces of similar inscriptions appear on the first and second +towers north of the Gate of the Pegè; while on the third tower +in that direction are the words:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΩΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΡΟΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΙΑΝΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΑΡΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΜΖ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6947).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of +January of the year 1839.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>An inscription to the same effect stood on the first and the +second towers north of the Third Military Gate. On the third +tower beyond the entrance was the legend:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΩ ΕΝ ΧΩ</div> + <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΛΑΙ</div> + <div class='line'>ΛΟΓΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ ΟΚΤΟΒ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ Μ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6946).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of John Palæologus, Emperor in Christ; in the month of +October of the year 1438.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>On the outer tower, now demolished, opposite the Porta of +the Pempton, was an inscription from which we learn the great +extent of the repairs undertaken in this reign.<a id='r419' /><a href='#f419' class='c009'><sup>[419]</sup></a> That work +comprised the whole of the Outer Wall:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΕ ΤΟ ΚΑΣΤΡΟΝ ΟΛΟΝ ΙΩ ΧΩ ΑΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΤΕΙ ΜΑ (6941).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“John Palæolous, Emperor in Christ, restored the whole fortification; +in the year 1433.”</p> + +<div id='fig_fp107a' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp107a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp107a.jpg' alt='Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Approximate Section and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>In the course of the repairs made at this time, the Gate of the +Pegè was restored at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, +as an inscription high up on the back of the southern tower of +the gate proclaims:<a id='r420' /><a href='#f420' class='c009'><sup>[420]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΘΗ Η</div> + <div class='line'>ΘΕΟΣΟΣΤΟΣ ΠΥΛΗ ΑΥΤΗ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΗΣ ΖΩΟΔΟΧΟΥ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΔΙΑ</div> + <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ ΜΑ</div> + <div class='line'>ΝΟΥΗΛ ΒΡΥΕΝΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΛΕ</div> + <div class='line'>ΟΝΤΑΡΙ ΕΠΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΩΝ (or ΕΥΣΕΒΩΝ) ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΙΑΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΩΝ ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΩΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΜΗΝΙ ΜΑΙ</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ Μ (or Α) (6946 or 6941).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“This God-protected gate of the Life-giving Spring was restored with +the co-operation and at the expense of Manuel Bryennius Leontari, in the +reign of the most pious sovereigns John and Maria Palæologi; in the +month of May, in the year 1438 (or 1433).”</p> + +<div id='fig_fp107b' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp107b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp107b.jpg' alt='Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Approximate Elevation and Restoration of The Walls of THEODOSIVS the Second.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The Empress Maria who is mentioned in the inscription was +the daughter of Alexius, Emperor of Trebizond, and the third +wife of John VII. Palæologus, from 1427-1440.<a id='r421' /><a href='#f421' class='c009'><sup>[421]</sup></a> Manuel Bryennius +Leontari was probably the Bryennius Leontari who defended +the Gate of Charisius in the siege of 1453.<a id='r422' /><a href='#f422' class='c009'><sup>[422]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To the same reign, probably, belonged the work recorded on +a tower between the Gate of Charisius and Tekfour Serai. The +inscription was fragmentary, consisting of the letters ΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η +ΚΟ, evidently ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣΘΗ Η ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ<a id='r423' /><a href='#f423' class='c009'><sup>[423]</sup></a> (“The curtain-wall +was restored”). The lettering and the form of expression resembled +the style of an unmutilated inscription on the walls near +the Sea of Marmora, commemorating repairs on that side of the +city, in 1448, by George, Despot of Servia;<a id='r424' /><a href='#f424' class='c009'><sup>[424]</sup></a> and in view of this +resemblance, it is safe to conclude that a part of the money +sent by the Servian king to fortify Constantinople against the +common enemy was spent upon the land wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To the period of John VII. Palæologus, probably, must be +<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>assigned the inscription which stands on the fifth tower north of +the Gate of Charisius:<a id='r425' /><a href='#f425' class='c009'><sup>[425]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ ΑΓΑΛΟΝΟΣ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“(Tower) of Nicholas Agalon, Cabalarius.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>(16) On the first outer tower north of the Golden Gate, and +on the outer tower opposite the Gate of the Pempton, the name +Manuel Igari was found, placed a little below the inscriptions +on those towers in honour of John VII. Palæologus.<a id='r426' /><a href='#f426' class='c009'><sup>[426]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At first it might be supposed that we have here the name of +the officer who superintended the repair of the fortifications in +the reign of that emperor. But, according to Leonard of Scio,<a id='r427' /><a href='#f427' class='c009'><sup>[427]</sup></a> +Manuel Iagari, along with a certain monk, Neophytus of Rhodes, +had charge of such work immediately before the final siege, +while Constantine Dragoses, the last of the Byzantine emperors, +was making pathetic efforts to avert inevitable doom. Leonard +accuses Manuel and Neophytus of having, even at that crisis, +when the fate of the city hung in the balance, embezzled a large +part of the funds devoted to the restoration of the walls, thereby +leaving the fortifications in a state which made a successful +defence impossible: “Idcirco urbs prædonum incuria, in tanta +tempesta periit.” It is said that after the capture of the city +the Turks discovered a considerable portion of the stolen money +concealed in a jar.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp109' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp109-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp109.jpg' alt='Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Sketch Plan of the Blachernæ Quarter.</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span> + <h2 id='chap07' class='c006'>CHAPTER VII. <br /> THE PALACE OF THE PORPHYROGENITUS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The ruined Byzantine palace, commonly styled Tekfour Serai, +beside the Porta Xylokerkou was the Imperial residence, known +as the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (τὰ βασίλεια τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου: +οἱ τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου οἶκοι),<a id='r428' /><a href='#f428' class='c009'><sup>[428]</sup></a> and formed an annex +to the great Palace of Blachernæ, which stood lower down the +hill.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is true, Gyllius supposed it to be the Palace of the Hebdomon, +and his opinion, though contrary to all the evidence on +the subject, has been generally accepted as correct. But the +proof that the suburb of the Hebdomon was situated at Makrikeui, +upon the Sea of Marmora, is overwhelming, and consequently +the Palace of the Hebdomon must be sought in that +neighbourhood.<a id='r429' /><a href='#f429' class='c009'><sup>[429]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The evidence for the proper Byzantine name of Tekfour Serai<a id='r430' /><a href='#f430' class='c009'><sup>[430]</sup></a> +occurs in the passage in which Critobolus describes the positions +occupied by the various divisions of the Turkish army, during +the siege of 1453. According to that authority, the Turkish left +<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>wing extended from the Xylo Porta (beside the Golden Horn)<a id='r431' /><a href='#f431' class='c009'><sup>[431]</sup></a> +to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, which was situated upon a +slope, and thence to the Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi).<a id='r432' /><a href='#f432' class='c009'><sup>[432]</sup></a> +The site thus assigned to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus +corresponds exactly to that of Tekfour Serai, which stands on +the steep ascent leading from Egri Kapou to the Gate of +Adrianople.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp110a' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp110a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp110a.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Southern Façade).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>All other references to the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus are +in accord with this conclusion, so far, at least, as they imply +the proximity of that residence to the Palace of Blachernæ. +When, for instance, Andronicus III., in 1328, entered Constantinople +by the Gate of St. Romanus to wrest the government +from the feeble hands of his grandfather Andronicus II., +he took up his quarters, we are told, in the Palace of the +Porphyrogenitus, to be near the palace occupied by the +elder sovereign.<a id='r433' /><a href='#f433' class='c009'><sup>[433]</sup></a> That Andronicus II. was at the Palace of +Blachernæ is manifest from the fact that the peasants who witnessed +the entrance of the rebel grandson into the city ran and +reported the event to the guards stationed at the Gate Gyrolimnè,<a id='r434' /><a href='#f434' class='c009'><sup>[434]</sup></a> +a gate leading directly to the Palace of Blachernæ.<a id='r435' /><a href='#f435' class='c009'><sup>[435]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp110b' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp110b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp110b.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Northern Façade).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Again, the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was occupied by +John Cantacuzene, in 1347, while negotiating with the Dowager-Empress +Anna of Savoy to be acknowledged the colleague of her +son, John Palæologus.<a id='r436' /><a href='#f436' class='c009'><sup>[436]</sup></a> Upon taking possession of that residence +he issued strict injunctions that no attack should be made upon +the palace in which the empress and her son were then living. +But the followers of Cantacuzene, hearing that Anna hesitated +to come to terms, disobeyed his orders and seized the fort at +<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>Blachernæ, named the Castelion, which guarded that palace.<a id='r437' /><a href='#f437' class='c009'><sup>[437]</sup></a> +Evidently the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus +stood near each other. Seven years later, John +Palæologus himself, upon his capture of the city, made the +Palace of the Porphyrogenitus his headquarters while arranging +for the abdication of Cantacuzene.<a id='r438' /><a href='#f438' class='c009'><sup>[438]</sup></a> And from the narrative +of the events on that occasion it is, again, manifest that the +Palace of the Porphyrogenitus was in the neighbourhood of the +Castelion and the Palace of Blachernæ.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By this identification, a flood of light is shed upon the +incidents of Byzantine history to which allusion has just been +made.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The palace, an oblong building in three stories, stands +between the two parallel walls which descend from the Porta +Xylokerkou for a short distance, towards the Golden Horn. +Its long sides, facing respectively north and south, are transverse +to the walls, while its short western and eastern sides rest, at the +level of the second story, upon the summit of the walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Its roof and two upper floors have disappeared, and nothing +remains but an empty shell. The northern façade was supported +by pillars and piers, and its whole surface was decorated with +beautiful and varied patterns in mosaic, formed of small pieces of +brick and stone. The numerous windows of the building were +framed in marble, and, with the graceful balconies on the +east and south, looked out upon the superb views which the +lofty position of the palace commanded. The western façade, +being the most exposed to hostile missiles, was screened by a large +tower built on the west side of the Porta Xylokerkou, to the +injury, however, of the gate, which was thus partially blocked up.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A transverse wall erected at some distance to the north made +<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>the area between the two walls, upon which the palace rests, a +spacious court, communicating by a gate at its north-eastern +corner with the city, while a gate in the western wall led to the +parateichion.<a id='r439' /><a href='#f439' class='c009'><sup>[439]</sup></a> The latter entrance is, probably, the one known as +the Postern of the Porphyrogenitus, by which forty-two partisans +of John Cantacuzene made good their escape from the city in +1341.<a id='r440' /><a href='#f440' class='c009'><sup>[440]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig112' class='figcenter id003'> +<img src='images/fig112.jpg' alt='Monogram Of The Palæologi.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Monogram Of The Palæologi.<a id='r441' /><a href='#f441' class='c009'><sup>[441]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>According to Salzenberg, the palace belongs to the earlier half +of the ninth century, and was the work of the Emperor Theophilus.<a id='r442' /><a href='#f442' class='c009'><sup>[442]</sup></a> +But the name of the building is in favour of the view +that we have here an erection of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, +and consequently a monument of the Art of the +tenth century. Constantine Porphyrogenitus was noted for the +number of palaces he erected.<a id='r443' /><a href='#f443' class='c009'><sup>[443]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp112a' class='figcenter id004'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span> +<a href='images/fig_fp112a-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp112a.jpg' alt='The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (View of Interior).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>At the north-western end of the court stood another +residence, the western façade of which, pierced by spacious +windows, still surmounts the outer wall of the court. Over the +second window (from the south) was inscribed the monogram of +the legend on the arms of the Palæologi;<a id='r444' /><a href='#f444' class='c009'><sup>[444]</sup></a> Βασιλεὺς Βασιλέων +Βασιλεύων Βασιλεύουσι.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r445' /><a href='#f445' class='c009'><sup>[445]</sup></a> regarded this building as the Monastery of the +Seven Orders of the Angels, mentioned by Cantacuzene;<a id='r446' /><a href='#f446' class='c009'><sup>[446]</sup></a> but +that monastery, and the gate named after it, were at Thessalonica, +and not at Constantinople. The building formed part +of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Bullialdus, the annotator of Ducas,<a id='r447' /><a href='#f447' class='c009'><sup>[447]</sup></a> speaking of the palace, +says that the double-headed eagle of the Palæologi was to be +seen on the lintel of one of the doors; that the capitals of the +pillars in the building bore the lilies of France; and that +several armorial shields were found there with the monogram—</p> + +<div id='fig113' class='figcenter id006'> +<img src='images/fig113.jpg' alt='Monogram.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Monogram.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>These ornaments may be indications of repairs made by +different occupants of the palace.<a id='r448' /><a href='#f448' class='c009'><sup>[448]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp115' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp115-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp115.jpg' alt='Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining walls.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Plan of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, And Adjoining walls.</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span> + <h2 id='chap08' class='c006'>CHAPTER VIII. <br /> THE FORTIFICATIONS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN SIDE OF THE CITY, BEFORE THE SEVENTH CENTURY.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>At the Gate of the Xylokerkus, or the Kerko Porta, the +Theodosian Walls come to an abrupt termination, and the line +of defence from that point to the Golden Horn is continued by +fortifications which, for the most part, did not exist before the +seventh century. Along the greater portion of their course these +bulwarks consisted of a single wall, without a moat; but at a +short distance from the water, where they stand on level ground, +they formed a double wall, which was at one time protected by +a moat and constituted a citadel at the north-western angle of +the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With the exception of that citadel’s outer wall, erected by +Leo the Armenian, the defences from the Kerko Porta to +the Golden Horn have usually been ascribed to the Emperor +Heraclius.<a id='r449' /><a href='#f449' class='c009'><sup>[449]</sup></a> But this opinion is at variance both with history, +and with the striking diversity in construction exhibited by the +various portions of the works. As a matter of fact, the fortifications +extending from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn +comprise walls that belong to, at least, three periods: the Wall +of Heraclius, the Wall of Leo, and the Wall of Manuel +<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>Comnenus.<a id='r450' /><a href='#f450' class='c009'><sup>[450]</sup></a> Curiously enough, the Wall of Manuel Comnenus, +though latest in time, stands first in order of position, for it +intervenes between the Theodosian Walls, on the one hand, +and the Heraclian and Leonine Walls, on the other.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, therefore, a question presents itself which must be +answered before proceeding to the study of the walls just +mentioned. If the various portions of the fortifications between +the Kerko Porta and the Golden Horn did not come, respectively, +into existence until the seventh, ninth, and eleventh +centuries, how was the north-western side of the city defended +previous to the erection of those walls?</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two answers have been given to this important and very +difficult question. Both agree in maintaining that the city was +defended on the north-west by the prolongation of the Theodosian +Walls; but they differ as regards the precise direction in +which the walls were carried down to the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One view is that the Theodosian Walls upon leaving the +Kerko Porta turned north-eastwards, to follow the <i>eastern</i> spur +of the Sixth Hill,<a id='r451' /><a href='#f451' class='c009'><sup>[451]</sup></a> along a line terminating somewhere in the +vicinity of Balat Kapoussi.<a id='r452' /><a href='#f452' class='c009'><sup>[452]</sup></a> According to this view, the quarter +of Blachernæ, which until 627 lay outside the city limits,<a id='r453' /><a href='#f453' class='c009'><sup>[453]</sup></a> was +the territory situated between the spur just mentioned and the +line occupied eventually by the Walls of Comnenus and Heraclius.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The second view on the subject is that the two Theodosian +Walls were carried northwards along the <i>western</i> spur of the +Sixth Hill, and enclosed it on every side. On this supposition, +the suburb of Blachernæ, with its celebrated Church of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>Theotokos, without the fortifications, was the plain extending +from the foot of the western spur of the Sixth Hill to the Golden +Horn, the plain occupied now by the quarter of Aivan Serai.<a id='r454' /><a href='#f454' class='c009'><sup>[454]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In support of the first opinion, there is the undoubted fact +that the Theodosian Walls, as they approach the Kerko Porta, +bend north-eastwards, so that if continued in that direction +they would reach the Golden Horn near the Greek Church of +St. Demetrius, to the west of Balat Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The opinion that the Theodosian Walls were carried to the +foot of the western spur of the Sixth Hill rests upon the +fact that traces of old fortifications enclosing that spur are still +distinctly visible; while the Theodosian Moat is, moreover, continued +towards Aivan Serai, until it is stopped by the Wall of +Manuel, which runs transversely to it.<a id='r455' /><a href='#f455' class='c009'><sup>[455]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The fortifications referred to are found mostly to the rear of +the Comnenian Wall, but portions of them are seen also to the +north of it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One line of the fortifications proceeded from the Kerko Porta +along the western flank of the spur, and joined the city walls a +little to the south of the “Tower of Isaac Angelus;” another +line ran from that gate along the eastern side of the spur to +the fountain Tsinar Tchesmè in the quarter of Londja, a short +distance to the south-east of the Holy Well which marks the +site of the Church of Blachernæ; while a third wall, facing the +Golden Horn, defended the northern side of the spur, and +abutted against the city walls, very near the southern end of +the Wall of Heraclius.<a id='r456' /><a href='#f456' class='c009'><sup>[456]</sup></a> Within the acropolis formed by these +<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>works of defence, the Palace of Blachernæ and the Palace of +the Porphyrogenitus were in due time erected.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Both answers to the question before us have much in their +favour, and possibly the truth on the subject is to be found in +their combination. Their respective values as rival theories will, +perhaps, be more easily estimated, if we begin with the consideration +of the second answer.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp118a' class='figcenter id008'> +<img src='images/fig_fp118a.jpg' alt='Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Balcony in the Southern Façade of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>That the western spur of the Sixth Hill was a fortified +position early in the history of the city can scarcely be disputed. +It must have been so, to commence at the lowest date, before +the erection of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel in the twelfth +century; for it was to get clear of the fortifications on that spur +that the Comnenian Wall describes the remarkable detour it +makes in proceeding from the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus +towards the Golden Horn, running out westwards for a +considerable distance before taking a northerly course in the +direction of the harbour. Then, there is reason to believe that +the spur was fortified as early as the seventh century. This is +implied in the accounts we have of the siege of Constantinople +by the Avars in 627, when we hear of fortifications, named the +Wall of Blachernæ,<a id='r457' /><a href='#f457' class='c009'><sup>[457]</sup></a> the Pteron<a id='r458' /><a href='#f458' class='c009'><sup>[458]</sup></a> or Proteichisma,<a id='r459' /><a href='#f459' class='c009'><sup>[459]</sup></a> outside of which +stood the Church of Blachernæ and the Church of St. Nicholas.<a id='r460' /><a href='#f460' class='c009'><sup>[460]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp118b' class='figcenter id002'> +<img src='images/fig_fp118b.jpg' alt='Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Archway leading to the Gate of the Xylokerkus (Screen Tower). The Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (From The West).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>For these sanctuaries were situated precisely at the foot of +the western spur of the Sixth Hill, the site of the former being +marked by the Holy Well of Blachernæ at Aivan Serai, that of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>the latter by the Holy Well in the ground between the Wall of +Heraclius and the Wall of Leo.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is also in favour of the presence of fortifications on the +spur in the seventh century to find that the historians of the +Avar siege are silent as to any danger incurred by the Palace +of Blachernæ, which stood on the spur, when the Church of +St. Nicholas was burnt down, and when the Church of Blachernæ +narrowly escaped the same fate. A similar silence is observed +as to any advantage derived by the palace from the erection +of the Wall of Heraclius, at the close of the war.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the age of these fortifications may be carried back to a +still earlier date than the seventh century; for, according to the +<i>Notitia</i>, the Fourteenth Region of the city, which stood on the +Sixth Hill, was defended by a wall of its own, <i>proprio muro +vallata</i>, so as to appear a distinct town.<a id='r461' /><a href='#f461' class='c009'><sup>[461]</sup></a> The fortifications +on the Sixth Hill may therefore claim to have originally constituted +the defences of that Region, and therefore to be as +old, at least, as the reign of Theodosius II.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But although the origin of the fortifications around the +western spur of the Sixth Hill may thus be carried so far back, +it is a mistake to regard them as a structural prolongation of the +Theodosian Walls. On the contrary, they are distinct and +independent constructions. They proceed northwards, while the +latter make for the north-east; so that the Wall of Anthemius, +if produced, would stand to the east of the former, while the +Wall of the Prefect Constantine under similar circumstances +would cut them transversely. Furthermore, the outer wall, +north of the Kerko Porta, is built almost at right angles +against the wall of the Prefect Constantine, with a distinct line +of junction, and stands so close to the Kerko Porta that the gate, +what with the wall on one side and the tower screening the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>western façade of the Palace of Porphyrogenitus<a id='r462' /><a href='#f462' class='c009'><sup>[462]</sup></a> upon the other, +is almost crushed between them. Such a situation could never +have been assigned to the gate, if the walls on either hand +belonged to the same construction. It should also be added +that the masonry of the walls around the spur is different from +that in the Walls of Theodosius.</p> + +<p class='c008'>How the non-Theodosian character of the walls to the north +of the Kerko Porta is to be accounted for admits of more than +one explanation. It may be due to changes in works of +Theodosian origin, or to the fact that they are works of an +earlier period,<a id='r463' /><a href='#f463' class='c009'><sup>[463]</sup></a> or to the fact that they are works of a later age. +On the supposition that these fortifications defended originally +the Fourteenth Region, the second explanation is the most +probable, for the division of the city into Regions was anterior +to Theodosius II., and there is every reason to believe that the +isolated Fourteenth Region was a fortified suburb from the +earliest period of its history.<a id='r464' /><a href='#f464' class='c009'><sup>[464]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the second answer to the question how the +north-western side of the city was defended before the erection +of the Walls of Heraclius, Leo, and Manuel Comnenus, would +have more in its favour if it maintained that the defence was +effected by the junction of the Theodosian Walls with pre-existing +fortifications around the western spur of the Sixth Hill.<a id='r465' /><a href='#f465' class='c009'><sup>[465]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The chief difficulty attending this view is that the <i>Notitia</i> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>speaks of the Fourteenth Region as still an isolated suburb +in the reign of Theodosius II.<a id='r466' /><a href='#f466' class='c009'><sup>[466]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As regards the opinion that the Theodosian Walls proceeded +from the Kerko Porta to the Golden Horn in a north-eastern +course and reached the water between the Church of St. Demetrius +and Balat Kapoussi, it has upon its side the patent fact that +those walls, if produced according to their trend at the Kerko +Porta, would certainly follow the line indicated. On this view, +the walls around the western spur of the Sixth Hill were either +the fortifications of the Fourteenth Region (modified), or walls +built expressly to defend the Palace of Blachernæ, after the +fifth century.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The trend of the walls at the Kerko Porta affords, unquestionably, +a very strong argument for this view of the case. But +the view is open to objections. The absence of all traces of the +walls along the line indicated should, perhaps, not be pressed, +as such works are apt to disappear when superseded. A more +serious objection is that the Theodosian Moat does not follow +the north-eastern course of the walls, but proceeds northwards, +for a short distance, in the direction of Aivan Serai.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Furthermore, if the western spur of the Sixth Hill was +already fortified when the Theodosian Walls were built, it is +reasonable to suppose that the land defences of the city were +completed by the simple expedient of uniting the new works +with the old. Any other proceeding appears cumbrous and +superfluous.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Still, after all is said, the information we have is so meagre, +the changes made in the walls beside the Kerko Porta have +manifestly been so numerous, that a decided judgment upon the +point at issue does not seem warranted by the evidence at our +command.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span> + <h2 id='chap09' class='c006'>CHAPTER IX. <br /> THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>According to Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r467' /><a href='#f467' class='c009'><sup>[467]</sup></a> a portion of the city fortifications +was erected by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp122' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp122-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp122.jpg' alt='Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Tower of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The historian alludes to that work when describing the site +upon which the Crusaders established their camp in 1203, and +from his account of the matter there can be no doubt regarding +the portion intended. The Latin camp, says Nicetas,<a id='r468' /><a href='#f468' class='c009'><sup>[468]</sup></a> was +pitched on the hill which faced the western front of the Palace of +Blachernæ, and which was separated from the city walls by a +strip of level ground, extending from the Golden Horn, on the +north, to the wall built by the Emperor Manuel, on the south. +This is an unmistakable description of the hill which stands +to the west of the fortifications between the Golden Horn and +Egri Kapou, and which is separated from those fortifications by +a narrow plain, as by a trench or gorge. Consequently, the wall +erected by the Emperor Manuel must be sought at the plain’s +southern extremity; and there, precisely, commences a line of +wall which displays, as far as the north-western corner of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, a style of workmanship +perfectly distinct from any found elsewhere in the bulwarks +of the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The object of building this wall was to add to the security of +the Palace of Blachernæ, which became the favourite residence +of the Imperial Court in the reign of Alexius Comnenus,<a id='r469' /><a href='#f469' class='c009'><sup>[469]</sup></a> +and which Manuel himself enlarged and beautified.<a id='r470' /><a href='#f470' class='c009'><sup>[470]</sup></a> The +new wall was not only stronger than the earlier defences of +the palace, but had also the advantage of removing the point +of attack against this part of the city to a greater distance from +the Imperial residence. At the same time, the older fortifications +were allowed to remain as a second line of defence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In construction the wall is a series of lofty arches closed on +the outer face, and built of larger blocks of stone<a id='r471' /><a href='#f471' class='c009'><sup>[471]</sup></a> than those +generally employed in the Walls of Theodosius. On account of +the steepness of the slope on which it, for the most part, stands, +it was unprotected by a moat, but to compensate for this lack +the wall was more massive, and flanked by stronger towers +than other portions of the fortifications. At the summit the +wall measured fifteen feet in thickness. Of its nine towers, the +first six, commencing from the court of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, +are alternately round and octagonal; the seventh and +eighth are octagonal; the last is square.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The wall was provided with a public gate and, apparently, +two posterns.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One postern, opening on the Theodosian parateicheion, was +in the curtain<a id='r472' /><a href='#f472' class='c009'><sup>[472]</sup></a> extending from the outer wall of the court of +the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus to the first tower of Manuel’s +Wall. The other postern stood between the second and third +<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>towers, and is remarkable for being the only entrance in the city +walls furnished with a drip-stone. Dr. Paspates<a id='r473' /><a href='#f473' class='c009'><sup>[473]</sup></a> identified it +with the Paraportion of St. Kallinikus; but the postern of that +name is mentioned in history before the erection of Manuel’s Wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Between the sixth and seventh towers was the Public Gate, +now styled Egri Kapou. By some authorities, as already stated,<a id='r474' /><a href='#f474' class='c009'><sup>[474]</sup></a> +it has been identified with the Porta Charisiou, but it is, beyond +question, the Porta Kaligaria, so conspicuous in the last siege of +the city.<a id='r475' /><a href='#f475' class='c009'><sup>[475]</sup></a> This is clear from the following circumstances: The +Porta Kaligaria pierced the wall which protected the quarter +known, owing to the manufacture of military shoes (caliga) there, +as the Kaligaria (ἐν τοῖς Καλιγαρίοις). That wall stood near the +palace of the emperor; it was a single line of fortifications, distinguished +for its strength, but without a moat.<a id='r476' /><a href='#f476' class='c009'><sup>[476]</sup></a> It occupied, +moreover, such a position that from one of its towers the Emperor +Constantine Dragoses and his friend the historian Phrantzes +were able to reconnoitre, early in the morning of the fatal 29th +of May, the operations of the Turkish army before the Theodosian +Walls, and hear the ominous sounds of the preparations for +the last assault.<a id='r477' /><a href='#f477' class='c009'><sup>[477]</sup></a> All these particulars hold true only of the wall +in which Egri Kapou is situated; and hence that gate must be +the Porta Kaligaria.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The only inscription found on the Wall of Manuel consists +of the two words, ΥΠΕΡ ΕΥΧΗΣ, on a stone built into the left +side of the entrance which leads from within the city into the +square tower above mentioned.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453, this wall, on account of its proximity to +<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>the Palace of Blachernæ, was the object of special attack; but +all the attempts of the Turkish gunners and miners failed to +open a breach in it.<a id='r478' /><a href='#f478' class='c009'><sup>[478]</sup></a> A battery of three cannon, one of them +the huge piece cast by Orban, played against these bulwarks +with such little effect that the Sultan ordered the guns to be +transferred to the battery before the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r479' /><a href='#f479' class='c009'><sup>[479]</sup></a> +The skilled miners who were brought from the district around +Novobrodo, in Servia, to undermine the wall succeeded in +shaking down only part of an old tower, and all the mines they +opened were countermined by John Grant, a German engineer in +the service of the Greeks.<a id='r480' /><a href='#f480' class='c009'><sup>[480]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The tower from which the emperor and Phrantzes reconnoitred +the Turkish movements was, Dr. Paspates thinks, the +noble tower which stands at the point where the wall bends to +descend the slope towards the Golden Horn.<a id='r481' /><a href='#f481' class='c009'><sup>[481]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The portion of the fortifications, some 453 feet in length, +extending from the square tower in the wall just described to +the fourth tower to the north (the tower bearing an inscription in +honour of Isaac Angelus),<a id='r482' /><a href='#f482' class='c009'><sup>[482]</sup></a> is considered by one authority to be +also a part of the Wall of Manuel Comnenus.<a id='r483' /><a href='#f483' class='c009'><sup>[483]</sup></a> If so, it must +have undergone great alterations since that emperor’s time, for +in its construction and general appearance it is very different +from the Comnenian ramparts. It is built of smaller blocks of +stone; its bricks are much slighter in make; its arches less filled +with masonry; its four towers are all square, and glaringly +inferior to the splendid towers in Manuel’s undoubted work; +while, immediately to the south of the square tower above +<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>mentioned one can see, from within the city, a line of junction +between the wall to the south and the wall to the north of that +tower, indicating in the plainest possible manner the juxtaposition +of two perfectly distinct structures. And in point of fact, +three inscriptions recording repairs are found on the latter wall. +One inscription, on the fourth tower, belongs to the reign of Isaac +Angelus<a id='r484' /><a href='#f484' class='c009'><sup>[484]</sup></a> and bears the date 1188. Another is seen among the +Turkish repairs executed on the city side of the second tower +of the wall, and records the date, “In the year 6824 (1317), +November 4;” the year, as we have seen, in which Irene, the +empress of Andronicus II., died, leaving large sums of money, +which that emperor devoted, mainly, to the restoration of the +bulwarks of the capital.<a id='r485' /><a href='#f485' class='c009'><sup>[485]</sup></a> The third inscription stands on the +curtain between the third and fourth towers of the wall, immediately +below the parapet, and commemorates repairs executed +in 1441 by John VII. Palæologus, who was concerned in the +reconstruction of the Outer Theodosian Wall. It reads:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΤΩ</div> + <div class='line'>ΘΩ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΩΡ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ</div> + <div class='line'>Ο ΠΑΛΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΗΝΑ</div> + <div class='line'>ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ΤΗ Δ</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΟΥ ϚϠΜΘ ΕΤΟΥΣ (6949).</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“John Palæologus, faithful King and Emperor of the Romans, in Christ, +God; on the second of the month of August of the year 1441.”</p> + +<div id='fig_fp126a' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig_fp126a.jpg' alt='Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Palæologian Wall, North of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>To the north of the second tower in the wall before us is a +gateway which answers to the description of the Gate of Gyrolimnè +(πύλη τῆς Γυρολίμνης); for the Gate of Gyrolimnè, like +this entrance, stood in the immediate vicinity of the Palace of +Blachernæ, and was so near the hill on which the Crusaders +<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>encamped in 1203 that the Greeks stationed at the gate and +the enemy on the hill were almost within speaking distance.<a id='r486' /><a href='#f486' class='c009'><sup>[486]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp126b' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp126b-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp126b.jpg' alt='The Gate of Gyrolimnè.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The Gate of Gyrolimnè.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The gate derived its name from a sheet of water called the +Silver Lake (Ἀργυρὰ Λίμνη), at the head of the Golden Horn, +and beside which was an Imperial palace.<a id='r487' /><a href='#f487' class='c009'><sup>[487]</sup></a> The gate was at the +service of the Palace of Blachernæ, a fact which, doubtless, explains +the decoration of the arch of the entrance with three +Imperial busts.<a id='r488' /><a href='#f488' class='c009'><sup>[488]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Several historical reminiscences are attached to the gate. +Through it, probably, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade went to +and fro in carrying on their negotiations with Isaac Angelus.<a id='r489' /><a href='#f489' class='c009'><sup>[489]</sup></a> +By it Andronicus the Younger went forth in hunter’s garb, with +his dogs and falcons, as if to follow the chase, but in reality to +join his adherents and raise the standard of revolt against his +grandfather.<a id='r490' /><a href='#f490' class='c009'><sup>[490]</sup></a> Hither that prince came thrice in the course of his +rebellion, and held parley with the officials of the palace, as they +stood upon the walls, regarding terms of peace;<a id='r491' /><a href='#f491' class='c009'><sup>[491]</sup></a> and here the +intelligence that he had entered the city was brought by the +peasants who had seen him admitted early in the morning +through the Gate of St. Romanus.<a id='r492' /><a href='#f492' class='c009'><sup>[492]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To this gate Cantacuzene also came at the head of his troops +in 1343, to sound the disposition of the capital during his contest +with Apocaucus and the Empress Anna.<a id='r493' /><a href='#f493' class='c009'><sup>[493]</sup></a></p> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span> + <h2 class='c014'>The Palace of Blachernæ. <br /> Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις Βασίλειον, Παλάτιον.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Until the site of the Palace of Blachernæ is excavated, little +can be added to the information which Du Cange<a id='r494' /><a href='#f494' class='c009'><sup>[494]</sup></a> and Paspates<a id='r495' /><a href='#f495' class='c009'><sup>[495]</sup></a> +have collected respecting that Imperial residence, from the statements +made on the subject by writers during the Byzantine +period. If the quarter of Egri Kapou, on the western spur of +the Sixth Hill, was included in the Fourteenth Region of the +city, the Palace of Blachernæ appears first as the palace which, +according to the <i>Notitia</i>, adorned that Region.<a id='r496' /><a href='#f496' class='c009'><sup>[496]</sup></a> In the reign of +Anastasius I. the residence was enlarged by the addition of the +Triclinus Anastasiacus (Τρίκλινος Ἀναστασιακὸς),<a id='r497' /><a href='#f497' class='c009'><sup>[497]</sup></a> and in the +tenth century<a id='r498' /><a href='#f498' class='c009'><sup>[498]</sup></a> it boasted, moreover, of the Triclinus of the Holy +Shrine (Τρίκλινος τῆς ἁγίας σοροῦ), named so in honour of the +shrine in which the robe and mantle of the Theotokos were kept +in the Church of Blachernæ; the Triclinus Danubius (Τρίκλινος +Δανουβιὸς); and the Portico Josephiacus (τὸν Πόρτικα Ἰωσηφιακὸν). +Under Alexius I. Comnenus it was frequently occupied by the +Court, and there the emperor received the leaders of the First +Crusade, Peter the Hermit, Godfrey of Bouillon, Bohemond, and +others.<a id='r499' /><a href='#f499' class='c009'><sup>[499]</sup></a> By Manuel Comnenus it was repaired and embellished<a id='r500' /><a href='#f500' class='c009'><sup>[500]</sup></a> +to an extent which obtained for it the name of the New Palace,<a id='r501' /><a href='#f501' class='c009'><sup>[501]</sup></a> +and it was one of the sights of the capital with which he entertained +Amaury, King of Jerusalem.<a id='r502' /><a href='#f502' class='c009'><sup>[502]</sup></a> The lofty building named +after the Empress Irene,<a id='r503' /><a href='#f503' class='c009'><sup>[503]</sup></a> and, probably, the Domus Polytimos,<a id='r504' /><a href='#f504' class='c009'><sup>[504]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>were the work of Manuel Comnenus. He also increased, as +we have seen, the security of the palace by the erection of +new bulwarks; to which Isaac Angelus added a tower.<a id='r505' /><a href='#f505' class='c009'><sup>[505]</sup></a> In 1203 +the palace was the scene of the negotiations between the +latter emperor and the envoys of Baldwin of Flanders and +Henrico Dandolo, the leaders of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r506' /><a href='#f506' class='c009'><sup>[506]</sup></a> In 1204, +upon the capture of the city by the Crusaders, it surrendered to +Henry, the brother of Baldwin,<a id='r507' /><a href='#f507' class='c009'><sup>[507]</sup></a> but the Latin emperors seem to +have preferred the Palace of the Bucoleon for their residence.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp128' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp128-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp128.jpg' alt='General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>General View of the Wall of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Baldwin II., however, resided in the Palace of Blachernæ, and +left it in such a filthy condition that when taken possession of +by the Greeks in 1261, Michael Palæologus could not occupy it +until it had been thoroughly cleaned and renovated.<a id='r508' /><a href='#f508' class='c009'><sup>[508]</sup></a> It was the +usual residence of the Byzantine Court during the period of the +Palæologi,<a id='r509' /><a href='#f509' class='c009'><sup>[509]</sup></a> and from this palace the last emperor who sat upon +the throne of Constantinople went forth to die “in the winding-sheet +of his empire.”<a id='r510' /><a href='#f510' class='c009'><sup>[510]</sup></a> All descriptions of the palace agree in +representing it as of extraordinary splendour.<a id='r511' /><a href='#f511' class='c009'><sup>[511]</sup></a> Foreign visitors +could not find words in which to give an idea of its magnificence +and wealth. According to them, its exterior appearance was +incomparable in beauty, while within it was decorated with gold, +and mosaics, and colours, and marbles, and columns, and jewels, +at a cost hard to estimate, and with a skill that could be found +nowhere else in the world.<a id='r512' /><a href='#f512' class='c009'><sup>[512]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The hill on which the palace stood was partly artificial, +to furnish a suitable platform or terrace for the group of +buildings which composed the residence, and to afford wide +<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>views over the harbour, the city, and the country beyond the +walls—“triplicem habitantibus jucunditatem offerens,” as Odo +de Dogilo aptly remarks, “mare, campus, urbemque, alterius +despicit.” The palace derived much of its importance from its +proximity to the venerated shrine of the Theotokos of Blachernæ. +And the ease with which the country could be reached from it, +to enjoy the pleasures of the chase, must not be overlooked in +explaining the favour with which the palace was regarded.<a id='r513' /><a href='#f513' class='c009'><sup>[513]</sup></a> It +should be added that the palace stood within the fortified enclosure<a id='r514' /><a href='#f514' class='c009'><sup>[514]</sup></a> +around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, the Castelion +of Blachernæ (Τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις φρούριον, μέρος καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦ περὶ +τὰ βασίλεια φρουρίου ὂν Καστέλιον προσαγορευόμενον).<a id='r515' /><a href='#f515' class='c009'><sup>[515]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp131' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp131-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp131.jpg' alt='Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Plan of the So-Called Prison of Anemas.</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span> + <h2 id='chap10' class='c006'>CHAPTER X. <br /> THE TOWER OF ANEMAS—THE TOWER OF ISAAC ANGELUS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The next portion of the walls to be considered, beginning at +the tower marked with an inscription in honour of Isaac +Angelus,<a id='r516' /><a href='#f516' class='c009'><sup>[516]</sup></a> and terminating at the junction of the Wall of +Heraclius with the Wall of Leo, has undergone many changes +in the course of its history, and, consequently, presents problems +which cannot be solved in the actual state of our knowledge. +After all is said on the subject, there will be room for wide +difference of opinion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Originally, it would seem, this portion of the walls formed +part of the defences around the outlying Fourteenth Region of +the city; later, it constituted the north-western front of the +enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is remarkable for its dimensions, rising in some places +68 feet above the exterior ground-level, with a thickness varying +from 33-¼ to 61-½ feet. Inside the city the ground reaches the +level of the parapet-walk. +The wall is flanked by three towers, the second and third +being built side by side, with one of their walls in common. +In the body of the wall behind the twin towers, and for some +distance to the north of them, were three stories of twelve +<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>chambers, presenting in their ruin the most impressive spectacle +to be found in the circuit of the fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first<a id='r517' /><a href='#f517' class='c009'><sup>[517]</sup></a> of the three towers stands at the south-western +angle of the enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ, where +the fortifications around the western spur of the Sixth Hill, to +the rear of the Wall of Manuel, join the wall now under consideration; +the tower’s upper chamber being on the level of the +palace area. Upon the tower is the following inscription, in +honour of the Emperor Isaac Angelus:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΠΡΟΣΤΑΞΙ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΝΓΕΛΟΥ ΙΑΣΑΑΚΙΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΚ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΕΩΣ ΔΙΜΕΗΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΥ ΕΤ</div> + <div class='line in4'>ϚϠΧΙ (6696).<a id='r518' /><a href='#f518' class='c009'><sup>[518]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Tower, by command of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, under the superintendence +of Basil ... (?) in the year 1188.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>The twin towers rise to a great height, and are supported +along their base by a massive buttress or counter-fort, 1 G1 G2 G3 G4, +that stands 23 feet above the present ground-level, and projects +from 19-½ to 26 feet beyond the towers.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The tower N, an irregular quadrilateral building in two +stories, measures 48 feet by 43 feet; the tower S, also quadrilateral, +is 36 feet by 47 feet. But although closely associated, +the two buildings differ greatly in style of construction. The +masonry of N is irregular, having a large number of pillars +inserted into it; often partially, so that many of them project +like mock artillery. On the other hand, the tower S is carefully +put together with the usual alternate courses of stone and +brickwork, and is, moreover, ornamented with a string-course. +A similar diversity of style is observable in the counter-fort. +The portion about the tower N is built of small stones roughly +joined, whereas the portion about the tower S consists of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>splendid large blocks, regularly hewn, and carefully fitted. +Manifestly the towers are not the work of the same period.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The tower N is commonly regarded as the tower of Isaac +Angelus; while the tower S has been considered, since Dr. +Paspates propounded the opinion, to be the Tower of Anemas,<a id='r519' /><a href='#f519' class='c009'><sup>[519]</sup></a> +which stood in the vicinity of the Palace of Blachernæ, and is +famous in the annals of Constantinople as a prison for political +offenders of high rank. The chambers in the body of the wall, +behind and to the north of the towers, Dr. Paspates thinks, were +the cells of that celebrated prison.</p> + +<p class='c008'>How far these views are correct can be determined only +after the towers and the chambers in the adjoining wall have +been carefully surveyed. The plan attached to this chapter +will render the survey easier and clearer.<a id='r520' /><a href='#f520' class='c009'><sup>[520]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At <i>x</i> was a small arched postern, by which one entered the +vaulted tunnel Z, that led through the counter-fort G´ to the +gateway <i>l</i> in the north-eastern side of the tower S. The sill +of the postern <i>x</i> is now nearly 10 feet above the exterior +ground-level, but originally it was higher, so that persons could +pass in and out only by means of a ladder that could be withdrawn +at pleasure. The postern <i>x</i>, the tunnel Z, and the gateway +<i>l</i> are now built up with solid masonry to the spring of the +vault, obliging the explorer to make his way on his hands +and knees in a most uncomfortable manner.<a id='r521' /><a href='#f521' class='c009'><sup>[521]</sup></a> Judging from the +carefulness of the work, the passage was blocked before the +Turkish Conquest.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>By the gateway <i>l</i> one enters the lofty vestibule <i>b</i>, now in +total darkness, so that all further exploration requires the aid of +artificial light. The original floor of the vestibule is buried +below a mass of earth which stands at the present level of Z +and <i>l</i>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the wall to the right is a low arched niche, <i>i</i>; in the wall +<i>g</i>, directly in front of the explorer, a wide breach opens into E; +while in the wall to the left is a loophole O, now on the level +of the present floor of <i>b</i>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Crawling first through O, one finds one’s self in a spacious +vaulted hall, some 200 feet long, and from 29 to 40 feet wide. +The lower portion of the hall is filled with <i>débris</i> and earth, +piled unevenly upon the floor, in great mounds and deep +hollows, which add indeed to the weirdness of the scene, but, +unfortunately, render a complete exploration of the interior +impossible.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thirteen buttress-walls, pierced by three arches superposed, +run transversely across the hall, from the wall AA to the +wall BB, and divide the interior into fourteen compartments, +which average nearly 10 feet in breadth, and vary in length +from about 27 to 40 feet; the walls AA and BB standing +further apart, as they proceed from south-west to north-east.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These compartments, excepting the first and last, were +divided, as the cavities for fixing joists in the buttresses prove, +into three stories of twelve chambers, the superposed arches +affording continuous communication between the chambers on the +different floors. The chambers on the ground floor, so far as +appears, were totally dark, but those on the two upper stories +received light and air through the large loophole in the wall BB, +with which each of them was provided. The compartment C´ +led to the chamber in the second story of the tower N, and at +<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>the same time communicated at v with the terrace on which +the Palace of Blachernæ stood, and where the Mosque of Aivas +Effendi is now erected.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The face of the wall AA is pierced by two tiers of loopholes, +which are openings in two superposed corridors or +galleries constructed in the body of the wall AA. These +loopholes occur at irregular distances from the buttress-walls, +and some of them are partially closed by the latter, while others +are completely so.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As the galleries in AA are blocked with earth at various +points, they cannot be explored thoroughly. At the north-eastern +end, the upper gallery opens on the garden of a Turkish +house near the Heraclian Wall. Whether the south-western +end communicated with the court of the Palace of Blachernæ +cannot be determined.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Returning to the vestibule <i>b</i>, and crawling next through the +opening at <i>i</i>, the explorer finds himself in F, a vaulted +chamber over 29 feet long, and about 17 feet wide. What +the original height of the apartment was cannot be ascertained, +the floor being covered with a deep bed of fine dark loam, +but the ceiling is still some 23 feet high. Below a line +nearly 14 feet from the ceiling, as a sloping ledge at that +elevation makes evident, the north-eastern and north-western +walls of the apartment are much thicker than above that +point. Over the ledge in the north-eastern wall is a loophole.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The south-eastern wall is strengthened with two arches; +while the ceiling is pierced by a circular hole, which communicates +with the room on the higher story of the tower. +When first explored by Dr. Paspates, a well nearly 18 feet +deep was found sunk in the floor.<a id='r522' /><a href='#f522' class='c009'><sup>[522]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>Before leaving the chamber the explorer should notice +the shaft of a pillar which protrudes from the south-western +wall, like the shafts of the pillars built into the open sides of +the tower N.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Returning once more to the vestibule <i>b</i>, we proceed to the +breach in the wall <i>g</i>, and enter E. That the breach was made +on a systematic plan is clear from the half-arch <i>f</i>, which was +constructed to support the building after the wall <i>g</i> had been +weakened by the opening made in it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>E was a stairway-turret, in which an inclined plane, without +steps, winded about the newel, <i>e</i>, upwards and downwards. +The turret is filled with earth to the present level of the +vestibule <i>b</i>, so that one cannot descend the stairway below +that point; but there can be no doubt whatever that the stairway +conducted to the original floor of the vestibule <i>b</i>, and to the +gateway <i>l</i>, and thence to the tunnel and postern in the counter-fort. +Whether it led also to an entrance to the chambers C C C +cannot be discovered under existing circumstances. The object +of the breach in <i>g</i> was to establish communication between the +stairway, the vestibule <i>b</i>, and the tunnel Z, after the original +means of communication between them had been blocked by +raising the floors of the tunnel and the vestibule to their present +level, in the manner already described.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The stairway winds thirteen times about its newel, and +ascends to within a short distance of the summit of the turret. +The summit was open, and stood on the level of the court of +the Palace of Blachernæ; but the opening could be reached +from the stairway only by means of a ladder removable at the +pleasure of the guardians of the palace, and was, doubtless, +closed with an iron door for the sake of greater security.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The walls of the turret were pierced by four loop-holes; +two, placed one above the other, looking towards the north-west, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>and two, similarly arranged, facing the north-east. Those on +the lower level are closed, but the two higher ones have +been enlarged, and admit to the fine <b>L</b>-shaped chamber in +the upper story of the tower, the chamber above F and the +vestibule <i>b</i>.</p> + +<div id='fig137' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig137.jpg' alt='The L-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower S.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>The <b>L</b>-Shaped Chamber in Upper Story of Tower <b>S</b>.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The chamber measures some 39 feet by 33 feet, and was +lighted by a large square window in the north-western wall. +A circular aperture in the floor communicated with F; and a +corresponding aperture in the vaulted ceiling opened on the roof +of the tower. The walls are furnished with numerous air-passages, +to prevent dampness, and are covered with a thin +coating of plaster. The vault of the ceiling, if we may judge +from the small cavities for joists below the spring of the arch, +was concealed by woodwork. Indeed, a portion of one of the +cross-beams is still in its place.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>The stairway communicated, moreover, with the tower N, +through narrow vaulted passages that pierce the north-eastern +wall of the tower at three points; first, at the original level of +the vestibule <i>b</i>, and then at the level of the two tiers of loopholes. +These passages are choked with earth, but by the partial +excavation of the lowest one of them access was obtained to +the small chamber D. It had no windows, but a round aperture +in the ceiling connected it with some unexplored part of the +tower.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From this survey of the buildings before us some satisfactory +inferences may certainly be drawn regarding their history and +character; although several points must remain obscure until +the removal of the earth accumulated within the ruins renders +a complete exploration possible.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the first place, the character of these walls and towers +can be understood only in the light of the fact that whatever +other function belonged to them, they were intended to support +the terraced hill on which the Palace of Blachernæ, to their +rear, was constructed. The unusual height and thickness of +the walls, the extent to which buttresses are here employed, +were not demanded by purely military considerations. Such +features are explicable only upon the view that the fortifications +of the city at this point served also as a retaining wall, +whereby the Imperial residence could be built upon an +elevation beyond the reach of escalade, and where it would +command a wide prospect of the city and surrounding country. +In fact, the buildings before us resemble the immense substructures +raised on the Palatine hill by Septimius Severus +and Caracalla to support the platform on which the Ædes +Severianæ were erected.<a id='r523' /><a href='#f523' class='c009'><sup>[523]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp138' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp138-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp138.jpg' alt='“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From The South-West).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From The South-West).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>In the next place, there are at several points in these +<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>buildings so many alterations; there is so much undoing of +work done, either rendering it useless or diverting it from its +original purpose, that these various constructions cannot be +treated as parts of an edifice built on a single systematic +plan, but as an agglomeration of different erections, put up at +various periods to serve new requirements arising from time +to time. For instance, the loopholes in the wall AA have no +symmetrical relation to the buttress-walls that divide the compartments +C; some of them, as already stated, are partially +closed by the buttresses; others are entirely so, their +existence being discoverable only from the interior of the +galleries in the body of that wall. It is hard to believe that +such inconsistent arrangements can be the work of one mind +and hand.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Again: the tower S and the tower N block the windows in +four of the compartments C. Surely the same builder would +not thus go back upon his work. Once more; the loopholes +in the stairway-turret afford no light in their present position, +the lower pair being closed, the upper pair forming entrances +to the <b>L</b>-shaped chamber. This is not an original arrangement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In view of such peculiarities, the following conclusions +regarding these buildings seem the most reasonable, in the +present state of our knowledge:</p> + +<p class='c008'>(1) The wall AA was at one time the only erection here; +and the two galleries, constructed in the thickness of the wall +formed with their loopholes two tiers of batteries, so to speak, +for the discharge of missiles upon an enemy attacking this +quarter of the city. A similar system of defence was employed +for the protection of the smaller residence forming part +of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r524' /><a href='#f524' class='c009'><sup>[524]</sup></a> and for the protection +<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>of the Palace of the Bucoleon, situated on the city walls near +Tchatlady Kapou.<a id='r525' /><a href='#f525' class='c009'><sup>[525]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>When precisely the wall AA was erected cannot be determined; +but, judging from its height, and the manner in which +it was equipped for defence, the probable opinion is that this +was done after the Palace of Blachernæ had assumed considerable +importance. Possibly, the work belongs to the reign +of Anastasius I.<a id='r526' /><a href='#f526' class='c009'><sup>[526]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>(2) At some later period the wall BB, equipped with +buttresses within and without, was erected to support the +wall AA. The demand for such support was doubtless occasioned +by additions to the Palace of Blachernæ, which already in the +tenth century comprised several edifices on the hill behind +the wall AA.<a id='r527' /><a href='#f527' class='c009'><sup>[527]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As BB superseded the original function of the galleries in +AA, it was a matter of little moment how many of the loopholes +in the latter were more or less masked by the buttresses built +transversely between the two walls. It would be enough to +retain a few loopholes to light the galleries. At the same +time, advantage was taken of the buttresses to construct, in +the space between AA and BB, three stories of chambers, for +such purpose as the authorities of the palace might decide.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(3) The manner in which the towers S and N block the +windows in four of the compartments C is evidence that these +towers were additions made later than the age of BB. This +view is corroborated by the marked difference between the +masonry of the towers and the masonry of the wall BB, against +which they are built.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(4) The towers S and N are so different in their respective +styles of construction that they cannot be contemporaneous +buildings.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>(5) The tower S is later than the tower N, for their common +wall, H, is strictly the north-eastern side of the tower N, as the +similarity of the masonry of H to that of the other sides of N +makes perfectly plain. This similarity is manifest not only in +the general features of the work, but also in the insertion of +marble shafts into the wall H; in one instance partially, after +the odd fashion adopted so extensively in the open sides of the +tower N. Furthermore, the manner in which the walls of the +chamber F and the L-shaped chamber in the tower S impinge +upon the wall H shows that the former were built against the +latter, and that they are posterior in age.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(6) The stairway-turret E, as the loopholes in its sides prove, +stood, at one time, in the open light and air. If so, it must be +older than the apartments <i>b</i>, F, L, in the tower S, which enclose it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(7) The passages communicating between the stairway and +the chambers in the tower N render it almost certain that the +stairway-turret was constructed at the same time as that tower. +Thus, also, a short and private way from the Palace of Blachernæ +to the country beyond the city bounds was provided; for it may +be confidently assumed that at the foot of the stairway there was +a small gate, corresponding to the gate <i>l</i>, and the postern <i>x</i> at the +mouth of the tunnel Z.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(8) When the stairway-turret was enclosed by the vestibule <i>b</i>, +the chamber F, and the <b>L</b>-shaped chamber, the lower loopholes +of the turret were built up as superfluous, while the upper ones +were widened to form entrances to the L-shaped chamber. +Accordingly, the tower S is an old stairway-turret enclosed +within later constructions.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(9) In view of some great danger, access to the tower S from +without the city was blocked by building up the postern <i>x</i>, +the tunnel Z, the gate <i>l</i>, and the vestibule <i>b</i>, to their actual level. +The portion of the passage still left open was too narrow to be +<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>forced by an enemy, and yet was convenient to be retained +for the sake of ventilation, or as a way in and out in some +emergency. At the same time, a breach was made in the wall +<i>g</i> to place the elevated floor of the vestibule into communication +with the stairway-turret E.</p> + +<p class='c008'>(10) What precise object the chambers C in the body of the +city wall were intended to serve is open to discussion. In the +opinion of Dr. Paspates, who was the first to explore them, they +were prison-cells. Possibly the lowest series of these chambers +may have been employed for that purpose; but, taken as a whole, +the suite of apartments between AA and BB do not convey the +impression of being places of confinement. Their spaciousness, +their number, the free communication between them, the size of +the windows in the two upper stories, the proximity of the +windows to the floor, are not the characteristics of dungeons.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is not impossible that these chambers were store-rooms or +barracks,<a id='r528' /><a href='#f528' class='c009'><sup>[528]</sup></a> and that through the loopholes in the wall BB the +palace was defended as, previously, through the openings in AA.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Communication between the three stories must have been +maintained by means of wooden stairs or ladders. In the north-eastern +wall of C’—the chamber which gave access from the +court of the Palace of Blachernæ at <i>v</i> to the second story of the +tower N—there was an archway, now filled up, opening upon the +level of the highest series of chambers C. When the archway +was closed, communication was held through a breach at <i>h</i>. +Possibly the same series of chambers was entered from the north-eastern +end of the upper gallery in AA. Contrary to what +might be supposed, there was no access to the two upper series +<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>of chambers from the stairway-turret. Whether the lowest +series could be reached by a door at the foot of the stairway +cannot be ascertained, on account of the earth in which the +lower portion of the stairway lies buried. But it is extremely +improbable that such was the case, for the stairway-turret +belongs, we have seen, to a later age than the chambers in the +body of the adjoining wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With these points made clear, we are in a position to consider +how far the identification of the towers N and S, respectively, +with the historical towers of Isaac Angelus and Anemas can be +established.</p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Nicetas Choniates, the Tower of Isaac Angelus +stood at the Palace of Blachernæ, and was built by that emperor +to buttress and to defend the palace, and to form, at the same +time, a residence for his personal use.<a id='r529' /><a href='#f529' class='c009'><sup>[529]</sup></a> It was constructed with +materials taken from ruined churches on the neighbouring seashore, +and from various public buildings in the city, ruthlessly +torn down for the purpose.<a id='r530' /><a href='#f530' class='c009'><sup>[530]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>This account makes it certain, in the first place, that the +Tower of Isaac Angelus was one of the three towers which flank +the portion of the city walls now under consideration, the portion +which forms the north-western side of the enclosure around the +Palace of Blachernæ; for these towers, and they only, at once +defended and supported the terrace upon which that palace +stood.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This being the case, it is natural to suppose that the Tower +of Isaac Angelus is the tower which bears the inscription in +his honour.<a id='r531' /><a href='#f531' class='c009'><sup>[531]</sup></a> But this opinion is attended with difficulties. For +<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>the tower in question does not differ in any marked manner +from an ordinary tower in the fortifications of the city. It +is not specially fitted for a residence, nor does it possess features +which render it worthy to have a place in history among the +notable buildings erected by a sovereign. Furthermore, it is +not constructed, to any striking degree, with materials drawn +from other edifices.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To all this it is possible to reply that we do not see the tower +in its original condition; that its upper story, which stood on the +level of the palace area to the rear, is gone; that the tower, as it +stands, consists largely of Turkish repairs; that the extent to +which, in its original state, it resembled, or failed to resemble, the +description of the Tower of Isaac Angelus as given by Nicetas, +cannot be accurately known, and that, consequently, the question +regarding the identity of the tower must be decided by the +inscription found upon the building. There is force in this rejoinder; +and it is the conclusion we must adopt, if there are not +stronger reasons for identifying the Tower of Isaac Angelus with +one or other of the two adjoining towers, N and S.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp144' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp144-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp144.jpg' alt='“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From the North-West).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“The Tower of Anemas” and “The Tower of Isaac Angelus” (From the North-West).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The claims of the tower N to be the Tower of Isaac Angelus +rest upon its strong resemblance to the description which Nicetas +has given of the latter building. His description seems a photograph +of that tower. Like the Tower of Isaac Angelus, the tower +N, besides defending and supporting the Palace of Blachernæ, +was pre-eminently a residential tower; and the numerous pillars +employed in its construction betray clearly the fact that it was +built with materials taken from other edifices, some of which may +well have been churches. The upper story, which was reached +from the court of the palace behind it, formed a spacious apartment +22-¼ by 27-½ feet, and about 18 feet high. Its north-western +wall was pierced by three large round-headed windows, opening, +as pillars placed below them for supports indicate, upon a balcony +<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>which commanded a beautiful view of the country about the +head of the Golden Horn. Another window led to a small balcony +on the south-western side of the tower, while a fifth looked +towards the Golden Horn and the hills beyond. The apartment +might well be styled the Belvedere of the Palace of Blachernæ. +The lower story of the tower, which was reached by a short +flight of steps descending from the palace court to the vestibule +C1, cannot be explored, being filled with earth; but, judging from +its arched entrance and the large square window in the north-western +wall, it was a commodious room, with the advantage of +affording more privacy than the apartment above it. What was +the object of the dark rooms situated below these two stories, at +different levels of the tower, and reached from the stairway-turret +outside it, is open to discussion. The stairway, as already intimated, +led also to the surrounding country. Taking all these +features of the tower N into consideration, a very strong case +can be made in favour of the opinion that it is the Tower of +Isaac Angelus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>How this conclusion should affect our views regarding the +inscription in honour of that emperor found on the tower L is a +point about which minds may differ. The inscription may be in +its proper place, and thereby prove that the tower it marks was +also an erection of Isaac Angelus, although not the one to which +Nicetas refers. And some countenance is lent to this view by +a certain similarity in the Byzantine masonry of the towers L +and N. But, on the hypothesis that L and N were both erected +by Isaac Angelus, it is extremely strange that the inscription in +his honour should have been placed upon the inferior tower, and +not upon the one which formed his residence and had some +architectural pretensions.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This objection can be met, indeed, either by assuming +that another inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus stood on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>the tower N, but has disappeared; or, with Dr. Paspates,<a id='r532' /><a href='#f532' class='c009'><sup>[532]</sup></a> +it may be maintained that the inscription is not in its proper +place, but belonged originally to the counter-fort supporting the +tower N, and was transferred thence to the tower L when the +latter was repaired.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In favour of this alternative it may be urged that the tower +L has, manifestly, undergone repair; that some of the materials +used for that purpose may have been taken from the counter-fort +G4, which has been to a great extent stripped of its facing; +and that the inscription on the tower L is not in a symmetrical +position, being too much to the left, and somewhat too high for +the size of its lettering. But to all this there is the serious objection +that the inscribed slab is found in the Byzantine portion +of the tower; while the idea that the counter-fort G4 was +defaced in Byzantine days for the sake of repairing the tower +L is against all probability.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We pass next to the identification of the Tower of Anemas +with the tower S. The Tower of Anemas is first mentioned by +Anna Comnena in the twelfth century, as the prison in which a +certain Anemas was confined for having taken a leading part in +a conspiracy to assassinate her father, the Emperor Alexius +Comnenus. According to the Imperial authoress, it was a tower +in the city walls in the neighbourhood of the Palace of Blachernæ, +and owed its name to the circumstance that Anemas was the +first prisoner who occupied it.<a id='r533' /><a href='#f533' class='c009'><sup>[533]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Another indication of the situation of the tower is given by +Leonard of Scio,<a id='r534' /><a href='#f534' class='c009'><sup>[534]</sup></a> when he states that the towers “Avenides” +<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>stood near the Xylo Porta, the gate at the extremity of the land-walls +beside the Golden Horn. To this should be added the +indication that the tower was one of a group, for Phrantzes<a id='r535' /><a href='#f535' class='c009'><sup>[535]</sup></a> +and Leonard of Scio employ the plural form, “the Anemas +Towers.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Whether the tower was an erection of Alexius Comnenus or +an earlier building is not recorded; but in either case it was in +existence in the reign of that emperor, and, consequently, was +older than any work belonging to the time of Isaac Angelus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With these indications as the basis for a decision, can the +claim that the tower S is the Tower of Anemas be maintained? +The tower answers to the description of Anna Comnena in +being a tower in the city walls close to the Palace of Blachernæ. +Nor is its situation at variance with the statement of Leonard +of Scio that it stood in the neighbourhood of the Xylo Porta, +although there are three towers between it and that gate. Furthermore, +it is one of a pair of towers that might be designated +the Towers of Anemas.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The main reason, however, which induced Dr. Paspates to +identify the tower S with the prison of Anemas was the +proximity of the tower to the chambers C in the adjoining wall, +which he regarded as prison-cells. This view of the character of +those chambers is, for reasons already intimated, extremely +doubtful. But even if prison-cells, that fact alone would not +be conclusive proof that they were the prison of Anemas. +For the prison of Anemas is always described as a tower; and +by no stretch of language can that designation be applied +to the chambers in the body of the wall.<a id='r536' /><a href='#f536' class='c009'><sup>[536]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>The force of this objection would, indeed, be met if proof +were forthcoming that the tower S gave access to the chambers +C, and formed an integral part of a common system. But +the evidence is all on the other side. From the manner in +which the tower S blocks the windows of some of the chambers, +it is clear, as already observed, that the tower S and the adjoining +chambers belong to different periods, and were built without +regard to each other. There is no trace of any means of +communication between the tower and the two upper series of +chambers, and we have no reason to think, but the reverse, that +the lowest series of chambers could be reached from it. So +far as the chambers are concerned, the tower S is an independent +building, upon whose identity they throw no light. +Whether it was the prison of Anemas must be determined +by its own character. Was it suitable for a prison? Above all, +is its age compatible with the view that it was the prison of +Anemas?</p> + +<p class='c008'>In answer to the former question, it cannot be denied that +the tower S could be used as a place of confinement. The +chamber F, which is supposed to have been a cistern, may +have been a dungeon. The <b>L</b>-shaped chamber in the second +story may have served for the detention of great personages +placed under arrest. Still, on the whole, the tower S seems +rather an extension of the residential tower N than a dungeon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the point of most importance in the whole discussion is +the comparative ages of the towers N and S. As a building in +existence when Alexius Comnenus occupied the throne of Constantinople, +the Tower of Anemas was, at least, seventy years +<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>older than the Tower of Isaac Angelus. Hence, if the tower S +is the former, it must be older than the tower N, which Dr. +Paspates identifies with the Tower of Isaac Angelus. But the +evidence which has been submitted goes to prove that the tower +S is more recent than the tower N. These towers, therefore, +cannot be, respectively, the Tower of Anemas and the Tower of +Isaac Angelus. Nothing can prove that the tower S is the +Tower of Anemas, until S is shown to be earlier than N, or +the identification of the tower N with the Tower of Isaac Angelus +is abandoned as erroneous.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates,<a id='r537' /><a href='#f537' class='c009'><sup>[537]</sup></a> indeed, assigned the tower S to the reign of +Theophilus in the ninth century, on the ground that a block of stone +upon which some letters of that emperor’s name are inscribed is +built into the tower’s north-western face. But a little attention +to the way in which that stone is fitted into the masonry will +make it perfectly evident that the stone has not been placed +there to bear part of an inscription, but as ordinary material of +construction, obtained from some other edifice. Consequently, +it throws no light upon the age of the tower.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Where, then, was the Tower of Anemas? Perhaps, in our +present state of knowledge, no answer which will commend itself +as perfectly satisfactory can be given to the question.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The simplest solution of the difficult problem is that the +tower L, which bears the inscription in honour of Isaac Angelus, +is, after all, the tower erected by that emperor, though greatly +altered by injuries and repairs; and that the towers N and S +together constituted the prison-tower of Anemas, S being a later +addition.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Others may prefer to hold the view that the tower N is the +Tower of Anemas, and the tower S that of Isaac Angelus, +pointing in support of this opinion to the cells in the tower N, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>reached from the stairway by narrow vaulted passages. This +would mean, practically, that the Tower of Isaac Angelus was +the Tower of Anemas renovated and enlarged.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Possibly, others may be disposed, notwithstanding the inscription +of Isaac Angelus upon it, to regard the tower L as the +Tower of Anemas, and the tower N, with the later addition of +S, as that of Isaac Angelus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If none of these views is acceptable, we must fall back upon +the opinion which prevailed before Dr. Paspates discovered the +chambers adjoining the tower N and S, viz. that the towers N +and S together formed the Tower of Isaac Angelus, and that +the Tower of Anemas was one of the three towers in the +Heraclian Wall.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This was the view of the Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r538' /><a href='#f538' class='c009'><sup>[538]</sup></a> who writes: +“The Tower of Anemas still exists. On its side facing the Holy +Well of Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one +above.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This opinion prevailed in Constantinople also in the sixteenth +century, for Leunclavius was informed by Zygomales that the +Towers of Anemas were the Towers of the Pentapyrgion,<a id='r539' /><a href='#f539' class='c009'><sup>[539]</sup></a> the +name given to the citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and +Leo.</p> + +<p class='c013'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—For the illustrations facing respectively pp. <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, and for the lower +illustration facing p. <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, I am indebted to the kindness of my colleague, Professor +W. Ormiston. The photographs were taken on the 10th of July, 1894, shortly before +the occurrence of the severe earthquake which has made that day memorable in +Constantinople. Our situation in the chambers at such a time was not enviable. +But we learned that day what an earthquake meant in the old history of the walls of +the city.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp150' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp150-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp150.jpg' alt='View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of Blachernæ).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>View of the Interior of “The Prison of Anemas” Looking North-West (Being The Substructures Supporting The Palace of Blachernæ).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>There is nothing in this view opposed to the fact that the +Tower of Anemas stood in the city walls near the Palace of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>Blachernæ; and a strong argument in its favour may be based +upon the association of the tower with the Xylo Porta by +Leonard of Scio, when he relates to Pope Nicholas how +Jerome from Italy, and Leonardo de Langasco from Genoa, +at the head of their companions-in-arms, guarded the Xylo +Porta and the towers named Avenides (clearly Anemades): +“Hieronymus Italianus, Leonardus de Langasco, Genovensis, +cum multis sociis, Xylo Portam et turres quos Avenides vocant, +impensis cardinalis reparatas, spectabant.”<a id='r540' /><a href='#f540' class='c009'><sup>[540]</sup></a> This statement is +repeated by Zorzo Dolfin.<a id='r541' /><a href='#f541' class='c009'><sup>[541]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Xylo Porta, without question, was at Aivan Serai +Kapoussi, to the north of the Wall of Heraclius, and immediately +beside the Golden Horn;<a id='r542' /><a href='#f542' class='c009'><sup>[542]</sup></a> and the towers which would +most appropriately be entrusted to soldiers defending that +entrance are the towers nearest to it, <i>viz.</i> the three towers of +the Heraclian Wall. At all events, the designation, “turres +Avenides,” as used by Leonard of Scio, must include them, +even if it comprised others also.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One thing is certain; the commonly accepted view that the +towers N and S represent, respectively, the historical Towers +of Isaac Angelus and of Anemas must, in one way or another, +be corrected.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>NOTE.</h3> +<p class='c015'>Two or three additional passages which bear upon the question under discussion +may be noticed, notwithstanding their vagueness.</p> + +<p class='c005'>The statement of Phrantzes (p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>), among others, that in the siege of 1453 the +charge of the palace and all about it was entrusted to Minotto, the Baillus of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>Venetian colony, might be employed in favour of the view that the “turres Avenides” +which Leonard of Scio associates with the Xylo Porta, and assigns to Jerome and +Leonardus de Langasco, could not be the towers S and N, but the towers of the +Heraclian Wall. For the towers S and N, being attached to the Palace of Blachernæ, +would fall under the care of Minotto. There is force in the argument. But it is +weakened by statements of Pusculus (iv. 173) and Zorzo Dolfin (s. 55), which imply +that the palace defended by Minotto was the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus. For +both of these writers place the Gate of the Palace (see above, p. 47) between the +Gate of Charisius (Edirnè Kapoussi) and the Gate of the Kaligaria (Egri Kapou), and +Pusculus describes the palace concerned as “Regia celsa,” an apt description of a +building seated, like Tekfour Serai, upon the walls.</p> + +<p class='c005'>The references made to the Tower of Anemas, though not under its name, by the +Spanish ambassador Clavijo, who visited the Byzantine Court in 1403, should not +be overlooked (see <i>Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques</i>, translated into +French by Ph. Bruun, Odessa). Speaking of the Church of Blachernæ (p. 15), he +describes it as “située dans la ville près d’un châteaufort, servant de demeure aux +empereurs; ce fort a été démoli par un empereur, parce qu’il y avait été enfermé par +son fils.” The fact that Clavijo identifies the Church of Blachernæ by its vicinity to +the Tower of Anemas may be pressed into the service of the opinion that the tower in +question stood in the Wall of Heraclius. For there is no more appropriate way of +indicating the situation of that church than by saying that it stands a little to the rear +of the Heraclian Wall. So appropriate is that mode of identification, that the +Patriarch Constantius has recourse to it when, conversely, he indicates the situation of +the Tower of Anemas (which he considered to be the southernmost Heraclian tower): +“The Tower of Anemas still exists,” he says. “On its side facing the Holy Well of +Blachernæ it has a large window, with a smaller one above” (see above, p. <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>). +But, unfortunately, to describe one building as “near” another is often the most +tantalizing aid to its discovery that can be offered. The towers S and N cannot be +said to be far from the Church of Blachernæ. Perhaps some injury to one of the +Heraclian towers might explain the statement of Clavijo, that the Tower of Anemas +had been destroyed; but could he have mistaken the citadel formed by the Walls of +Heraclius and Leo for an Imperial residence? Such language suggests rather the +towers S and N.</p> + +<p class='c005'>Again, the declaration of the Spanish envoy that the tower (“une prison très +profonde et obscure”) had been demolished by the Emperor John VI. Palæologus +(“<i>L’empereur s’empressa de démolir la tour où il avait été enferme</i>,” pp. 19, 20) +might seem to imply that the tower has disappeared, and thus to relieve us from +all the labour involved in the effort to identify it. But the statement of Leonard of +Scio that the “turres Avenides” were repaired by Cardinal Isidore (“impensis cardinalis +reparatas”), while it confirms the declaration of Clavijo to some extent, is opposed +to the idea of the total destruction and disappearance of the famous prison-tower.</p> + +<p class='c005'>Or, the statement that the Tower of Anemas was demolished, when combined +with the statement that it was repaired, might seem to open a way out of the difficulties +involved in regarding the tower S as the Tower of Anemas, although more recent +than the tower N. May not the tower S be, in its present form, a reconstruction, +after the reign of Isaac Angelus, of a tower originally older than that emperor’s day, +and be thus at once more ancient and more modern than the tower N? But this +solution of the puzzle cannot be allowed; there is the fatal objection that the common +wall II belonged first to the tower N.</p> + +<p class='c005'>Finally, in the Venetian account of the attempt made by Carlo Zen to liberate +<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>John VI. Palæologus from the Tower of Anemas, Zen is represented as reaching the +foot of the tower in a boat, and clambering up to the window of the prison by means +of a rope. This would exclude the claim of a Heraclian tower to be the Tower of +Anemas, for that wall could not be reached by boat. One might approach the towers +S and N in that way, if the moat before Leo’s Wall extended from the Golden Horn +to the Wall of Manuel Comnenus, and was full of water. But this is an extremely +improbable supposition, when we hear nothing of the sort in the history of the attack +upon this side of the city by the Crusaders in 1203, notwithstanding the minute +description of the territory from the pen of Nicetas Choniates and other historians of +that time. Nor is such a thing mentioned in the history of the last siege, when the +moat before the Wall of Leo was reconstructed. The whole story of Carlo Zen’s +efforts to deliver John Palæologus savours too much of romance to have any topographical +value. The story may be read in Le Beau’s <i>Histoire du Bas-Empire</i>, +vol. xii. pp. 174-179.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span> + <h2 id='chap11' class='c006'>CHAPTER XI. <br /> INMATES OF THE PRISON OF ANEMAS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Michael Anemas, the first to occupy the prison, and from +whom it obtained its name,<a id='r543' /><a href='#f543' class='c009'><sup>[543]</sup></a> was a descendant of Emir Abd-el-Aziz +ben Omar ben Choaib, known in Byzantine history as +Courapas, and famous as the defender of Crete, when Nicephoras +Phocas wrested that island from the Saracens, in the reign of +Romanus II.<a id='r544' /><a href='#f544' class='c009'><sup>[544]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Upon the return of the victorious troops to the capital, the +Emir and his family were carried to Constantinople to grace the +triumph with which the success of Nicephorus was celebrated. +And as the vanquished chief, his wives, his eldest son Anemas, +and other members of his family, all clothed in long white robes, +passed along the triumphal way in chains, the dignity of their +demeanour attracted universal attention, and produced a most +favourable impression. To the credit of the conquerors, be it +said, the Emir was, thereafter, treated with all due regard and +generosity. He received a large estate in the neighbourhood +of the capital, and was allowed to end his days in peace, +surrounded by his friends, and unmolested on account of his +<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>faith. Had he seen his way to renounce the creed of his fathers +he would have been created a senator.</p> + +<p class='c008'>His son Anemas embraced Christianity, entered the army +of the Empire, and took part in the war against the Russians +during the reign of Zimisces, when he distinguished himself +by his bravery, and fell in battle in personal encounter with +Swiatoslaf, the Russian king.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A martial spirit continued to characterize the family in subsequent +generations, and was not least conspicuous in Michael +Anemas and his three brothers, the representatives of the race +under Alexius Comnenus. But they allowed themselves to +become involved in a conspiracy against that emperor, and upon +the discovery of the plot were condemned to imprisonment and +the loss of their eyes.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To accompany the infliction of punishment with every circumstance +that could humiliate the criminal, and excite popular +contempt and derision was after the heart of those times. +Accordingly, Michael Anemas and his companions, attired in +sacking, with their beards plucked out, their heads shorn and +crowned with the horns and the intestines of oxen and sheep, +were led forth, mounted sideways on oxen, and in this guise, +conducted first around the court of the Great Palace, and then +along the Mesè of the city, crowded with excited spectators. +But the appearance of the guilty men excited commiseration +rather than ridicule. The agony of Michael, as he implored to +be put to death rather than to suffer blindness, touched all +hearts. Even Anna Comnena, who witnessed the scene, and +whose filial sentiments might have hardened her heart against +the conspirators, was so deeply affected that she determined to +do all in her power to save Michael from the cruel loss of his +eyes. Finding her mother, Anna brought her to the harrowing +spectacle, certain it would have the desired effect. The empress +<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>was overwhelmed to tears, and hastening back to the palace, +prevailed upon Alexius to spare the prisoners’ sight. By this +time the unhappy men were approaching the Amastrianon, a +public place where stood an arch on which was a bas-relief representing +two hands pierced by a spear. Once a criminal on his +way to execution passed that point he was beyond the reach of +the Imperial clemency. A few moments more, and the messenger +of mercy sent by Alexius would have been too late. But just +before the doomed men reached the fatal point, the order for the +mitigation of their sentence was delivered, and Anemas was +simply imprisoned in the tower which was to perpetuate his +name. There he remained for a considerable period; but at +length was pardoned and set free.<a id='r545' /><a href='#f545' class='c009'><sup>[545]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Before Anemas was released, another notable personage was +committed to the tower, Georgius, Duke of Trebizond, who +attempted, in 1107, to establish the independence of his +province; as though to anticipate the creation of the Empire +of Trebizond in the thirteenth century.</p> + +<p class='c008'>He proved a refractory prisoner, venting his rage in unceasing +imprecations upon the head of his Imperial master. +With the hope of conciliating the rebel, he was repeatedly visited +by his old friend, the Cæsar Nicephorus Bryennius, the husband +of Anna Comnena. For a long time, however, all friendly +overtures proved unavailing. But at last the tedium of protracted +confinement broke the prisoner’s spirit, and induced +him to submit; upon which he was liberated, and loaded with +wealth and honours.<a id='r546' /><a href='#f546' class='c009'><sup>[546]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp156' class='figcenter id003'> +<a href='images/fig_fp156-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp156.jpg' alt='Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Chamber in “The Prison of Anemas.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The next inmate of the tower was the Emperor Andronicus +Comnenus, of infamous memory, upon his capture after his flight +from the insurrection which his vices and tyranny had provoked +in the capital, in 1185. To Andronicus imprisonment was no +<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>new experience, for already, during the reign of Manuel Comnenus, +he had been imprisoned twice elsewhere. On both these +occasions, however, he had succeeded in effecting his escape. +But the prison of Anemas was to prove his last, and he quitted +it, only to die at the hands of his infuriated subjects. On the +eve of his execution he was bound with chains about the neck +and feet, like some wild animal, and dragged into the presence +of his successor, Isaac Angelus, to be subjected to every indignity. +He was reviled, beaten, struck on the mouth; he had his +hair and beard plucked, his teeth knocked out, his right hand +struck off with an axe, and then was sent back to his cell, and +left there without food or water or attention of any kind for +several days. When brought forth for execution, he was +dressed like a slave, blinded of one eye, mounted upon a +mangy camel, and led in mock triumph through the streets of +the city to the Hippodrome, amidst a storm of hatred and insult, +seldom, if ever, witnessed under similar circumstances in a +civilized community. At the Hippodrome he was hung by the +feet on the architrave of two short columns which stood beside +the figures of a wolf and a hyena, his natural associates. But +neither his pitiable condition, nor his quiet endurance of pain, +nor his pathetic cry, “Kyrie Eleison, Why dost Thou break the +bruised reed?” excited the slightest commiseration. Additional +and indescribable insults were heaped upon the fallen tyrant, until +his agony was brought to an end by three men who plunged their +swords into his body, to exhibit their dexterity in the use of arms.<a id='r547' /><a href='#f547' class='c009'><sup>[547]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the course of the following century a different personage +figured in the history of the prison. This was Veccus, Chartophylax +of St. Sophia at the time of his confinement, and subsequently +Patriarch of Constantinople.<a id='r548' /><a href='#f548' class='c009'><sup>[548]</sup></a> He incurred the +displeasure of Michael Palæologus by opposing the union of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>the Eastern and Western Churches, through which the emperor +hoped to secure the goodwill and assistance of the Pope in +maintaining the newly recovered throne of Constantinople. +Before an assembly convened to discuss the question in the +presence of Michael, Veccus, who had been appointed the +spokesman of the opponents of the Imperial policy on account +of his abilities, denounced the Latins as heretics with whom +ecclesiastical communion was simply impossible. The emperor +resented the affront, but, unwilling to make it the official +ground of proceedings against the popular champion of orthodoxy, +sought other reasons for punishing him. Accordingly, +he accused Veccus of having thwarted the marriage which had +been arranged between the Princess Anna and the second +son of the Kral of Servia; another of Michael’s measures +to make his position secure.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The charge had some foundation. For upon the completion +of the negotiations for the marriage, the bride-elect had started +for her destined home under the care of Veccus and of the +Patriarch of Constantinople. But when the party reached +Berœa, Veccus, acting on the private instructions of the empress, +left Anna and the patriarch, and pushed forward to investigate +the character and manners of the people among whom the +princess was to cast her lot. The primitive and boorish +ways of the Servian Court did not commend themselves +to Veccus, as a suitable environment for a lady brought up in +the palaces of Constantinople. The splendour of the tent which +Veccus occupied was lost upon the Kral; while the eunuchs in +the household of the Byzantine princess shocked the sovereign’s +unsophisticated mind. Pointing to the wife of his elder son, +simply attired, and busy spinning wool, the rough monarch +exclaimed, “That is how we treat our brides!” Nor was Veccus +more favourably impressed by other experiences. The embassy +<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>which the Kral sent to welcome the bride-elect was robbed on +the journey by brigands; and the Byzantine envoys awoke one +morning to find that all their fine horses had been stolen during +the night. Under these circumstances, Veccus thought the +wisest course was to conduct Anna back to Constantinople;<a id='r549' /><a href='#f549' class='c009'><sup>[549]</sup></a> +and for this action Michael now saw fit to prosecute him.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the court which was appointed to try Veccus declined +to judge a priest in the service of the patriarch without that prelate’s +orders; and as such orders were not forthcoming, the trial +could not proceed. At this juncture, Veccus had an interview +with the emperor and proposed, for the sake of peace, to resign +office and emoluments, and to go into exile. Michael did not +condescend a reply. Whereupon the Chartophylax, fearing the +worst, sought asylum in the Church of St. Sophia, and there +awaited the Imperial decision. He was soon summoned to +appear again before the emperor, the order being written in +vermilion ink, as a mark of esteem and a pledge of personal +safety. But on the road to the palace he was treacherously +arrested, and carried off to the prison of Anemas under charge +of the Varangian guards.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With Veccus out of the way, Michael pushed the matter of +the union of the churches more hopefully, and in furtherance of +the Imperial policy caused a list of passages favourable to the +orthodox character of the Latin Church to be compiled from +the writings of theologians of repute, and submitted to the +patriarch and his clergy for consideration. The patriarch +replied by presenting a list of counter passages, and the situation +remained what it had been before Veccus was imprisoned. +Thereupon the suggestion was made that the first list should +be forwarded to the cell of the Chartophylax. Such a man, +it was urged, would never alter his views unless convinced by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>reason. The suggestion was adopted, and after reading the +extracts, Veccus acknowledged that the argument for the union +of the Churches was stronger than he had hitherto believed. +His mind, however, he added, could not be satisfied on the +point at issue by the perusal of isolated passages, torn from +their connection, and he therefore begged permission to study +the works from which the extracts submitted to him had been +taken, pleading as an excuse that he was more versed in the +writings of classic authors than in patristic learning. Upon this +he was released, and provided with the books necessary for the +full prosecution of his inquiries.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The result was that, ere long, he found himself in agreement +with the emperor, and the scheme for the union of the Churches +was pursued with renewed ardour. Delegates proceeded from +Constantinople to the Council assembled at Lyons, and there on +June 29, 1274, the two great divisions of Christendom were +formally united. On the second day of June in the following +year Veccus was elevated to the patriarchal throne.<a id='r550' /><a href='#f550' class='c009'><sup>[550]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It is natural to suspect that the prison of Anemas had a share +in the conversion of Veccus. But the historian Pachymeres +ascribes the change to candour of judgment and sincere love of +the truth. Certain it is that Veccus suffered for the views he +adopted, and died twenty-five years later in the prison of the +Castle of St. Gregorius, near Helenopolis (Yalova), a martyr to +his convictions.<a id='r551' /><a href='#f551' class='c009'><sup>[551]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Tower of Anemas was probably also the prison to which +the Despot Michael was committed by Andronicus II. on the +charge of treason. He had been created Despot by Michael +Palæologus, and was married to the Princess Anna, above +<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>mentioned, after the failure of the Servian marriage to which +reference has been made. Upon her death, he fell into +disgrace at the Court for marrying a daughter of the Bulgarian +king Terter, the repudiated wife of the King of Servia. To this +he added treasonable offences, and was, therefore, confined with +his wife and children in the prison attached to the Great Palace. +On attempting to escape, he was removed to the prison at +Blachernæ<a id='r552' /><a href='#f552' class='c009'><sup>[552]</sup></a> for greater security.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Another inmate of the prison of Anemas was Syrghiannes, +a political adventurer conspicuous for his intrigues during the +struggle between Andronicus II. and Andronicus III., taking +sometimes the one side and sometimes the other.</p> + +<p class='c008'>He had been immured elsewhere for five years on the +charge of conspiracy to assassinate the elder emperor, but +in 1322, at the instance of John Cantacuzene, then Grand +Domestic, he was transferred to the Tower of Anemas as a +more tolerable place of confinement, in the hope of conciliating +him; and there he was permitted to receive visits from his +mother, and even to have his wife and children with him.<a id='r553' /><a href='#f553' class='c009'><sup>[553]</sup></a> +Ultimately he was released, but the old spirit was too strong to +be vanquished by suffering or by kindness. He returned to +a life of intrigue and rebellion, and his career was closed by +the hands of assassins.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Later in the century, members of the Imperial family were +once more imprisoned in the Tower of Anemas, under circumstances +which afford a vivid picture of an empire weakened by +domestic feuds, and distracted by the rival ambitions of foreign +powers that were awaiting its dissolution, and ready to appropriate +its territories.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>There John VI. Palæologus imprisoned his eldest son +Andronicus, and there, upon the escape of the latter, he was +himself imprisoned with his two younger sons, Manuel and +Theodore.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Andronicus had been excluded from the succession to the +throne, on account, it is said, of his indifference to the financial +straits of his father, when the latter was detained at Venice for +inability to meet the demands of creditors. The disinherited +prince, seeking an opportunity for revenge, found a kindred +spirit in a son of Amurath I., Saoudji, who was jealous of his +younger brother Bajazet, because he was the Sultan’s favourite child. +The two princes, bound by a common grievance, joined forces to +supplant their respective parents on the throne, and raised the +standard of revolt. Amurath crushed the rebellion with remorseless +severity, and after putting out the eyes of his own son, called +upon the emperor to punish Andronicus in the same manner. +Andronicus was consequently committed to the Tower of Anemas, +along with his wife and his son John, a child only five years old, +and there he and his little boy underwent the operation of being +blinded. The cruel deed was, however, performed so imperfectly +that Andronicus recovered the use of one eye, while his son +suffered only from a squint. Two years were thus passed in the +tower, after which the prisoners were released, either through the +intervention of the Genoese, at the price of the concession to +them of the island of Tenedos, or in compliance with the +demand of Bajazet.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp162a' class='figcenter id006'> +<img src='images/fig_fp162a.jpg' alt='Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Entrance of Passage From The Stairway in “The Tower of Anemas” To Chamber D In “The Tower of Isaac Angelus.” (For this view I am indebted to the late Dr. Ledyard.)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Free to act, Andronicus made terms both with the Sultan +and the Genoese, and relying upon their favour, suddenly +appeared before the capital. As the emperor and his son Manuel +happened to be staying at the Palace of the Pegè, outside the +walls, they were easily captured, and upon the surrender of the +city they were, in their turn, sent, along with Theodore, to the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>Tower of Anemas, “as Zeus cast his father Chronos and his +brothers Pluto and Poseidon into the nether world.”</p> + +<div id='fig_fp162b' class='figcenter id003'> +<img src='images/fig_fp162b.jpg' alt='Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West).' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Corridor in the Original Western Terrace Wall of the Palace of Blachernæ (Looking South-West). (<i>See Plan facing page <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.</i>)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Bajazet advised Andronicus to establish his position by +putting the prisoners to death, but to that depth of inhumanity +the rebellious son would not descend. Matters remained in this +condition for two years, and then the captives managed to +escape. Precisely how they found their way out of the tower is +a question upon which authorities differ. According to Phrantzes, +it was by some deception practised on their Bulgarian guards. +Ducas ascribes the escape to the skill of a certain Angelus, surnamed +Diabolus, and known by the soubriquet of Diabol-angelus; +but whether the deliverance was effected through the angelic +power or the satanic cunning of the man, the historian is unable +to decide. Chalcocondylas says that the Imperial captives +broke through the walls of their dungeon with an iron tool, +furnished by the servant who brought their food. According +to Venetian authorities, two ineffectual attempts to save the +emperor were made by Carlo Zen, on the condition that the +island of Tenedos would be granted to the Republic of Venice, +thus rescinding the concession of the island to the Genoese by +Andronicus. The first attempt, it is said, failed because the +emperor refused to escape without his sons; the second, owing +to the detection of the plot to deliver him.<a id='r554' /><a href='#f554' class='c009'><sup>[554]</sup></a> Once out of prison, +John Palæologus and his son Manuel repaired to the Court +of Bajazet, prevailed upon him to espouse their cause, and so +compelled Andronicus to surrender the throne.<a id='r555' /><a href='#f555' class='c009'><sup>[555]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus the history of the Tower of Anemas reflects the civil +broils, the tyranny, the ecclesiastical dissensions, the political +feebleness, and the inability to withstand foreign aggression, +which marked the decline and fall of the Byzantine Empire.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span> + <h2 id='chap12' class='c006'>CHAPTER XII. <br /> THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR HERACLIUS: THE WALL OF THE EMPEROR LEO THE ARMENIAN.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The fortifications extending from the north-western angle of the +enclosure around the Palace of Blachernæ to the Golden Horn +consist of two parallel lines, connected by transverse walls, so as +to form a citadel beside the Golden Horn. The inner wall +belongs to the reign of Heraclius; the outer is an erection of +Leo V., the Armenian.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Heraclian Wall was constructed in 627, under the following +circumstances:—<a id='r556' /><a href='#f556' class='c009'><sup>[556]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Until that year the quarter of Blachernæ, at the foot of +the Sixth Hill, was a suburb immediately outside the fortifications.<a id='r557' /><a href='#f557' class='c009'><sup>[557]</sup></a> +The fact that the suburb and its celebrated Church of +the Theotokos, containing, it was believed, the girdle of the +Blessed Virgin, were thus exposed to the attacks of an enemy +did not occasion serious concern. In the opinion of the devout +citizens of Constantinople, the shrine, so far from needing protection, +formed one of the strongest bulwarks of the capital. +At the worst, when danger threatened, the treasures of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>sanctuary could be readily transported into the city, as was done +in the reign of Justinian the Great.<a id='r558' /><a href='#f558' class='c009'><sup>[558]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But in 627, Constantinople learned what a siege really meant. +Persia and the Empire were then at war with each other; and +while Heraclius was carrying the campaign into the enemy’s +country, a Persian army had encamped at Chalcedon for the +purpose of joining the Avars in laying siege to the capital.<a id='r559' /><a href='#f559' class='c009'><sup>[559]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As the Byzantine fleet, however, commanded the Bosporus, +the allies could not unite their forces, and the Avars were left +to act alone. The undertaking proved too difficult for the barbarians, +notwithstanding the vigour with which it was conducted, +and the siege was raised. But before retiring, a troop of Avaric +horse set itself to devastate the suburbs, and having fired the +Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, and the Church of St. +Nicholas, dashed into the open ground beside the Church of +Blachernæ, intent upon devoting also that sacred edifice to the +flames. For some reason, that purpose was not carried into +effect, and the church escaped all injury. This marvellous +deliverance enhanced, indeed, the reputation of the Theotokos, +but it likewise aroused a sense of the danger to which her +shrine was liable, and so the Government of the day ordered +the immediate erection of a wall along the western side of the +Blachernæ quarter, to place the church beyond the reach of +hostile attack in future. The wall was known, until the erection +of the Wall of Leo, as the Single Wall of Blachernæ (Μονοτείχος +Βλαχερνῶν:<a id='r560' /><a href='#f560' class='c009'><sup>[560]</sup></a> τεῖχος τῶν Βλαχερνῶν).<a id='r561' /><a href='#f561' class='c009'><sup>[561]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The wall is flanked by three fine hexagonal towers, built +towards their summit in brick, perhaps, as Dr. Paspates<a id='r562' /><a href='#f562' class='c009'><sup>[562]</sup></a> suggests, +in order to lighten the weight of constructions erected on marshy +<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>ground. They are among the finest towers in the circuit of +the fortifications. The interior of the southernmost tower, the +only one which can be safely examined, measures 32-½ by about +19 feet, and was in three stories. Upon the face of the tower +is an inscription, in letters formed with pieces of marble, in +honour of the Emperor Michael, probably Michael II.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Between the first and second towers is a gate, named the +Gate of Blachernæ (πόρτα τοῦ Μονοτείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν),<a id='r563' /><a href='#f563' class='c009'><sup>[563]</sup></a> +after the quarter before which it stood.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp166' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp166-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp166.jpg' alt='General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>General View of the Walls of the City From The Hill On Which The Crusaders Encamped in 1203.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>It has been generally supposed that the Wall of Heraclius +comprised not only the portion of the city walls just indicated, +but the whole line of fortifications extending from the Kerko +Porta to the Golden Horn.<a id='r564' /><a href='#f564' class='c009'><sup>[564]</sup></a> The evidence on the subject is, +however, in favour of the opinion that the Wall of Heraclius was +only the portion of the fortifications before us. It is the extent +implied in the description of the Heraclian Wall, as a wall erected +to bring the Church of Blachernæ within the line of the city +bulwarks.<a id='r565' /><a href='#f565' class='c009'><sup>[565]</sup></a> That is an apt description of a wall extending from the +foot of the Sixth Hill to the Golden Horn; it is a very inadequate +description of a line of bulwarks from the Kerko Porta to the +harbour. In the next place, more extensive fortifications were not +required to protect the church, seeing it was well defended on +the south by the acropolis on the western spur of the Sixth +Hill. All that was necessary for the further security of the +church was a wall on the west side of the plain on which it +stood. Furthermore, the fortifications extending from the +Kerko Porta to the foot of the Sixth Hill, commonly ascribed to +Heraclius, have been proved to be the work of other hands, the +greater part being the Wall of Manuel Comnenus,<a id='r566' /><a href='#f566' class='c009'><sup>[566]</sup></a> while the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>remainder formed, originally, the defences of the Fourteenth +Region.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Wall of Leo the Armenian was erected in 813 to +strengthen the defence of this part of the capital, in view of the +preparations which the Bulgarians under Crum were making for +a second attack upon Constantinople.<a id='r567' /><a href='#f567' class='c009'><sup>[567]</sup></a> Crum had retired from +his first assault upon the city, resolved not only to retrieve +the defeat he had sustained, but also to punish the treacherous +attempt upon his life, when he was proceeding to negotiate terms +of peace with the emperor.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Arrangements had been made for holding a conference +between the two sovereigns at a short distance to the west of the +Heraclian Wall, on the explicit understanding that all persons +present were to attend unarmed; so little confidence had the +two parties in each other. But in flagrant breach of this +agreement, Leo placed three bowmen in ambush near the place +of meeting, with orders to shoot at the Bulgarian king, upon a +preconcerted signal. In due time Crum arrived; but he had +scarcely dismounted from his horse when his suspicions of a plot +were aroused, and, springing into his saddle, he galloped back +towards his camp. The arrows of the soldiers in ambush flew +after him, wounding him although he escaped with his life.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Byzantine historian who records the incident explains +the failure of the plot as a Divine punishment upon the sins of +his countrymen.<a id='r568' /><a href='#f568' class='c009'><sup>[568]</sup></a> Crum saw the dastardly act in a different +light, and, vowing vengeance, withdrew to Bulgaria to prepare +for another war. He died before he could carry out his intention, +but meanwhile Leo had put himself in readiness for the expected +<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>attack by constructing a new wall and a broad moat in front of +the Wall of Heraclius.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Wall of Leo stands 77 feet to the west of the Wall of +Heraclius, running parallel to it for some 260 feet, after which it +turns to join the walls along the Golden Horn. Its parapet-walk +was supported upon arches, which served at the same time +to buttress the wall itself, a comparatively slight structure about +8 feet thick. With the view of increasing the wall’s capacity for +defence, it was flanked by four small towers, while its lower +portion was pierced by numerous loopholes. Two of the towers +were on the side facing the Golden Horn, and the other two +guarded the extremities of the side looking towards the country +on the west. The latter towers projected inwards from the rear +of the wall, and between them was a gateway corresponding to +the Heraclian Gate of Blachernæ.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The citadel formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo was +designated the Brachionion of Blachernæ (τὸ Βραχιόνιον τῶν +Βλαχερνῶν).<a id='r569' /><a href='#f569' class='c009'><sup>[569]</sup></a> Subsequent to the Turkish Conquest it was named +after the five more conspicuous towers which guarded the +enclosure, the Pentapyrgion,<a id='r570' /><a href='#f570' class='c009'><sup>[570]</sup></a> on the analogy of the Heptapyrgion, +or Castle of Severn Towers (Yedi Koulè) at the southern +end of the land walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Near the southern end of the wall, where it has evidently +undergone repair, two inscriptions are found. One is in honour +of Michael II. and Theophilus, the great Emperors:</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΜΕΤΑ ... Ν ΒΑΣΙ....</p> + +<p class='c012'>The other gives the date †ϚΤΛ† (822), which belonged to the +sole reign of the former emperor. These repairs were probably +<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>made when Thomas, the rival of Michael for the throne, attacked +the fortifications in this quarter. It was precisely in the year +822 that the rebel general encamped beside the Monastery of +SS. Cosmas and Damianus (above Eyoub), and then, armed with +battering-rams and scaling-ladders, advanced to the assault of the +towers of Blachernæ, behind which the standard of Michael +floated over the Church of the Theotokos.<a id='r571' /><a href='#f571' class='c009'><sup>[571]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The tower at the north-western corner of the enclosure was +reconstructed by the Emperor Romanus, as an inscription upon +it proclaims:</p> + +<div id='fig169' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig169.jpg' alt='“The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“The Tower of St. Nicholas was restored from the foundations, under Romanus, the Christ-loving Sovereign.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>To which of the four emperors named Romanus the work +should be assigned is not easy to decide. The tower must have +derived its name from the Church of S. Nicholas in this vicinity, +for the site of that church is marked by the Holy Well which +still flows amid the graves and trees of the Turkish cemetery +within the Brachionion of Blachernæ, an object of veneration +alike to Moslems and orthodox Greeks. The grounds on which +the opinion rests are that, previous to the erection of the +Heraclian Wall, the church is described as without the city +bounds, in the district of Blachernæ;<a id='r572' /><a href='#f572' class='c009'><sup>[572]</sup></a> while after the erection +of Leo’s Wall it is spoken of as within the city limits, and close +to the gate by which persons proceeded from the Blachernæ +quarter to the Cosmidion.<a id='r573' /><a href='#f573' class='c009'><sup>[573]</sup></a> This is exactly how a building +<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>beside the Holy Well between the two walls, and near the +Gate of Blachernæ which pierces them, would be described +under such circumstances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The proximity of these walls to the Palace of Blachernæ, as +well as their comparative weakness, combined to make them the +scene of many historical events.</p> + +<p class='c008'>While the Wall of Heraclius stood alone, it was through +the Gate of Blachernæ that Apsimarus was admitted by his +adherents, in 698, to supplant Leontius;<a id='r574' /><a href='#f574' class='c009'><sup>[574]</sup></a> by the same entrance +Justinian II., in 705, attempted to force his way into the city +to dethrone Apsimarus;<a id='r575' /><a href='#f575' class='c009'><sup>[575]</sup></a> and through it, again, Theodosius III., +in 716, entered and deposed Anastasius II.<a id='r576' /><a href='#f576' class='c009'><sup>[576]</sup></a> It was before the +Heraclian Wall that Crum and Leo the Armenian met to confer, +under the circumstances already narrated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This portion of the fortifications continued to be a favourite +point of attack also after the erection of Leo’s Wall. Here, as +above stated, the rebel Thomas sought to break into the city in +822;<a id='r577' /><a href='#f577' class='c009'><sup>[577]</sup></a> here, in 924, Simeon of Bulgaria and Romanus Lecapenus +<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>met to conclude peace,<a id='r578' /><a href='#f578' class='c009'><sup>[578]</sup></a> taking the greatest precautions against +the repetition of the treachery which disgraced the former +meeting of a Bulgarian king with a Byzantine emperor. In +1047, in the reign of Constantine Monomachus, the rebel general +Tornikius took up his position before these walls, and having +routed a company of raw recruits who had sallied forth against +him by the Gate of Blachernæ, would have rushed into the city +with the fugitives, had not the difficulty of crossing the moat +given the defenders of the walls time to close the entrance.<a id='r579' /><a href='#f579' class='c009'><sup>[579]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Through the Gate of Blachernæ the friends of Alexius Comnenus +sallied from the city, in 1081, to join the standard of +revolt against Nicephorus Botoniates; and it was at the Imperial +stables outside the gate that they obtained horses to reach as +fast as possible the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, +baffling pursuit by having taken the precaution to ham-string +the animals they did not require.<a id='r580' /><a href='#f580' class='c009'><sup>[580]</sup></a> In 1097, Godfrey de Bouillon +encamped on the hills and plains without these walls. While the +negotiations with the crafty Alexius Comnenus were proceeding, +the envoys of the Crusaders were on one occasion detained so long +by the emperor as to arouse suspicions of treachery on his part; +whereupon a band of Crusaders rushed from the camp at the +Cosmidion, and in their attempt to enter the city and rescue +their comrades set fire to the Gate of Blachernæ.<a id='r581' /><a href='#f581' class='c009'><sup>[581]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1203 these fortifications were attacked by the land forces +of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r582' /><a href='#f582' class='c009'><sup>[582]</sup></a> The Venetian fleet, bearing the banner +of St. Mark, occupied the Golden Horn, under the command of +Dandolo; the army of the expedition under Baldwin held the +hill immediately to the west of the Palace of Blachernæ. Upon +<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>the walls and towers of the citadel stood the Varangian guards, +composed mainly of Englishmen and Danes, loyal to their +trust, and the peers of the invaders in courage and strength. +Alexius III. and his courtiers watched the scene from the +palace windows. At length, on the 17th of July, the Crusaders +delivered a grand assault by sea and land; the army attacking +the fortress formed by the Walls of Heraclius and Leo; the fleet +attempting the adjoining fortifications along the harbour. +With the help of ladders, fifteen knights and sergeants scaled +the outer Wall, and engaged the defenders on the summit in +a desperate struggle. It was a bold attempt, but the odds +were too great, and the assailants, leaving two of their number +prisoners, were driven off by the swords and battle-axes of the +Varangians. Many other Crusaders, also, who had advanced +to support the attack, were wounded, and the day went so hard +against the Latins at this point that Dandolo, who had captured +twenty-five towers of the harbour fortifications, was obliged to +abandon the advantage he had gained, and hastened with his +ships to protect his worsted allies.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Finally, in 1453, the moat before these walls, which had +been filled with earth in the course of time, was excavated by +the crews of the Venetian galleys present at the siege under the +command of Aluxio Diedo. It was made 200 paces long and +8 feet wide, the emperor and his courtiers being present at the +work, while two sentries, stationed on the neighbouring hill, +watched the Turkish outposts.<a id='r583' /><a href='#f583' class='c009'><sup>[583]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>From the northern extremity of the Heraclian Wall, a short +wall was carried to the water’s edge, across the western end of +the street that runs along the shore of the Golden Horn, outside +the Harbour Walls; thus protecting the latter line of fortifications +from attack by the land forces of an enemy.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>At the same time, for the convenience of traffic, the wall +was pierced by a gate, named, from its material, the Xylo Porta +(Ξυλόπορτα, Ξυλίνη), the Wooden Gate.<a id='r584' /><a href='#f584' class='c009'><sup>[584]</sup></a> It was in its place +as late as 1868, and bore an inscription in honour of Theophilus.<a id='r585' /><a href='#f585' class='c009'><sup>[585]</sup></a> +Very probably, the wall was erected by that emperor when he +reconstructed the defences along the harbour. In accordance +with its situation, the Xylo Porta is described sometimes as +the gate at the northern extremity of the land fortifications;<a id='r586' /><a href='#f586' class='c009'><sup>[586]</sup></a> +and sometimes as the gate at the western end of the walls along +the Golden Horn.<a id='r587' /><a href='#f587' class='c009'><sup>[587]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Du Cange<a id='r588' /><a href='#f588' class='c009'><sup>[588]</sup></a> identified the Porta Xylo Kerkou with this gate. +But the former was an entrance in the Theodosian lines;<a id='r589' /><a href='#f589' class='c009'><sup>[589]</sup></a> it led +directly into the city, and was built up in the reign of Isaac +Angelus<a id='r590' /><a href='#f590' class='c009'><sup>[590]</sup></a>—facts which did not hold true of the Xylo Porta. +Furthermore, Ducas expressly distinguishes the two entrances.<a id='r591' /><a href='#f591' class='c009'><sup>[591]</sup></a> +Or the facts in the case may be stated thus: The Gate of the +Xylokerkus was in existence before the erection of the wall in +which the Xylo Porta stood; the former entrance being not later +than the reign of Anastasius I., in the fifth century, the latter +not earlier than the reign of Heraclius, in the seventh century, +when the wall on the west of Blachernæ was erected. Therefore +the two entrances cannot be the same gate under different +names.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In Dr. Mordtmann’s opinion,<a id='r592' /><a href='#f592' class='c009'><sup>[592]</sup></a> the Postern of Kallinicus (τὸ +τῆς Καλλινίκου παραπόρτιον), mentioned by Byzantine writers,<a id='r593' /><a href='#f593' class='c009'><sup>[593]</sup></a> +was the Xylo Porta under an earlier name. And what is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>known regarding that postern lends support to this view. Like +the Xylo Porta, the Postern of Kallinicus stood near the Church +of Blachernæ,<a id='r594' /><a href='#f594' class='c009'><sup>[594]</sup></a> and led to the Church of SS. Cosmas and +Damianus in the Cosmidion,<a id='r595' /><a href='#f595' class='c009'><sup>[595]</sup></a> as well as to the bridge across the +head of the Golden Horn.<a id='r596' /><a href='#f596' class='c009'><sup>[596]</sup></a> The identity is confirmed by the +fact that the bridge to which the road issuing from the Xylo +Porta conducted was sometimes called the Bridge of St. Kallinicus, +after a church of that dedication in its neighbourhood.<a id='r597' /><a href='#f597' class='c009'><sup>[597]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Bridge across the Golden Horn.</h3> +<p class='c007'>The earliest mention of a bridge across the Golden Horn is +found in the <i>Notitia</i>.<a id='r598' /><a href='#f598' class='c009'><sup>[598]</sup></a> It was situated in the Fourteenth Region, +and, like the bridge across the Tiber, was a wooden structure, +“pontem sublicium.” This was superseded by a bridge of stone,<a id='r599' /><a href='#f599' class='c009'><sup>[599]</sup></a> +which Justinian the Great constructed in 528, “so that one might +pass,” as the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i><a id='r600' /><a href='#f600' class='c009'><sup>[600]</sup></a> expresses it, “from the opposite +side (ἀπὸ τῆς ἀντι πέραν) to the all-happy city.” The new building +went by various names in the course of its long history. It +was known as the Bridge of Justinian (ἡ Ἰουστινιανοῦ γέφυρα),<a id='r601' /><a href='#f601' class='c009'><sup>[601]</sup></a> in +honour of its constructor; as the Bridge of St. Kallinicus (ἡ γέφυρα +τοῦ ἁγίου Καλλινίκου),<a id='r602' /><a href='#f602' class='c009'><sup>[602]</sup></a> after a church dedicated to that saint near +its southern end; as the Bridge of St. Panteleemon (ἡ τοῦ ἁγίου +Παντελεήμονος γέφυρα),<a id='r603' /><a href='#f603' class='c009'><sup>[603]</sup></a> after a church of that name at its northern +end; as the Bridge of Camels (ἡ τῆς Καμήλου γέφυρα),<a id='r604' /><a href='#f604' class='c009'><sup>[604]</sup></a> on account, +probably, of its frequent use by caravans of camels, bringing +<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>charcoal to the city; as the Bridge of Blachernæ,<a id='r605' /><a href='#f605' class='c009'><sup>[605]</sup></a> from the +district in which it stood. Whether it was the bridge of twelve +arches near St. Mamas mentioned by the Anonymus and +Codinus<a id='r606' /><a href='#f606' class='c009'><sup>[606]</sup></a> is uncertain, for we cannot be sure that all references +to the Church of St. Mamas allude to the church of that dedication +which stood outside the walls of the city, and overlooked +the head of the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The bridge crossed the Barbyses<a id='r607' /><a href='#f607' class='c009'><sup>[607]</sup></a> (Kiat-haneh Sou, one of +the streams commonly styled “The Sweet Waters of Europe”), +where that stream enters the Golden Horn,<a id='r608' /><a href='#f608' class='c009'><sup>[608]</sup></a> in the district of the +Cosmidion<a id='r609' /><a href='#f609' class='c009'><sup>[609]</sup></a> (Eyoub). When Gyllius visited the city the stone +piers of an ancient bridge could be seen, in summer, when the +water was low, standing opposite a point between the northern +extremity of the land walls and Aivan Serai: “Liquet pontem +illum fuisse ubi pilæ cernuntur lapideæ antiqui pontis, sed non +extra aquam eminentes nisi aliquando æstate, sitæe inter angulum +urbis Blacherneum et suburbium, quod Turci appellant Aibasarium.”<a id='r610' /><a href='#f610' class='c009'><sup>[610]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the siege of 627 the flotilla of log-boats, which the +Slavonian allies of the Avars brought to take part in the operations, +was moored behind this bridge, watching for an opportunity +to descend into the Golden Horn, and harass the northern side +of the city.<a id='r611' /><a href='#f611' class='c009'><sup>[611]</sup></a> Over it Heraclius came to make his triumphal +entrance into the city, after his return from the Persian War. It +was a circuitous road for him to take from the Palace of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>Hiereia (Fener Bagtchèssi, on the Bay of Moda, near Kadikeui), +which he occupied upon his arrival within sight of the capital. +His most direct course was to proceed from that palace to the +Golden Gate by boat across the Sea of Marmora. But the hero +of seven glorious campaigns was possessed by such an insuperable +dread of the water that, for a long time, nothing, not even +a conspiracy against his throne, could induce him to overcome +his fear and cross to the city. At length the difficulty was met +in the following manner. A bridge of boats was placed across +the Bosporus, from the bay of Phedalia (Balta Liman)<a id='r612' /><a href='#f612' class='c009'><sup>[612]</sup></a> to the +opposite Asiatic shore, the parapets of the bridge being constructed +of great branches and dense foliage, so as to hide from +view the water on either hand; and over this roadway the +emperor was persuaded to pass on horseback, as through a +thicket on <i>terra firma</i>. Once on the European side of the straits, +it would have been natural for him to take the road leading +towards the city along the shore. But rather than keep near the +water, Heraclius struck inland, for the valley at the head of the +Golden Horn, to reach the side of the harbour on which the city +stood, by the bridge over the narrow stream of the Barbyses.<a id='r613' /><a href='#f613' class='c009'><sup>[613]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Near the bridge the Crusaders, under Godfrey de Bouillon, +encamped in 1096.<a id='r614' /><a href='#f614' class='c009'><sup>[614]</sup></a> Over it the Crusaders, under the Emperor +Conrad, passed in 1147, to ravage the suburbs on the northern +side of the harbour.<a id='r615' /><a href='#f615' class='c009'><sup>[615]</sup></a> To it, in 1203, the army of the Fourth +Crusade marched, from Galata, in battle array, and, finding it +had been cut down by the Greeks, repaired it, and crossed to +encamp on the hill fronting the Palace of Blachernæ. “Et là +(<i>i.e.</i> au bout du port),” to quote the picturesque language of +Ville-Hardouin,<a id='r616' /><a href='#f616' class='c009'><sup>[616]</sup></a> “il y a un fleuve qui se jette dans la mer, qu’on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>ne peut pas passer sinon par un pont de pierre. Les Grecs +avaient coupé le pont; et les barons firent travailler l’armée +tout le jour et toute la nuit pour arranger le pont. Le pont fut +ainsi arrangé, et les corps de bataille armés au matin; et ils +chevauchèrent l’un après l’autre, ainsi qu’ils avaient été ordonnés. +Et ils vout devant la ville.” Twice in 1328, and once in 1345, +Cantacuzene<a id='r617' /><a href='#f617' class='c009'><sup>[617]</sup></a> encamped his troops on the meadows beside the +bridge, while he endeavoured to gain the city by parleying with +its defenders at the Gate of Gyrolimnè.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span> + <h2 id='chap13' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIII. <br /> THE SEAWARD WALLS.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Owing to the unique maritime position occupied by Constantinople, +the defence of the shores of the capital was a matter of +secondary importance. So long as the Empire retained the +command of the sea, a city accessible by water only through the +narrow defiles of the Hellespont and the Bosporus had little +reason to apprehend a naval attack.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This immunity was, it is true, seriously affected when the +Saracens and the Republics of Italy became great sea-powers. +Still, even then, the situation of the city rendered an assault with +ships an extremely difficult operation. The northern shore of +the city could be put beyond the reach of the enemy by a chain +extended across the narrow entrance of the Golden Horn; +while the currents that swept the Marmora shore were ready to +carry a fleet out to sea, or to hurl it against the rocks. According +to Ville-Hardouin,<a id='r618' /><a href='#f618' class='c009'><sup>[618]</sup></a> it was the dread of those currents that, in +1204, deterred the Venetian fleet, under Dandolo, from attacking +the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, after the failure of the +attempt upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>Other natural allies to withstand a naval attack were, moreover, +found in the violent storms to which the waters around the +city are liable. Such a storm discomfited the great Saracen +fleet in the siege of 718.<a id='r619' /><a href='#f619' class='c009'><sup>[619]</sup></a> In 825, a tempest compelled Thomas, +the rival of Michael II., to withdraw his ships from action;<a id='r620' /><a href='#f620' class='c009'><sup>[620]</sup></a> +while in 865 a storm destroyed the first Russian flotilla that +entered the Bosporus.<a id='r621' /><a href='#f621' class='c009'><sup>[621]</sup></a> In the long history of the Byzantine +Empire there is only one instance of a successful naval assault +upon Constantinople, the gallant capture of the city in 1204 +by the Venetians. That victory, however, was due as much to +the feeble spirit exhibited by the defenders, notwithstanding +the advantages of their position, as to the bravery and skill +of the assailants.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But though the seaward walls did not possess the military +consequence of the land walls, they are interesting on account +of their connection with important political events, and, above all, +for their intimate association with the commercial activity of the +greatest emporium of trade during the Middle Ages.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The history of the construction of these walls has already +been noticed incidentally, when tracing the gradual expansion of +the city.<a id='r622' /><a href='#f622' class='c009'><sup>[622]</sup></a> In the days of Byzantium they proceeded, we have +seen, from the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the Neorium, on the +Golden Horn; and to the point subsequently called Topi, on +the Sea of Marmora. Under Constantine the Great they were +carried to the Church of St. Antony Harmatius, on the northern +side of the city; and to the Church of St. Æmilianus, on the +southern. In 439, Theodosius II. prolonged the lines to meet +the extremities of the land wall at Blachernæ, on the one hand, +and the Golden Gate, on the other.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The history of the repair of these walls from time to time is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>a long one. For while comparatively secure from injury by +the accidents of war, they were liable to be rudely shaken by +earthquakes, like other public buildings of the city, while their +proximity to the sea exposed them in a special manner to +damage by damp and storm.</p> + +<p class='c008'>During the earlier days of the Empire, indeed, when the +Imperial navy ruled the sea, and no hostile fleet dared approach +the city, the condition of these fortifications was often neglected; +but as the sea-power of the Empire decayed, and that of other +nations grew stronger, the defences along the shores of the city +assumed greater interest, and their maintenance in proper order +became one of the principal cares of the State.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The earthquake of 447, so ruinous to the new land wall of +Anthemius, injured also the seaward walls, especially the portion +beside the Sea of Marmora. As an inscription over Yeni Kapou<a id='r623' /><a href='#f623' class='c009'><sup>[623]</sup></a>—the +gate at the eastern end of Vlanga Bostan—proclaimed, the +damage was repaired by the Prefect Constantine when he restored +the other fortifications of the city which had suffered from that +terrible earthquake.<a id='r624' /><a href='#f624' class='c009'><sup>[624]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>There is no record of repairs for the next two hundred and +fifty years. But the state of these walls could not have been +altogether unsatisfactory during that period, for they were +prepared to withstand two fleets which threatened the southern +side of the city in the seventh century: first, when the ships of +Heraclius came, in 610, to overthrow the tyranny of the infamous +Phocas; and again, when the Saracens besieged Constantinople +from 673-678.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With the accession of Tiberius Apsimarus the shore defences +entered upon a new era of their history. Admiral of the Imperial +<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>fleet in the Ægean when the Saracens marched victoriously +from the banks of the Nile to the Atlantic, and alive to the +power of the enemy upon the sea, as well as upon land, he was +in a position to appreciate the necessity of being ready to repel +attack at every point. Hence, upon his return to Constantinople, +he ordered the walls of the capital, which had for some time +been grossly neglected, to be put into a state of defence.<a id='r625' /><a href='#f625' class='c009'><sup>[625]</sup></a> Some +eight years later, however, Anastasius II. found it expedient to +attend to the seaward walls again,<a id='r626' /><a href='#f626' class='c009'><sup>[626]</sup></a> in view of the formidable +preparations made by the Saracens for their second attack upon +the capital of Eastern Christendom; and so effective was the +work done, that, in the great crisis of 718, the city defied a fleet +of 1200 vessels.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the spring of 764 an unusual occurrence shook the walls +about the point of the Acropolis. The preceding winter had +been one of Arctic severity. If the figures of Theophanes may +be trusted, the sea along the northern and western shores of the +Euxine was frozen to a distance of one hundred miles from land, +and to a depth of sixty feet; and upon this foundation of solid ice +a mass of snow forty-five feet high accumulated. As soon as +the breath of spring liberated the frost-bound waters, a long +procession of ice-floes came filing down the Bosporus, on their +way to the southern seas. They came in such numbers that +they packed in the narrow channel, and formed an ice-pile at +the opening into the Sea of Marmora, extending from the +Palace of Hiereia (Fener Bagtchessi) to the city, and from +Chrysopolis to Galata, and as far as Mamas at the head of the +Golden Horn.<a id='r627' /><a href='#f627' class='c009'><sup>[627]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At length the ice divided again, and as its several parts +swayed in the swollen currents, one huge iceberg came dashing +<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>against the pier at the point of the Acropolis. Another, larger, +followed, and hurled itself against the adjacent wall with a +violence which shook the whole neighbourhood. The monstrous +mass was broken by the concussion in three fragments, still +so large that they overtopped the city bulwarks and invested +the apex of the promontory from the Mangana to the Port +Bosporus, overawing the city, and crushing, it would appear, the +fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Extensive repairs of these walls were commenced in the reign +of Michael II., and completed by his son Theophilus on a scale +which amounted to a work of reconstruction.<a id='r628' /><a href='#f628' class='c009'><sup>[628]</sup></a> Under the former +emperor the rebel Thomas had besieged the city and forced the +chain across the entrance of the Golden Horn, proving, for the +first time, that even the fortifications in that quarter might be +attacked by a bold enemy. The Saracens, moreover, displaying +new vigour, had taken Sicily and Crete, and in 829 defeated +the Imperial fleet in the Ægean. Accordingly, it is not strange +that Theophilus ordered the old ramparts along the shores of the +city to be replaced by loftier and stronger fortifications, and +that in the execution of the undertaking he spared no labour or +expense. “The gold coins of the realm,” says the chronicler, +“were spent as freely as if worthless pebbles.”<a id='r629' /><a href='#f629' class='c009'><sup>[629]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The satisfaction of Theophilus with the result was displayed +in the extraordinary number of the inscriptions which he placed +upon the new walls and towers, to commemorate his work. No +other emperor has inscribed his name upon the walls so frequently. +And the fortifications he erected endured, with but +little change, to the last days of the Empire, and bear his stamp +even in their ruin.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the inscriptions referred to, the following are found on the +walls along the Sea of Marmora:</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>On the curtain-wall immediately to the north of Deïrmen +Kapoussi, in one long line of sixty feet, is the legend:</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΣΕ ΧΡΙΣΤΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣΑΡΡ; ΑΓΕ ΣΚΕΚΤΗΜΙΕΝΟΣ +ΑΝΑΖ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟ ΣΕΥΣΕΒΗ ΣΑΥΤΟ ΚΡΑΤΩΡΗΓΕΙΡΕ +ΤΟΥΤΟΤΕΙ ΧΟΣΕΚΙΒΑΘΡΩΝΝΕΩΝ· ΟΠΕΡ ΦΥΛΑΤ +ΤΕΤΩΚΡ ΑΤΕΙΣΟΥΠΑΝ ΤΑΝΑΞΚΔΕΙΞΟ ΝΑΥΤΟΜΕ +ΧΡΙΣΑΙΩΝΩΝΤΕΛΗΟΣΑΣ ΕΙΣΤΟ ΝΑΚΛΟΝΗΤΟΝΕΣ Τ</p> + +<p class='c005'>“Possessing Thee, O Christ, a Wall that cannot be broken, Theophilus, King +and pious Emperor, erected this wall upon new foundations: which (wall), +Lord of All, guard with Thy might, and display to the end of time standing +unshaken and unmoved.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>These words read like a dedication prayer for the preservation +of the whole line of the fortifications erected by Theophilus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the first tower to the south of Deïrmen Kapoussi are the +words:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΠΙΣΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.</div> + <div class='line'>ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Tower of Theophilus, faithful and great King and Emperor in Christ.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>Above the legend is a slab, with the Cross and the battle-cry of +the Empire, “Jesus Christ conquers.”</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΣ | ΧΡ</div> + <div class='line'>———|—————</div> + <div class='line'>ΝΙ | ΚΑ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>A similar inscription stands on the second tower south of +the gate:</p> + +<p class='c013'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ †<a id='r630' /><a href='#f630' class='c009'><sup>[630]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c005'>“Tower of Theophilus, Emperor in Christ.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>Fragmentary inscriptions to the same effect are seen on the +third, sixth, seventh, and ninth towers south of Deïrmen Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>In addition to these inscriptions, copies of others which have +disappeared are preserved by Von Hammer, in the appendix to +his work, <i>Constantinopolis und Bosporos</i>.<a id='r631' /><a href='#f631' class='c009'><sup>[631]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) bore the inscription:</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ ... ΕΚΑΙΝΙΣΑΣ ΠΟΛΙΝ.</p> + +<p class='c005'>“Theophilus ... having renovated the city.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>This inscription was repeated on the wall adjoining the gate. +And on the two towers which flanked the gate was the customary +legend which marked the work of Theophilus:</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΕΝ ΧΩ ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ</p> + +<p class='c012'>According to the same author,<a id='r632' /><a href='#f632' class='c009'><sup>[632]</sup></a> a similar inscription was found +in the vicinity of the Seven Towers, as well as an inscription in +honour of Theophilus and his son, Michael III., who, though a +mere child, had been appointed his Imperial colleague.</p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Aristarki Bey and Canon Curtis,<a id='r633' /><a href='#f633' class='c009'><sup>[633]</sup></a> two other +inscriptions in honour of Theophilus and Michael occurred also +on two towers in the immediate vicinity of Top Kapoussi. All +these inscriptions indicate the great extent of the repairs executed +by Theophilus; the last three give, moreover, the approximate +date of one portion of the work, Michael III. being the +associate of his father from 839-842.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp184' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp184-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp184.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription in Honour of the Emperor Michael III.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Upon the fortifications along the Golden Horn some twenty +inscriptions in honour of Theophilus have been noted, similar +to those found on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, +but they have for the most part disappeared in the destruction of +the walls, from time to time, in carrying out city improvements. +The most important to recall are the legends in which the name +<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>Michael was associated with that of Theophilus. In two +instances the former name preceded the latter; while in five +instances the latter name preceded the former. The only satisfactory +explanation of this variation is that in the first case the +Michael intended was Michael II., the father of Theophilus; and +that in the second case the allusion was to Michael III., the son +of Theophilus. Hence it appears that the restoration of the seaward +walls was commenced in the reign of Michael II., soon +after the appointment of Theophilus as his colleague, in 825.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Immediately to the north of the ruins of Indjili Kiosk, beside +the Sea of Marmora, three inscribed slabs were, until recently, +found built into the city wall. As the legend was mutilated, its +full meaning cannot be determined, but it seemed to commemorate +the restoration of a portion of the wall by Michael III., under +the superintendence of his maternal uncle, the famous Bardas, the +commander of the body-guard known as the Scholai (αἱ Σχολαί, +οἱ Σχολάριοι).</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'><span class='sc'>First Slab.</span></div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΩΝΚΡΑΤΑΙΩΣΔΕΣΠΟΣΑΝΤΩΝΤΟΥΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΠΤΩΣΜΙΧΑΗΛΟΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΣ ΔΙΑΒΑΡ</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Second Slab.</span></div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΙΔΕΝΟΣΠΡΟΣΥΠΣΟΣΗΕΥΚΟΣΙΙΙΑΙΙΤΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΩΝΣΧΟ ΩΝΔΩΜΕΣΤΙΚΟΥΗ ΙΡΕΤΕΡ</div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Third Slab.</span></div> + </div> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΗΘΕΝΕΙΣΓΗΝΤΕΙΧΟΣΕΞΕΓΕΡΚΟΤΟ</div> + <div class='line'>ΝΟΝΩΡΑΕΙΣΜΑΤΗΠΟΛΕΙ ☩<a id='r634' /><a href='#f634' class='c009'><sup>[634]</sup></a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>An inscription on a tower at the eastern side of the entrance +to the old harbour at Koum Kapoussi (Kontoscalion) commemorated +repairs by Leo the Wise and his brother and colleague +Alexander:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΣ Κ ΑΛΕΞΑΝ †</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The first tower west of Ahour Kapoussi was rebuilt by +Basil II. in 1024, after its overthrow by storms. It bears the +inscription:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΘΑΛΛΑΣΣΗΣ ΘΡΑΥΣΜΟΣ ΕΝ ΜΑΚΡΩ ΧΡΟΝΩ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΛΥΔΩΝΙ ΠΟΛΛΩ ΚΑΙ ΣΦΟΔΡΩ ΡΗΓΝΥΜΕΝΗΣ ΠΕΣΕΙΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΑΤΑΝΑΝΚΑΣΕ ΠΥΡΓΟΝ ΕΚ ΒΑΘΡΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΗΓΕΙΡΕΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΕΤΟΥΣ ϚΘΛΒ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“In the year 1024, Basil, the pious Sovereign, erected from the foundations, +this tower, which the dashing of the sea, shattering it for a long time +with many and violent waves, compelled to fall.”</p> + +<p class='c012'>One of the most interesting incidents of the siege of 1453, +reflecting credit both upon the conqueror and the conquered, +was associated with “the towers of Basil, Leo, and Alexius” +(τῶν πύργων τῶν λεγομένων Βασιλείου, Λέοντος, καὶ Ἀλεξίου). +Although the Turkish troops were in command of the city, the +defenders of those towers—the crew of a ship from Crete—refused +to surrender, preferring to perish rather than to be +reduced to slavery. The stand they made was reported to the +Sultan, and he was so impressed by the heroism of the men +that he offered, if they would submit, to allow them to leave +the city with all the honours of war. The generous terms were +accepted, though with great reluctance, and the brave men +<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>returned home in their own vessel, and with all their possessions.<a id='r635' /><a href='#f635' class='c009'><sup>[635]</sup></a> +Dr. Paspates<a id='r636' /><a href='#f636' class='c009'><sup>[636]</sup></a> suggests that the tower connected with +this incident was the tower bearing the inscription in honour of +Leo and Alexander.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The tower at the foot of the landing below Narli Kapoussi +was repaired, according to the inscription upon it, by Manuel +Comnenus.</p> + +<div id='fig187' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig187.jpg' alt='“Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King, Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>“Restored by Manuel Comnenus, the Christ-loving King, Porphyrogenitus, and Emperor of the Romans, in the year 1164.”</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>According to Cinnamus,<a id='r637' /><a href='#f637' class='c009'><sup>[637]</sup></a> the Emperor Manuel Comnenus +repaired the city walls, wherever necessary.<a id='r638' /><a href='#f638' class='c009'><sup>[638]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>Upon the restoration of the Greek Empire in 1261 the +condition of the seaward walls became a matter of graver importance +than it had been at any previous period in the history of +the city. For, until the rise of the Ottoman power, the enemies +whom Constantinople had then most reason to fear were the +maritime States of Western Europe, with their formidable fleets.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The loss of the city by the Latins put a new strain upon the +relations between the East and the West. It provoked more +intense political antagonism, keener commercial rivalries, and a +fanatical religious hatred, which all the attempts to unite the +Churches of divided Christendom only fanned into fiercer flames. +Nor was the situation improved when Michael Palæologus +established the Genoese at Galata. A hostile power was then +planted at the very gates of the capital; a foreign fleet commanded +the Golden Horn; occasions for misunderstandings +were multiplied; and selfish intriguers were at hand to foment +the domestic quarrels of the Empire, and involve it in disputes +with the rivals of Genoa. “The Roman Empire,” as Gibbon +observes, “might soon have sunk into a province of Genoa, +if the Republic had not been checked by the ruin of her +freedom and naval power.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The earliest concern of Michael Palæologus, therefore, after +the recovery of the city, was to put the fortifications in a condition +to repel the expected attempt of the Latins to regain the +place.<a id='r639' /><a href='#f639' class='c009'><sup>[639]</sup></a> Having no time to lose, and as lime and stone were +difficult to procure, the emperor was satisfied, at first, with +heightening the walls, especially those near the sea, by the +erection upon the summit, of great wooden screens, covered with +hide to render them fire-proof. In this way he raised the walls +some seven feet.<a id='r640' /><a href='#f640' class='c009'><sup>[640]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But later in his reign he conceived the ambitious idea of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>making the walls along the shores of the city, like the land +walls, a double line of bulwarks.<a id='r641' /><a href='#f641' class='c009'><sup>[641]</sup></a> The new fortifications, however, +cannot have been a piece of solid work, for no traces of +them have survived.<a id='r642' /><a href='#f642' class='c009'><sup>[642]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig189' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig189.jpg' alt='Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Coat-Of-Arms of Andronicus Ii. Palæologus.<a id='r643' /><a href='#f643' class='c009'><sup>[643]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Repairs were again executed upon the seaward walls when +Andronicus II. undertook the general restoration of the fortifications +of the city.<a id='r644' /><a href='#f644' class='c009'><sup>[644]</sup></a> Until recently a slab bearing the +monogram and coat-of-arms of that emperor, a lion rampant, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>crowned and holding an upright sword, was to be seen on a tower +of the wall surrounding the ancient harbour at Koum Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So far, at least, as the wall beside the Sea of Marmora was +concerned, the work of Andronicus II. was soon injured. For +on the very eve of his death, on the 12th of February, 1332, a +furious storm from the south burst upon the fortifications beside +that sea. The waves leaped over the battlements, opened +breaches in the wall, forced the gates, and rushed in like a +hostile army to devastate every quarter they could overwhelm.<a id='r645' /><a href='#f645' class='c009'><sup>[645]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Although the fact is not recorded, the damage done on that +occasion must have been repaired by Andronicus III.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Occasion for attending to the state of the seaward fortifications, +especially along the Golden Horn, was again given, in the +course of the conflicts between Cantacuzene and the Genoese of +Galata.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1348 the latter made a violent assault upon the northern +side of the city, and, although failing to carry the walls, did much +harm to the shipping, timber-stores, and houses near the water.<a id='r646' /><a href='#f646' class='c009'><sup>[646]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Matters assumed a more serious aspect in 1351. A powerful +fleet then sailed from Genoa, under the command of Doria, to +attack Constantinople in support of certain claims put forth by +the colony at Galata, and on its way up the Sea of Marmora, +captured the fortified town of Heraclea. The event caused the +greatest consternation in the capital, and, in view of the enemy’s +approach, Cantacuzene promptly set the seaward walls in order, +repairing them where ruined, raising their height, and ordering +all houses before them to be removed.<a id='r647' /><a href='#f647' class='c009'><sup>[647]</sup></a> He also carried the +towers higher, by erecting, in the manner usual on such occasions, +constructions of timber on their summits. And not +<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>satisfied with these precautions, he even excavated a deep +moat in front of the Harbour Walls, all the way from the Gate +Xylinè, at Aivan Serai, to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk +Kapoussi), near the Seraglio Point.</p> + +<div id='fig191' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig191.jpg' alt='Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Bas-Relief, On The Tower East of Djubali Kapoussi, Representing The Three Hebrew Youths Cast Into The Fiery Furnace of Babylon, as Described in the Book Of Daniel.<a id='r648' /><a href='#f648' class='c009'><sup>[648]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>A trace of these repairs is found in a slab on the tower +immediately to the east of the gate Djubali Kapoussi,<a id='r649' /><a href='#f649' class='c009'><sup>[649]</sup></a> bearing a +lion rampant, and the name of Manuel Phakrasè Catacuzene +(MANOΥΗA ΦAKRACΗ TOU KATAKOΥSΗNOΥ), who was +Proto-strator under Cantacuzene, and distinguished himself by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>his conduct in the defence of Selivria, in 1341, and in the siege +of Galata, ten years later.<a id='r650' /><a href='#f650' class='c009'><sup>[650]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1434 the Harbour Walls called for some slight repair, +in consequence of another Genoese attack upon them. An expedition +which had been sent from Genoa to take the town of +Kaffa, having failed in that object, returned to the Bosporus, +and sought to compensate for defeat in the Crimea by nothing +less than the capture of Constantinople itself. The bold attempt +made with ships carrying 8000 troops, was repulsed, and the +baffled fleet returned to Italy. But the Genoese of Galata +determined to continue the struggle; and in the bombardment +of the walls with cannon, destroyed several warehouses in the +city, and a tower beside the Gate Basilikè. This attack, likewise, +ended in failure, and the colony was compelled to pay an +indemnity of a thousand pieces of gold, to make good the damage +caused by the bombardment.<a id='r651' /><a href='#f651' class='c009'><sup>[651]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Two inscriptions, preserved by Dr. A. D. Mordtmann<a id='r652' /><a href='#f652' class='c009'><sup>[652]</sup></a> in his +work on the last siege of the city,<a id='r653' /><a href='#f653' class='c009'><sup>[653]</sup></a> are noteworthy as records of +repairs made on the fortifications beside the Sea of Marmora, +when Constantinople trembled before the Ottoman power. +They are also interesting on account of the personages whom +they commemorate as restorers of the walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>One stood, somewhere, on the wall between Ahour Kapoussi +and Tchatlady Kapou, and read:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΛΟΥΚ</div> + <div class='line'>ΝΟΤΑΡΑΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΟΥ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“Of Luke Notaras, the Interpreter.”</p> + +<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>This was Lucas Notaras, who subsequently became Grand +Duke, and was the most prominent citizen of Constantinople in +the catastrophe of 1453. When he executed these repairs he +held the office of interpreter, or dragoman, under the Emperor +John VII. Palæologus, in carrying on negotiations with Sultan +Murad.<a id='r654' /><a href='#f654' class='c009'><sup>[654]</sup></a> The office had, naturally, come into existence owing +to the frequent diplomatic intercourse between the Byzantine +Government and foreigners, and was of great importance and +distinction. In the reign of Manuel Palæeologus it had been held +by Nicholas Notaras, the father of Lucas Notaras.<a id='r655' /><a href='#f655' class='c009'><sup>[655]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The second inscription stood on a tower between Koum +Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou. It commemorated repairs executed +in 1448 at the expense of the celebrated George Brankovitch, +Despot of Servia.</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΑΝΕΚΕΝΙΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΘΗΝ ΟΥΤΟΣ</div> + <div class='line'>Ο ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΚΑΙ</div> + <div class='line'>ΚΟΡΤΙΝΑ Υ</div> + <div class='line'>ΠΟ ΓΕΩΡΓΙ</div> + <div class='line'>ΟΥ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΥ</div> + <div class='line'>ΣΕΡΒΙΑΣ ... +</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ ϚϠ ΥϚ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c013'>“This tower and curtain-wall were restored by George, Despot of Servia; +in the year 6956 (1448).”</p> + +<p class='c012'>It will be remembered that some of the funds furnished by +the Servian king were employed in repairs on the land walls.<a id='r656' /><a href='#f656' class='c009'><sup>[656]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span> + <h2 id='chap14' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIV. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The Harbour Fortifications guarded the northern side of the +city, from the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the terminus of the +land walls at Blachernæ, and, excepting a small portion, consisted +of a single wall, flanked, according to Bondelmontius, by +a hundred and ten towers.<a id='r657' /><a href='#f657' class='c009'><sup>[657]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To accommodate the commerce and traffic of the city, the wall +was built, for the most part, at a short distance from the water; +but the strip of ground thus left without the fortifications was +even narrower in ancient times than it is at present, much of the +land outside the wall having been made by recent deposits +of earth and rubbish. This explains how the Venetian fleet, in +1203 and 1204, was able to approach so near the ramparts that +troops standing on the flying bridges attached to the ships’ yards +came to close quarters with the defenders on the walls. Indeed, +in one case, at least, such a bridge spanned the distance between +ship and tower, and permitted the assailants to cross over and +seize the latter.<a id='r658' /><a href='#f658' class='c009'><sup>[658]</sup></a> At the actual distance, however, of the wall from +the water, such a feat would be impossible, except in the vicinity +of the Seraglio Point, which was not the quarter attacked by the +Venetians.</p> +<div> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span> + <h3 class='c010'>Gates.</h3> +</div> +<p class='c007'>At a short distance to the east of the Xylo Porta a breach +in the wall marks the site of a gateway named by the Turks +Kutchuk Aivan Serai Kapoussi—“the Small Gate of Aivan +Serai.”<a id='r659' /><a href='#f659' class='c009'><sup>[659]</sup></a> It stands at the head of a short street leading southwards +to the site of the famous Church of the Theotokos of +Blachernaæ, while to the north is the landing of Aivan Serai +Iskelessi, which accommodates this quarter of the city. Here, +probably, was the Porta Kiliomenè (Κοιλιωμένη Πόρτα),<a id='r660' /><a href='#f660' class='c009'><sup>[660]</sup></a> at which +the emperors—as late, at least, as the beginning of the thirteenth +century—landed and were received by the Senate, when proceeding +by water to visit the Church or the Palace of Blachernæ. +Nowhere else could one disembark so near that sanctuary and +that palace.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The landing-stage before the gate must, therefore, have been +the Imperial Pier (Ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως) mentioned by +Nicetas Choniates. Some authorities, it is true, place that landing +at Balat Kapoussi. But it could not have been there when +Nicetas Choniates wrote; for that historian<a id='r661' /><a href='#f661' class='c009'><sup>[661]</sup></a> refers to the Apobathra +of the Emperor to indicate the position of the Wall of Leo, +which was attacked by the Latins in 1203. Now, points which +could thus serve to identify each other must have been in close +proximity. But Balat Kapoussi and the Wall of Leo are too far +apart for the former to indicate the site of the latter. On the +other hand, the Wall of Leo and Aivan Serai Iskelessi are very +near each other.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>Over the northern entrance to the lower chamber in the +tower west of the gateway were found, until recently, two blocks +of stone, upon which the name of St. Pantoleon was rudely +carved between the figures of two peacocks, or phœnixes, +symbols of the immortality that rose from the fires of martyrdom. +Possibly, the chamber was a chapel in which persons entering +or leaving the city could perform their devotions. According to +Stephen of Novgorod, the relics of St. Pantoleon reposed in +the adjoining Church of the Theotokos of Blachernæ.<a id='r662' /><a href='#f662' class='c009'><sup>[662]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the street to the rear of the tower is the small Mosque +Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, formerly, it is supposed, the Church +of St. Thekla,<a id='r663' /><a href='#f663' class='c009'><sup>[663]</sup></a> in the quarter of Blachernæ.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the east side of the street leading from the Porta +Kiliomenè to the Church of Blachernæ remains are found of +a large two-storied Byzantine edifice, with three aisles. Its +original destination cannot be determined with any degree of +certainty. By some authorities<a id='r664' /><a href='#f664' class='c009'><sup>[664]</sup></a> the building is supposed to +have been the Porticus Cariana (Καριανὸν Ἔμβολον), which the +Emperor Maurice erected, and upon the walls of which scenes +in his life, from his childhood until his accession to the throne, +were pourtrayed.<a id='r665' /><a href='#f665' class='c009'><sup>[665]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Bay of Aivan Serai was called the Bay of Blachernæ +(ὁ πρὸς Βλαχέρνας κόλπος), and had a dockyard known as the +Neorion at Blachernæ (τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις νεώριον).<a id='r666' /><a href='#f666' class='c009'><sup>[666]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Proceeding eastwards, a few paces bring us to a breach in +the wall leading to the Mosque Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>supposed to be the Byzantine Church of SS. Peter and Mark, +which was erected in 458 by two patricians, Galbius and +Candidus, upon the shore of the Golden Horn, in the quarter +of Blachernæ. The sanctuary claimed the honour of having +enshrined “the Girdle of the Blessed Virgin,” before that +relic was placed in the church specially dedicated to the +Theotokos in this part of the city.<a id='r667' /><a href='#f667' class='c009'><sup>[667]</sup></a> In the street to the west +of the mosque lies the marble baptismal font of the church, +cruciform, and having three steps within it leading to the +bottom.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In a chrysoboullon of John Palæologus dated 1342, mention +is made of the Gate of St. Anastasia (Πύλη τῆς ἁγίας Ἀναστασίας) +in this part of the city.<a id='r668' /><a href='#f668' class='c009'><sup>[668]</sup></a> The Russian pilgrim, who +visited Constantinople in the fifteenth century (1424-1453), +speaks of a chapel containing the relics of St. Anastasia near +the Church of Blachernæ.<a id='r669' /><a href='#f669' class='c009'><sup>[669]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Considerable interest is attached to the Church of St. +Demetrius, situated within the walls a few paces to the east of +Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi; for although the present edifice +dates only from the beginning of the eighteenth century, the +original building was a Byzantine foundation, adorned with +mosaics and surmounted by a dome. Its full style was the +Church of St. Demetrius of Kanabus (τοῦ Καναβοῦ), and may, +as the Patriarch Constantius suggests,<a id='r670' /><a href='#f670' class='c009'><sup>[670]</sup></a> have been erected by a +member of the family of the Nicholas Kanabus who became +emperor for a few days, in the interval between the overthrow +of the Angeli and the usurpation of Murtzuphlus, during the +troublous times of the Fourth Crusade.<a id='r671' /><a href='#f671' class='c009'><sup>[671]</sup></a> In 1334, the church +<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>was the property of George Pepagomenos, a relative of Andronicus +III.<a id='r672' /><a href='#f672' class='c009'><sup>[672]</sup></a> After the Turkish Conquest the church became, +from 1597 to 1601, the cathedral of the Greek Patriarch, when he +was deprived of the use of the Church of the Pammakaristos +(Fethiyeh Djamissi).<a id='r673' /><a href='#f673' class='c009'><sup>[673]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Soon after leaving the Church of St. Demetrius, and before +reaching the gate now styled Balat Kapoussi, the city wall was +pierced by three large archways, 45 to 55 paces apart, and +alternating with three towers. Balat Kapoussi being only 55 +paces beyond the easternmost archway, here stood four entrances +into the city, in most unusual proximity to one another. The +first, or westernmost archway was, at one time, adorned with a +bas-relief on either side. Tafferner, chaplain to Count Walter +of Leslie, ambassador from the German Emperor Leopold I. to +the Ottoman Court in the seventeenth century, describes the +archway as follows: “In decensu clivi defluentis in Euxini +brachium, porta perampla et obstructa muro conspicitur. Fama +fert limitum hunc fuisse aulæ magni Constantini. Ad dextrum +portæ latus adstat Angelus a candido et eleganti marmore effigiatus, +statura celsior, ac virilem præ se ferens, et inserto muro. +Ad lævam, Deipara visitur, proportione priore consimilis, atque +ab Angelo consulatuta.”<a id='r674' /><a href='#f674' class='c009'><sup>[674]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp198' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig_fp198-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp198.jpg' alt='Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Nikè (Formerly Adorning Archway Near Balat Kapoussi).</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Only the bas-relief which stood on the eastern side of the +archway has survived to our time.<a id='r675' /><a href='#f675' class='c009'><sup>[675]</sup></a> It represents a winged +female figure, attired in a flowing robe, and holding in her left +hand a palm leaf—beyond all controversy a Nikè, not, as +Tafferner imagined, the Angel of the Annunciation, nor, as the +Patriarch Constantius supposed, the Archangel Michael.<a id='r676' /><a href='#f676' class='c009'><sup>[676]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>Regarding the precise object of these four entrances, and the +names to be attached to them, a serious difference of opinion prevails. +Most authorities maintain that the archway adorned with +the bas-relief was the Gate of the Kynegos, of the Hunter (τοῦ +Κυνηγοῦ, τῶν Κυνηγῶν), so frequently mentioned in the later days +of the Empire; and that Balat Kapoussi was the Pylè Basilikè +(Πύλη Βασιλικὴ) referred to by writers of the same period. On +the other hand, Gyllius identified Balat Kapoussi with the Gate +of the Kynegos, and regarded the three archways above mentioned +as entrances to a small artificial port within the line of the +fortifications. His reason for the latter opinion was the existence +of a great depression in the ground to the rear of the archways, +which was occupied, in his day, by market-gardens, but which +seemed to him the basin of an old harbour: “Ultra Portam +Palatinam”—to give his own words—“progressus circiter centum +viginti passus, animadverti tres magnus arcus, astructos urbis +muro, et substructos, per quos olim Imperatores subducebant +triremes in portum opere factum, nunc exiccatus et conversus in +hortos concavos, præ se gerentes speciem portus obruti.”<a id='r677' /><a href='#f677' class='c009'><sup>[677]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As appears from the passage just quoted, Gyllius styled Balat +Kapoussi not only the Gate of the Hunter, but also the Porta +Palatina. Whether in doing so he meant to identify the Gate of +the Kynegos with the Basilikè Pylè, or simply gave the Latin +rendering of the name by which Balat Kapoussi was popularly +known when he visited the city, is not perfectly clear. The +latter supposition is, however, more in harmony with that author’s +usage in the case of other gates.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Stephen Gerlach and Leunclavius agree with Gyllius in regarding +Balat Kapoussi as the Gate of the Kynegos, but place the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>Basilikè Pylè near the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, +Gerlach<a id='r678' /><a href='#f678' class='c009'><sup>[678]</sup></a> identifying it with Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, Leunclavius<a id='r679' /><a href='#f679' class='c009'><sup>[679]</sup></a> +with Bagtchè Kapoussi. Neither Gerlach nor Leunclavius +refers to the three arches on the west of Balat Kapoussi. The +latter, however, speaks of the hollow ground to their rear, +describing it in the following terms: “Locus depressus et concavus, +ubi Patriarchion erat meæ peregrinationis tempore,” +and supposed it to have been the arena of a theatre for the +exhibition of wild animals. From that theatre, he thought, the +Gate of the Kynegos obtained its name.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The question to which gates the names Gate of the Kynegos +and Basilikè Pylè respectively belonged is the most difficult +problem connected with the history of the harbour fortifications. +To discuss it satisfactorily at this stage of our inquiries is, however, +impossible; for the opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was not at +Balat Kapoussi, but near the eastern extremity of the Harbour +Walls, is a point which can be determined only after all the facts +relative to the gates near that end of the fortifications are +before us. The full discussion of the subject must therefore be +deferred,<a id='r680' /><a href='#f680' class='c009'><sup>[680]</sup></a> and, meantime, little more can be done than to state +the conclusions which appear to have most evidence in their +favour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There can be no doubt, in the first place, that the Gate of the +Kynegos was in this vicinity, and was either Balat Kapoussi or +the archway adorned with the bas-relief. This is established +by all the indications in regard to the situation of the entrance. +The Gate of the Kynegos stood, according to Phrantzes,<a id='r681' /><a href='#f681' class='c009'><sup>[681]</sup></a> between +the Xylo Porta and the Petrion; according to Pusculus,<a id='r682' /><a href='#f682' class='c009'><sup>[682]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>between the Xylo Porta and the Porta Phani (Fener Kapoussi), +and not far from the former. It was in the neighbourhood of +the emperor’s palace,<a id='r683' /><a href='#f683' class='c009'><sup>[683]</sup></a> and the point at which persons approaching +that palace from the Golden Horn disembarked and took +horses to reach the Imperial residence.<a id='r684' /><a href='#f684' class='c009'><sup>[684]</sup></a> Both Balat Kapoussi +and the adjoining archways answer to this description, and they +are the only entrances which can pretend to be city gates in +the portion of the walls between the Xylo Porta and the Gate of +the Phanar. Therefore, one or other of them was the Gate +of the Kynegos.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is a corroboration of this conclusion to find that the +district named after the Gate of the Kynegos occupied the level +tract beside the Golden Horn within and without the line of the +walls in the vicinity of these entrances. The Church of St. +Demetrius, for instance, which stood a short distance to the west +of Balat Kapoussi and the adjoining archways, is described as +near a gate in the quarter of the Kynegon.<a id='r685' /><a href='#f685' class='c009'><sup>[685]</sup></a> The bridge which +the Turks threw out into the harbour from Haskeui, to carry a +battery with which to bombard this part of the fortifications, was +in front of the Kynegon.<a id='r686' /><a href='#f686' class='c009'><sup>[686]</sup></a> Nicholas Barbaro<a id='r687' /><a href='#f687' class='c009'><sup>[687]</sup></a> applies the +name even to the territory near the Xylo Porta; for, according +to him, the land walls extended from the Golden Gate to +the Kynegon: “Le mure de tera, che jera mia sie, che sun de +la Cresca per fina al Chinigo.” With this agrees also the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>statement of the same author that the Kynegon was the point +where Diedo and Gabriel of Treviso landed the crews of their +galleys, to excavate the moat which the emperor asked to be +constructed before the land walls protecting his palace.<a id='r688' /><a href='#f688' class='c009'><sup>[688]</sup></a> The +quarter of the Kynegon thus comprised the modern quarters +of Balata and Aivan Serai.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the +archway with the Nikè, to which the name Gate of the Kynegos +is commonly ascribed, was, after all, a city gate in the ordinary +sense of the term. It does not stand alone, but is one +of three archways which pierce, respectively, the curtain-walls +between three towers. And these three openings were in +close proximity to a gate (Balat Kapoussi), amply sufficient for +the requirements of public traffic in this quarter of the capital. +Such facts do not accord with the idea that any one of these +archways was a gateway. Furthermore, when their real destination +could be more accurately ascertained than at present, +Gyllius found that they formed the entrances to an artificial harbour +within the line of the fortifications. This explanation of +their presence in the wall is perfectly satisfactory, and any other +is superfluous. But if Balat Kapoussi was the only gate in this +vicinity, it must have been the Gate of the Kynegos, which +certainly stood in this part of the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is nothing strange in the existence of a harbour within +the line of the fortifications in the quarter of the Kynegon. It is +what might be expected when we remember how closely the +quarter was connected with the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus +and the Palace of Blachernæ, and how necessary such a harbour +was for the accommodation and protection of the boats and galleys +at the service of the Court. That the harbour behind the three +archways near Balat Kapoussi was the Neorion of Blachernæ is +<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>unlikely; the most probable situation of that Neorion being at +Aivan Serai Iskelessi. But it may very well have been the +harbour on the shore of the Kynegon at which, during the period +of the Palæologi, the emperor and visitors to the palaces in the +vicinity embarked or disembarked in moving to and fro by water. +The landing at which the Spanish ambassadors to the Byzantine +Court were received is described as near the Gate of the Kynegos: +“Près de la porte de Quinigo.”<a id='r689' /><a href='#f689' class='c009'><sup>[689]</sup></a> The galleys sent by the +Council of Basle to convey John VII. Palæologus to the West, +and which reached Constantinople fifteen days after the arrival +of four Papal galleys on a similar errand, were detained for one +day at Psamathia, until the rival parties had been prevailed upon +to keep the peace, and then came and moored at the Kynegon +(εἰς τὸν Κυνηγὸν). There the emperor embarked for Italy, +under the escort of the Papal galleys; there the galley having on +board the patriarch, who was to accompany the emperor, joined +the Imperial squadron; and there the emperor disembarked +upon his return from the Councils of Ferrara and Florence.<a id='r690' /><a href='#f690' class='c009'><sup>[690]</sup></a> +During the siege of 1453 a fire-ship, with forty young men on +board, proceeded from the Gate of the Kynegos to burn the +Turkish vessels which had been conveyed over the hills into +the Golden Horn.<a id='r691' /><a href='#f691' class='c009'><sup>[691]</sup></a> All this implies the existence of a port +somewhere on the shore of the quarter of the Kynegon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the third place, all discussion in regard to the proper application +of the names Basilikè Pylè, and Gate of the Kynegos must +proceed upon the indisputable fact that the epithet “Imperial,” +<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>belonged to an entrance at the eastern extremity of the +Harbour Walls. In proof of this, it is enough to cite, meantime, +the statement of Phrantzes<a id='r692' /><a href='#f692' class='c009'><sup>[692]</sup></a> that Gabriel of Treviso was entrusted +with the defence of a tower which guarded the entrance of the +Golden Horn, and which stood opposite the Basilikè Pylè. +Unless, therefore, it can be shown that there was more than one +Basilikè Pylè in the fortifications beside the Golden Horn, the +claim of Balat Kapoussi to the Imperial epithet falls to the +ground. If the existence of two Imperial gates in the Harbour +Walls can be established, then Balat Kapoussi has the best right +to be regarded as the second entrance bearing that designation. +In that case, however, the conclusion most in harmony with the +facts involved in the matter is that the second Basilikè Pylè was +only the Gate of the Kynegos under another name.<a id='r693' /><a href='#f693' class='c009'><sup>[693]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Why, precisely, the entrance was styled the Gate of the +Hunter is a matter of conjecture. Some explain the name as +derived from a Kynegion, or theatre for the exhibition of wild +animals,<a id='r694' /><a href='#f694' class='c009'><sup>[694]</sup></a> such as existed on the side of the city facing Scutari; +and in favour of this opinion is the term “Kynegesion” (τοῦ +Κυνηγεσίου), employed by Phrantzes<a id='r695' /><a href='#f695' class='c009'><sup>[695]</sup></a> to designate the quarter +adjoining the entrance. But the ordinary style of the name +lends more countenance to the view that the gate was in some +way connected with the huntsmen attached to the Byzantine +Court, hunting being always a favourite pastime of the emperors +of Constantinople. Their head huntsman (ὁ πρωτοκυνηγὸς) was an +official of some importance. Besides directing his subordinates, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>it was his prerogative to hold the stirrup when the emperor +mounted horse, and the Imperial hunting-suit was his perquisite, +if stained with blood in the course of the chase.<a id='r696' /><a href='#f696' class='c009'><sup>[696]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A gate, known as the Gate of St. John the Forerunner +and Baptist (Πόρτα τοῦ ἁγίου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ), was also +situated in the quarter of the Kynegon, and near the Church +of St. Demetrius.<a id='r697' /><a href='#f697' class='c009'><sup>[697]</sup></a> That name might readily be given to a +gate in this vicinity, either in honour of the great Church and +Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Petra, on the heights above +Balat Kapoussi, or in honour of the church of the same dedication, +which, there is reason to think, stood on the site of the +Church of St. John the Baptist, found, at present, on the shore +to the north-east of that entrance. Whether the Gate of St. +John has disappeared, or was the Gate of the Kynegos under +another name, is a point upon which there may be a difference +of opinion. Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r698' /><a href='#f698' class='c009'><sup>[698]</sup></a> identifies it with the Gate of the +Kynegos, which, according to him, was the archway adorned with +the Nikè. It may be identified with the Gate of the Kynegos, +even on the view that the latter was Balat Kapoussi. That a +Church of St. John stood in the neighbourhood of the Gate of +the Kynegos is also intimated by Pachymeres, who records a +fire which, in 1308, burnt down the quarter extending from that +gate to the Monastery of the Forerunner.<a id='r699' /><a href='#f699' class='c009'><sup>[699]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>The gate next in order, as its Turkish name, Fener Kapoussi, +proves, is the entrance which the foreign historians of the last +siege style Porta Phani, Porta del Pharo.<a id='r700' /><a href='#f700' class='c009'><sup>[700]</sup></a> This designation was, +doubtless, the rendering of the Byzantine name of the gate, for +the adjoining quarter, as appears first in a document dated 1351, +went by its present name, Phanari (τοποθεσία τοῦ φανάρι),<a id='r701' /><a href='#f701' class='c009'><sup>[701]</sup></a> also +before the Turkish Conquest. A beacon light must have stood +at this point of the harbour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From the Porta Phani eastwards to Petri Kapoussi, the +next gate, the fortifications consisted of two lines of wall which +enclosed a considerable territory, the inner wall describing a +great curve on the steep northern front of the Fifth Hill. The +enclosure was called the Castron of the Petrion<a id='r702' /><a href='#f702' class='c009'><sup>[702]</sup></a> (τὸ κάστρον τῶν +Πετρίων), after Petrus, Master of the Offices in the reign of +Justinian the Great;<a id='r703' /><a href='#f703' class='c009'><sup>[703]</sup></a> and the surrounding district was named +the Petrion (Πετρίον, τὰ Πετρία,<a id='r704' /><a href='#f704' class='c009'><sup>[704]</sup></a> “Regio Petri Patricii”).<a id='r705' /><a href='#f705' class='c009'><sup>[705]</sup></a> It +must be carefully distinguished from the district of Petra (Πέτρα), +at Kesmè Kaya, above Balat Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the angle formed by the junction of the two walls, a little +to the west of the Porta Phani, was a small gate, Diplophanarion,<a id='r706' /><a href='#f706' class='c009'><sup>[706]</sup></a> +which led from the Castron into the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Petri Kapoussi, at the eastern extremity of the Castron, and +in the outer wall, communicated with the street skirting the +Golden Horn, and retains the ancient name of the district.<a id='r707' /><a href='#f707' class='c009'><sup>[707]</sup></a> +Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r708' /><a href='#f708' class='c009'><sup>[708]</sup></a> identifies it with the Porta Sidhera (Σιδηρᾶ +Πίλη), near the Convent of the Petrion.<a id='r709' /><a href='#f709' class='c009'><sup>[709]</sup></a> That the Petrion was +not confined to the Castron, but included territory on either +<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>side of the enclosure, is manifest from the fact that whereas the +wall between the Porta Phani and the Porta Petri is without a +single tower, mention is yet made of towers in the Petrion.<a id='r710' /><a href='#f710' class='c009'><sup>[710]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the churches in this quarter, St. Stephen of the Romans, +St. Julianè, St. Elias, and St. Euphemia, the two last were the +most important. The Church of St. Euphemia claimed to be an +older foundation than Constantinople itself, being attributed to +Castinus, Bishop of Byzantium, 230-237. It was restored by +Basil I., and his daughters entered the convent attached to the +church.<a id='r711' /><a href='#f711' class='c009'><sup>[711]</sup></a> The Convent of Petrion, as it was called, must have +been of considerable importance, for it was on several occasions +selected as the place in which ladies of high rank, who had +become politically inconvenient, were interned; as, for instance, +Zoe, the dowager-empress of Leo the Wise, for conspiracy +against Romanus Lecapenus;<a id='r712' /><a href='#f712' class='c009'><sup>[712]</sup></a> Theodora, by her sister the +Empress Zoe;<a id='r713' /><a href='#f713' class='c009'><sup>[713]</sup></a> and Delassaina, the mother of the Comneni, +with her daughters and daughters-in-law, by Nicephorus +Botoniates.<a id='r714' /><a href='#f714' class='c009'><sup>[714]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the assaults made by foreign fleets upon the Harbour +Walls, the Petrion, or Phanar, occupied a conspicuous place.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was before the Petrion<a id='r715' /><a href='#f715' class='c009'><sup>[715]</sup></a> that the Venetian galleys under +Dandolo stood, July 17, 1203, and established the free end of +their flying bridges upon the summit of the walls, whereby +twenty-five towers were captured, and the city was recovered for +Isaac Angelus. The Petrion was again prominent in the assault +which the Crusaders delivered on April 12, 1204, when Constantinople +passed into their hands and became the seat of a +Latin Empire. Here the flying bridge of the ship <i>Pelerine</i> +lodged itself on a tower, and allowed a bold Venetian and a +<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>French knight, André d’Urboise, to rush across, seize the tower, +and clear a way for their comrades to follow. Here ladders were +then landed, the walls scaled, three gates forced, and the city +thrown open to the whole host of the invaders.<a id='r716' /><a href='#f716' class='c009'><sup>[716]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the siege of 1453, early on the morning of the 29th of +May, the Phanar was fiercely attacked by the Turkish ships in +the Golden Horn.<a id='r717' /><a href='#f717' class='c009'><sup>[717]</sup></a> The attack was repulsed, and the Greeks +remained masters of the situation, until the occupation of +the city by the enemy’s land forces made further resistance +impossible. The memory of the struggle is said to be preserved +in the quarter by the name of the street Sandjakdar Youcousou +(the Ascent of the Standard-bearer) and by the Turkish name +for the Church of St. Mary Mougouliotissa, Kan Klissè (the +Church of Blood).<a id='r718' /><a href='#f718' class='c009'><sup>[718]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The succeeding gate, Yeni Aya Kapou, was opened, it would +seem, in Turkish times, being first mentioned by Evlia Tchelebi. +There is, however, one circumstance in favour of regarding it as +a small Byzantine entrance, enlarged after the Conquest. On the +right of the gate, within the line of the walls, are the remains of +a large Byzantine edifice, which could hardly have dispensed +with a postern.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Aya Kapou, the next entrance, as its Turkish name intimates, +and the order of Pusculus requires, is the Porta Divæ Theodosiæ +(Πύλη τῆς Ἁγίας Θεοδοσίας),<a id='r719' /><a href='#f719' class='c009'><sup>[719]</sup></a> so named in honour of the adjoining +Church of St. Theodosia (now Gul Djamissi), the first martyr +<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>in the cause of Icons, under Leo the Isaurian. The gate was +also known by the name Porta Dexiocrates, after the district of +Dexiocrates in which it stood.<a id='r720' /><a href='#f720' class='c009'><sup>[720]</sup></a> This identification rests upon +the fact that while Pachymeres<a id='r721' /><a href='#f721' class='c009'><sup>[721]</sup></a> affirms that the body of St. +Theodosia lay in the church dedicated to her memory, the +<i>Synaxaristes</i> declares that she was buried in the Monastery of +Dexiocrates.<a id='r722' /><a href='#f722' class='c009'><sup>[722]</sup></a> Only by the supposition that the Church of St. +Theodosia stood in the district of Dexiocrates can these statements +be reconciled. The church is first mentioned by Antony +of Novgorod.<a id='r723' /><a href='#f723' class='c009'><sup>[723]</sup></a> The festival of the saint, falling on May 29th, +coincided with the day on which, in 1453. the city was captured +by the Turks. As usual, a large crowd of worshippers, many +of them ladies, filled the sacred edifice, little thinking of the +tragedy which would interrupt their devotions, when suddenly +Turkish troops burst into the church and carried the congregation +off into slavery.<a id='r724' /><a href='#f724' class='c009'><sup>[724]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The next gate, Djubali Kapoussi, must be the entrance +styled Porta Puteæ by Pusculus,<a id='r725' /><a href='#f725' class='c009'><sup>[725]</sup></a> and Porta del Pozzo by Zorzo +Dolfin;<a id='r726' /><a href='#f726' class='c009'><sup>[726]</sup></a> for it is the only entrance between the Gate of St. +Theodosia (Aya Kapou) and the Porta Platea (Oun Kapan +Kapoussi), the gates between which the writers above mentioned +place the Porta Puteæ. Although no Byzantine author has +mentioned the Porta Puteæ by its Greek name, there can be no +doubt that the name in vogue among foreigners was the translation, +more or less exact, of the native style of the entrance, +and that consequently the gate marks the point designated +Ispigas (εἰς Πηγὰς) by the Chronista Novgorodensis, in his account +of the operations of the Venetian fleet against the harbour fortifications +on the 12th of April, 1204. The ships of the Crusaders, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>says that authority, were then drawn up before the walls, in a +line extending from the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor and +Ispigas, on the east, to Blachernæ, on the west: “Cum solis ortu +steterunt, in conspectu ecclesiæ Sancti Redemptoris, quæ dicitur +τοῦ Εὐεργέτου, et Ispigarum, Blachernis tenus.”<a id='r727' /><a href='#f727' class='c009'><sup>[727]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The name of the gate alluded to the suburb of Pegæ (Πηγαὶ), +situated directly opposite, on the northern shore of the harbour, +and noted for its numerous springs of water. Dionysius Byzantius, +in his <i>Anaplus of the Golden Horn and the Bosporus</i>,<a id='r728' /><a href='#f728' class='c009'><sup>[728]</sup></a> +describes the locality at length, naming it Krenides (Κρηνίδες). +on account of its flowing springs (πηγαίων), which gave the +district the character of marshy ground. The suburb appears +under the name Pegæ in the history of the siege of the city by +the Avars, when the Imperial fleet formed a cordon across the +harbour, from the Church of St. Nicholas at Blachernæ to +the Church of St. Conon and the suburb of Pegæ, to prevent +the enemy’s flotilla of boats in the streams at the head of the +Golden Horn from descending into the harbour.<a id='r729' /><a href='#f729' class='c009'><sup>[729]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Antony of Novgorod, the suburb was situated +to the west of St. Irene of Galata; it contained several churches, +and was largely inhabited by Jews.<a id='r730' /><a href='#f730' class='c009'><sup>[730]</sup></a> It appears again in the +old Records of the Genoese colony of Galata in the fourteenth +<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>century, under the name Spiga, or De Spiga, to the west of +that town.<a id='r731' /><a href='#f731' class='c009'><sup>[731]</sup></a> Critobulus calls it the Cold Waters (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα), +placing it on the bay into which Sultan Mehemet brought +his ships over the hills from the Bosporus.<a id='r732' /><a href='#f732' class='c009'><sup>[732]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As appears from the passage of the Chronista Novgorodensis, +cited above, near the Porta Puteæ stood the Monastery of Christ +the Benefactor, interesting as a conspicuous landmark in the +scenes associated with the Latin Conquest of the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The fire which the Venetians set near the portion of the +Harbour Walls captured in 1203, reduced to ashes the quarters +extending from Blachernæ as far east as that monastery.<a id='r733' /><a href='#f733' class='c009'><sup>[733]</sup></a> +The monastery marked also the eastern extremity of the +line of battle in which the ships of the Crusaders delivered the +final attack upon the walls on April 12, 1204;<a id='r734' /><a href='#f734' class='c009'><sup>[734]</sup></a> while the fire +which illuminated the victory of that day started in the neighbourhood +of that religious house, and raged eastwards to the +quarter of Drungarius.<a id='r735' /><a href='#f735' class='c009'><sup>[735]</sup></a> During the Latin occupation the Venetians +established a dockyard on the shore in the vicinity of the +monastery;<a id='r736' /><a href='#f736' class='c009'><sup>[736]</sup></a> the adjoining district, including the Church of +Pantocrator<a id='r737' /><a href='#f737' class='c009'><sup>[737]</sup></a> (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi) and the Church of +Pantopoptes<a id='r738' /><a href='#f738' class='c009'><sup>[738]</sup></a> (now Eski Imaret Mesdjidi), on the Fourth Hill, +being their head-quarters.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span> + <h2 id='chap15' class='c006'>CHAPTER XV. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE GOLDEN HORN—<i>continued</i>.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The next gate on the list of Pusculus and Dolfin is the Porta +Platea, or Porta ala Piazza,<a id='r739' /><a href='#f739' class='c009'><sup>[739]</sup></a> evidently the Porta of the Platea +(Πόρτα τῆς Πλατέας) mentioned by Ducas.<a id='r740' /><a href='#f740' class='c009'><sup>[740]</sup></a> The entrance, judging +by its name, was situated beside a wide tract of level ground, +and is, consequently, represented by Oun Kapan Kapoussi, which +stands on the plain near the Inner Bridge, at the head of the +important street running across the city from sea to sea, through +the valley between the Fourth and Fifth Hills. The district +beside the gate was known as the Plateia (Πλατεῖα),<a id='r741' /><a href='#f741' class='c009'><sup>[741]</sup></a> and contained +the churches dedicated respectively to St. Laurentius and the +Prophet Isaiah.<a id='r742' /><a href='#f742' class='c009'><sup>[742]</sup></a> The blockade of the Harbour Walls in 1453 by +the Turkish ships in the Golden Horn extended from the Xylo +Porta to the Gate of the Platea.<a id='r743' /><a href='#f743' class='c009'><sup>[743]</sup></a> If the legend on Bondelmontius’ +map may be trusted, this gate bore also the name +Mesè, the Central Gate, a suitable designation for an entrance +at the middle point in the line of the harbour fortifications.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The succeeding gate, Ayasma Kapoussi, was opened, it would +<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>seem, after the Turkish Conquest. It is not mentioned by +Gyllius, or Leunclavius, or Gerlach. The conjecture that it +represents a gate in the Wall of Constantine, styled Porta +Basilikè, situated near the Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (τὸν +ἅγιον Ἀκάκιον, τὴν Καρυὰν, ἐν τῇ Βασιλικῇ Πόρτα)<a id='r744' /><a href='#f744' class='c009'><sup>[744]</sup></a> does not appear +very probable. The Church of St. Acacius, situated in the +Tenth Region,<a id='r745' /><a href='#f745' class='c009'><sup>[745]</sup></a> was the sanctuary to which Macedonius, the bishop +of the city, removed the sarcophagus of Constantine the Great, +from the Church of the Holy Apostles on the summit of the +Fourth Hill, when the latter edifice threatened to fall and crush +the Imperial tomb.<a id='r746' /><a href='#f746' class='c009'><sup>[746]</sup></a> The bishop’s action encountered the +violent opposition of a large class of the citizens, and led to a +riot in which much blood was shed. Under these circumstances, +it is difficult to believe that the sarcophagus of Constantine was +transported from its original resting-place to a point so distant +as the neighbourhood of Ayasma Kapoussi, especially when the +removal was a temporary arrangement, made until the repairs on +the Church of the Holy Apostles should be completed. It is +more probable that St. Acacius was near the Church of the Holy +Apostles. Furthermore, we cannot be sure that the Porta Basilikè +was a gate in the Wall of Constantine. The Church of St. Acacius +stood near a palace erected by that emperor (πλησίον τῶν +οἰκημάτων τοῦ μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου):<a id='r747' /><a href='#f747' class='c009'><sup>[747]</sup></a> or, as described elsewhere, +was a small chapel (οἰκίσκον εὐκτήριον) near a palace named +Karya, because close to a walnut-tree on which the saint +was supposed to have suffered martyrdom by hanging.<a id='r748' /><a href='#f748' class='c009'><sup>[748]</sup></a> The +Porta Basilikè may have been a gate leading into the court of +that palace.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The three succeeding gates, Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, Zindan +<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>Kapoussi, Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, bore respectively the names +Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων); Gate of the Forerunner +(Porta juxta parvum templum Precursoris, known also as St. +Johannes de Cornibus); Gate of the Perama or Ferry (τοῦ +Περάματος). They can be identified, perhaps, most readily and +clearly by the following line of argument:—</p> + +<p class='c008'>The three Byzantine gates just named were situated in the +quarter assigned to the Venetians in Constantinople by successive +Imperial grants from the time of Alexius Comnenus to the +close of the Empire. The Gate of the Drungarii marked the +western extremity of the quarter;<a id='r749' /><a href='#f749' class='c009'><sup>[749]</sup></a> the Gate of the Perama, +its eastern extremity;<a id='r750' /><a href='#f750' class='c009'><sup>[750]</sup></a> while the gate beside the Church of +the Forerunner was between the two points. Where the Gate +of the Perama stood admits of no doubt. All students of the +topography of the city are agreed in the opinion that the +entrance so named was at Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi. Consequently, +the two other gates in the Venetian quarter lay to +the west of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, in the portion of the +fortifications between that entrance and the Gate of the +Platea, all gates further west being out of the question. But +as the only two gates in that portion of the walls are Zindan +Kapoussi and Oun Kapan Kapoussi, they must represent, +respectively, the Gate of the Forerunner and the Gate of the +Drungarii.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Drungarii (τῶν Δρουγγαρίων) derived its +name from the term “Drungarius,” a title given to various officials +in the Byzantine service;<a id='r751' /><a href='#f751' class='c009'><sup>[751]</sup></a> as, for example, to the admiral of the +fleet (μέγας δρουγγάριος τοῦ θεοσώστου στόλου), and to the head of +the city police, the Drungarius Vigiliæ. (ὁ τῆς Βίγλας δρουγγάριος). +<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>In this particular case the reference was to the latter officer, for +in the neighbourhood of the gate stood an important Vigla, or +police-station, which is sometimes mentioned instead of the +Gate of the Drungarii, as the western limit of the Venetian +quarter.<a id='r752' /><a href='#f752' class='c009'><sup>[752]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The street running eastwards, outside the city wall, was +known as the Via Drungariou (De Longario),<a id='r753' /><a href='#f753' class='c009'><sup>[753]</sup></a> and the pier in +front of the next gate bore the name Scala de Drongario.<a id='r754' /><a href='#f754' class='c009'><sup>[754]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The practice of storing timber on the shore without the gate +has come down from an early period in the history of the city. +One of the questions put to Justinian the Great by the Greens, +during the altercation between him and the Factions in the +Hippodrome, on the eve of the Nika riot was, “Who murdered +the timber-merchant at the Zeugma?”<a id='r755' /><a href='#f755' class='c009'><sup>[755]</sup></a>—another name for this +part of the shore. An inscription on the gate reminded the +passing crowd that to remember death is profitable to life (Μνῆμη +θανάτου χρησιμεύει τῷ βίῳ).<a id='r756' /><a href='#f756' class='c009'><sup>[756]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It is in favour of the identification of Zindan Kapoussi +with the Gate near the Church of St. John (Porta juxta parvum +templum Precursoris) to find only a few yards within the +entrance a Holy Well, venerated alike by Christian and Moslem, +beside which stood, until recently, the ruins of a Byzantine chapel +answering to the small Church of the Forerunner mentioned in +the Venetian charters.<a id='r757' /><a href='#f757' class='c009'><sup>[757]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Leunclavius found the gate called in his day Porta Caravion, +because of the large number of ships which were moored +in front of it.<a id='r758' /><a href='#f758' class='c009'><sup>[758]</sup></a> The landing before the gate, the old Scala de +<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>Drongario, now Yemish Iskelessi, in front of the Dried Fruit-Market, +is one of the most important piers on the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates<a id='r759' /><a href='#f759' class='c009'><sup>[759]</sup></a> and M. Heyd<a id='r760' /><a href='#f760' class='c009'><sup>[760]</sup></a> identify this entrance with the +Gate of the Drungarii. But this opinion is inconsistent with +the fact that whereas the gate near St. John’s stood between the +Gate of the Drungarii and the Gate of the Perama, no entrance +which can be identified with the gate near St. John’s intervenes +between Zindan Kapoussi and Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi (Gate +of the Perama).</p> + +<p class='c008'>M. Heyd, moreover, identifies Zindan Kapoussi with the +Porta Hebraica,<a id='r761' /><a href='#f761' class='c009'><sup>[761]</sup></a> mentioned in the charters granted to the Venetians +in the thirteenth century. But, as will appear in the +sequel, the Porta Hebraica of that period was either the Gate +of the Perama itself, or an entrance a little to the east of it.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Perama (τοῦ Περάματος), as its name implies, +stood where Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi is found to-day, +close to the principal ferry between the city and the suburb of +Galata; communication between the opposite shores being +maintained in ancient times by boats, for the only bridge +across the harbour was that near the head of the Golden Horn. +The Perama is first mentioned by Theophanes,<a id='r762' /><a href='#f762' class='c009'><sup>[762]</sup></a> in recording the +dedication of the Church of St. Irene at Sycæ (Galata), after the +reconstruction of that sanctuary by Justinian the Great. Special +importance attached to the event, as the emperor attributed his +recovery from an attack of the terrible plague that raged in +Constantinople, in 542, to the touch of the relics of the Forty +Martyrs which had been discovered in pulling down the old +church, and which were to be enshrined in the new building. +Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Apollinarius, Patriarch +<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>of Alexandria—who was then in the capital—were appointed +to celebrate the service of the day; and the two prelates, seated +in the Imperial chariot, and bearing upon their knees the sacred +relics, drove through the city from St. Sophia to the Perama, +to take boat for Sycæ, where Justinian awaited them. The +ferry was also styled Trajectus Sycenus;<a id='r763' /><a href='#f763' class='c009'><sup>[763]</sup></a> Transitus Sycarum, +after the oldest name for Galata. It was, moreover, known as +Transitus Justinianarum,<a id='r764' /><a href='#f764' class='c009'><sup>[764]</sup></a> from the name Justinianopolis, given +to the suburb in honour of Justinian, who rebuilt its walls and +theatre, and conferred upon it the privileges of a city.<a id='r765' /><a href='#f765' class='c009'><sup>[765]</sup></a> The pier +at the city end of the ferry was known as the Scala Sycena.<a id='r766' /><a href='#f766' class='c009'><sup>[766]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It would seem that there was a spice-market<a id='r767' /><a href='#f767' class='c009'><sup>[767]</sup></a> in the vicinity +of the Gate of the Perama, like the one which exists to-day to +the rear of Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, the latter being only the +continuation of the former. According to Bondelmontius, the +fish-market of Byzantine Constantinople was held before this +gate, as the practice is at present; for upon his map he names +the entrance Porta Piscaria. So fixed are the habits of a city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Besides bearing the name Gate of the Perama, the entrance +was also styled the Porta Hebraica. This appears from the +employment of the two names as equivalent terms in descriptions +of the territory occupied by the Venetians in Constantinople. +For example, according to Anna Comnena,<a id='r768' /><a href='#f768' class='c009'><sup>[768]</sup></a> the quarter +which her father, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus, conceded to the +Venetians, extended from the old Hebrew pier to the Vigla. In +the charter by which the Doge Faletri granted that district to the +Church of San Georgio Majore of Venice, the quarter is described +in one passage, as extending from the Vigla to the Porta Perame, +as far as the Judeca (“ad Portam Perame, usque ad Judecam”);<a id='r769' /><a href='#f769' class='c009'><sup>[769]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>and in a subsequent passage, as proceeding from the Vigla to the +Judeca (“a comprehenso dicto sacro Viglæ usque ad Judecam”).<a id='r770' /><a href='#f770' class='c009'><sup>[770]</sup></a> +In the grants made to the Venetians after the Restoration of the +Greek Empire in 1261, the extreme points of the Venetian +quarter are named, respectively, the Gate of the Drungarii and +the Gate of the Perama.<a id='r771' /><a href='#f771' class='c009'><sup>[771]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>To this identification of the Porta Hebraica with the Gate +of the Perama it may be objected that on the map of Bondelmontius +these names are applied to different gates, and this, it +may further be urged, accords with the fact that after the Turkish +Conquest, also, a distinction was maintained between the Gate of +the Perama and the gate styled Tchifout Kapoussi, the Hebrew +Gate. But in reply to this objection it must be noted that the +Tchifout Kapoussi of Turkish days was the gate now known as +Bagtchè Kapoussi,<a id='r772' /><a href='#f772' class='c009'><sup>[772]</sup></a> beside the Stamboul Custom House, while +the “Porta Judece” on the map of Bondelmontius stands close +to the Seraglio Point. Nothing, however, is more certain than +that the Venetian quarter<a id='r773' /><a href='#f773' class='c009'><sup>[773]</sup></a> did not extend so far east as Bagtchè +Kapoussi, much less so far in that direction as the neighbourhood +of the head of the promontory. Bagtchè Kapoussi corresponds +to the Byzantine Porta Neoriou (the Gate of the Dockyard), +which had no connection whatever with the quarter +assigned to the Venetian merchants in the city, but was +separated from that quarter, on the west, by the quarters which +the traders from Amalfi and Pisa occupied, while to the east +<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>of the gate was the settlement of the Genoese. Consequently, +the fact that in the age of Bondelmontius and after the Turkish +Conquest the Porta Hebraica was a different entrance from the +Gate of the Perama affords no ground for rejecting the evidence +that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the two names +designated the same gate. It only proves that the epithet +“Hebrew” had meantime been transferred from one gate to +another.<a id='r774' /><a href='#f774' class='c009'><sup>[774]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>At the distance of seventy-seven feet to the east of the Porta +Hebraica, or Gate of the Perama, there stood, according to a +Venetian document of 1229, an entrance known as the Gate of +St. Mark (Porta San Marci).<a id='r775' /><a href='#f775' class='c009'><sup>[775]</sup></a> It probably obtained its name +during the Latin occupation, after the patron saint of Venice, +but whether it was a gate then opened for the first time, or an +old gate under a new name, cannot be determined.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Yet further east, at a point 115 pikes before reaching Bagtchè +Kapoussi, stood an entrance styled the Gate of the Hicanatissa +(Πόρτα τῆς Ἱκανατίσσης).<a id='r776' /><a href='#f776' class='c009'><sup>[776]</sup></a> The adjoining quarter went by the +same name, and there probably stood the “Residence of the +Kanatissa” (τὸν οἶκον τῆς Κανατίσης) mentioned by Codinus.<a id='r777' /><a href='#f777' class='c009'><sup>[777]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>The designation is best explained as derived from the body of +palace troops known as the Hicanati.<a id='r778' /><a href='#f778' class='c009'><sup>[778]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Between the Gate of the Perama and that of the Hicanatissa +was situated the quarter of the merchants from Amalfi; at the +latter gate the quarter of the Pisans commenced.<a id='r779' /><a href='#f779' class='c009'><sup>[779]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Gate of the Neorion (Πόρτα τοῦ Νεωρίου),<a id='r780' /><a href='#f780' class='c009'><sup>[780]</sup></a> the Gate of +the Dockyard, stood, as its name implies, beside the Dockyard +on the shore of the bay at Bagtchè Kapoussi, close to +the site now occupied by the Stamboul Custom House. It is +first mentioned in a chrysoboullon of Isaac Angelus, confirming +the right granted to the Pisan merchants by his predecessors, +Alexius Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus, to reside +in the neighbourhood of the gate.<a id='r781' /><a href='#f781' class='c009'><sup>[781]</sup></a> While the western limit +of the quarter thus conceded to Pisans was marked, as +already intimated, by the Gate Hicanatissa,<a id='r782' /><a href='#f782' class='c009'><sup>[782]</sup></a> the eastern limit +of the settlement extended to a short distance beyond the +Gate of the Neorion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Neorion dated from the time of Byzantium, when it +stood at the western extremity of the Harbour Walls of the city.<a id='r783' /><a href='#f783' class='c009'><sup>[783]</sup></a> +It was, therefore, distinguished from all other dockyards in +Constantinople as the Ancient Neorion (τὸ Παλαιὸν Νεώριον), +or the Ancient Exartesis (Ἐξάρτησις). Nicolo Barbaro calls it +“l’arsenada de l’imperador.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here the Imperial fleet assembled to refit or to guard the +entrance of the harbour;<a id='r784' /><a href='#f784' class='c009'><sup>[784]</sup></a> here, until the reign of Justin II., +was the Marine Exchange;<a id='r785' /><a href='#f785' class='c009'><sup>[785]</sup></a> and here was a factory of oars +<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>(coparia),<a id='r786' /><a href='#f786' class='c009'><sup>[786]</sup></a> in addition to the one mentioned in the Justinian +Code, which stood elsewhere. As might be expected, several +destructive fires originated in the Neorion.<a id='r787' /><a href='#f787' class='c009'><sup>[787]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Gyllius,<a id='r788' /><a href='#f788' class='c009'><sup>[788]</sup></a> Gerlach,<a id='r789' /><a href='#f789' class='c009'><sup>[789]</sup></a> and Leunclavius,<a id='r790' /><a href='#f790' class='c009'><sup>[790]</sup></a> this +entrance was in their day named by the Turks, Tchifout +Kapoussi, and was regarded by the Greeks as the Πύλη Ὡραία +(the Beautiful Gate), mentioned by Phrantzes<a id='r791' /><a href='#f791' class='c009'><sup>[791]</sup></a> and Ducas<a id='r792' /><a href='#f792' class='c009'><sup>[792]</sup></a> in the +history of the last siege. The epithet Horaia is supposed to be +a corruption of the original name for the entrance (τοῦ Νεωρίου); +the Turkish designation of the gate being explained by the fact +that a Jewish community was settled in the neighbourhood of +the gate.<a id='r793' /><a href='#f793' class='c009'><sup>[793]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>As to the transformation of Neorion into Horaia, it seems +somewhat far-fetched; still, Greeks think it conceivable.<a id='r794' /><a href='#f794' class='c009'><sup>[794]</sup></a> If both +names, indeed, belonged to the gate, a simpler and more probable +explanation of the fact would be that the two names had no connection +with each other, and that the epithet “Beautiful” was +bestowed upon the entrance, towards the close of the Empire, in +view of embellishments made in the course of repairs.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The identification of the Gate of the Neorion with the Horaia +<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>Pylè involves, however, a difficulty. It makes Ducas contradict +other historians, as regards the point to which the southern end +of the chain across the Golden Horn was attached during the +siege of 1453.</p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Ducas,<a id='r795' /><a href='#f795' class='c009'><sup>[795]</sup></a> that extremity of the chain was fastened +to the Beautiful Gate. Critobulus,<a id='r796' /><a href='#f796' class='c009'><sup>[796]</sup></a> on the other hand, affirms +that it was attached to the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk +Kapoussi), the gate nearest the head of the promontory, and his +statement is supported by Phrantzes<a id='r797' /><a href='#f797' class='c009'><sup>[797]</sup></a> and Chalcocondylas,<a id='r798' /><a href='#f798' class='c009'><sup>[798]</sup></a> when +they, respectively, say that the chain was at the harbour’s mouth, +and fixed to the wall of the Acropolis. Now, the correctness of +the position assigned to the chain by the three latter historians +cannot be called in question. It was the position prescribed for +the chain by all the rules of strategy. To have placed the chain +at the Gate of the Neorion would have left a large portion of +the northern side of the city exposed to the enemy, and permitted +the Turkish fleet to command the Neorion and the ships +stationed before it. Hence the accuracy of Ducas can be maintained +only by the identification of the Beautiful Gate with the +Gate of Eugenius instead of with the Gate of the Neorion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We are, therefore, confronted with the question whether the +historian is mistaken as regards the gate to which the city end +of the chain was attached, or whether the view prevalent in Constantinople +in the sixteenth century respecting the position of +the Horaia Pylè should be rejected as unfounded.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In favour of the accuracy of Ducas, it must be admitted +that his statements concerning the Horaia Pylè, in other passages +of his work, convey the impression that under that name he refers +to the entrance nearest the head of the promontory, the Gate +of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). Speaking of the arrangements +made for the defence of the sea-board of the city, he +<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>describes them as extending, in the first place, from the Xylinè +Porta, at the western extremity of the Harbour Walls, to the +Horaia Pylè; and then from the Horaia Pylè to the Golden +Gate, near the western extremity of the walls along the Sea of +Marmora.<a id='r799' /><a href='#f799' class='c009'><sup>[799]</sup></a> Again, when he describes the blockade of the shore +of the city outside the chain by the Sultan’s fleet, he represents +the blockade as commencing at the Horaia Pylè and proceeding +thence past the point of the Acropolis, the Church of St. Demetrius, +the Gate of the Hodegetria, the Great Palace, and the +harbour (Kontoscalion), as far as Vlanga.<a id='r800' /><a href='#f800' class='c009'><sup>[800]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Now, the gate which would naturally form the pivot, so to +speak, of these operations was the Gate of Eugenius. There the +two shores of the city divide; and that was the farthest point +to which the Turkish fleet outside the chain could advance into +the Golden Horn. It would be strange if Ducas ascribed the +strategical importance of the Gate of Eugenius to another gate. +And yet, it must be also admitted that Ducas can be inaccurate. +He is inaccurate, for example, in the matter of the gate before +which the Sultan’s tent was pitched during the siege,<a id='r801' /><a href='#f801' class='c009'><sup>[801]</sup></a> and at +which the Emperor Constantine fell,<a id='r802' /><a href='#f802' class='c009'><sup>[802]</sup></a> for he associates these +incidents with the Gate of Charisius, instead of with the Gate +of St. Romanus; he is inaccurate, as we have seen, in his +account of the entry of the Turks through the Kerko Porta;<a id='r803' /><a href='#f803' class='c009'><sup>[803]</sup></a> +and he is inaccurate, again, in saying that the ships which the +Sultan carried across the hills from the Bosporus to the Golden +Horn were launched into the harbour at a point opposite the +Cosmidion (Eyoub),<a id='r804' /><a href='#f804' class='c009'><sup>[804]</sup></a> instead of at Cassim Pasha. Under these +circumstances it is impossible to maintain his accuracy as to the +connection of the chain with Horaia Pylè at all hazards, and in +the face of all difficulties. His credit will depend upon the value +<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>attached to the evidence we have, that the Horaia Pylè was +another name for the Gate of the Neorion during the last days +of Byzantine Constantinople.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The application of both names to the same gate rests upon +the authority of tradition, upon the use and wont followed in +the matter by the Greek population of the city in the sixteenth +century. If this is really the case, no evidence can be more +decisive on the question at issue. Use and wont in respect to +the name of a conspicuous public gate, in a much-frequented +part of the city, constitutes an irrefutable argument, provided +that use and wont goes far enough back in the history of the +entrance. In that case, Ducas would be convicted of having +mistaken the gate to which the chain was attached, and all +the importance which he ascribes to the Horaia Pylè, in his +account of the actions of friends and foes along the shores of +the city, is only the consistent following up of that error. For +any gate to which the chain was supposed, however erroneously, +to have been affixed would be represented in the narrative of +subsequent events as the point about which the assault and the +defence of the sea-board turned, although the gate was not +situated where it could, naturally, have sustained that character.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Now, according to Gyllius,<a id='r805' /><a href='#f805' class='c009'><sup>[805]</sup></a> the gate anciently styled the Gate +of the Neorion was called in his day Tchifout Kapoussi (“Hebrew +Gate”) by the Turks, and Horaia Pylè by the Greeks, as a +matter of common practice. The brief statement of Gerlach<a id='r806' /><a href='#f806' class='c009'><sup>[806]</sup></a> +that the second gate west of the Seraglio Point was named +at once the Beautiful Gate and the Jewish Gate implies that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>these were the names of the gate in current use. Leunclavius<a id='r807' /><a href='#f807' class='c009'><sup>[807]</sup></a> +puts the facts in a somewhat different light. According to +him, the common designation of the entrance was “Huræa” +(<i>Ebraia</i>, “Hebrew Gate”), and it was only when the Greeks of +the city wished to show themselves better acquainted with the +truth on the subject that they claimed for the gate the epithet +“Horaia.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This may, perhaps, excite the suspicion that the application +of the epithet “Horaia” to the Gate of the Neorion, in the +sixteenth century, was due to the fact that it was then known +also as the Hebrew Gate (Ebraia). But, on the whole, the more +probable view is that the epithet was correctly applied, and, +consequently, that Ducas, who was not present at the siege, is +mistaken in associating the chain with the Beautiful Gate.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the charters defining the privileges granted to the Genoese +colony in Constantinople during the twelfth century, mention +is made of a “Porta Bonu” and a “Porta Veteris Rectoris.”<a id='r808' /><a href='#f808' class='c009'><sup>[808]</sup></a> +As both were associated with the Scala, or Pier, at the service +of that colony, they were doubtless the same gate under different +names; the former appellation designating it by the proper name +of the officer connected in some way with the entrance, the latter +by his official title. Nothing is known concerning the Rector +Bonus; the name and title are at once Byzantine and Italian. +Now, the Genoese quarter in the twelfth century lay to the east +of the Gate of the Neorion, and consequently the Porta Bonu, +or Porta Veteris Rectoris, must be sought in that direction. It +stood, probably, where Sirkedji Iskelessi is now situated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Near this gate must have been the Scala Chalcedonensis and +the Portus Prosphorianus, which the <i>Notitia</i> places in the Fifth +<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>Region.<a id='r809' /><a href='#f809' class='c009'><sup>[809]</sup></a> The former, as its name implies, was the pier +frequented by boats plying between the city and Chalcedon; +it is mentioned twice, as the point at which relics were landed +in solemn state to be carried thence to St. Sophia.<a id='r810' /><a href='#f810' class='c009'><sup>[810]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Portus Prosphorianus<a id='r811' /><a href='#f811' class='c009'><sup>[811]</sup></a> was in the bay which once indented +the shore immediately to the east of the Gate of Bonus, where +the line of the city walls described a deep curve. The name is +probably derived from the word Πρόσφορον, and denoted that +the harbour was the resort of the craft which brought products +from the country to the markets of the city.<a id='r812' /><a href='#f812' class='c009'><sup>[812]</sup></a> The harbour was also +called the Phosphorion, as though associated with the sudden +illumination of the heavens which saved the city from capture +by Philip of Macedon. But its most common designation was +τὸ Βοσπόριον, ὁ Βοόσπορος, ὁ Βόσπορος, probably because the +point to which cattle were ferried across from Asia. The cattle-market +was held here until the reign of Constantine Copronymus, +who transferred it to the Forum of Taurus;<a id='r813' /><a href='#f813' class='c009'><sup>[813]</sup></a> here also stood +warehouses for the storage of oil, and granaries, such as the +Horrea Olearia, Horrea Troadensia, Horrea Valentiaca and +Horrea Constantiaca.<a id='r814' /><a href='#f814' class='c009'><sup>[814]</sup></a> The granaries were inspected annually +by the emperor.<a id='r815' /><a href='#f815' class='c009'><sup>[815]</sup></a> According to Demosthenes, the three statues +erected by Byzantium and Perinthus in honour of Athens for +the aid rendered against Philip of Macedon were set up at the +Bosporus.<a id='r816' /><a href='#f816' class='c009'><sup>[816]</sup></a> But it is not certain whether the great orator used +the name in a general sense, or with special reference to this +port. The great fire in the fifth year of Leo I. started in the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>market near this harbour, through the carelessness of a woman +who left a lighted candle on a stall at which she had bought +some salt fish.<a id='r817' /><a href='#f817' class='c009'><sup>[817]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>We reach, next, the last gate in the line of the Harbour +Walls, the Gate of Eugenius (Πόρτα τοῦ Εὐγενίου), represented +now by Yali Kiosk Kapoussi. Its identity is established by the +following indications. It marked the eastern extremity of the +fortifications along the Golden Horn,<a id='r818' /><a href='#f818' class='c009'><sup>[818]</sup></a> as the Xylo Porta marked +their western terminus. Hence, the ditch constructed by Cantacuzene +in front of those fortifications is described as extending +from the Gate of Eugenius to the Gate Xylinè.<a id='r819' /><a href='#f819' class='c009'><sup>[819]</sup></a> In the next +place, the gate was close to the head of the promontory, or +Acropolis, for ships outward bound rounded the promontory +soon after passing the gate, while incoming ships passed the +gate soon after rounding the promontory.<a id='r820' /><a href='#f820' class='c009'><sup>[820]</sup></a> Again, the Church +of St. Paul which stood near the gate is described, as situated +in the quarter of the Acropolis, at the opening of the harbour.<a id='r821' /><a href='#f821' class='c009'><sup>[821]</sup></a> +This is consistent with the fact that the gate was at a point from +which St. Sophia could be easily reached.<a id='r822' /><a href='#f822' class='c009'><sup>[822]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Eugenius, after whom the gate, the adjacent tower, and the +neighbouring district were named,<a id='r823' /><a href='#f823' class='c009'><sup>[823]</sup></a> was probably a distinguished +proprietor in this part of the city. The gate bore an inscription +commemorating repairs executed by a certain Julian;<a id='r824' /><a href='#f824' class='c009'><sup>[824]</sup></a> +possibly, Julian who was Prefect of the City in the reign of +Zeno, when Constantinople was shaken by a severe earthquake.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is reason to believe that besides its ordinary designation +<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>this gate bore also, at one time, the name Marmora Porta; +for certain ecclesiastical documents of the year 1399 and the +year 1441 speak of an entrance in the quarter of Eugenius, +under the name Marmora Porta, Μαρμαροπόρτα ἐν τῇ ἐνορίᾳ τοῦ +Εὐγενίου.<a id='r825' /><a href='#f825' class='c009'><sup>[825]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Scala Timasii, so named after Timasius, a celebrated +general in the reign of Arcadius, was in the Fourth Region,<a id='r826' /><a href='#f826' class='c009'><sup>[826]</sup></a> +and must therefore have been a pier near the Gate of +Eugenius.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At this entrance it was customary for the bride-elect of an +emperor to land, upon reaching the capital by sea; here she was +received in state by her future consort, and having been invested +with the Imperial buskins and other insignia of her rank, was +conducted on horseback to the palace.<a id='r827' /><a href='#f827' class='c009'><sup>[827]</sup></a> But what lends most +interest to the gate is the fact that beside it rose the tower which +held the southern end of the chain drawn across the harbour in +time of war.<a id='r828' /><a href='#f828' class='c009'><sup>[828]</sup></a> Originally, the building, styled Kentenarion +(Κεντενάριον), was a stately structure, but after its overthrow by +an earthquake, Theophilus restored it as an ordinary tower.<a id='r829' /><a href='#f829' class='c009'><sup>[829]</sup></a> +The chain was supported in the water by wooden floats,<a id='r830' /><a href='#f830' class='c009'><sup>[830]</sup></a> and +its northern end was made fast to a tower in the fortifications +of Galata, known as the Tower of Galata, “Le Tour de +Galatas.”<a id='r831' /><a href='#f831' class='c009'><sup>[831]</sup></a> According to Gyllius, the gate near that tower was +called Porta Catena,<a id='r832' /><a href='#f832' class='c009'><sup>[832]</sup></a> but, unfortunately, he does not indicate +<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>its precise position. From the nature of the case, however, it +must have been near Kiretch Kapoussi, directly opposite the +Gate of Eugenius.<a id='r833' /><a href='#f833' class='c009'><sup>[833]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp228' class='figcenter id002'> +<img src='images/fig_fp228.jpg' alt='Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of the Chain Stretched Across the Entrance of the Golden Horn in 1453.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The employment of a chain to bar the entrance of the +Golden Horn is mentioned for the first time in the famous +siege of the city by the Saracens in 717-718, when the Emperor +Leo lowered the chain with the hope of tempting the enemy’s +ships into the narrow waters of the harbour.<a id='r834' /><a href='#f834' class='c009'><sup>[834]</sup></a> It appears +next in the reign of Michael II., who thereby endeavoured, +but in vain, to keep out the fleet with which his rival +Thomas attacked the city.<a id='r835' /><a href='#f835' class='c009'><sup>[835]</sup></a> It was again employed by Nicephorus +Phocas, in expectation of a Russian descent into the +Bosporus.<a id='r836' /><a href='#f836' class='c009'><sup>[836]</sup></a> The Venetians found it obstructing their path when +they stood before Constantinople in 1203, but removed it after +capturing the Tower of Galata, to which it was secured.<a id='r837' /><a href='#f837' class='c009'><sup>[837]</sup></a> +Finally, in 1453, it proved too strong for Sultan Mehemet to +force, and drove him to devise the expedient of carrying his +ships into the Golden Horn across the hills to Cassim Pasha.<a id='r838' /><a href='#f838' class='c009'><sup>[838]</sup></a> +A portion of the chain used on the last occasion is preserved in +the Church of St. Irene, within the Seraglio grounds.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the district of Eugenius were some of the most noted +charitable institutions of the city, among which the great +Orphanage<a id='r839' /><a href='#f839' class='c009'><sup>[839]</sup></a> and the Hospitia,<a id='r840' /><a href='#f840' class='c009'><sup>[840]</sup></a> built on the site of the old +Stadium of Byzantium by Justinian the Great and Theodora, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>for the free accommodation of poor strangers, were conspicuous. +There, also, stood the Church of St. Michael and the Church of +St. Paul.<a id='r841' /><a href='#f841' class='c009'><sup>[841]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Basilikè Pylè.</h3> +<p class='c007'>Before concluding the study of the Harbour Walls we must +recur to the question which presented itself at an earlier stage +of our inquiries, but was reserved for consideration at the close +of this chapter, as more favourable to an intelligent and thorough +discussion of the subject.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Where was the Basilikè Pylè which Byzantine historians, +after the Restoration of the Empire, associate with this line of +the city’s bulwarks? Was it, as some authorities maintain, at +Balat Kapoussi,<a id='r842' /><a href='#f842' class='c009'><sup>[842]</sup></a> or, as others hold, in the neighbourhood of +the Seraglio Point?<a id='r843' /><a href='#f843' class='c009'><sup>[843]</sup></a> Or is it possible that a gate bearing that +epithet was found at both points?</p> + +<p class='c008'>In favour of the opinion that the Imperial Gate was near the +Seraglio Point there is, first, the statement of Phrantzes, already +cited, to that effect. “To Gabriel of Treviso,” says the historian,<a id='r844' /><a href='#f844' class='c009'><sup>[844]</sup></a> +“captain of the Venetian triremes, with fifty men under him, was +entrusted the defence of the tower, in the middle of the current, +guarding the entrance of the harbour; and he was opposite the +Imperial Gate.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>What Phrantzes means by the “entrance of the harbour” (τὴν +εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος) admits of no dispute, for the phrase has only +one signification. But, as though to render mistake impossible, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>he repeats the expression, in that sense, several times. The +Greek ships, which were moored beside the chain across the +mouth of the harbour, and which the Sultan endeavoured to sink +or drive away by the fire of a battery planted on the hill of St. +Theodore, to the north-east of Galata, Phrantzes<a id='r845' /><a href='#f845' class='c009'><sup>[845]</sup></a> observes, were +stationed “at the entrance of the harbour” (ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ +λιμένος). The object of this bombardment, adds the historian<a id='r846' /><a href='#f846' class='c009'><sup>[846]</sup></a> in +the next sentence, was not simply to force “the entrance to the +harbour” (διὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος), but also to injure the +Genoese shipping at that point, and thus show that the Sultan +dared to act in any way he pleased, even towards the Italians +of Galata. Again, Phrantzes<a id='r847' /><a href='#f847' class='c009'><sup>[847]</sup></a> remarks that the ships moored +along the chain at the mouth of the harbour (ἐν τῶ στόματι +τοῦ λιμένος) were placed here to render entrance into the +harbour more difficult to the enemy (ὅπως ἰσχυροτέρως κωλύσωσι +τὴν εἴσοδον).</p> + +<p class='c008'>Equally decisive is the indication given regarding the tower +which stood opposite the Imperial Gate. It was “in the middle +of the current.” This statement carries the mind, at first, to the +tower which stood on the rock off Scutari (Damalis, Arcla), where +the lighthouse Kiz Kalehssi has been erected. But the idea that +Phrantzes had that tower in view cannot be entertained for more +than a moment; for to have stationed Gabriel there, with the +Turkish fleet in complete command of the Bosporus and the Sea +<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>of Marmora, was not simply useless, but impossible. The current +intended can be none other than the strong current at the head +of the Seraglio Point, where it divides in two swift streams, +which Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r848' /><a href='#f848' class='c009'><sup>[848]</sup></a> compares to Scylla and Charybdis, +one running up the Golden Horn, the other out into the Sea +of Marmora. A tower near a point with rushing waters on +either hand might aptly be described as “in the middle of the +current.”<a id='r849' /><a href='#f849' class='c009'><sup>[849]</sup></a> Furthermore, Phrantzes<a id='r850' /><a href='#f850' class='c009'><sup>[850]</sup></a> mentions the tower referred +to, in close connection with what stood, unquestionably, near the +head of the promontory. He speaks of it immediately after +the Horaia Pylè, and immediately before the ships which defended +the chain across the harbour’s mouth, as though in the +same vicinity.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place, the view that the Imperial Gate was +near the Seraglio Point is supported by the testimony of +Leonard of Scio, when he makes the statement that Gabriel of +Treviso fought bravely, with his men, on the portion of the +walls extending from the Beacon-tower as far as the Imperial +Gate, at the entrance of the bay (of the Golden Horn): +“Gabriel Trevsianus cordatissime a Turri Phani usque ad +Imperialem Portam, ante sinum, decertabat.”<a id='r851' /><a href='#f851' class='c009'><sup>[851]</sup></a> The archbishop’s +phrase “ante sinum” corresponds to Phrantzes’ ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ τοῦ +λιμένος.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thirdly, it remains to add, on this side of the question, that +the order in which Pusculus mentions the gates in the Harbour +Walls favours the view that the Basilikè Pylè was not at Balat +<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>Kapoussi. Proceeding from west to cast in his account of the +defence of the fortifications along the Golden Horn, that author +refers to seven gates in the following order: Xylina, Cynegon, +Phani, Theodosia, Puteæ, Platea, Basilea,<a id='r852' /><a href='#f852' class='c009'><sup>[852]</sup></a> thus putting the +Imperial Gate somewhere to the east of Oun Kapan Kapoussi. +Had the Basilea stood at Balat Kapoussi it should have been +mentioned immediately after Cynegon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This is the main evidence in support of the opinion that the +Basilikè Pylè was near the Seraglio Point, and it is difficult to +conceive of evidence more clear and conclusive.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The argument countenancing the view which identifies the +Imperial Gate with Balat Kapoussi may be stated, briefly, thus: +In the first place, when Leonard of Scio declares that Gabriel +of Treviso defended the walls “a Turri Phani ad Imperialem +Portam” he associates the Imperial Gate with the quarter of +the Phanar. Again, when Ducas affirms that the Venetians +assisted the Greeks in the defence of the walls from the Imperial +Gate to the Kynegon,<a id='r853' /><a href='#f853' class='c009'><sup>[853]</sup></a> that entrance is associated with +the district so named. The Imperial Gate, therefore, must +have stood at a point between the Phanar and the Kynegon. +But that is exactly the situation of Balat Kapoussi, with the +quarter of the Phanar on its east, and the Kynegon on its west; +hence the two gates were one and the same.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the next place, the epithet “Imperial” was eminently +suitable for an entrance which stood at the foot of a hill surmounted +by the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, and from which +the Palace of Blachernæ could be readily reached. How appropriate +the epithet was is proved by the actual name of the +gate, Balat Kapoussi (the Gate of the Palace), so similar in +meaning to Basilikè Pylè.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the third place, on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè +<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>stood a Church of St. John the Baptist.<a id='r854' /><a href='#f854' class='c009'><sup>[854]</sup></a> And in keeping with +this fact, there is a Church of St. John the Baptist (the +metochion of the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai) +outside Balat Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>These arguments are, however, open to criticism. So far as +the statement of Leonard of Scio is concerned, it should be +noted that he does not speak of the Turris Phani absolutely. +Had he done so, the presumption would certainly be in favour +of the view which understands him to refer to the district of +the Phanar, half-way up the Golden Horn.<a id='r855' /><a href='#f855' class='c009'><sup>[855]</sup></a> But his complete +statement on the subject is that the Turris Phani of which he +was speaking stood, with the Imperial Gate beside it, “ante +sinum,” at the entrance of the bay of the Golden Horn, thus +making it manifest that he had in mind another beacon-tower +than the one in the district commonly known as the Phanar. +That the shore of the Golden Horn was lighted at more than +one point during the night, and especially at the entrance of the +harbour, is only what might be expected. Nor is there in the +assertion of Ducas, that the Venetians and Greeks united their +forces to defend the fortifications from the Imperial Gate to the +Kynegon, anything to determine the distance between the two +points. They might be very near, or they might be as far apart +as the extremities of the Harbour Walls; for there is no reason +to think that the Venetians defended only the small portion of +the walls between Balat Kapoussi and the three archways to the +west of that gate.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>The remaining arguments under consideration have more +force, but are by no means decisive. The appropriateness of +the epithet “Imperial” to an entrance in the situation of Balat +Kapoussi affords, certainly, a presumption in favour of the view +that the entrance was so named, although it cannot, alone, +prove that such was the fact. The name Balat Kapoussi +appears only after the Turkish Conquest, and may or may not +be borrowed from the Byzantine designation of the gate. +The strongest argument on this side of the question is, undoubtedly, +that drawn from the presence of the Church of St. +John the Baptist on the shore to the north-east of Balat +Kapoussi,<a id='r856' /><a href='#f856' class='c009'><sup>[856]</sup></a> the possible representative of the ancient church of +that dedication “on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.”<a id='r857' /><a href='#f857' class='c009'><sup>[857]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But, in any case, these arguments do not refute the proof +adduced for the existence of a Basilikè Pylè near the Seraglio +Point. They leave that fact undisturbed; and can only claim +to give countenance to the idea that another Basilikè Pylè stood +at Balat Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two questions, accordingly, are involved in the problem +before us. Which of the gates near the Seraglio Point was +styled the Basilikè Pylè? Was that gate the only Imperial +Gate in the line of the Harbour Walls, or do some statements +of Byzantine historians on the subject imply the existence of +a second Basilikè Pylè?</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the opinion of Leunclavius, the Imperial Gate is to be +identified with the Horaia Pylè (the Gate of the Neorion) at +<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>Bagtchè Kapoussi.<a id='r858' /><a href='#f858' class='c009'><sup>[858]</sup></a> But if the Horaia Pylè was at Bagtchè +Kapoussi, the Basilikè Pylè could not be there also. The two +entrances are unmistakably distinguished by Phrantzes, who +mentions both in the same connection, the one immediately +after the other, and states that, in the defence of the fortifications +along the harbour, the Beautiful Gate was in charge of +the crew of a vessel from Crete, while the Imperial Gate was +under the care of Gabriel of Treviso.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But this is an objection which has force only against those +who adopt the view that the Horaia Pylè stood at Bagtchè +Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>A more general objection to the view of Leunclavius is that +Bagtchè Kapoussi does not occupy the situation attributed to +the Imperial Gate by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio. It is not +opposite a tower guarding the entrance of the harbour; it is +too far up the Golden Horn to be described as “ante sinum.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>This being so there are only two gates with one or other +of which the Imperial Gate can be identified, if the indications +furnished on the subject by Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio are +strictly followed. It was either the Gate of Eugenius (Yali +Kiosk Kapoussi), as Gerlach maintains,<a id='r859' /><a href='#f859' class='c009'><sup>[859]</sup></a> or the Gate of St. +Barbara (Top Kapoussi), which stands immediately to the south +of Seraglio Point, and was, therefore, so near the Harbour Walls +that it might be included in an account of their defence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The description of the Imperial Gate given by the historians +above mentioned, applies equally well to both these entrances. +Both stand near the mouth of the harbour, and opposite a tower +“in the middle of the current;” both occupy a point of great +strategical importance, such as the Basilikè Pylè must have +<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>occupied, if we may judge from the fact that it was entrusted +to commanders like Gabriel of Treviso and the Duke Notaras; +both entrances were, in the course of history, associated with +the Court<a id='r860' /><a href='#f860' class='c009'><sup>[860]</sup></a> in a way which might have earned for them the +distinction of the epithet, “Imperial.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is not easy to decide, directly, between conflicting claims +so nicely balanced. Judgment on the point at issue will +doubtless be determined, largely, by the views adopted on +questions indirectly connected with the matter in dispute, +especially by what view is taken as regards the situation of +the Horaia Pylè. Any one who upholds the accuracy of Ducas +regarding the point to which the southern end of the chain was +attached, and identifies the Beautiful Gate with Yali Kiosk +Kapoussi (the Gate of Eugenius) will, necessarily, identify the +Imperial Gate with Top Kapoussi. On the other hand, those +who accept the opinion that the Beautiful Gate stood, as the +Greeks in the sixteenth century maintained, at Bagtchè +Kapoussi, may, though still free to place the Imperial Gate at +Top Kapoussi, nevertheless prefer to place it at Yali Kiosk +Kapoussi, as, on the whole, more in accordance with the indications +of its position. If at the latter point, one can understand +more readily why the Imperial Gate should have been +associated with the Harbour Walls, and why Phrantzes mentions +it immediately after the Horaia Pylè, and before the chain and +the ships at the harbour’s mouth.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Having thus indicated which of the gates near the Seraglio +Point have the strongest claim to be regarded as the Basilikè +Pylè, it remains to consider the question whether either of those +gates was the only entrance bearing that epithet, in the Harbour +Walls.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Are there, in other words, any statements made by Byzantine +<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>writers in reference to the Basilikè Pylè which cannot be +applied to the Gate of Eugenius or to the Gate of St. Barbara, +and which, therefore, imply the existence of another gate of +that name? So far as the Gate of St. Barbara is concerned, +there are several such statements. The narrow quay outside +Top Kapoussi could not afford room for the Church of St. John, +the hospitium, and the other buildings, which are described as +situated on the shore outside the Basilikè Pylè.<a id='r861' /><a href='#f861' class='c009'><sup>[861]</sup></a> Nor could a +ship be moored in front of that gate, as the ship of the Catalan +chief Berenger was moored in front of the Imperial Gate.<a id='r862' /><a href='#f862' class='c009'><sup>[862]</sup></a> Nor +was it necessary, before that gate could be attacked by the +Turkish fleet, that the chain across the entrance of the Golden +Horn should be forced, as we are told was necessary in the case +of the Basilikè Pylè to which Critobulus alludes.<a id='r863' /><a href='#f863' class='c009'><sup>[863]</sup></a> Hence the +opinion that the Basilikè Pylè was another name for the Gate +of St. Barbara involves the view that there were two Imperial +Gates.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The claim of the Gate of Eugenius to be the sole Basilikè +Pylè encounters but one serious objection. Critobulus, it +would appear, distinguishes the two entrances. He refers to +the former to indicate where the southern end of the chain across +the harbour was attached;<a id='r864' /><a href='#f864' class='c009'><sup>[864]</sup></a> he speaks of the latter to mark the +point which the Turkish fleet attacked on the last day of the +siege, after breaking the chain, and becoming master of the +Golden Horn.<a id='r865' /><a href='#f865' class='c009'><sup>[865]</sup></a> For as soon as the Turkish admiral perceived +that the Sultan’s troops had entered the city, and were busily +engaged in the work of plunder, he made a desperate attempt +upon the chain, cut it asunder, and forced his way into the +harbour. Then, having captured or sunk the Greek galleys found +<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>in the port, he led his ships to the Imperial Gate (ταῖς βασιλικαῖς +πόλαις) and landed his sailors in quest of booty. The gate was, +however, still held by the Greeks, as the Turkish troops had not +yet reached it from within the city. A fierce struggle therefore +ensued. But at last the gate was burst open, its brave defenders +were slain to a man, their blood pouring through it like a +stream, and the assailants rushed in to share the spoils of +victory.</p> + +<p class='c008'>What is here related might hold true of the Gate of +Eugenius. Such facts as that the Imperial Gate stood within +the chain, that before attacking it the Greek vessels in the +harbour had to be disposed of, that it was held for a considerable +time after the Turkish army had entered the city, are all consistent +with the idea that the Basilikè Pylè, to which Critobulus +refers, was the Gate of Eugenius. But, on the other hand, if +the Gate of Eugenius was both the entrance to which the chain +was attached and the entrance captured by the Turkish +admiral after the chain had been broken, it comes very near +defying all the laws of the association of ideas for the historian +to speak of the entrance by different names, when the +matters he records were so closely connected. This is a very +serious objection to the identification of the Imperial Gate +which Critobulus had in mind with the Gate of Eugenius. Hence, +if this objection cannot be removed by saying that he could +speak of the same gate by different names in different passages +of his work, it follows that the epithet “Basilikè” did not belong +exclusively to the Gate of Eugenius (any more than to the Gate +of St. Barbara), but was bestowed also upon a gate higher up +the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This being the case, there can be no hesitation where the +latter was situated. Balat Kapoussi, by the significance of its +name, by its proximity to Imperial palaces, and by the presence +<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>of a Church of St. John, with room for other buildings, on the +territory outside the gate, establishes the best claim to be considered +the second Basilikè Pylè in the line of the harbour +fortifications.<a id='r866' /><a href='#f866' class='c009'><sup>[866]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Why the Turkish admiral selected it as the point at which +to land his sailors is explained by the wealthy character of the +adjoining quarter of the city.<a id='r867' /><a href='#f867' class='c009'><sup>[867]</sup></a></p> +<div> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span> + <h3 class='c010'>The Route taken in carrying the Turkish Ships across the Hills from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn.</h3> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Owing to the conflicting statements of contemporary historians +on the subject, the precise route followed in carrying the Sultan’s +ships, across the hills, from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn, +is not fully settled. So far, indeed, as the point at which +the ships reached the Golden Horn is concerned, there can be +little, if any, room for doubt, though the historians differ even +on that matter. The most reliable testimony, however, and +the configuration of the territory on the northern side of the +harbour, are in favour of the view that the Bay of Cassim Pasha +was the point in question. Critobulus<a id='r868' /><a href='#f868' class='c009'><sup>[868]</sup></a> names the point the +Cold Waters,<a id='r869' /><a href='#f869' class='c009'><sup>[869]</sup></a> and describes it as situated at a short distance +from Galata (Ψυχρὰ Ὕδατα, μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω τοῦ Γαλατᾶ). Nicolò +Barbaro<a id='r870' /><a href='#f870' class='c009'><sup>[870]</sup></a> designates it as the Harbour of Pera, or Galata—“Abiando +tragetà dentro dal porto de Constantinopoli ben fuste +setantado, e redusele in porto dentro del navarchio de Pera”—and +explains the possibility of the occupation of a point so near +Galata by the excellent relations existing between the Turks +and the Genoese: “E questo perchè lor Turchi avea bona paxe +con Zenovexi.” At variance with these statements, Ducas<a id='r871' /><a href='#f871' class='c009'><sup>[871]</sup></a> +says the ships were launched into the harbour opposite Eyoub +(Cosmidion), but that is contrary to all the probabilities of the +case. Phrantzes<a id='r872' /><a href='#f872' class='c009'><sup>[872]</sup></a> sheds no light upon the question.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In regard to the starting-point from the Bosporus, there is +general agreement that it was somewhere on the shore between +Beshiktash and Top Haneh; Andreossy<a id='r873' /><a href='#f873' class='c009'><sup>[873]</sup></a> being singular in +supposing that the vessels left the Bosporus at Balta Liman. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>Now, there are four ravines or valleys that run inland from the +shore between Beshiktash and Top Haneh towards the ridge +dividing the Bosporus and the Golden Horn: the valleys of +Beshiktash, Dolma Bagtchè, Sali Bazaar, and Top Haneh, +which reach the top of the ridge, respectively at Ferikeui, +the Municipal Gardens, Taxim, and Asmali-Medjid Sokaki. +And the decision of the question which of these valleys was +the one actually selected by the Sultan will depend partly upon +our estimate of the respective merits of the historians whose +testimony has to be considered, and partly upon the comparative +suitableness of the various routes to serve the object in view.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Of the four routes indicated above, the two which proceed, +respectively, by the valley of Top Haneh and the valley of +Dolma Bagtchè present, both on the ground of history and +natural fitness, the strongest claims for consideration.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In favour of the Top Haneh route, there is, first, the fact +that it was the shortest route; and secondly, that its length +corresponds to that which Critobulus<a id='r874' /><a href='#f874' class='c009'><sup>[874]</sup></a> assigns to the road taken +by the ships across the hills, viz. eight stadia, or one mile. +Accordingly, Dr. Dethier<a id='r875' /><a href='#f875' class='c009'><sup>[875]</sup></a> and Dr. Paspates<a id='r876' /><a href='#f876' class='c009'><sup>[876]</sup></a> maintain that the +Sultan’s ships were transported from the Bosporus to the Golden +Horn by way of Top Haneh, Koumbaradji Sokaki, Asmali-Medjid +Sokaki, and the Petits Champs.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the Dolma Bagtchè route has in its +favour, first, the statement made by several historians, including +Critobulus himself, that the point on the Bosporus from which +the ships started to cross the hills was near the Diplokionion, +the name for Beshiktash in Byzantine times. Ducas<a id='r877' /><a href='#f877' class='c009'><sup>[877]</sup></a> describes +<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>that point as situated to the east of Galata, below the Diplokionion. +Pusculus<a id='r878' /><a href='#f878' class='c009'><sup>[878]</sup></a> speaks of it as not far from the twin +columns: “Columnis haud longè a geminis, surgunt quæ ad sidera +rectæ.” Nicolò Barbaro<a id='r879' /><a href='#f879' class='c009'><sup>[879]</sup></a> is, if possible, even more explicit. +According to him, the levelling of the road across the hill above +Pera commenced from the shore where the columns, and the +station of the Turkish fleet, were found: “<i>Siando tuta la sua +armada sorta a le colone</i>, che sun mia de luntan de la tera, fexe +che tute le zurme muntasse in tera, e fexe spianar tuto el monte +che son de sopra a zitade de Pera, <i>comenzando da la marina, zae +da li da le colone dove che era armada</i>.” Critobulus,<a id='r880' /><a href='#f880' class='c009'><sup>[880]</sup></a> as already +intimated, styles the starting-point of the expedition the Diplokionion. +Now, the Diplokionion was not at Top Haneh, but at +Beshiktash, and the harbour of the Diplokionion must have been +the bay which formerly occupied the site of Dolma Bagtchè.<a id='r881' /><a href='#f881' class='c009'><sup>[881]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place, in the Dolma Bagtchè route we have +the distance which Nicolò Barbaro<a id='r882' /><a href='#f882' class='c009'><sup>[882]</sup></a> declares was traversed by +the Turkish ships in their overland passage, <i>i.e.</i> three miles: +“Comenzando de la marina, zae da li da le colone dove che era +armada, per infino dentro dal porte de Constantinopoli, <i>che son +mia tre</i>.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Great weight attaches to the testimony of Barbaro upon this +point; for Critobulus was not present at the siege, while +Nicolò Barbaro was surgeon of one of the Venetian galleys +<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>which took part in the defence of the chain across the entrance +to the Golden Horn, kept a diary of the incidents of the siege, +must have taken particular interest in the movements of the +Turkish fleet, and was in the way of obtaining the best available +information on the subject. Certainly, if the transport of the +Turkish ships started from a point so near the chain and the +Greek and foreign ships guarding it as the site of Top Haneh, +Barbaro had every opportunity to know the fact, and it is +inexplicable how he could have made the mistake of representing +another locality as the scene of the achievement.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With Barbaro agrees another competent witness, Jacques +Tedaldi, a Florentine merchant, who took part in the defence +of the city, and who gives the distance over which the ships +were carried as from two to three miles: “Fit porter de la mer +par terre deux ou trois milles, de soixant dix a quatre-vingts +gallées que aultres fustes armées, dedans le gouffle de Mandraquins +qui est entre les deux citez, auxquieuls est le port de +Constantinople.”<a id='r883' /><a href='#f883' class='c009'><sup>[883]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>If, in the next place, we judge between the two routes by +their comparative fitness to facilitate the accomplishment of the +Sultan’s design, the Dolma Bagtchè route can claim the superiority +in that respect. Had the matter of distance been all the Sultan +required to consider in choosing the road for his ships, the decision +would necessarily have been in favour of the Top Haneh route. +But, surely, other matters also had to be taken into account. It +was desirable, for example, that the route should be situated where +all the preparations necessary to effect the passage could be readily +made, where they would be beyond the reach of interference on +the part of the Greeks, where they would, as the conveyance of +the ships by night proves was the Sultan’s wish, be screened +from hostile observation, and result in taking the enemy by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>surprise. All this was impossible at the site now occupied by +Top Haneh, which stood but a short distance outside the chain +and its guard-ships. There the Sultan’s preparations—the levelling +of the ground, the laying down of sleepers and planks along +which the cradles carrying the ships were to be drawn, the +gathering of seventy to eighty vessels, the army of men +collected to draw the ships out of the water and overland,—would +be too much in the public eye to satisfy the requirements +of the case.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the other hand, although the Dolma Bagtchè route laboured +under the disadvantage of being longer than the road from Top +Haneh, the distance it presented was not excessive, while it +offered ample compensation for the additional efforts which its +greater length occasioned. It started from the usual station of +the Turkish fleet in the Bosporus, where all requisite means for +executing the Sultan’s purpose could be obtained with the least +difficulty, where no attack was to be apprehended, where the +presence of a large number of ships would excite no suspicions, +and where, it was reasonable to expect, the great secret could +be kept as long as necessary. From the point of fitness to serve +the scheme contemplated, the route from Dolma Bagtchè had +most to recommend it, taking all things into consideration.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Turkish historians do not afford any assistance to solve the +problem under discussion. Evlia Tchelebi pretends that the +ships were not brought from the Bosporus, but that some of +them were constructed at Kiathaneh, the Sweet Waters, at the +head of the harbour, and others at Levend Tchiflik (probably +the Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik situated, in old Turkish times, +high up the longer arm of the Dolma Bagtchè valley, not the +Levend Tchiflik above the head of the valley of Balta Liman); +and that the latter portion of the flotilla was carried to the +Golden Horn by way of the Ok Meidan behind Haskeui, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>and the gardens of the Arsenal (Tersaneh Bagtchessi). Another +Turkish authority says the ships were transported from Dolma +Bagtchè to Cassim Pasha.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>NOTE.</h3> +<p class='c015'>According to Leonard of Scio (p. 920), the distance over which the Turkish ships +were conveyed was seventy stadia, “ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes.” This +statement involves so many questions which are difficult, if not impossible, to decide, +that it affords no assistance in determining where the ships crossed the hills. The +archbishop’s account of the Sultan’s action is given in the following words: “Quare +ut coangustaret circumvalleratque magis urbem, jussit invia æquare; exque colle, +suppositis lenitis vasis lacertorum sex, ad stadia septuaginta trahi biremes, quæ ascensu +gravius sublatæ, posthac ex apice in declivum, in ripam sinus levissime introrsum +vehebantur.”</p> + +<p class='c005'>Now, if the “seventy stadia” in this passage are to be understood in the ordinary +sense of the words, the route taken by the ships was over eight English miles in +length. But from no point between Top Haneh and Beshiktash is the distance to +the Golden Horn, across the hills, so great. Hence the language of Leonard has +been variously interpreted, in the hope of bringing it into accord with what his commentators +deemed the real facts in the case. Dethier, in his annotations to Zorzo +Dolfin (<i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, No. xxii. p. 998), maintains that the numeral seventy +gives the number of the ships transported over the hills, and not the length of the +road tranversed: “Non sono 70 stadia, ma 70 galere o fuste.” Charles Müller, +the editor of Critobulus, referring to the statement of Leonard, expresses the same +opinion as Dethier, and thinks that the number for the stadia has dropped out of the +text of Leonard: “Stadiorum numerus excedisse videtur, nam septuaginta vox ad +navium numerum, quem eundem etiam Chalcocondylas, p. 387, 8 præbet, referenda +est” (<i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i> p. 87). Another possible view is that the number seventy +is due to an error in the text. Or, finally, it may be supposed that Leonard employed +the term “stadium” in a peculiar sense. One presumption in favour of this +supposition is the fact that elsewhere in his epistle, the measurements of Leonard +by stadia seem too gross mistakes to be made by such a man as the archbishop, with +the ordinary idea of a stadium in his mind. The bridge, for example, which the +Sultan built at Haskeui, to bring his cannon closer to the Harbour Walls, and which +Phrantzes (p. 252) says was one hundred ortygia long, or one stadium, Leonard +(p. 931) represents as about thirty stadia in length, <i>i.e.</i>, according to the ordinary +computation, between three and four miles in length, where the harbour is not half a +mile wide. Again, Leonard (p. 970) speaks of the Turkish fleet as anchoring at a +point less than one hundred stadia from the shore of the Propontis: “Minus ad +stadia centum Propontidis ripa anchoras figunt”—a statement which, if it refers to the +distance of Beshiktash from the Seraglio Point, would make that part of the Bosporus +about ten miles broad! It should also be added that Charles Müller thinks that the +stadium of the later Byzantine writers was one-third less than the Olympic stadium: +“Adeo ut stadium tertia parte minus quam vetus stadium Olympicum subesse videri +possit” (<i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 76). Du Cange (<i>Glossarium Med. et Infim. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>Latinitatis</i>) says, respecting the use of the term “stadium” by mediæval writers, +“Mensuræ species, sed ignota prorsus.”</p> + +<p class='c005'>Zorzo Dolfin translates the account which Leonard gives of the ships’ passage +across the hills, as follows: “Et per coangustar, et circumuallar piu la terra, commando, +fusse spianato le uie, et sopra i colli messi in terra i uasi a forza de brazze +... per 70 stadia che sono circa miglia ... introdusse le fuste nel mandrachio, le +qual per ... miglia con fatica se tiranno in suxo” (Dethier, <i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, +No. xxii. p. 997). If the number of miles had been given, or had not disappeared, +how much discussion would have been spared!</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span> + <h2 id='chap16' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVI. <br /> THE WALLS ALONG THE SEA OF MARMORA.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The fortifications extending along the Sea of Marmora<a id='r884' /><a href='#f884' class='c009'><sup>[884]</sup></a> from +the Acropolis (Seraglio Point) to the southern extremity of the +land walls consisted of a single wall flanked, according to Bondelmontius, +by 188 towers—a line of defence some five miles in +length. Almost everywhere along their course these fortifications +stood close to the water’s edge, making it almost impossible to +land troops at their foot, and giving them only the comparatively +easy task of repelling an attack upon them with ships.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp248a' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig_fp248a.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription in Honour Of Theodosius II. and the Prefect Constantine. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>.</i>)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div id='fig_fp248b' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig_fp248b.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Theophilus. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.</i>)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div id='fig_fp248c' class='figcenter id007'> +<img src='images/fig_fp248c.jpg' alt='Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Inscription in Honour Of the Emperor Isaac Angelus. (<i>See page <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</i>)</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>What they had most reason to dread was the open sea upon +whose margin they stood, its ceaseless, unwearied sap and mine +of their foundations, and the furious assaults of its angry waves. +This explains some peculiarities noticeable in their construction. +The line of their course, for instance, was extremely irregular, +turning in and out with every bend of the shore, to present +always as short and sharp a front as possible to the waves that +dashed against them. They were protected, moreover, by a breakwater +of loose boulders,<a id='r885' /><a href='#f885' class='c009'><sup>[885]</sup></a> scattered in the sea along their base. +And the extent to which marble shafts were built, as bonds, into +the lower courses of the walls and towers was, doubtless, another +<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>precaution adopted to maintain the stability of these fortifications. +A large portion of these walls is built in arches closed +on their outer face, and seems to be the work of a late age.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The walls had at least thirteen entrances.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first gate, Top Kapoussi, a short distance to the south of +the apex of the promontory, was known as the Gate of St. Barbara +(ἡ τῆς μάρτυρος Βαρβάρας καλουμένη Πύλη),<a id='r886' /><a href='#f886' class='c009'><sup>[886]</sup></a> after a church +of that dedication in the vicinity; the presence of a sanctuary +consecrated to the patroness of fire-arms at this point being +explained by the fact that the Mangana, or great military arsenal +of the city, stood a little to the south of the gate.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The gate was guarded also on the north-west, by the Church +of St. Demetrius, another military saint, and was therefore sometimes +styled by the Greeks, after the Turkish Conquest, the Gate +of St. Demetrius.<a id='r887' /><a href='#f887' class='c009'><sup>[887]</sup></a> It was likewise known as the Eastern Gate,<a id='r888' /><a href='#f888' class='c009'><sup>[888]</sup></a> +owing to its position on the eastern shore of the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, probably, stood one of the gates of old Byzantium; for +when the city was occupied by the Greeks under Xenophon, the +Spartan admiral, Anaxibius, escaped to the Acropolis by taking +boat in the Golden Horn, and rounding the promontory to +the side facing Chalcedon.<a id='r889' /><a href='#f889' class='c009'><sup>[889]</sup></a> The pier in front of the gate was +called the Pier of the Acropolis (ἡ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως σκάλα);<a id='r890' /><a href='#f890' class='c009'><sup>[890]</sup></a> and +for the convenience of the boatmen and sailors frequenting it, +a chapel of St. Nicholas, their patron saint, was attached to the +Church of St. Barbara.<a id='r891' /><a href='#f891' class='c009'><sup>[891]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>According to the inscriptions<a id='r892' /><a href='#f892' class='c009'><sup>[892]</sup></a> found upon the gate, it was +included in the repairs of the seaward walls in the reign of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>Theophilus. As became its important position, it was a handsome +portal, flanked, like the Golden Gate, by two large towers +of white marble,<a id='r893' /><a href='#f893' class='c009'><sup>[893]</sup></a> and beside it, if not in it, Nicephorus Phocas +placed the beautiful gates which he carried away from Tarsus +as trophies of his Cilician campaigns.<a id='r894' /><a href='#f894' class='c009'><sup>[894]</sup></a> On two occasions it +served as a triumphal entrance into the city, John Comnenus +using it for that purpose in 1126, to celebrate the capture of +Castamon;<a id='r895' /><a href='#f895' class='c009'><sup>[895]</sup></a> and Manuel Comnenus in 1168, on his return from +the Hungarian War.<a id='r896' /><a href='#f896' class='c009'><sup>[896]</sup></a> In 1816 the towers of the gate +furnished material for the Marble Kiosk which Sultan Mahmoud +IV. erected in the neighbourhood;<a id='r897' /><a href='#f897' class='c009'><sup>[897]</sup></a> and in 1871 the gate +disappeared during the construction of the Roumelian railway.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Proceeding southwards from the Gate of St. Barbara, we +reach the entrance known as Deïrmen Kapoussi. It is clearly +Byzantine, but its Greek name is lost.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Between it and the Gate of St. Barbara must have stood +the Mangana (τὰ Μάγγανα),<a id='r898' /><a href='#f898' class='c009'><sup>[898]</sup></a> or Arsenal, with its workshops, +materials of war, and library of books on military art. Its site +is identified by the statement of Nicetas Choniates,<a id='r899' /><a href='#f899' class='c009'><sup>[899]</sup></a> that it faced +the rocky islet off the shore of Chrysopolis, on which the beacon +tower Kiz Kalehssi, or Leander’s Tower, is now built. For, +according to that historian, Manuel Comnenus, with the view of +closing the Bosporus against naval attack from the south, +erected two towers between which he might suspend a chain +across the entrance of the straits; one of them, named Damalis +and Arcla (Δάμαλις, Ἄρκλα), being on the rock off Chrysopolis,<a id='r900' /><a href='#f900' class='c009'><sup>[900]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>the other, opposite to it, very close to the Monastery of +Mangana.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Tower of the Mangana was exceedingly strong, capable +of withstanding a siege by the whole city.<a id='r901' /><a href='#f901' class='c009'><sup>[901]</sup></a> Hence, in the +struggle between Apocaucus and Cantacuzene, the former held +it with great determination.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To the rear of Deïrmen Kapoussi a hollow, now occupied by +market-gardens, indicates the site of the Kynegion, the amphitheatre +erected by Severus when he restored Byzantium.<a id='r902' /><a href='#f902' class='c009'><sup>[902]</sup></a> A +combat of wild animals was held here as late as the reign +of Justinian the Great, in honour of his consulship.<a id='r903' /><a href='#f903' class='c009'><sup>[903]</sup></a> Subsequently, +the Kynegion became a place of execution for important +political offenders. There, Justinian II., on his restoration to the +throne, put his rivals, Leontius and Apsimarus, to death, after +subjecting them to public humiliation in the Hippodrome, by +resting his feet upon their necks, while he viewed the games.<a id='r904' /><a href='#f904' class='c009'><sup>[904]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A little to the south of the Kynegion stood the Church and +Monastery of St. George at the Mangana (Μοναστήριον κατὰ +τὰ λεγόμενα Μάγγανα, ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τοῦ ἁγίου μεγάλου μάρτυρος +Γεωργίου). It was an erection of Constantine Monomachus,<a id='r905' /><a href='#f905' class='c009'><sup>[905]</sup></a> and +one of the most splendid and important monasteries in the +city. Its site is determined by the following indications; the +church was opposite Chrysopolis,<a id='r906' /><a href='#f906' class='c009'><sup>[906]</sup></a> and near the Mangana and the +Kynegion;<a id='r907' /><a href='#f907' class='c009'><sup>[907]</sup></a> it stood in the midst of meadows, and to it were +<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>attached gardens and a hospital.<a id='r908' /><a href='#f908' class='c009'><sup>[908]</sup></a> “There was,” says Clavijo, +the Spanish envoy, “before the entrance (of the church), a wide +court containing many gardens and houses; the church itself +stood in the middle of these gardens.”<a id='r909' /><a href='#f909' class='c009'><sup>[909]</sup></a> Now, room for a +church with such surroundings existed only to the south of the +Kynegion, where a comparatively extensive plain is found; +while the territory to the north was contracted, and was, moreover, +otherwise occupied. This conclusion is corroborated by +the statement of the Russian pilgrims that the Monastery of +the Mangana lay to the <i>west</i> of the Church of St. Saviour.<a id='r910' /><a href='#f910' class='c009'><sup>[910]</sup></a> +That church, we shall find, stood at Indjili Kiosk.<a id='r911' /><a href='#f911' class='c009'><sup>[911]</sup></a> Hence, a +building to the west of that point would be on the plain above +indicated.</p> + +<p class='c008'>From the Church of St. George mediæval writers derived the +name of Braz Saint George for the Sea of Marmora and the +Hellespont.<a id='r912' /><a href='#f912' class='c009'><sup>[912]</sup></a> The Emperor John Cantacuzene, upon his abdication, +was for some time a monk in the Monastery of Mangana, +under the name Joasaph (Ἰωάσαφ), until he withdrew to the deeper +seclusion of the Monastery of Batopedi, on Mount Athos.<a id='r913' /><a href='#f913' class='c009'><sup>[913]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The next gate, Demir Kapoussi, is a Turkish erection that +may have replaced an older entrance.<a id='r914' /><a href='#f914' class='c009'><sup>[914]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A little further south, arched buttresses, forming the substructures +on which the villa known as Indjili Kiosk, in the +Seraglio grounds, once stood, are seen built against the walls. +Through these buttresses the water of a Holy Spring within +<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>the city was, until recently, conducted to the outer side of the +walls, and thus rendered accessible to the Christians of the Greek +Orthodox Church, who sought the benefit of its healing virtues. +This was the Holy Spring of the Church of St. Saviour, celebrated +as a fountain of health long before the Turkish Conquest. +“Tout cet endroit ressemble la piscine de Salomon qui est à +Jérusalem!” exclaims one of the Russian pilgrims, who visited +the shrine during the period of the Palæologi.<a id='r915' /><a href='#f915' class='c009'><sup>[915]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Its identity cannot be disputed. For the memory of the fact +that the Church of St. Saviour stood at this point has been +preserved by the annual pilgrimages made to the spot, on the +Festival of the Transfiguration, from the time of the Turkish +Conquest until the year 1821, when the privilege of frequenting +the spring was withdrawn, on account of the political events of +the day. Such popular customs afford strong evidence.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first writer who refers to the church and spring after +1453 is Gyllius,<a id='r916' /><a href='#f916' class='c009'><sup>[916]</sup></a> who, speaking of the water-gates in the walls +around the Seraglio, describes the position of Demir Kapoussi +thus: “The fourth gate (counting from Yali Kiosk Kapoussi) +faces south-east (solis exortum spectat hibernum), and is not far +from the ruins of the church dedicated to Christ, for the remains +of which, found built in the wall, the Greeks show much reverence, +by visiting them in great crowds.” Thevenot<a id='r917' /><a href='#f917' class='c009'><sup>[917]</sup></a> and Grelot<a id='r918' /><a href='#f918' class='c009'><sup>[918]</sup></a> +give a long account of the animated scene witnessed here on the +Festival of the Transfiguration, in their day. The Sultan himself +would sometimes come to Indjili Kiosk to be entertained by +the spectacle presented on that occasion, particularly by seeing +sick persons buried up to the neck in the sand on the seashore, +as a method of cure. Hammer writes to the same effect, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>but supposed the spring to be the Hagiasma of the Virgin, and +thought it marked the site of the Church of the Theotokos +Hodegetria, which was in this vicinity, and to which also a +Holy Spring was attached.<a id='r919' /><a href='#f919' class='c009'><sup>[919]</sup></a> But this opinion, adopted also by +Labarte,<a id='r920' /><a href='#f920' class='c009'><sup>[920]</sup></a> is opposed to all the evidence upon the subject.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Finally, there is the testimony of the Patriarch Constantius, +already alluded to, that from 1453 to 1821 the Hagiasma at +Indjili Kiosk was annually frequented on the 6th of August, +as the Holy Well associated with the Church of St. Saviour: +“The Greeks still revered, until a few years ago, as a matter +of tradition, the Hagiasma of the Saviour, which was under +Indjili Kiosk.”<a id='r921' /><a href='#f921' class='c009'><sup>[921]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In striking agreement with this evidence since the Turkish +Conquest, are the accounts given regarding the Church of St. +Saviour by writers previous to that event. According to them, +the church was in the neighbourhood of the Church of St. George +Mangana, and to the east of that sanctuary; it stood close to the +sea, immediately behind the city walls; its Holy Spring was +enclosed within the walls, and yet could be reached from without; +in front of the walls through which the sacred stream flowed, was +a beach of sand endowed with healing properties.<a id='r922' /><a href='#f922' class='c009'><sup>[922]</sup></a> Nothing can +be more conclusive.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This identification is of the greatest importance for the +topographical reconstruction of the quarters of Byzantine Constantinople +along the eastern shore of the promontory, for, with +that church as a fixed point, it becomes comparatively easy to +determine the positions of other noted buildings in the neighbourhood.</p> + +<p class='c008'>By means of that landmark, for example, the situation of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>the Church of St. George Mangana can, we have seen, be fixed.<a id='r923' /><a href='#f923' class='c009'><sup>[923]</sup></a> +It enables us also to settle, without prolonged discussion, the +question raised by the extensive ruins discovered behind Indjili +Kiosk, when the ground was cleared, in 1871, for the construction +of the Roumelian railroad. The walls of an edifice 322 feet long +by 53 feet wide, were then brought to view, and among the <i>débris</i> +marble pillars and capitals were found in such numbers, as to +prove that the building to which they belonged had been one of +considerable importance.<a id='r924' /><a href='#f924' class='c009'><sup>[924]</sup></a> Because some of the capitals seemed +ornamented with the heads of bulls and lions, Dr. Paspates +came to the conclusion that the ruins were the remains of the +celebrated Palace of the Bucoleon.<a id='r925' /><a href='#f925' class='c009'><sup>[925]</sup></a> On the other hand, +Dr. Mordtmann thinks that here was the site of the Imperial +residence, known as the Palace of Mangana,<a id='r926' /><a href='#f926' class='c009'><sup>[926]</sup></a> an erection of +Basil I.<a id='r927' /><a href='#f927' class='c009'><sup>[927]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>That the latter opinion is the correct one may be proved by +means of the fact that the Church of St. Saviour stood at Indjili +Kiosk. In the first place, the Palace of Mangana was near the +Church of St. George Mangana—so near that the destruction +of that palace by Isaac Angelus, to obtain material for edifices +of his own construction, was viewed as an act of sacrilege committed +against the property of the great saint.<a id='r928' /><a href='#f928' class='c009'><sup>[928]</sup></a> But the Church +of St. George Mangana, we have found, lay a short distance to +the west of the Church of St. Saviour,<a id='r929' /><a href='#f929' class='c009'><sup>[929]</sup></a> near the site of Indjili +Kiosk. Consequently the remains of a palace near that kiosk +must be those of the Palace of Mangana. This conclusion +<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>agrees, furthermore, with the fact that the Mangana, which gave +name to the palace, was in this vicinity.<a id='r930' /><a href='#f930' class='c009'><sup>[930]</sup></a> It is also consistent +with the circumstance that the Palace of Mangana was noted +for its coolness,<a id='r931' /><a href='#f931' class='c009'><sup>[931]</sup></a> as would be characteristic of a residence in +the position of Indjili Kiosk, which is exposed to the north wind +that sweeps down the Bosporus from the Black Sea.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus, also, the site of the Church of St. Lazarus can be +approximately determined. From the order in which the +churches visited by the Deacon Zosimus<a id='r932' /><a href='#f932' class='c009'><sup>[932]</sup></a> between St. Sophia +and St. George Mangana are mentioned, it is clear that the +Church of St. Lazarus lay to the south of the Church of St. +Saviour, and consequently somewhere between Indjili Kiosk and +the Seraglio Lighthouse. The identification is important; for +near the Church of St. Lazarus was found the tier of seats, +known as the Topi, which marked the southern extremity of the +walls of old Byzantium on the side of the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r933' /><a href='#f933' class='c009'><sup>[933]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Thus, also, the eastern limit of the grounds of the palace +erected by Constantine the Great is determined. “The Triclinia +erected by Constantine the Great,” says Codinus,<a id='r934' /><a href='#f934' class='c009'><sup>[934]</sup></a> “reached to +that point,” <i>i.e.</i> the Topi. Furthermore, the Tzycanisterion, or +polo-ground, attached to the Great Palace, extended, we are told, +as far as the neighbourhood of the Church of St. Lazarus and +the Topi.<a id='r935' /><a href='#f935' class='c009'><sup>[935]</sup></a> Dr. Paspates is therefore mistaken in making the +palace grounds reach to within a short distance of the Seraglio +Point.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>Near the Topi likewise stood the Thermæ Arcadianæ,<a id='r936' /><a href='#f936' class='c009'><sup>[936]</sup></a> constructed +by the Emperor Arcadius, and one of the finest ornaments +of the capital. There, also, was a church dedicated to the Archangel +Michael, ἐν Ἀρκαδιαναῖς.<a id='r937' /><a href='#f937' class='c009'><sup>[937]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In this neighbourhood, moreover, must have stood the Atrium +of Justinian the Great,<a id='r938' /><a href='#f938' class='c009'><sup>[938]</sup></a> a favourite public resort towards sunset, +when the eastern side of the city was in shade, to admire the +magnificent display of colour then reflected on the Sea of +Marmora and the Asiatic coast and mountains. It was built of +white marble and adorned with statuary, among which the +statue of the Empress Theodora, upon a pillar of porphyry, was +specially remarkable.<a id='r939' /><a href='#f939' class='c009'><sup>[939]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Still further south of the Church of St. Saviour rose one of +the most venerated shrines in Constantinople, the Church of the +Theotokos Hodegetria (τῶν Ὁδηγῶν) founded by the Empress +Pulcheria, and reconstructed by Michael III.<a id='r940' /><a href='#f940' class='c009'><sup>[940]</sup></a> It boasted of a +Holy Well famed for marvellous cures,<a id='r941' /><a href='#f941' class='c009'><sup>[941]</sup></a> and of an Icon of the +Virgin, attributed to St. Luke, which was regarded as the +palladium of the city and the leader (Ὁδηγητρία) of the hosts of +the Empire to victory. Generals on leaving the city to engage +in war paid their devotions at this shrine, and the sacred picture +had the first place of honour in a triumphal procession, taking +precedence of the emperor himself.<a id='r942' /><a href='#f942' class='c009'><sup>[942]</sup></a> In view of the siege of the +city by Branas, in the reign of Isaac Angelus, the Icon was +carried round the fortifications;<a id='r943' /><a href='#f943' class='c009'><sup>[943]</sup></a> while in 1453 it was placed +in the Church of the Chora, not far from the Gate of Charisius, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>to support the defence. There, upon the capture of the city, +it was found by the Turks, and cut to pieces.<a id='r944' /><a href='#f944' class='c009'><sup>[944]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>According to the Russian pilgrims, the Church of the Hodegetria +was situated to the south of St. George Mangana, and to +the east of St. Sophia, on the right of the street conducting +from the cathedral to the sea.<a id='r945' /><a href='#f945' class='c009'><sup>[945]</sup></a> These indications support the +opinion of Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r946' /><a href='#f946' class='c009'><sup>[946]</sup></a> that the position of the church is +marked by a neglected Hagiasma in the large vegetable garden +at the south-eastern corner of the Seraglio grounds.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two small gates in the city walls were respectively named +after the two churches just mentioned, one being styled +the Postern of St. Lazarus (τοῦ αγίου Λαζάρου πυλίς),<a id='r947' /><a href='#f947' class='c009'><sup>[947]</sup></a> the +other the Small Gate of the Hodegetria (ἡ μίκρα πύλη τῆς +Ὁδηγητρίας).<a id='r948' /><a href='#f948' class='c009'><sup>[948]</sup></a> They must have stood to the south of Indjili +Kiosk; and, in fact, at the distance of some 145 paces from +that point the marble frames of two small gateways are seen +built in the wall. On the lintel of the one more to the south is +a cross, and on two slabs built into the inner side of the gateway +are the words, “Open to me the gates of righteousness, that +entering into them I may worship the Lord.”<a id='r949' /><a href='#f949' class='c009'><sup>[949]</sup></a> Two similar +gates are seen still further south, one on either side of the second +tower beyond Indjili Kiosk. These four entrances must have +belonged to some of the numerous churches which were situated, +according to the Russian pilgrims, in this part of the city. One +<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>of them, doubtless, represents the Postern of St. Lazarus, while +another may claim to be the Small Gate of the Hodegetria.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Postern of St. Lazarus is mentioned in history on the +occasion of the sudden appearance, in 1269, of seventy-five +Venetian galleys in the offing.<a id='r950' /><a href='#f950' class='c009'><sup>[950]</sup></a> As soon as the fleet was sighted, +all the gates of the city were closed, with the exception of this +postern; and from it envoys were despatched in a boat to +ascertain the object of the expedition. The public anxiety +was relieved, when it was found that the Venetians had come +to settle disputes with the Genoese at Galata and not to molest +the capital.</p> + +<p class='c008'>According to Ducas<a id='r951' /><a href='#f951' class='c009'><sup>[951]</sup></a> it was through the Gate of the Hodegetria +that John VI. Palæologus penetrated, in 1355, into the +city to overthrow John Cantacuzene. The voyage of the +conspirators from Tenedos had been accomplished in rough +weather; and it was dark and stormy when they arrived before +Constantinople. As their force consisted of but two galleys, +with 2000 men, the assailants could hope to enter the city only by +stratagem. Approaching, therefore, the Gate of the Hodegetria, +they proceeded to hurl empty oil-jars against the walls, and to +rend the air with loud cries of distress. The startled sentinels, +imagining it was a case of shipwreck, and touched by appeals to +their humanity and by promises of a share in the rich cargo of +oil reported to be on board the galleys, opened the gate and +rushed to the rescue. When they discovered their mistake, it +was too late. They were promptly overpowered and killed, and +the Italian adventurers seized the gate, mounted the adjoining +towers, and raised the cry in favour of Palæologus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was at the Gate of the Hodegetria, probably, that Bardas, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>in 866, embarked to conduct an expedition against the Saracens +in Crete, after invoking the aid of the Virgin Hodegetria.<a id='r952' /><a href='#f952' class='c009'><sup>[952]</sup></a> +Here, the troops sent by Alexius III. to suppress the insurrection +under John the Fat landed to gain the Great Palace, which the +rebel leader was occupying.<a id='r953' /><a href='#f953' class='c009'><sup>[953]</sup></a> The gate appears in the last siege, +as a point blockaded by the Turkish fleet which invested the +walls along the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r954' /><a href='#f954' class='c009'><sup>[954]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the recess of the shore immediately beyond the Seraglio +Lighthouse, where the coast bends westwards, are two gates, +known, respectively, as Balouk Haneh Kapoussi and Ahour +Kapoussi. The former, the Gate of the Fish House, obtained its +name from the circumstance that it led to the quarters of the +fishermen in the service of the Turkish Court; the latter was +styled the Stable Gate, because it conducted to the Sultan’s +Mews.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Patriarch Constantius<a id='r955' /><a href='#f955' class='c009'><sup>[955]</sup></a> identified Balouk Haneh Kapoussi +with the Postern of Michael the Protovestarius, mentioned once +in Byzantine history. That was the gate by which Constantine +Ducas, in 913, entered the city to join the conspirators who +sought to place him upon the throne instead of Constantine +Porphyrogenitus, then a minor under the tutelage of his uncle and +colleague, Alexander.<a id='r956' /><a href='#f956' class='c009'><sup>[956]</sup></a> The fact that Constantine Ducas reached +the gate by sea without being immediately discovered, and that +he was then able to reach the Hippodrome quickly, is in favour +of the view that the entrance stood upon the Sea of Marmora. +But if, as seems probable, the entrance at Balouk Haneh Kapoussi +was within the limits of the Great Palace, it cannot be the +Parapylis of Michael Protovestarius; for that postern did not +conduct Ducas into the grounds of the Imperial residence, but +<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>to the private house of his father-in-law Gregoras, without the +palace precincts. Possibly one of the small gates between the +Lighthouse and Indjili Kiosk represents the postern.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The ancient name of Ahour Kapoussi is not known. The +Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r957' /><a href='#f957' class='c009'><sup>[957]</sup></a> it is true, identifies it with the Gate of the +Hodegetria. But the Gate of the Hodegetria was remarkable +for its small size, and stood outside the enclosure of the Great +Palace; whereas Ahour Kapoussi was within the palace grounds, +and is of ordinary dimensions.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Equally erroneous is the view of Labarte<a id='r958' /><a href='#f958' class='c009'><sup>[958]</sup></a> that the recess +in the shore at this point marks the site of the Port of the +Bucoleon, the harbour attached to the Imperial palace. Doubtless, +the small bay before Ahour Kapoussi, as its position implies, +served the convenience of the Byzantine Court, but it was not +the Port of Bucoleon strictly so called. That harbour, we shall +find, lay further west at Tchatlady Kapou, the gate next in order.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The splendid marble stables erected by Michael III. at the +Tzycanisterion<a id='r959' /><a href='#f959' class='c009'><sup>[959]</sup></a> were in this vicinity. May this gate not have +been at their service? It would not be strange if the Sultan’s +Mews were built upon the site of the Mews of his Byzantine +predecessors.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Passing next to Tchatlady Kapou (the Broken or Cracked +Gate), we reach the entrance attached, as already intimated, to +the Imperial Port of the Bucoleon. Its Byzantine name has +not been preserved, but in the time of Gyllius<a id='r960' /><a href='#f960' class='c009'><sup>[960]</sup></a> it was called the +Gate of the Lion (Porta Leonis), after the marble figure of a +lion near the entrance. Upon the maps of Constantinople, +made in the sixteenth century, it is styled “Porta liona della +riva.” Leunclavius names it the Gate of the Bears (Πόρτα +<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>ταῖς Ἀρκούδαις), a designation derived, doubtless, from the figures +of bears which once adorned the adjoining quay.<a id='r961' /><a href='#f961' class='c009'><sup>[961]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Some authorities<a id='r962' /><a href='#f962' class='c009'><sup>[962]</sup></a> have identified the entrance with the Sidhera +Porta (the Iron Gate), which stood on this side of the city. But +this is a mistake. The Iron Gate opened on the Harbour of +Sophia,<a id='r963' /><a href='#f963' class='c009'><sup>[963]</sup></a> and was near the Church of St. Thomas Amantiou;<a id='r964' /><a href='#f964' class='c009'><sup>[964]</sup></a> +and both these points were to the west of Tchatlady Kapou. +Therefore Tchatlady Kapou itself cannot have been the Iron +Gate.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That the Harbour of Sophia lay in that direction is unquestionable, +for it stood at Kadriga Limani,<a id='r965' /><a href='#f965' class='c009'><sup>[965]</sup></a> which is to the +west of Tchatlady Kapou. And that the same was true of the +Church of St. Thomas is clear from the fact that this sanctuary +and the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus marked, respectively, +the western and eastern limits of the ravages made beside the +Sea of Marmora, by the great fire in the reign of Leo I.<a id='r966' /><a href='#f966' class='c009'><sup>[966]</sup></a> The +Church of St. Thomas lay, therefore, to the west of SS. Sergius +and Bacchus, and, consequently, as the latter stands to the west +of Tchatlady Kapou, the former, also, must have occupied a +similar position.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp262' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp262-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp262.jpg' alt='Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>In the city walls, a little to the west of Tchatlady Kapou, +opposite the beautiful Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, is a +small postern, opened, doubtless, for the use of the monastery +attached to that church. Its side-posts are shafts of marble, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>covered with a remarkable inscription, and were evidently +brought from some other building, when the postern was constructed +or repaired.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The inscription is a cento of verses, taken, with slight +modifications, from the Prophet Habakkuk and the Psalter, to +form a pæan in honour of the triumph of some emperor over +his foes.</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΕΠΙΒΗΣΙ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΙΠΠΟΥΣ ΣΟΥ Κ. Η ΙΠΠΑΣΙΑ +ΣΟΥ ΣΩ [ΤΗΡ] ΙΑ :<a id='r967' /><a href='#f967' class='c009'><sup>[967]</sup></a> ΟΤΙ Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΗΜΩΝ ΕΛΠΙΖΙ +ΕΠΙ ΚΝ. ΕΝ ΤΩ ΕΛΕΙ ΤΟ [Υ ΥΨΙΣΤΟΥ ΟΥ ΜΗ] +SALEUΘΗ :<a id='r968' /><a href='#f968' class='c009'><sup>[968]</sup></a> ΟΥΚ ΟΦΕΛΗΣΙ ΕΚΘΡΟΣ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ Κ. ΥΙΟΣ +ΑΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΘΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΚΩΣΙ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ :<a id='r969' /><a href='#f969' class='c009'><sup>[969]</sup></a> +ΑΙΝΩΝ ΕΠΙΚΑΛΙΣΕΤΟ [ΚΝ.] : ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΕΚΘΡΩΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ +ΣΩΘΗΣΕΤΕ :<a id='r970' /><a href='#f970' class='c009'><sup>[970]</sup></a> ΕΞΟΥΔΕΝΩΤΕ ΕΝΩΠΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΟΝΗΡΕΥΟΜΕΝΟΣ, +ΤΟΥΣ ΔΕ ΦΟΒΟΥ [ΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΝ.] ΔΟΞΑΣΙ.<a id='r971' /><a href='#f971' class='c009'><sup>[971]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c012'>The next entrance, the Gate of Sophia (Πόρτα τῶν Σοφιῶν),<a id='r972' /><a href='#f972' class='c009'><sup>[972]</sup></a> +as its name implies, was attached to the Harbour of Sophia. It +was known also as the Porta Sidhera (Πόρτα Σιδηρᾶ),<a id='r973' /><a href='#f973' class='c009'><sup>[973]</sup></a> from the +material of its construction, and after the Turkish Conquest was +designated Porta Katerga Limani,<a id='r974' /><a href='#f974' class='c009'><sup>[974]</sup></a> the Gate of the Harbour of +the Galleys, from κάτεργον, the Greek word for a galley.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Porta Kontoscalion (τὸ δὲ λεγόμενον Κοντοσκάλιον ἡ +Πόρτα)<a id='r975' /><a href='#f975' class='c009'><sup>[975]</sup></a> communicated with the Harbour of the Kontoscalion,<a id='r976' /><a href='#f976' class='c009'><sup>[976]</sup></a> +and stood at Koum Kapoussi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Next follows the gate Yeni Kapou, in the quarter of Vlanga. +The Latin inscription which was found over the gate<a id='r977' /><a href='#f977' class='c009'><sup>[977]</sup></a> proves it to +have been a Byzantine entrance, but its ancient name has not been +<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>preserved. The gate was beside the Harbour of Theodosius, +or Eleutherius<a id='r978' /><a href='#f978' class='c009'><sup>[978]</sup></a> (Vlanga Bostan). Its Turkish name must allude +to repairs made after 1453.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The next gate, Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, immediately to the +west of Vlanga Bostan, is the Gate of St. Æmilianus (ἡ Πόρτα +τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ),<a id='r979' /><a href='#f979' class='c009'><sup>[979]</sup></a> named so after a church of that dedication +in the vicinity. It is identified by its situation. On the one +hand, the Gate of St. Æmilianus was the westernmost entrance +in the line of the Constantinian Walls beside the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r980' /><a href='#f980' class='c009'><sup>[980]</sup></a> +It must, therefore, have been a gate to the west of the +old harbour at Vlanga Bostan, which, under the name of the +Harbour of Eleutherius, stood within the city of Constantine.<a id='r981' /><a href='#f981' class='c009'><sup>[981]</sup></a> +On the other hand, it cannot have been a gate further west than +Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, for the two gates which pierce the city +wall in that direction can be identified with other gates, and +were, moreover, beyond the original bounds of Constantinople. +Near the Gate of St. Æmilianus stood the Church of St. Mary +Rhabdou, venerated as the shrine in which the rod of Moses +was kept.<a id='r982' /><a href='#f982' class='c009'><sup>[982]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The next gate retains its old name, Gate of Psamathia (Πόρτα +τοῦ Ψαμαθᾶ),<a id='r983' /><a href='#f983' class='c009'><sup>[983]</sup></a> derived from the ancient quarter Psamathia (τοῦ +Ψαμαθᾶ). The name alludes to the sand thrown up on the +beach here, as at Koum Kapoussi (the Sand Gate).</p> + +<p class='c008'>Narli Kapoussi (the Pomegranate Gate), the succeeding +entrance, accommodated the quarter around the celebrated Church +<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>and Monastery of St. John the Baptist, known as the Studion, +because founded, in 463, by Studius, a patrician from Rome. +The gate is never mentioned by name, but is clearly referred +to by Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id='r984' /><a href='#f984' class='c009'><sup>[984]</sup></a> in his account of the +Imperial visit paid, annually, to the Studion on the 29th of +August, in commemoration of the martyrdom of the Baptist. +On that occasion it was usual for the emperor to come from the +Great Palace by water, in his state barge, and to land at this +gate, where he was received by the abbot and monks of the +monastery, and conducted to the services of the day.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the cliff outside the gate is an Armenian Chapel of St. +John the Baptist, which Dr. Paspates<a id='r985' /><a href='#f985' class='c009'><sup>[985]</sup></a> thinks belonged originally +to the Studion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The excavations made in laying out the public garden beside +the city walls west of the Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, brought to +light substructures of an ancient edifice, in the construction of +which bricks stamped with the monogram of Basil I. and with a +portion of the name Diomed were employed. The ruins marked, +undoubtedly, the site of the Church and Monastery of St. Diomed, +upon whose steps Basil flung himself to sleep the evening he +entered the city, a poor homeless adventurer from Macedonia, +in search of fortune. The kindness shown to the stranger by +the abbot of the House was never forgotten; and when Basil +reached the throne he rebuilt the church and the monastery on a +more extensive scale, and enriched them with ample endowments.<a id='r986' /><a href='#f986' class='c009'><sup>[986]</sup></a> +The large number of pillars strewn upon the adjoining +beach belonged, probably, to the church.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Somewhere in the neighbourhood was the prison, known as +the Prison of St. Diomed. In it, Pope Martin I. was detained +by the Emperor Constans in 654;<a id='r987' /><a href='#f987' class='c009'><sup>[987]</sup></a> and there Maria, the wife of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>Manuel Comnenus and mother of Alexius II., was confined by +the infamous Andronicus Comnenus.<a id='r988' /><a href='#f988' class='c009'><sup>[988]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The last tower in this line of fortifications, situated on a +small promontory commanding a wide view of the Sea of Marmora, +is a very striking and picturesque object. It has four +stories, and is constructed mostly of large blocks of marble. To +it was attached a two-storied building, forming, with the tower, +a small château or castle at this point. Only the foundations +of the western and northern walls of the building are left, +but the eastern wall, pierced by two tiers of small windows, and +ornamented with string-courses, stands almost intact. The castle +must have been the residence of some superior military officer. +Here, some think, was the Prison of St. Diomed. In the recess +of the shore immediately beyond the tower was a small postern +for the use of the garrison at this point.</p> + +<hr class='c016' /> + +<p class='c008'>One cannot bring this account of the Walls of Constantinople +to a close without calling to mind, again, the splendid part they +played in the history of the world. To them the Queen of Cities, +as her sons loved to call her, owed her long life, and her noble +opportunity to advance the higher welfare of mankind. How +great her services in that respect have been, we are coming to +recognize more clearly, through a better acquaintance with her +achievements, and a fairer judgment upon her faults. The city +which preserved Greek learning, maintained Roman justice, +sounded the depths of religious thought, and gave to Art new +forms of beauty, was no mean city, and had reason to be proud +of her record.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp266' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp266-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp266.jpg' alt='Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Chateau and Marble Tower Near The Western Extremity of the Walls Beside the Sea of Marmora.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>But never was she so grand as in her attitude towards the +barbarous tribes and Oriental peoples which threatened her +existence, and sought to render European civilization impossible. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>Some of her foes—the Goths and the great Slavic race—she +not only fought, but also gathered within the pale of civilized +Christendom. With others, like the Huns, Persians, Saracens, +Turks, she waged a relentless warfare, often achieving signal +triumphs, sometimes worsted in the struggle, always contesting +every inch of her ground, retarding for a thousand years the day +of her fall, perishing sword in hand, and giving Western Europe, +meantime, scope to become worthy to take from her dying +hands the banner of the world’s hope. This is service similar +to that which has earned for Ancient Greece men’s eternal +gratitude, and has made Marathon, Thermopylæ, Salamis, Platæa, +names which will never die.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Among the monuments brought by Constantine from various +parts of the Empire to adorn his city was the serpent column +which had stood for eight centuries before the shrine of Delphi, +inscribed with the names of the Greek States whose valour on +the field of Platæa hurled the Persian out of Greece. In placing +that column in the Hippodrome of New Rome, did he divine +the mission of the new capital? It was Greece transferring to +the city founded on the banks of the Bosporus the championship +of the world’s best life. And as we look backwards upon the +tremendous conflict between barbarism and civilization, which +forms the very core of Byzantine history, we see that nowhere +could that venerable monument have been placed more appropriately, +and that if the name of the City of Constantine +were inscribed upon it no dishonour would be cast upon the +names already there, and only justice would be done to the +Empire which assumed their task and emulated their renown.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But the shield of the city in that long heroic contest were +the Walls whose history we have reviewed.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span> + <h2 id='chap17' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVII. <br /> THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The number of harbours found, at one time or other, on the +southern shore of the city formed one of the most striking +features in the aspect of Byzantine Constantinople. This was +not due to any natural facilities offered by that shore for the +purpose. On the contrary, although the outline of the coast is +very irregular, it presents no bay where ships may be moored +for the convenience of commerce, or into which they can +find refuge from storms. The waves, moreover, cast up great +quantities of sand upon the beach. Hence, all the harbours on +this side of the city were, to a great measure, artificial extensions +of some indentation of the coast, and their construction and +maintenance involved great labour and expense. They ranked, +in fact, among the principal public works of the capital. But +the interests of commerce with the regions around the Sea of +Marmora and with the Mediterranean were so great, and the difficulty +which vessels coming from those regions often found to +make the Golden Horn, owing to the prevalence of north winds, +was so serious as to outweigh all drawbacks or impediments, +and secured for the accommodation of the shipping frequenting +this side of the city no less than five harbours. These +harbours were probably constructed in the following chronological +order: the Harbour of Eleutherius, known also as the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>Harbour of Theodosius; the Harbour of the Emperor Julian, +known also as the New Harbour, and as the Harbour of Sophia; +the Harbour of Kaisarius, the same probably as the Neorion +at the Heptascalon; the Harbour of the Bucoleon; and the +Kontoscalion. We shall consider them in the order of their +position on the shore, proceeding from east to west.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp269' class='figcenter id007'> +<a href='images/fig_fp269-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp269.jpg' alt='Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Map of the Shore of Constantinople on the Sea of Marmora Between the Seraglio Lighthouse and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi.</p> +</div> +</div> +<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of the Bucoleon.</h3> +<p class='c007'>The Harbour of the Bucoleon was attached to the Great Palace<a id='r989' /><a href='#f989' class='c009'><sup>[989]</sup></a> +(τὸ τοῦ παλατίου νεώριον ἑν τῷ Βουκολέοντι) for the convenience +of the emperor, who in a city like Constantinople would have +frequent occasion to move to and fro by water. Its name was +derived from a marble group of a Lion and a Bull upon the +harbour’s quay, the lion being represented with his left foot upon +a horn of the bull, in the act of twisting his victim’s head round +to get at the throat.<a id='r990' /><a href='#f990' class='c009'><sup>[990]</sup></a> The harbour, partly artificial, was protected +by two jetties from the violence of the winds and waves;<a id='r991' /><a href='#f991' class='c009'><sup>[991]</sup></a> and, +in keeping with its destination, displayed considerable architectural +splendour. Its quay was paved with marble,<a id='r992' /><a href='#f992' class='c009'><sup>[992]</sup></a> and +adorned with figures of lions, bulls, bears, and ostriches;<a id='r993' /><a href='#f993' class='c009'><sup>[993]</sup></a> a +handsome flight of marble steps led to the water;<a id='r994' /><a href='#f994' class='c009'><sup>[994]</sup></a> and upon +the adjoining city walls rose two Imperial villas, known as the +Palace of the Bucoleon (τὰ παλάτια τοῦ Βουκολέοντος).<a id='r995' /><a href='#f995' class='c009'><sup>[995]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Strangely enough, the site of a harbour so prominent, and +so fully described, has been a point concerning which students of +the topography of the city have widely differed. Dr. Paspates<a id='r996' /><a href='#f996' class='c009'><sup>[996]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>placed the harbour at a distance of 104 feet to the south of +Indjili Kiosk, consistently with his opinion that the ruins discovered +behind that Kiosk marked the site of the Palace of +the Bucoleon.<a id='r997' /><a href='#f997' class='c009'><sup>[997]</sup></a> With much learning and ingenuity, Labarte +argues that the Harbour of the Bucoleon was in the recess of +the shore at Ahour Kapoussi.<a id='r998' /><a href='#f998' class='c009'><sup>[998]</sup></a> Von Hammer wavered in his +opinion, placing the harbour at one time at Tchatlady Kapou, +and at another at Kadriga Limani.<a id='r999' /><a href='#f999' class='c009'><sup>[999]</sup></a> And yet to Von Hammer +is due the discovery of the evidence that puts an end to all +uncertainty on the subject, by showing us that the marble group +of the Lion and the Bull, which gave the harbour its name, stood +at Tchatlady Kapou.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The evidence on the subject is found in a report which +Pietro Zen, Venetian envoy to the Turkish Court, sent to his +Government in 1532, where he describes the monument at +great length, as he saw it after it had been shaken by an +earthquake. In quoting this description,<a id='r1000' /><a href='#f1000' class='c009'><sup>[1000]</sup></a> Von Hammer, however, +not only fails to use it for the settlement of the question +at issue, but also omits portions of the report which are of the +utmost importance for determining the exact site of the famous +group. Dr. Mordtmann, citing Von Hammer, has appreciated +the significance of the passage referred to, and employs it more +successfully, but with the same omissions.<a id='r1001' /><a href='#f1001' class='c009'><sup>[1001]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The original manuscript of the report is preserved in the +Marciana Library, among the unpublished Archives of the +Venetian Republic,<a id='r1002' /><a href='#f1002' class='c009'><sup>[1002]</sup></a> and the passage with which we are concerned +reads to the following effect:</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>“At the gate at which animals are slaughtered (near the +columns of the Hippodrome, on the road below), which in +Turkish is named Chiachadi Capisso, which in the Frank +language means ‘Gate of the Crack,’ outside the said water-gate, +and beneath the three ancient windows which have a lion at +either end (of the row); there, down beside the shore, on two +columns, is a marble block upon which is a very large bull, +much larger than life, attacked at the throat by a lion, which +has mounted upon the back of the (bull’s) neck, and thrown +him down, and strikes at a horn of the bull with great force. +This lion is considerably larger than life, all cut out of one piece +of stone of very fine quality. These animals used to stand with +their heads turned towards Asia, but it seems that on that +night (the night of the catastrophe) they turned themselves +with their heads towards the city. When this was observed +next morning, the whole population of the place ran together +to the spot, full of amazement and stupefaction. And every +one went about discoursing upon the significance of the event +according to his own turn of mind; a comet also appearing for +many nights.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The original is as follows, the words in italics being omitted +by Von Hammer: “Alla porta dove si amaza animali, acosto +dile colone dilprodramo, da basso via, <i>e in Turcho si chiama +chiachadi capisso, e in francho vol dir para di crepido</i>, fuora dila +dita porta de marina, <i>sotto quelle tre fenestre antiquissime che +hanno uno lione per banda</i>, li abasso alla marina, sopra due +colone, e una lastra di marmoro sopra la qual e uno granmo +tauro, maior bonamente che il vivo, acanatto de uno lione, el +qual li e montato sopra la schena, et lo ho atterato, et da una +brancha ad un corno dil tauro in un grandissimo atto; e questo +leone assai maior del vivo e tutto di una piera de una bona vena +ouer miner. Questi animali soleano esser con le teste voltate +<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>verso Anatolia, et par che quella medema notte i se voltasseno +con le teste verso Conple., il che la matina veduto tutta questa +terra li e concorsa et ha fatto stupir e stornir tutta quest terra; +et ogni uno va discorendo secondo le passione dil animo suo, +stante una cometa apparsa per molte notte, questa cosa per il +preditto rispetto ho voluto significar.”<a id='r1003' /><a href='#f1003' class='c009'><sup>[1003]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Nothing can be more explicit or more decisive.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is no room to doubt that the monument described by +Zen was the group of the Lion and the Bull, described, before +him, by Anna Comnena and Zonaras.<a id='r1004' /><a href='#f1004' class='c009'><sup>[1004]</sup></a> His description might +be a translation of the account given of the group by those +writers. Nor is there any uncertainty as to the locality where +Zen saw the monument. He indicates the site with a redundancy +which makes misunderstanding simply impossible, +and for which he may be pardoned, since minute particularity +seldom distinguishes the statements of authorities on the topography +of the city. According to the Venetian envoy, the +monument stood on the quay outside the water-gate named +Tchatlady Kapou, which was a gate below the Hippodrome, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>near a slaughter-house. The group stood, he adds, beneath a row +of three windows, adorned with a lion at either end, belonging +to a very ancient building.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp272' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp272-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp272.jpg' alt='Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Marble Figures of Lions Attached to the Balcony in the Palace of the Bucoleon.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Now, the gate to which the name Tchatlady pertains is a +matter of public notoriety, and every particular by which Zen +marks the entrance he had in mind holds good of that gate. +It is near the Hippodrome, and on the level ground below +the race-course. On the western headland of the little bay +in front of it, is an old slaughter-house, by which Leunclavius, +likewise, identifies the gate Tchatlady Kapou, and from which +he derived the name of the entrance;<a id='r1005' /><a href='#f1005' class='c009'><sup>[1005]</sup></a> while to the east of +the gate stood, until recent times, a Byzantine palace, in the +façade of which was a row of three windows, supported at either +end by the figure of a lion. The palace is thus described by +Leunclavius: “This gate (Tchatlady Kapou) has on one side +of it the marble-framed windows of an ancient building or +palace, which rests upon the city walls themselves.”<a id='r1006' /><a href='#f1006' class='c009'><sup>[1006]</sup></a> Gyllius +refers to it in the following terms: “Below the Hippodrome +towards the south is the Gate of the Marble Lion, which stands +without the city among the ruins of the Palace of Leo Marcellus. +The windows of the palace are of ancient workmanship, and +are in the city wall.”<a id='r1007' /><a href='#f1007' class='c009'><sup>[1007]</sup></a> Choiseul-Gouffier<a id='r1008' /><a href='#f1008' class='c009'><sup>[1008]</sup></a> gives a view of the +palace as seen in his day, and so does Canon Curtis, in his +<i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. The façade was torn down in 1871, +and the lions have been placed at the foot of the steps +<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>leading to the Imperial School of Art, within the Seraglio +enclosure.<a id='r1009' /><a href='#f1009' class='c009'><sup>[1009]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>With this evidence as regards the site of the group of the +Lion and the Bull, it is impossible to doubt that the Harbour +of the Bucoleon was in the little bay before Tchatlady Kapou. +And with this conclusion every statement made by Byzantine +writers regarding the harbour will be found to agree.</p> + +<div id='fig274' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig274.jpg' alt='Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Ruins of the Palace of the Bucoleon.<a id='r1010' /><a href='#f1010' class='c009'><sup>[1010]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>That the shore of this bay was, like the Harbour of the +Bucoleon, once richly adorned with monumental buildings, is +manifest from the beautiful pieces of sculptured marble found +upon its beach and in the water. Furthermore, the bay stands, +as the Harbour of the Bucoleon stood, within easy reach of the +site of the Great Palace. Here also are found the ruins of two +Imperial villas, situated in the very position ascribed to the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>Palaces of the Bucoleon; namely, upon the city walls, at the +waters edge, and one of them on a lower level than the other.<a id='r1011' /><a href='#f1011' class='c009'><sup>[1011]</sup></a> +Such correspondence goes to make the site of the Harbour of +the Bucoleon one of the best authenticated localities in the +topography of Byzantine Constantinople.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, however, a question arises. How far is this conclusion, +regarding the site of the Harbour of the Bucoleon, compatible +with the received opinion that the palace on the bay before +Tchatlady Kapou was the Palace of Hormisdas, the residence +of Justinian the Great while heir-apparent;<a id='r1012' /><a href='#f1012' class='c009'><sup>[1012]</sup></a> and that the bay +itself was the Harbour of Hormisdas (ὁ λιμὴν τὰ Ὁρμίσδου)?<a id='r1013' /><a href='#f1013' class='c009'><sup>[1013]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the face of all the evidence we have that the Harbour +and the Palace of the Bucoleon were in the bay to the east of +Tchatlady Kapou, there is but one answer to the question. We +must either abandon the view that the Harbour and the Palace +of Hormisdas had anything to do with that bay, and maintain +that they stood elsewhere, or we must conclude that they were +the Harbour and the Palace of the Bucoleon, under an earlier +designation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two considerations may be urged in favour of the former +alternative. First, the Anonymus distinguishes between the +two palaces in a way which seems to imply that they were +different buildings. “The Palace of the Bucoleon,” he says, +“which stands upon the fortifications, was erected by Theodosius +the Younger;”<a id='r1014' /><a href='#f1014' class='c009'><sup>[1014]</sup></a> while of the Palace of Hormisdas he remarks: +“The very large buildings near St. Sergius were the residence +of Justinian when a patrician.”<a id='r1015' /><a href='#f1015' class='c009'><sup>[1015]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place, the Anonymus<a id='r1016' /><a href='#f1016' class='c009'><sup>[1016]</sup></a> identifies the Harbour +<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>of Hormisdas with that of Julian. “What is called τὰ τοῦ +Ὁρμίσδου,” observes the former writer, “was a small harbour +where Justinian the Great built a monastery and called it +Sergius and Bacchus, and another church, that of the Holy +Apostles (SS. Peter and Paul), after receiving unction at the +foot of the seats (of the Hippodrome), because of the massacre +in the Hippodrome. It was named the Harbour of Julian, from +its constructor.” Codinus<a id='r1017' /><a href='#f1017' class='c009'><sup>[1017]</sup></a> also identifies the two harbours, and +adds, that the Harbour of Julian had served for the accommodation +of ships before the Harbour of the Sophiôn was constructed; +that it had long been filled up; and that Justinian the Great had +lived there before his accession to the throne. But if on the +ground of these statements we identify the Harbour of Hormisdas +with that of Julian, as Banduri<a id='r1018' /><a href='#f1018' class='c009'><sup>[1018]</sup></a> and Labarte<a id='r1019' /><a href='#f1019' class='c009'><sup>[1019]</sup></a> maintain, then the +Harbour of Hormisdas was not situated in the bay to the east +of Tchatlady Kapou, but at Kadriga Limani, the undoubted +site of the Harbour of Julian, to the west of the gate.<a id='r1020' /><a href='#f1020' class='c009'><sup>[1020]</sup></a> The +Palace of Hormisdas, also, must then have been in that direction.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the light, however, of all our knowledge on the subject, +the identity of the two harbours just named cannot be maintained. +John of Antioch,<a id='r1021' /><a href='#f1021' class='c009'><sup>[1021]</sup></a> a far more reliable authority than the Anonymus +or Codinus, makes it perfectly clear that the Harbour of Julian +(which he calls by its later name, the Harbour of Sophia) was +different from any harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. According +to him, the troops collected by Phocas for the defence of +the city against Heraclius occupied three positions—the Harbour +of Kaisarius, the Harbour of Sophia, and the quarter of +Hormisdas. At the first two points were placed the Greens, +while the third position was held by the Blues. From this +<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>account of the matter it is evident that the Harbour of Julian +was not the harbour in the quarter of Hormisdas. It is a +corroboration of this conclusion to find that in the narrative of +the same events, given in the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>,<a id='r1022' /><a href='#f1022' class='c009'><sup>[1022]</sup></a> while no mention +is made of the Harbour of Hormisdas, the Harbour of Julian +is described as situated in another quarter, the quarter of Maurus +(κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα Μαύρου).</p> + +<div id='fig277' class='figcenter id005'> +<img src='images/fig277.jpg' alt='Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.' class='ig001' /> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of the Palace of Hormisdas.<a id='r1023' /><a href='#f1023' class='c009'><sup>[1023]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>In favour of the alternative that the Palace and Harbour of +Hormisdas were the Palace and Harbour of the Bucoleon under +another name, may be urged all that goes to show that the former +stood where the evidence furnished by Pietro Zen has obliged +us to place the latter. The bay and palace on the east of +Tchatlady Kapou stand close to what was unquestionably the +district of Hormisdas; for the Church of SS. Sergius and +Bacchus (Kutchuk Aya Sophia), a short distance to the west of +the gate, was in that district.<a id='r1024' /><a href='#f1024' class='c009'><sup>[1024]</sup></a> It would be strange if a palace +and harbour so near that district were not those known by +its name.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>The palace at Tchatlady Kapou answers, moreover, to the +description which Procopius gives of the Palace of Hormisdas, +the residence of Justinian, as near SS. Sergius and the Great +Palace.<a id='r1025' /><a href='#f1025' class='c009'><sup>[1025]</sup></a> Its position agrees also with the statement of John +of Ephesus that the Palace of Hormisdas was below the great +Imperial residence.<a id='r1026' /><a href='#f1026' class='c009'><sup>[1026]</sup></a> Again, the style of the capitals and other +pieces of marble, which have fallen from the palace at Tchatlady +Kapou into the water, resemble the sculptured work in the +Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, erected by Justinian. And +lastly, the palace at this point was regarded as the Palace of +Justinian when Bondelmontius visited the city in 1422. “Beyond +Condoscali (Koum Kapoussi),” says that traveller, as he proceeds +eastward, along the Marmora shore of the city, “was the very +large Palace of Justinian upon the city walls” (“Ultra fuit supra +mœnia amplissimum Justiniani Palatium”).</p> + +<p class='c008'>All this being the case, it seems unavoidable to conclude +that the Palace and Harbour of Hormisdas were the Palace and +Harbour of the Bucoleon, under an earlier name. The circumstance +that the palaces are distinguished by the Anonymus +presents, after all, no serious difficulty, but the reverse; for, as +a matter of fact, there are two palatial buildings on the bay east +of Tchatlady Kapou, at a distance of some 110 yards from +each other, and on different levels. One of the buildings, +probably the lower, might be the Palace of Hormisdas; the other, +on higher ground, and nearer the gate—may be the palace to +which the Anonymus referred as the Bucoleon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It is in keeping with this view of the subject to find that the +terms “Palace of Hormisdas,” “Port of Hormisdas,” are not +employed by Byzantine authors to designate an Imperial residence +or harbour, after the name Bucoleon came into vogue.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The earliest writer who refers to the Harbour of the Bucoleon +<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>is the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1027' /><a href='#f1027' class='c009'><sup>[1027]</sup></a> in the tenth +century. Later writers,<a id='r1028' /><a href='#f1028' class='c009'><sup>[1028]</sup></a> it is true, employ the name when +speaking of events which occurred in the reign of Michael I., +and in that of Theophilus, in the course of the ninth century. +But whether these writers do so because the name was +contemporary with the events narrated, or because, when the +historians wrote, it was the more familiar appellation for the +scene of those events, is uncertain. Should the former supposition +be preferred, it was early in the ninth century that the +term “Bucoleon” first appeared.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the other hand, the last author who alludes to the Palace +of Hormisdas is the historian Theophanes, who died in 818. +The passage in which the allusion is found refers, indeed, to +matters which transpired in the seventh century, viz. to the +execution of a certain David, Chartophylax of (the Palace of) +Hormisdas, in the reign of Phocas. But the historian could +hardly have described an official position in terms not still +familiar to his readers.<a id='r1029' /><a href='#f1029' class='c009'><sup>[1029]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Accordingly, the designation “Palace of Hormisdas” disappears +about the time when the term “Bucoleon” appears, +and this is consistent with the supposition that the two names +denoted the same building at different periods of its history.<a id='r1030' /><a href='#f1030' class='c009'><sup>[1030]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Palace of Hormisdas was so named in honour of the +Persian Prince Hormisdas, who had been deprived of the +succession to the throne of his country by a conspiracy of +nobles, and confined in a tower; but who escaped from his prison +<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>through the ingenuity of his wife, and fled to New Rome for +protection at the hands of Constantine the Great. The royal +fugitive was received with the honour due to his rank, and +this residence was assigned to him because near the emperor’s +own palace.<a id='r1031' /><a href='#f1031' class='c009'><sup>[1031]</sup></a> Later, the residence was occupied, as already +intimated, by Justinian while Crown Prince, with his consort +Theodora; and after his accession to the throne, was by his +orders, improved and annexed to the Great Palace.<a id='r1032' /><a href='#f1032' class='c009'><sup>[1032]</sup></a> It appears +in the reign of Justin II. as the abode of Tiberius, upon +his being appointed Cæsar.<a id='r1033' /><a href='#f1033' class='c009'><sup>[1033]</sup></a> Under ordinary circumstances, +Tiberius should have occupied apartments in the Great Palace. +But the Empress Sophia was bitterly jealous of his wife Ino, +and forbade her to show herself at Court, on any pretext +whatever. Obliged, consequently, to find a home elsewhere, the +Cæsar selected the Palace of Hormisdas, because its proximity +to the Great Palace would allow him to enjoy the society of his +family, and attend to his official duties. But the jealousy of the +empress was not to be allayed so readily. It followed Ino to +the Palace of Hormisdas with such intensity that the ladies of +the Court dared not visit her even there; and it compelled her +at last to leave the capital and retire to Daphnusium.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As already stated, when Heraclius appeared with a fleet, in 610, +before the city to put an end to the tyranny of Phocas, he found +the quarter of Hormisdas defended by the Faction of the Blues.<a id='r1034' /><a href='#f1034' class='c009'><sup>[1034]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>During the tenth century, the port and palace, then called +Bucoleon, received special marks of Imperial favour. Constantine +Porphyrogenitus, noted for his devotion to the Fine Arts, +adorned the quay of the harbour with figures of animals, brought +from various parts of the Empire.<a id='r1035' /><a href='#f1035' class='c009'><sup>[1035]</sup></a> Possibly, the group of the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>Lion and the Bull was placed there by him. He also attached +a fishpond to the palace.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Later, Nicephorus Phocas added a villa, which he made his +usual place of residence.<a id='r1036' /><a href='#f1036' class='c009'><sup>[1036]</sup></a> It was probably the building with +the row of three windows, supported by a lion at either end. +A still more important change was introduced by the same +emperor. His austere character, and the heavy taxes he imposed +for the maintenance of the army, made him exceedingly unpopular, +notwithstanding his eminent services as the conqueror of the +Saracens. So strong did the hostile feeling against him become, +that, returning once from a visit to the Holy Spring of the +Pegè, he was mobbed at the Forum of Constantine, and +narrowly escaped being stoned to death before he could reach +the palace.<a id='r1037' /><a href='#f1037' class='c009'><sup>[1037]</sup></a> Rumours of a plot to dethrone and kill him were +also in circulation. He therefore decided to convert the Great +Palace into a fortress, and to provision it with everything +requisite to withstand a siege.<a id='r1038' /><a href='#f1038' class='c009'><sup>[1038]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Accordingly, he surrounded the grounds of the Imperial +residence with a strong and lofty wall, which described a great +arc from the neighbourhood of Ahour Kapoussi on the east to +Tchatlady Kapou on the west, and thus cut off the palace from +the rest of the city.<a id='r1039' /><a href='#f1039' class='c009'><sup>[1039]</sup></a> Luitprand,<a id='r1040' /><a href='#f1040' class='c009'><sup>[1040]</sup></a> who saw the wall soon after its +erection, says of it: “The palace at Constantinople surpasses +<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>in beauty and strength any fortifications that I have ever +seen.” Within this wall the Palace of Bucoleon was, of course, +included.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Labarte<a id='r1041' /><a href='#f1041' class='c009'><sup>[1041]</sup></a> and Schlumberger<a id='r1042' /><a href='#f1042' class='c009'><sup>[1042]</sup></a> maintain, indeed, that Nicephorus +surrounded the Palace of Bucoleon with special works +of defence, and constituted it a citadel within the fortifications +of the Great Palace. But Leo Diaconus, Cedrenus +and Zonaras, our authorities on the subject, make no such +statement.<a id='r1043' /><a href='#f1043' class='c009'><sup>[1043]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp282' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp282-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp282.jpg' alt='Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Ruins of the Palace of Hormisdas.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>As might be expected, historical events of considerable importance +transpired at the Port and the Palace of the Bucoleon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, in 919, Romanus Lecapenus, admiral of the fleet, made +the naval demonstration which compelled Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus +to accept him as a colleague, and to surrender the +administration of affairs into his hands.<a id='r1044' /><a href='#f1044' class='c009'><sup>[1044]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>It was here that the memorable conspiracy against Nicephorus +Phocas was carried out, in 969, by John Zimisces, with +the connivance of the Empress Theophano.<a id='r1045' /><a href='#f1045' class='c009'><sup>[1045]</sup></a> Under cover of the +night, the conspirators embarked at Chalcedon, the residence of +Zimisces at the time, and in the teeth of a strong north wind, and +with snow falling heavily, crossed to the Bucoleon. A low whistle +announced their arrival to their accomplices, who were watching +on the terrace of the palace; and in response, a basket held +fast by ropes was stealthily lowered and raised, again and again, +until one by one all in the boat were lifted to the summit. The +last to ascend was Zimisces himself. Then the traitors made +for the apartment in which they expected to find the emperor. +Nicephorus, who had received some intimation of the plot, was +not in his usual chamber, and the conspirators, fearing they had +been betrayed, were about to leap into the sea and make their +escape, when a eunuch appeared and guided them to the room +in which the doomed sovereign lay fast asleep on the floor, on a +leopard’s skin, and covered with a scarlet woollen blanket. Not +to spare their victim a single pang, they first awakened the +slumberer, and then assailed him with their swords as he +prayed, “Lord, have mercy upon me.” As if to add irony to the +event, Nicephorus met his fate, it is said, on the very day on +which the fortifications around the palace were completed. +After this, guards were stationed, at night, on the quay of the +Harbour of the Bucoleon, to warn off boats that approached +the shore.<a id='r1046' /><a href='#f1046' class='c009'><sup>[1046]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>From this point, Alexius Comnenus entered the Great +Palace, after the deposition of Nicephorus Botoniates; leaving +his young wife and her immediate relatives in the residence +by the shore, while he himself, with the members of his own +<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>family, proceeded to the higher palace (τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον).<a id='r1047' /><a href='#f1047' class='c009'><sup>[1047]</sup></a> +Here, also, in 1170, Amaury, King of Jerusalem, landed +on the occasion of his visit to Manuel Comnenus, to seek the +emperor’s aid against Saladin. Access to the palace by this +landing, says William of Tyre,<a id='r1048' /><a href='#f1048' class='c009'><sup>[1048]</sup></a> in his account of that visit, +was reserved, as a rule, for the emperor exclusively. But it +was granted to Amaury as a special honour, and here he was +welcomed by the great officers of the palace, and then conducted +through galleries and halls of wonderful variety of style, to the +palace on an eminence, where Manuel and the great dignitaries +of State awaited the arrival of the king.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the course of time, as the prominent position of the +Palace and the Harbour of Bucoleon rendered natural, the name +Bucoleon, it would appear, was extended to the whole collection +of buildings which formed the Great Palace, facing the Sea of +Marmora. That is certainly the sense in which Ville-Hardouin +employs the term in his work on the Conquest of Constantinople +by the Crusaders. He associates “le palais de Bouchelyon” +with the Palace of Blachernæ, as one of the principal residences +of the Greek emperors. In the division of the spoils of the city, +the Palace of “Bouchelyon,” like the Palace of Blachernæ, was +to belong to the prince whom the Crusaders would elect Emperor +of Constantinople;<a id='r1049' /><a href='#f1049' class='c009'><sup>[1049]</sup></a> upon the capture of the city, the Marquis +of Montferrat hastened to seize the Palace of Bucoleon, while +Henry, the brother of Baldwin, secured the surrender of the +Palace of Blachernæ;<a id='r1050' /><a href='#f1050' class='c009'><sup>[1050]</sup></a> the treasure found in the former is +described as equal to that in the latter: “Il n’en faut pas parler; +car il y en avait tant que c’était sans fin ni mesure.” Indeed, +the statements of Ville-Hardouin concerning the Palace of Bucoleon +make the impression that of the two Imperial residences +<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>which he names, it was, if anything, the more important.<a id='r1051' /><a href='#f1051' class='c009'><sup>[1051]</sup></a> +Thither Murtzuphlus fled when his troops were discomfited.<a id='r1052' /><a href='#f1052' class='c009'><sup>[1052]</sup></a> +There, the Marquis of Montferrat found congregated for safety +most of the great ladies of the Court, including Agnes of France, +wife of Alexius II., and Margaret of Hungary, wife of Isaac +Angelus.<a id='r1053' /><a href='#f1053' class='c009'><sup>[1053]</sup></a> And to the Palace of Bucoleon, the richest in the +world (“el riche palais de Bochelyon, qui onques plus riches ne fu +veuz”), the Latin Emperor Baldwin proceeded in great state, +after his coronation in St. Sophia, to celebrate the festivities +attending his accession to the throne.<a id='r1054' /><a href='#f1054' class='c009'><sup>[1054]</sup></a> There, also, were held +the festivities in honour of the marriage of the Emperor Henry +with Agnes, the daughter of the Marquis of Montferrat.<a id='r1055' /><a href='#f1055' class='c009'><sup>[1055]</sup></a> It +is not possible that the two comparatively small buildings at +Tchatlady Kapou could be the palace which Ville-Hardouin +had in mind in connection with these events. The terms he +employs, in speaking on the subject, were appropriate only to +the Great Palace as a whole.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The designation of the Palace of Bucoleon as “Chastel de +Bouchelyon”<a id='r1056' /><a href='#f1056' class='c009'><sup>[1056]</sup></a> is no evidence that Ville-Hardouin used the +name in its restricted sense, as Labarte contends. For the +Great Palace was within a fortified enclosure, and could therefore +be styled a castle with perfect propriety, just as the same +historian, for a similar reason, speaks of the Palace of Blachernæ +as a “chastel.” Nor does the fact that the Marquis of Montferrat +reached the Palace of Bucoleon by riding along the shore +(“chevaucha tout le long du rivage, droit vers Bouchelion”)<a id='r1057' /><a href='#f1057' class='c009'><sup>[1057]</sup></a> +prove that the residence beside Tchatlady Kapou was the one +he wished specially to secure. For the grounds of the Great +<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>Palace were thus accessible by a gate which stood at the eastern +extremity of the Tzycanisterion, on the plain beside the Sea +of Marmora, and which communicated with the quarter of the +city near the head of the promontory.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Two incidents in Byzantine history, cited by Labarte<a id='r1058' /><a href='#f1058' class='c009'><sup>[1058]</sup></a> +himself, establish the existence of such a gate, beyond contradiction. +When Stephen and Constantine, the sons of the Emperor +Romanus Lecapenus, deposed their father, in 944, and sent him +to a monastery on the island of Proti,<a id='r1059' /><a href='#f1059' class='c009'><sup>[1059]</sup></a> great fears were entertained +in the city, that a similar, if not a worse, fate had befallen +his associate upon the throne, the popular Constantine VII., +Porphyrogenitus. The people, therefore, crowded about the +palace to ascertain the truth, and were reassured that their +favourite was safe by his appearance, with dishevelled hair, +at the iron bars of the gate which stood at the end of the +Tzycanisterion (“Ex ea parte qua Zucanistrii magnitudo +portenditur, Constantinus crines solutus per cancellos caput +exposuit.”) The existence of a gate at this point is, if possible, +still clearer from the statement of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1060' /><a href='#f1060' class='c009'><sup>[1060]</sup></a> +that the Saracen ambassadors, after their audience of the +emperor, left the palace grounds by descending to the Tzycanisterion, +and mounting horse there. To approach the palace by +that entrance evinced, therefore, no particular intention on the +part of the Marquis of Montferrat to reach the buildings to which +the name of Bucoleon strictly belonged. On the contrary, by +that entrance one would reach the principal apartments of the +Great Palace, sooner than the palaces beside the group of the +Lion and the Bull, at Tchatlady Kapou.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Bucoleon is mentioned for the last time in Byzantine +<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>history, in connection with the events of the final fall of the +city. “To Peter Guliano, consul of the Catalans, was entrusted,” +says Phrantzes,<a id='r1061' /><a href='#f1061' class='c009'><sup>[1061]</sup></a> “the defence of the quarter of the +Bucoleon, and the districts as far as the neighbourhood of the +Kontoscalion.”</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span> + <h2 id='chap18' class='c006'>CHAPTER XVIII. <br /> THE HARBOURS ON THE SEA OF MARMORA—<i>continued</i>.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c015'>The <span class='sc'>New Harbour</span><a id='r1062' /><a href='#f1062' class='c009'><sup>[1062]</sup></a> (Portus Novus), known also as the <span class='sc'>Harbour of +Julian</span><a id='r1063' /><a href='#f1063' class='c009'><sup>[1063]</sup></a> (Portus Divi Juliani: Λιμὴν τοῦ Ἰουλιανοῦ), and the <span class='sc'>Harbour +of Sophia</span>,<a id='r1064' /><a href='#f1064' class='c009'><sup>[1064]</sup></a> or the <span class='sc'>Sophias</span><a id='r1065' /><a href='#f1065' class='c009'><sup>[1065]</sup></a> (Λιμὴν τῆς Σοφίας, τῶν Σοφιῶν).</p> +<p class='c007'>About 327 yards to the west of SS. Sergius and Bacchus +traces are found of an ancient harbour extending inland to the +foot of the steep slope above which the Hippodrome is situated. +The Turkish name for the locality, Kadriga Limani, “the +Harbour of the Galleys,” is in itself an indication of the +presence of an old harbour at that point. When Gyllius visited +Constantinople, the port was enclosed by walls and almost filled +in, but still contained a pool of water, in which the women of +the district washed their clothes, and at the bottom of which, +it was reported, submerged triremes could sometimes be seen.<a id='r1066' /><a href='#f1066' class='c009'><sup>[1066]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, as we shall immediately find, was the site of the +harbour known by the three names Portus Novus, the Harbour +of Julian, the Harbour of Sophia.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The harbour obtained its first name, when newly opened in +the fourth century, to distinguish it from the earlier harbours of +the city; while its other names were, respectively, bestowed in +<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>honour of the Emperor Julian, the constructor of the harbour, +and of the Empress Sophia, who restored it when fallen into +decay.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That these three names designated the same harbour can +be proved, most briefly and directly, by showing first the identity +of the Portus Novus with the Harbour of Sophia, and then the +identity of the latter with the Harbour of Julian.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The former point is established by the fact that the Portus +Novus and the Harbour of Sophia occupied the same position; +both were situated on the southern side of the city, and at the foot +of the steep slope descending from the Hippodrome towards the +Sea of Marmora.<a id='r1067' /><a href='#f1067' class='c009'><sup>[1067]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The evidence for the identity of the Harbour of Sophia with +that of Julian rests upon express declarations to that effect. +There is, first, the statement of Leo the Grammarian<a id='r1068' /><a href='#f1068' class='c009'><sup>[1068]</sup></a> that the +Emperor Justin II. built the Palace of Sophia at the Harbour +of Julian, and having cleaned the latter, changed its name to +the Harbour of Sophia. Then, we have two passages in which +Theophanes<a id='r1069' /><a href='#f1069' class='c009'><sup>[1069]</sup></a> takes particular care to explain that the Harbour +of Julian went also by the name of Sophia. Furthermore, both +names are used to designate the scene of the same events, and +the position of the same buildings. For instance; whereas the +<i>Paschal Chronicle</i><a id='r1070' /><a href='#f1070' class='c009'><sup>[1070]</sup></a> states that the final action in the struggle +between Phocas and Heraclius took place in the Harbour of +Julian, John of Antioch<a id='r1071' /><a href='#f1071' class='c009'><sup>[1071]</sup></a> and Cedrenus<a id='r1072' /><a href='#f1072' class='c009'><sup>[1072]</sup></a> say it occurred at +the Harbour of Sophia. Again, while some authors<a id='r1073' /><a href='#f1073' class='c009'><sup>[1073]</sup></a> put the +Residence of Probus, the district of Maurus, and the Palace of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>Sophia, beside the Harbour of Julian, others<a id='r1074' /><a href='#f1074' class='c009'><sup>[1074]</sup></a> place them beside +the Harbour of Sophia.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That the harbour known under these different names was at +Kadriga Limani admits of no doubt, seeing the Portus Novus +and the Harbour of Sophia were, as already intimated, at the +foot of the steep ascent below the Hippodrome,<a id='r1075' /><a href='#f1075' class='c009'><sup>[1075]</sup></a> where Kadriga +Limani is found. Or the same conclusion may be reached by +another line of argument. The Portus Juliani (identical with the +Portus Novus and the Harbour of Sophia) was a large harbour +on the southern side of the city,<a id='r1076' /><a href='#f1076' class='c009'><sup>[1076]</sup></a> and close to the Church of SS. +Sergius and Bacchus.<a id='r1077' /><a href='#f1077' class='c009'><sup>[1077]</sup></a> It could not, however, have stood to the +east of that church, for not only are all traces of such a harbour +wanting in that direction, but no large harbour could possibly +have been constructed there, on account of the character of the +coast. The Portus Juliani, therefore, lay to the west of SS. +Sergius and Bacchus. But it could have been very near that +church (the other indication of its site), only if at Kadriga +Limani.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The construction of the harbour was ordered by Julian during +his stay of ten months in Constantinople, on his way to the +scene of war in Persia.<a id='r1078' /><a href='#f1078' class='c009'><sup>[1078]</sup></a> He likewise erected beside it, for the +convenience of merchants and traders frequenting the harbour, +a fine crescent-shaped portico styled, from its form, the Sigma +(Σίγμα);<a id='r1079' /><a href='#f1079' class='c009'><sup>[1079]</sup></a> and there, also, his statue stood until 535, when it +fell in an earthquake, and was replaced by a cross.<a id='r1080' /><a href='#f1080' class='c009'><sup>[1080]</sup></a> In promoting +such public works, Julian was actuated not only by the +dictates of enlightened policy, but also by the affection he +cherished for the city of his birth.<a id='r1081' /><a href='#f1081' class='c009'><sup>[1081]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>After one hundred and fifty years, the harbour was so injured +by the accumulation of the sand thrown up on this coast +as to call for extensive repairs; and accordingly, at the order +of Anastasius I., it was, in 509, dredged, and protected by +a mole.<a id='r1082' /><a href='#f1082' class='c009'><sup>[1082]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Nevertheless, further restoration was required sixty years later, +in the reign of Justin II. The work was then executed under the +superintendence of Narses and the Protovestarius Troilus, at the +urgent solicitation of the Empress Sophia, whose sympathies had +been greatly stirred by seeing, from her palace windows, ships in +distress during a violent storm on the Sea of Marmora. It was in +recognition of the empress’s interest in the matter that the harbour +received her name,<a id='r1083' /><a href='#f1083' class='c009'><sup>[1083]</sup></a> and was adorned with her statue, as well as +with the statues of Justin II., her daughter Arabia, and Narses.<a id='r1084' /><a href='#f1084' class='c009'><sup>[1084]</sup></a> +Owing to the improvements made on the harbour at this time, +the Marine Exchange of the city was transferred to it from the +Neorion on the Golden Horn.<a id='r1085' /><a href='#f1085' class='c009'><sup>[1085]</sup></a> The port continued in use to +the end of the Empire, and also for some sixty years after the +Turkish Conquest. The entrance (now closed) was between the +two large towers immediately to the west of SS. Sergius and +Bacchus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With the harbour the following historical events are associated: +Here the body of St. Chrysostom was landed, and placed +for a time in the neighbouring Church of St. Thomas Amantiou, +when brought from the land of his exile to be entombed in the +Church of the Holy Apostles.<a id='r1086' /><a href='#f1086' class='c009'><sup>[1086]</sup></a> In the riot of the Nika, the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>Residence of Probus, which stood beside the harbour, was first +searched for arms, and then set on fire by the Factions.<a id='r1087' /><a href='#f1087' class='c009'><sup>[1087]</sup></a> Here +Phocas placed a division of the Green Faction, to prevent the +landing of troops from the fleet of Heraclius;<a id='r1088' /><a href='#f1088' class='c009'><sup>[1088]</sup></a> and hither the +tyrant himself was dragged from his palace, thrown into a boat, +and taken to Heraclius, in whose presence he was put to death.<a id='r1089' /><a href='#f1089' class='c009'><sup>[1089]</sup></a> +Here Leontius, upon his appointment as Governor of the Theme +of Hellas, embarked to proceed to his post; but, at the instance +of his friends, landed to head the revolution which overthrew +Justinian II.<a id='r1090' /><a href='#f1090' class='c009'><sup>[1090]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Several of the great fires to which Constantinople was so +liable reached this harbour. Among them was the terrible +conflagration in the reign of Leo the Great, which devastated +the principal quarters of the city, from the Golden Horn +to the Sea of Marmora.<a id='r1091' /><a href='#f1091' class='c009'><sup>[1091]</sup></a> The equally destructive fire of +1203, which started with the burning, by the Crusaders, of +the Saracen Mosque beside the Golden Horn, near Sirkedji +Iskelessi, likewise swept across the city to this point.<a id='r1092' /><a href='#f1092' class='c009'><sup>[1092]</sup></a> Other +fires of minor importance occurred here in 561, 863, 887, +and 956.</p> + +<p class='c008'>To the list of the noted buildings and districts near the +Harbour of Julian, already mentioned, may be added the Residence +of Bardas, father of Nicephorus Phocas;<a id='r1093' /><a href='#f1093' class='c009'><sup>[1093]</sup></a> the Residence of +Isaac Sevastocrator, which was converted by Isaac Angelus into +a khan or hostelry (Pandocheion), with accommodation for one +hundred men and as many horses;<a id='r1094' /><a href='#f1094' class='c009'><sup>[1094]</sup></a> the Churches of St. Thekla;<a id='r1095' /><a href='#f1095' class='c009'><sup>[1095]</sup></a> +St. Thomas, Amantiou;<a id='r1096' /><a href='#f1096' class='c009'><sup>[1096]</sup></a> the Archangel Michael, of Adda (τοῦ +<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>Ἀδδᾷ);<a id='r1097' /><a href='#f1097' class='c009'><sup>[1097]</sup></a> St. Julian Perdix; and St. John the Forerunner, near +the Residence of Probus.<a id='r1098' /><a href='#f1098' class='c009'><sup>[1098]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Close to the Harbour of Sophia stood a tower known as the +Bukanon, or the Trumpet (τὸ Βύκανον).<a id='r1099' /><a href='#f1099' class='c009'><sup>[1099]</sup></a> It was so named, +according to the Anonymus,<a id='r1100' /><a href='#f1100' class='c009'><sup>[1100]</sup></a> both because trumpets were kept +there, and because the tower itself, being hollow, resounded +like a trumpet when struck by the waves. Whenever the +Imperial fleet, the same writer adds, sailed from the city, it was +customary for the ships to assemble before this tower and exchange +musical salutes with it; a legend, which is probably a +fanciful travesty of the simple fact that the tower was a station +from which the movements of vessels were directed by trumpet +signals.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If the order in which the Anonymus mentions the tower, +between the SS. Sergius and Bacchus and the Harbour of +Sophia, indicates its actual position, the Bukanon stood on the +eastern side of the harbour.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of the Kontoscalion (τὸ Κοντοσκάλιον).</h3> +<p class='c007'>Another harbour on the Marmora side of the city was the +Harbour of Kontoscalion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first reference to the Kontoscalion occurs in the +Anonymus,<a id='r1101' /><a href='#f1101' class='c009'><sup>[1101]</sup></a> in the eleventh century, but the harbour acquired +its greatest importance after 1261, when it was selected by +Michael Palæologus to be the dockyard and principal station of +the Imperial navy. Here the emperor thought his fleet could +lie more secure from attack, and in a better position to assail an +<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>enemy, than in any other haven of the city. For the force of +the current along this shore would soon oblige hostile ships +approaching the port to beat a hasty retreat, lest they should be +driven upon the coast, and consequently expose them, as they +withdrew, to be taken in the rear by the Imperial vessels that +would then sally forth in pursuit. Great labour was therefore +expended upon the old harbour. It was dredged and deepened +to render it more commodious; and to make it more secure, it +was surrounded with immense blocks, closed with iron gates, and +protected by a mole.<a id='r1102' /><a href='#f1102' class='c009'><sup>[1102]</sup></a> Subsequently, as his coat-of-arms on +the western tower of the harbour indicated, the Kontoscalion +was repaired by Andronicus II.<a id='r1103' /><a href='#f1103' class='c009'><sup>[1103]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>A Russian pilgrim who visited the city about 1350 has drawn +a vivid picture of the harbour when crowded with triremes on +account of contrary weather:—</p> + +<p class='c008'>“De l’Hippodrome on passe devant Cantoscopie; là est la +superbe et très grande porte en fer à grillage de la ville. C’est +par cette porte que la mer pénétre dans la ville. Si la mer est +agitée, jusqu’a trois cents galères y trouvent place; ces galères +ont les unes deux cents et les autres trois cents rames. Ces +vaisseaux sont employés au transport des troupes. Si le vent est +contraire, ils ne peuvent avancer, et doivent attendre le beau +temps.”<a id='r1104' /><a href='#f1104' class='c009'><sup>[1104]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Kontoscalion is generally held to have stood in front +of Koum Kapoussi, where the traces of an old harbour, about +270 yards wide and some 217 yards long, are still discernible in +an extensive mole off the shore, and in the great bend described +by the city walls at that point to enclose an area which, at one +time, was evidently a basin of water.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is scarcely any room for doubt that this view is correct. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>The adherence of the name Kontoscalion to this quarter, apparently, +ever since the Turkish Conquest,<a id='r1105' /><a href='#f1105' class='c009'><sup>[1105]</sup></a> is in favour of the +opinion. So, likewise, is the fact that thus it becomes intelligible +how Pachymeres<a id='r1106' /><a href='#f1106' class='c009'><sup>[1106]</sup></a> and Bondelmontius<a id='r1107' /><a href='#f1107' class='c009'><sup>[1107]</sup></a> associate the harbour +with Vlanga, on the one hand, while Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r1108' /><a href='#f1108' class='c009'><sup>[1108]</sup></a> +associates it with the Hippodrome on the other. It is also a +corroboration of this view to find on the walls of the harbour +the coat-of-arms of Andronicus II., who is declared, by one +authority, to have restored the Kontoscalion.<a id='r1109' /><a href='#f1109' class='c009'><sup>[1109]</sup></a> The only objection +to this identification is found in the difference between the +character of the actual enclosure around the harbour at Koum +Kapoussi and the character of the enclosure which Michael +Palæologus placed around the Kontoscalion. The former consists +of the ordinary walls of the city; the latter consisted, according +to Pachymeres,<a id='r1110' /><a href='#f1110' class='c009'><sup>[1110]</sup></a> of very large blocks of stone: ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν +μεγίσταις πέτραις τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον. But in reply to this objection +it may be said, either (though not without some violence to the +words of the historian) that the great blocks of stone referred +to were the boulders which form the mole of the harbour; or +<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>that the work done under Michael Palæologus was temporary, +and was superseded by the improvements executed in the reign +of his son and successor Andronicus II. The objection must +not be ignored.<a id='r1111' /><a href='#f1111' class='c009'><sup>[1111]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.</h3> +<p class='c007'>According to the <i>Notitia</i>,<a id='r1112' /><a href='#f1112' class='c009'><sup>[1112]</sup></a> Constantinople possessed a harbour +called Portus Theodosianus, in the Twelfth Region of the city. +As that Region comprised within its limits the shore of the Sea +of Marmora at the southern base of the Seventh Hill, the +Harbour of Theodosius must have been found at Vlanga Bostan, +where the basin of a very ancient harbour, now filled in and +converted into market-gardens, is distinctly visible.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There can be little doubt that this harbour was also the one +which went by the name Harbour of Eleutherius<a id='r1113' /><a href='#f1113' class='c009'><sup>[1113]</sup></a> (ὁ λιμὴν τοῦ +Ἐλευθερίου): for the district of Eleutherius, and the palace of that +name,<a id='r1114' /><a href='#f1114' class='c009'><sup>[1114]</sup></a> were situated in the valley leading from Vlanga Bostan +to Ak Serai, and the Et Meidan. The harbour at Vlanga Bostan, +moreover, corresponds to the description given of the Harbour +of Eleutherius by the Anonymus,<a id='r1115' /><a href='#f1115' class='c009'><sup>[1115]</sup></a> who speaks of it as a very +ancient harbour, situated to the west of that of Sophia, and +abandoned long before his time.</p> + +<p class='c008'>If this be so, then the name Harbour of Eleutherius was its +earlier designation, and the port itself was the oldest on the +side of the city towards the Sea of Marmora, its construction +being ascribed to a certain Eleutherius, who was present at +the foundation of Constantinople.<a id='r1116' /><a href='#f1116' class='c009'><sup>[1116]</sup></a> Its antiquity is supported +<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>by the aspect of its remains, for the walls enclosing it on the +north are the oldest portion of the fortifications of the city, +and possibly belong to the time of Constantine the Great. +Here the statue of Eleutherius was erected, in the appropriate +equipment of an excavator, with a spade in his hand and a +basket on his back.<a id='r1117' /><a href='#f1117' class='c009'><sup>[1117]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig297' class='figcenter id005'> +<a href='images/fig297-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig297.jpg' alt='Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Tower Guarding the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.<a id='r1118' /><a href='#f1118' class='c009'><sup>[1118]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>From the fact that the harbour was called Portus Theodosianus, +it is evident that it was improved by Theodosius I., +to whom the city owed so many public works.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>When precisely the harbour was filled in is a question not +easily settled. The Anonymus declares, indeed, that this was +done in the reign of Theodosius I., with the earth excavated in +laying the foundations of the column of that emperor in the +Forum of Taurus.<a id='r1119' /><a href='#f1119' class='c009'><sup>[1119]</sup></a> But, had that been the case, the <i>Notitia</i> +would scarcely have mentioned an abandoned harbour among +the objects for which the Twelfth Region of the city was remarkable. +What is certain is that the harbour was destroyed +some time before the eleventh century; probably because the +earth brought by the stream of the Lycus, which flows into +the harbour, and the sand cast up by the sea, proved too +troublesome for the maintenance of a sufficient depth of +water.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The harbour measured 786 yards from east to west and 218 +yards from south to north. Along its southern side, as well as +along a portion of its side towards the east, it was protected by +a mole twelve feet thick, carefully constructed of masonry, and +extending from the Gate of St. Æmilianus (Daoud Pasha Kapoussi) +eastwards for about 436 yards, and then northwards +for 327 yards more.<a id='r1120' /><a href='#f1120' class='c009'><sup>[1120]</sup></a> Upon the greater portion of the mole, +walls were constructed for the military defence of the +harbour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The entrance was at the north-eastern end, between the +head of the mole and the site of the Gate Yeni Kapou, the +opening through which the Roumelian Railway now runs, and +was guarded by a tower built at a short distance out in +the sea.<a id='r1121' /><a href='#f1121' class='c009'><sup>[1121]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig299' class='figcenter id007'> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span> +<a href='images/fig299-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig299.jpg' alt='Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Portion of the Wall Around the Harbour of Eleutherius and Theodosius.<a id='r1122' /><a href='#f1122' class='c009'><sup>[1122]</sup></a></p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>As stated already, the adjacent quarter was called the +quarter of Eleutherius (τὰ τοῦ Ἐλευθερίου). It is mentioned +under that name in 1203, as the farthest point reached by the +great fire which then devastated the city through the folly of the +Crusaders.<a id='r1123' /><a href='#f1123' class='c009'><sup>[1123]</sup></a> The present name of the quarter, Vlanga, appears +first in the eleventh century, as the designation of the residence +of Andronicus Comnenus in this part of the city (οἶκος ὅς τοῦ +Βλάγγα ἐπικέκληται),<a id='r1124' /><a href='#f1124' class='c009'><sup>[1124]</sup></a> and it is the name by which writers +<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>subsequent to the Restoration of the Greek Empire refer to +the district.<a id='r1125' /><a href='#f1125' class='c009'><sup>[1125]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the vicinity stood the Palace of the Empress Irene,<a id='r1126' /><a href='#f1126' class='c009'><sup>[1126]</sup></a> the +unnatural mother of Constantine VI., in which Basil II. entertained +the Legates of Pope Hadrian II.<a id='r1127' /><a href='#f1127' class='c009'><sup>[1127]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Church of St. Panteleemon, erected by Theodora the +wife of Justinian the Great, on the site of her humble dwelling +when a poor woman earning her bread by spinning wool<a id='r1128' /><a href='#f1128' class='c009'><sup>[1128]</sup></a> and +the district of Narses (τὰ Ναρσοῦ)<a id='r1129' /><a href='#f1129' class='c009'><sup>[1129]</sup></a> were in this neighbourhood; +so also was the district of Canicleius (τὰ Κανικλείου), where the +emperor landed when proceeding to pay his annual visit to that +church.<a id='r1130' /><a href='#f1130' class='c009'><sup>[1130]</sup></a> The modern Greek church of St. Theodore, to the +south of Boudroum Djamissi (Myrelaion), marks, Dr. Mordtmann<a id='r1131' /><a href='#f1131' class='c009'><sup>[1131]</sup></a> +suggests, the district of Claudius (τὰ Κλαυδίου).</p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Harbour of the Golden Gate.</h3> +<p class='c007'>Another harbour on this side of the city was the Harbour +of the Golden Gate (ὁ λιμὴν τῆς Χρυσῆς),<a id='r1132' /><a href='#f1132' class='c009'><sup>[1132]</sup></a> in the bay to the +west of the entrance of that name. This is implied in the statement +of Ducas, that during the siege of 1453 the right wing of +the Turkish army extended southwards from the Gate of St. +Romanus to the Harbour of the Golden Gate.<a id='r1133' /><a href='#f1133' class='c009'><sup>[1133]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On the occasion of a triumph celebrating a victorious +campaign in Asia Minor, the harbour presented an animated +<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>scene; for the spoils and prisoners which were to figure in +the procession, were ferried across from Chrysopolis, and landed +at this point, to be marshalled on the plain before the Golden +Gate.<a id='r1134' /><a href='#f1134' class='c009'><sup>[1134]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It was off this point that the Turkish fleet, in 1453, waited to +intercept the five gallant ships, which brought provisions to the +city from the island of Scio, and which forced their way to the +Golden Horn, notwithstanding all the efforts of 305 vessels of +the Sultan to capture them.<a id='r1135' /><a href='#f1135' class='c009'><sup>[1135]</sup></a></p> +<h3 class='c010'>The Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at the Heptascalon.</h3> +<p class='c007'>Before concluding this account of the city harbours on the +Sea of Marmora, a point of some importance remains to be +settled.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Byzantine historians speak of the Harbour of Kaisarius, and +of the Neorion at the Heptascalon, on the southern shore of the +city. Now, as traces of an additional harbour to those already +mentioned, on this side of the city, may be disputed, the question +presents itself: Have the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion +at the Heptascalon disappeared, or were they one or other of +the harbours already identified?</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Harbour of Kaisarius (Λιμὴν τοῦ Καισαρείου) is mentioned +for the first time in the Acts of the Fifth General Council of +Constantinople,<a id='r1136' /><a href='#f1136' class='c009'><sup>[1136]</sup></a> held in 553, under Justinian the Great. Near +it, we are there informed, stood the Residence of Germanus: +<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>“In domo Germani, prope portum Cæsarii.” The harbour is +mentioned for the last time by Cedrenus,<a id='r1137' /><a href='#f1137' class='c009'><sup>[1137]</sup></a> in what is manifestly +a quotation from Theophanes.<a id='r1138' /><a href='#f1138' class='c009'><sup>[1138]</sup></a> Beside it stood a district,<a id='r1139' /><a href='#f1139' class='c009'><sup>[1139]</sup></a> +and a palace,<a id='r1140' /><a href='#f1140' class='c009'><sup>[1140]</sup></a> known respectively as the District and the Palace +of Kaisarius (ἐν τοῖς Καισαρείου: κυράτωρ τῶν Καισαρείου); the +latter being probably the residence of Germanus above mentioned.</p> + +<p class='c008'>After whom the harbour was named is uncertain. Du Cange<a id='r1141' /><a href='#f1141' class='c009'><sup>[1141]</sup></a> +suggests three persons from whom the designation may have +been derived: Kaisarius, Prefect of the City under Valentinian; +Kaisarius, Prætorian Prefect under Theodosius I.; and Kaisarius, +a personage of some note in the reign of Leo I. If the choice +lies between these persons, the preference must be given to the +last; for the <i>Notitia</i>, which describes the city in the reign of +Theodosius II., makes no mention of this harbour. In all +probability, therefore, the Harbour of Kaisarius was constructed +towards the close of the fifth century.</p> + +<p class='c008'>That it stood on the Sea of Marmora is evident; first, from +its association with the Harbours of Julian and of Hormisdas, as +one of the points at which the tyrant Phocas placed troops to +prevent the landing of Heraclius on the southern side of the +city;<a id='r1142' /><a href='#f1142' class='c009'><sup>[1142]</sup></a> and secondly, from the fact that it was there that Constantine +Pogonatus, in 673, placed his ships, armed with the +newly invented tubes for squirting Greek fire, to await the +Saracen fleet coming up against the city from the Ægean.<a id='r1143' /><a href='#f1143' class='c009'><sup>[1143]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Passing next to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, we find that +<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>the term “Heptascalon” is employed by Byzantine writers only +in two connections: first, and then generally in the corrupt form +Πασχάλῳ or Πασκάλῳ, it serves to mark the site of a church +dedicated to St. Acacius; the earliest writer who uses it for that +purpose being Constantine Porphyrogenitus,<a id='r1144' /><a href='#f1144' class='c009'><sup>[1144]</sup></a> in his biography of +Basil I., by whom the church was restored: secondly, Cantacuzene<a id='r1145' /><a href='#f1145' class='c009'><sup>[1145]</sup></a> +employs the phrase to indicate the situation of the harbour +now under discussion.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In 1351 Cantacuzene<a id='r1146' /><a href='#f1146' class='c009'><sup>[1146]</sup></a> found the harbour in a very unsatisfactory +condition. Owing to the sand which had accumulated in +it for many years, it could hardly float a ship laden with cargo; +and accordingly, in pursuance of his policy to develop the naval +resources of the Empire, he caused the harbour to be dredged at +much labour and expense, to the great convenience of public +business. So extensive was the work of restoration that in one +passage the harbour is styled the New Neorion.<a id='r1147' /><a href='#f1147' class='c009'><sup>[1147]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Du Cange,<a id='r1148' /><a href='#f1148' class='c009'><sup>[1148]</sup></a> misled by the fact that a Church of St. Acacius was +found in the Tenth Region—one of the Regions on the northern +side of the city—has classed the Neorion at the Heptascalon +among the harbours on the Golden Horn. But to identify a site +in Byzantine Constantinople by means of a church alone is a +precarious proceeding, for churches of the same dedication were +to be found in different quarters of the city. This, Du Cange<a id='r1149' /><a href='#f1149' class='c009'><sup>[1149]</sup></a> +himself admits, was possible in the case before us; since, besides +the Church of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, writers speak of a +Church of St. Acacius ad Caream (Ἐν τῇ Καρύᾳ), and the identity +of the two sanctuaries cannot be assumed. But the existence of +a second church dedicated to St. Acacius is not a mere possibility. +<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>According to Antony of Novgorod,<a id='r1150' /><a href='#f1150' class='c009'><sup>[1150]</sup></a> there was a church of that +dedication also on the southern side of the city, not far +from the Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus. The Neorion +at the Heptascalon may, therefore, have been on the Sea of +Marmora.</p> + +<p class='c008'>And that it was there, as a matter of fact, is evident from +the statements made regarding that harbour by Cantacuzene and +Nicephorus Gregoras, in their account of the naval engagement +fought in the Bosporus in 1351, between a Genoese fleet on the +one hand, and the Greeks, supported by Venetian and Spanish +ships, on the other.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Upon coming up from the Ægean to take part in the war, +the Venetians and the Spaniards, says the former historian,<a id='r1151' /><a href='#f1151' class='c009'><sup>[1151]</sup></a> +anchored off the Prince’s Island, to rest their crews after the +hardships of the winter. There they remained three days. +Then, quitting their moorings, the two allies made for the +Neorion at the Heptascalon, or, as it is also styled, the Neorion +of the Byzantines (τὸ Βυζαντίων νεώριον),<a id='r1152' /><a href='#f1152' class='c009'><sup>[1152]</sup></a> to join the Imperial +fleet which was stationed there, all ready for action, and awaiting +their arrival. Meanwhile, the Genoese admiral, with seventy ships, +had taken up his position at Chalcedon (Kadikeui), to watch and +oppose the movements of the allied squadrons. The wind was +blowing a gale from the south, and though the Venetians and +Spaniards had started for the Heptascalon very early in the +morning, it was with the utmost difficulty, and late in the afternoon, +that they succeeded in crossing from the island to the city. +Even at the last moment they narrowly escaped destruction, by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>being dashed to pieces against the boulders scattered along the +foot of the walls as a breakwater.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Byzantine admiral, encouraged by the arrival of his allies, +then sallied forth from the Heptascalon, and led the way towards +the Genoese ships at Chalcedon. The latter, finding it impossible +to make head against the wind, retired towards Galata, and +skilfully entrenched themselves among the shoals and rocks +off Beshiktash, preferring to be attacked in that advantageous +situation.<a id='r1153' /><a href='#f1153' class='c009'><sup>[1153]</sup></a> The allies came on, and a desperate conflict, partly +on the water, partly on the rocks, ensued, until night parted the +combatants without a decisive victory on either side.</p> + +<p class='c008'>With this narrative of Cantacuzene in view, no one familiar +with the vicinity of Constantinople can doubt for a moment that +the Neorion at the Heptascalon was upon the Sea of Marmora. +The single circumstance that the walls in the neighbourhood of +the harbour were protected by boulders placed in the sea as a +breakwater is alone sufficient to prove the fact; for only the walls +bordering the Sea of Marmora were defended in that manner. +Equally conclusive is the circumstance that the Venetian and +Spanish ships found it difficult to make the harbour from the +Prince’s Island with a strong south wind on their left. Such +a wind would drive them towards the Bosporus with a violence +that would render it almost impossible for them to put into any +port on the Marmora shore of the city. Nor is it less decisive +to find, as the historian’s account makes perfectly clear, that the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>harbour was so situated; that the approach to it, and possible +shipwrecks at its entrance, could be observed by the Genoese +admiral stationed off Chalcedon; that an enemy at Chalcedon +found it hard to advance towards the Heptascalon in a strong +south wind; and that vessels proceeding from the harbour to +Galata could, on the way, touch at Chalcedon. These facts hold +true only of a harbour on the Sea of Marmora.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This conclusion, based on the narrative of Cantacuzene, is +corroborated by the indications which Nicephorus Gregoras<a id='r1154' /><a href='#f1154' class='c009'><sup>[1154]</sup></a> +furnishes regarding the site of the Neorion. The events which +transpired, according to the former historian, at the Neorion at +the Heptascalon, or the Neorion of the Byzantines, took place, +according to the latter, in the Harbour of the Byzantines, or, +more definitely, “the Harbour of the Byzantines facing the east” +(τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων λιμένος, τοῦ πρὸς ἒω βλέποντος).<a id='r1155' /><a href='#f1155' class='c009'><sup>[1155]</sup></a> That the +expression “facing the east” denoted the shore of the city facing +the Sea of Marmora and the Asiatic coast is manifest, from the +use which Nicephorus Gregoras makes of that expression in +other passages of his work. The Golden Gate, which stands +near the Sea of Marmora, on what would generally be described +as the southern shore of the city, stood, according to him, near +the city’s <i>eastern</i> shore.<a id='r1156' /><a href='#f1156' class='c009'><sup>[1156]</sup></a> Again, the gale from the south, which +damaged the city fortifications along the Sea of Marmora in the +year 1341, assailed, he says, the <i>eastern</i> walls of the capital.<a id='r1157' /><a href='#f1157' class='c009'><sup>[1157]</sup></a> +This way of speaking, if not strictly accurate, is justified by +the fact that extensive portions of the city beside the Sea of +Marmora face east or south-east.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Nor is this all. The harbour in question, adds Nicephorus +Gregoras,<a id='r1158' /><a href='#f1158' class='c009'><sup>[1158]</sup></a> stood where the walls of the city were protected by +<span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>boulders; ships issuing from it, in a south wind, could readily +make the Bosporus;<a id='r1159' /><a href='#f1159' class='c009'><sup>[1159]</sup></a> while ships proceeding from the Bosporus +to the harbour passed Chalcedon on the left, and could be +watched from Chalcedon, upon their arrival at their destination.<a id='r1160' /><a href='#f1160' class='c009'><sup>[1160]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Such facts, we repeat, hold good only of a harbour situated +on the shore of the city beside the Sea of Marmora.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It being thus proved that the Harbour of Kaisarius and the +Neorion at the Heptascalon were situated on the Marmora +side of the city, we return to the question, whether they have +disappeared, or were different names for one or other of the +harbours already identified.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So far as room for harbours additional to those already +identified is concerned, such room could be found only in the +level ground at the foot of the Third Hill, extending from the +Kontoscalion at Koum Kapoussi to the Harbour of Theodosius +at Vlanga, points some 910 yards apart. An additional harbour +elsewhere was impossible, owing to the character of the coast. +Accordingly, if the Harbour of Kaisarius and the Neorion at +the Heptascalon cannot be identified with one or other of the +well-known harbours on the Sea of Marmora, they must have +been situated between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So far as the Harbour of Kaisarius is concerned, it could +not have been another name for the Harbour of the Bucoleon, +or the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Harbour of the +Golden Gate. For, as John of Antioch<a id='r1161' /><a href='#f1161' class='c009'><sup>[1161]</sup></a> makes perfectly clear +in his account of the defence of the city by Phocas against +Heraclius, the Harbour of Kaisarius was situated in the same +general district as the two former harbours, and to the west +of them. Nor can the Harbour of Kaisarius be identified +with the Harbour of Theodosius, inasmuch as the latter had +<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>been filled in and abandoned<a id='r1162' /><a href='#f1162' class='c009'><sup>[1162]</sup></a> before the reigns of Phocas and +Constantine IV., in the seventh century, when the Harbour of +Kaisarius was still one of the principal ports on the southern +coast of the city.<a id='r1163' /><a href='#f1163' class='c009'><sup>[1163]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Harbour of Kaisarius must, therefore, have been either +the Kontoscalion, at Koum Kapoussi, or another harbour between +that gate and Vlanga. To suppose that it was the Kontoscalion, +under an earlier name, is possible, since the name Kontoscalion, +we have seen,<a id='r1164' /><a href='#f1164' class='c009'><sup>[1164]</sup></a> appears for the first time in the eleventh century. +Still the circumstance that a fire which started beside the +Harbour of Kaisarius extended to the Forum of the Ox (ἕως τοῦ +Βοός),<a id='r1165' /><a href='#f1165' class='c009'><sup>[1165]</sup></a> situated at Ak Serai far up the valley that runs northwards +from Yeni Kapou, suggests a situation nearer Vlanga.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Turning, next, to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, it could, +obviously, not be the Harbour of the Bucoleon, attached to the +Imperial Palace; nor the Harbour of the Golden Gate, which +was beyond the city limits; nor the Harbour of Theodosius, +which had been filled in long before the reign of Cantacuzene, +and which in 1400 and 1422, dates respectively not fifty and +seventy years after that emperor’s reign, is described as a garden.<a id='r1166' /><a href='#f1166' class='c009'><sup>[1166]</sup></a> +The Neorion at the Heptascalon, therefore, must have been +either the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, or the Kontoscalion, +or an additional harbour between Koum Kapoussi and Vlanga. +One objection to the first supposition is that the Harbour of +Julian and Sophia was so notoriously known under its own +special name, that reference to it by another designation is extremely +improbable. Another objection is that the indications +respecting the site of St. Acacius at the Heptascalon, however +<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>vague their character, furnish no ground for believing that the +church stood in the vicinity of the Harbour of Julian and Sophia, +but support, rather, the opinion that it stood in the neighbourhood +of Boudroum Djamissi, in the quarter of Laleli Hamam, +situated to the north-west of Koum Kapoussi.<a id='r1167' /><a href='#f1167' class='c009'><sup>[1167]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The supposition that the Neorion at the Heptascalon was the +same as the Kontoscalion is open to objections equally, if not +more, serious. The identity of the two harbours is inconsistent +with the fact that the two names occur in the writings of the +same author, Cantacuzene,<a id='r1168' /><a href='#f1168' class='c009'><sup>[1168]</sup></a> in the same section of his work, +in passages not widely separated and treating of kindred +matters, without the slightest hint that under the different +names he refers to the same thing. The natural impression +made by the use of the two names in such a way is that they +denote different things. Then, there is an opposition between +the respective meanings of the two names, which makes their +application to the same object incompatible; a harbour distinguished +by a short pier cannot also be a harbour distinguished +by seven piers. In the next place, the different accounts which +Cantacuzene gives of the condition of the two harbours in his +reign imply that he is not speaking of the same port. He refers +<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>to the Kontoscalion,<a id='r1169' /><a href='#f1169' class='c009'><sup>[1169]</sup></a> in 1348, without a note of disparagement, +as a harbour in which he constructed several large triremes for +the increase of his fleet; while he describes the Neorion at the +Heptascalon,<a id='r1170' /><a href='#f1170' class='c009'><sup>[1170]</sup></a> only three years later, as a harbour which had +long been neglected, which was full of silt, and which he restored +at great expense, for the public advantage, on a scale which +entitled it to be styled the New Neorion.<a id='r1171' /><a href='#f1171' class='c009'><sup>[1171]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>And just as all that Cantacuzene states regarding the two +harbours implies that they were different, so does the language +of Nicephorus Gregoras. When the latter writer alludes to the +Kontoscalion, he describes it as the harbour near the Hippodrome;<a id='r1172' /><a href='#f1172' class='c009'><sup>[1172]</sup></a> +when he alludes to the Neorion at the Heptascalon, he +describes it as the harbour facing the east.<a id='r1173' /><a href='#f1173' class='c009'><sup>[1173]</sup></a> Different marks are +generally employed to distinguish different objects.<a id='r1174' /><a href='#f1174' class='c009'><sup>[1174]</sup></a> This being +so, the unavoidable conclusion is that the Neorion at the Heptascalon +was a harbour situated between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni +Kapou, the only possible situation for an additional harbour.</p> + +<p class='c008'>We should feel obliged to insist upon this conclusion, even +in the absence of any remains of a harbour in the situation +indicated. Our task, however, is not so arduous; for manifest +traces of such a harbour have been identified. In the first +place, traces of a harbour in the district above mentioned came +<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>to view in 1819, and were then officially noted by so competent +an authority as the Patriarch Constantius.<a id='r1175' /><a href='#f1175' class='c009'><sup>[1175]</sup></a> In that year a +great fire burned down a large part of the Turkish quarter near +Yeni Kapou—Tulbenkdji Djamissi—and brought to light a portion +of an ancient circular enclosure around that quarter. The +discovery excited considerable attention, and the patriarch was +specially instructed by the Turkish Government of the day to +examine the wall and report the result of his investigations. +Accompanied by two distinguished members of the Greek community, +the prelate proceeded to the scene of the conflagration, +and found a wall built of huge blocks of stone, about seven feet +long, four and a half feet wide, and over a foot thick. The stones +were carefully hewn and placed in three tiers; the blocks in the +two lower tiers being the ordinary limestone found on the banks +of the Bosporus, while the blocks in the highest row were of +marble from the Island of Marmora. The territory enclosed by +the wall presented the appearance of a great hollow which had +been filled in, since the Turkish Conquest, and raised to afford +ground for building. All that the patriarch saw convinced him +that he stood upon the site of one of the ancient harbours of +the city. The wall has disappeared, as the excellent building +material it provided rendered natural. But other remains of a +harbour at this point, the complement of those discovered by the +patriarch, have been recognized, and can, to some extent, be +still distinguished.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Off the shore in front of the territory enclosed by the wall +described above is a mole formed with boulders (marked +“Molotrümmer” on Stolpe’s map of the city), similar to the +mole before the old harbour at Koum Kapoussi. At a point +about half-way between Koum Kapoussi and Yeni Kapou, +there is a wide gap in this mole, dividing it in two unequal +<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>parts, and forming a passage through it. The shore<a id='r1176' /><a href='#f1176' class='c009'><sup>[1176]</sup></a> opposite +the gap was, until the construction of a quay in 1870 for the +Roumelian railroad, a sandy beach extending back to the foot +of the city walls. The portion of the walls at the rear of the +beach was, however, not Byzantine; but a piece of Turkish +work<a id='r1177' /><a href='#f1177' class='c009'><sup>[1177]</sup></a> inserted between the Byzantine walls on either hand to +close an opening which gave admittance to the area occupied by +the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Here, accordingly, we have traces of all that constitutes a +harbour: its mole, its entrance, its basin and enclosure, indicating +where the Neorion at the Heptascalon, which the language +of Cantacuzene and Nicephorus Gregoras obliges us to +distinguish from the Kontoscalion, was probably situated. At +this point, it seems reasonable to think, stood also the Harbour +of Kaisarius, if we may judge from the circumstance that a fire +which originated at that harbour extended up the valley from +Vlanga to Ak Serai.<a id='r1178' /><a href='#f1178' class='c009'><sup>[1178]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the opinion of the Patriarch Constantius,<a id='r1179' /><a href='#f1179' class='c009'><sup>[1179]</sup></a> indeed, the +harbour discovered in 1819 was the Kontoscalion. The statement +of Pachymeres<a id='r1180' /><a href='#f1180' class='c009'><sup>[1180]</sup></a> and Bondelmontius,<a id='r1181' /><a href='#f1181' class='c009'><sup>[1181]</sup></a> that the Kontoscalion +was near Vlanga, cannot, perhaps, be held to lend much +countenance to this supposition, for in view of the short distance +between Vlanga and Koum Kapoussi, the Kontoscalion might +be thus described, although situated in front of the latter. But +what presents a most serious consideration in favour of the +patriarch’s opinion is the fact that the wall which he examined +answered exactly to the description of the wall with which +Michael Palæologus enclosed the Kontoscalion.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>That emperor, according to Pachymeres,<a id='r1182' /><a href='#f1182' class='c009'><sup>[1182]</sup></a> surrounded the +Kontoscalion with very large stones; and closed the entrance +in the stones with iron gates (Ὥστε γυρῶσαι μὲν μεγίσταις πέτραις +τὸν κύκλῳ τόπον, ... πύλας δ᾽ ἐπιθεῖναι ἀραρυίας ἐκ σιδήρου τῇ +ἐν ταῖς πέτραις εἰσίθμη ἔξωθεν).</p> + +<p class='c008'>No language could describe better the enclosure of large +blocks discovered in 1819; while the expression “the entrance +in the stones” applies admirably to the gap in the mole which +protected the harbour. Nothing of the kind is found at the +harbour before Koum Kapoussi, which lay within a mole and +a great curve of the ordinary city walls. This, it must be +admitted, is an exceedingly strong argument in support of the +patriarch’s contention. On the other hand, we have seen how +strong also are the arguments in favour of the view that the +Kontoscalion stood at Koum Kapoussi.<a id='r1183' /><a href='#f1183' class='c009'><sup>[1183]</sup></a> Perhaps the solution +of the difficulty is found in the supposition that while the name +Kontoscalion strictly belonged to the harbour at Koum Kapoussi, +it was sometimes applied also to other harbours in the vicinity, +because the name of the most important member of the group.</p> +<h3 class='c010'>Note on the Locality where the Ancient Harbour Wall, discovered in 1819, was found.</h3> +<p class='c015'>The Patriarch Constantius, our sole informant on the subject, refers to this +discovery twice; first, in his work on <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i> (Κωνσταντινιὰς +Παλαιὰ τε καὶ Νεωτέρα), published in 1844; secondly, in a letter, dated +April 12, 1852, which is found in the collection of his minor works (Συγγραφαὶ +αἱ Ἐλάσσωνες), and which was addressed to Mr. Scarlatus Byzantius, upon the +publication of that gentleman’s work on the history and antiquities of the city. In +that letter the patriarch corrects several mistakes made in his own work on the same +subject, and gives additional information on other points.</p> + +<p class='c005'>The earlier reference to the discovery is brief, and when viewed in the light of the +later statements, altogether misleading. It occurs in the paragraph upon Koum +Kapoussi, the ancient Gate of Kontoscalion (English translation, p. 21; Greek +original, p. 30). After expressing the opinion that the Neorion of the Kontoscalion +<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>stood at that gate, and quoting the description which Pachymeres gives of the wall +around the harbour, the reverend author adds: “A portion of this circular enclosure +appeared in 1819, consisting of three layers of very large stones placed one upon the +other” (Ἕν μέρος δὲ τούτου τοῦ κυκλικοῦ περιφράγματος τοῦ λιμένος ἀνεφάνη +τῷ 1819 ἔτει, συνιστάμενον ἐκ τριῶν θέσεων παμμεγίστων ἀλλεπαλλήλων +πετρῶν).</p> + +<p class='c005'>There can be but one meaning to this language, namely, that the enclosure +referred to stood beside the harbour at Koum Kapoussi. But the difficulty with +this language has always been how to make it coincide with the facts in the case. +For, as already intimated, the enclosure around the harbour at Koum Kapoussi is +almost intact, and consists of the ordinary walls of the city at their usual elevation. +There has never been room at that point for another enclosure such as the patriarch +describes. But his later, and, fortunately, fuller statements (Συγγραφαὶ αἱ +Ἐλάσσωνες, pp. 443, 444) make the matter clear, although, at the same time, they +convict the patriarch of inaccuracy in his first statement, so far as the locality of the +discovery is concerned. According to the patriarch’s letter, the locality in question +was not at Koum Kapoussi, but between that gate and the gate Yeni Kapou of +Vlanga, and nearer to the latter entrance than to the former. This fact is confirmed +by the additional indication that the discovery was made in a Turkish +quarter; for the only Turkish quarter near the shore between Kadriga Limani, on +the east of Koum Kapoussi, and Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, on the west of Vlanga, is +the quarter of Tulbenkdji Djamissi near Yeni Kapou. But to render all doubt as +to the situation of the locality impossible, the route taken to reach it is minutely +described; the patriarch and his friends passed first through Kadriga Limani and +the parishes of St. Kyriakè and St. Elpis; then they went beyond Koum Kapoussi +itself, and, keeping within the line of the walls, proceeded to the neighbourhood +of the gate of Yeni Kapou at Vlanga, where the wall had come to light. These +particulars are, indeed, at variance with the statement found in <i>Ancient and Modern +Constantinople</i>, but as they constitute the patriarch’s clearest and fullest declarations +on the point at issue, and are made in a letter correcting mistakes in his former work, +they have been adopted as his most authoritative statements. The subject being +important and the patriarch’s letter but little known, the passages bearing most +directly upon the question are here appended: Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Προποντίδα +λιμένος, περὶ οὗ σημειοῦμεν ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ Συγγράμματι, τοῦ παρὰ Μιχαὴλ +τοῦ Παλαιολόγου κατασκευασθέντος, αὐτὸς κεῖται ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς Πύλης +Κοντοσκαλίου (Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ) καὶ τῆς τοῦ Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ τῆς Βλάγκας, καὶ +ὑπῆρχε, διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον, ἔνδον τῶν παραλίων τειχῶν κατεσκευασμενος. +... Ἀλλ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ μέρους, ἐν ᾦ ὁ τοῦ Παλαιολόγου ἔκειτο, κατοικουμενου +ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν, κατὰ τὸ 1819 ἔτος πυρπολυθέντος, ἀνεφάνη τὸ τοῦ λιμένος +τούτου κυκλικὸν περίφραγμα, κατὰ τὸν Παχυμέρην, γεγυρωμένον ἐκ τριῶν +ἀλλεπαλλήλως τεθειμένων μεγάλων πετρῶν, εἰργασμένων ὡς πλακῶν, ἐχουσῶν +μῆκος μὲν τριῶν πήχεων, εὖρος δὲ δύω, καὶ βάθος ἡμίσειαν, τῶν μὲν δύω +κάτωθεν ἀλλεπαλλήλων πλακῶν ἐκ πετρῶν τοῦ Βοσπόρου, λευκομελανοχρόων, +τῆς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τρίτης σειρᾶς καὶ ἀνωτέρας, ἐκ μαρμάρων ἰσομέτρων Προκονησίων. +He then refers to the order received from the Government to investigate +the discovery, and mentions the persons who accompanied him on that errand; after +<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>which he continues thus: Διήλθομεν δὲ τὸ Κάτεργα-λιμὰν, τὰς ἐνορίας Ἁγίας +Κυριακῆς καὶ Ἐλπίδος, παρήλθομεν τὸ Κοὺμ-καπουσοῦ, καὶ προεχωρήσαμεν +ἔχοντες ἀριστερόθεν τὰ παράλια τείχη ἔνδοθεν, ἐγγὺς τῆς Πύλης Γενὶ-καπουσοῦ +τῆς Βλάγκας, ὅπου εἴδομεν τὸ ἐκ πετρῶν καὶ μαρμάρων κυκλοτερὲς περίφραγμα, +ἐκτεινόμενον ὑποκάτω ἑνὸς τεφρωθέντος Τζαμίου, ἑνὸς μεγάλου Ὀθωμανικοῦ +οἴκου καὶ περαιτέρω. Καὶ παραυτίκα ἐγνώκαμεν ὅτι τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἐστι, κατὰ +τὸν Παχυμέρην, τὸ πρὸς τὴν Βλάγκαν νεῦον τοῦ Κοντασκαλίου Νεώριον. +Ὅλος ὁ τόπος ὁ περιέχων ποτὲ τὸ Νεώριον αὐτὸ, μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐπληρώθη, +ἐχερσώθη καὶ ὑψώθη τὸ ἔδαφος, κατοικούμενος ὑπὸ Ὀθωμανῶν· αἱ δὲ ἀραρυῖαι +ἐκ σιδήρου πύλαι, δι᾽ ὦν εἰσέπλεεν ὁ στόλος ἐλλιμενιζόμενος, ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span> + <h2 id='chap19' class='c006'>CHAPTER XIX. <br /> THE HEBDOMON.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>The Hebdomon (τὸ Ἕβδομον, “Septimum”) was a suburb of +Constantinople, situated on the Egnatian Road, at the distance of +seven miles from the centre of the city. It obtained its name, as +so many villages and towns on the great Roman highways did,<a id='r1184' /><a href='#f1184' class='c009'><sup>[1184]</sup></a> +from the number of the milestone beside which it stood (ἐν τῷ +Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ), and holds a noteworthy place in history on +account of its military associations and its connection with the +Court of Constantinople. Considerable interest attaches to it +also on account of the discussions which the question of its site +has occasioned.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There can be no doubt that the Hebdomon is represented +by the modern village of Makrikeui, situated on the shore of the +Sea of Marmora, three miles to the west of the Golden Gate. +But the opinion which has been generally accepted, and has had +the greatest names in its favour, is that the suburb stood at the +northern extremity of the Theodosian Walls, where the Palace +of the Porphyrogenitus and the quarter of Blachernæ were +found.</p> + +<div id='fig_fp316' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp316-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp316.jpg' alt='Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Map of the Territory Between the City and the Hebdomon.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Now, of all the mistakes committed by students of the +topography of Byzantine Constantinople, none is so preposterous +<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>or inexcusable as this identification. It is a mistake made when +to err seems impossible, for it is in direct opposition to the +plainest and most convincing evidence that the famous suburb +was situated elsewhere. A blind man, Valesius exclaims in his +indignation at such a baseless opinion, might see the truth in +the matter.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The blunder started with Gyllius, and was afterwards supported +with all the immense learning of Du Cange. It was soon +denounced by Valesius,<a id='r1185' /><a href='#f1185' class='c009'><sup>[1185]</sup></a> and shown to be utterly inconsistent +with the most obvious facts in the case; but the reputation of +the great authorities upon its side gave it a vitality which made +it the commonly received opinion until the most recent times. +Unger, however, contested the error, once more, in his important +work entitled <i>Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte</i>,<a id='r1186' /><a href='#f1186' class='c009'><sup>[1186]</sup></a> published +in 1878, and maintained the correct view, but without +discussing the question at length. Schlumberger, also, in his +monograph on the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, has seen the +facts in their true light.<a id='r1187' /><a href='#f1187' class='c009'><sup>[1187]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Under these circumstances one is strongly tempted to let +the fallacies with which Gyllius and Du Cange maintained +their views pass into oblivion, and to be satisfied with +proving the truth on the subject. But the great authority and +eminent services of these students of the topography of the +city, and the tenacity with which the error they countenanced +has held the field demand some account of the arguments which +have been employed in support of an untenable position.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Gyllius<a id='r1188' /><a href='#f1188' class='c009'><sup>[1188]</sup></a> entered upon the discussion of the subject with the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>fixed idea that no locality entitled to be regarded as a suburb +could be seven miles distant from the city to which it belonged. +With this conviction rooted in his mind, he found himself called +to interpret the passage in which Sozomon relates how Theodosius +the Great, upon leaving Constantinople for Italy to suppress +the rebel Eugenius, stopped at the seventh mile from the city to +invoke the Divine blessing upon the expedition, in the Church +of St. John the Baptist which the emperor had erected at that +point of the road.<a id='r1189' /><a href='#f1189' class='c009'><sup>[1189]</sup></a> Gyllius knew his Greek too well not to +recognize the obvious meaning of this statement. He acknowledges +that the passage may be understood to intimate that +the church above mentioned stood at the seventh milestone +from Constantinople. But while allowing that this is a possible +meaning of the historian’s words, he contends that it cannot +be his actual meaning, because the Hebdomon, being a suburb, +could not be so distant from the city as seven miles. Hence +Gyllius separates the numeral adjective “seventh” from the noun +“mile,” and treating the former as a proper name, construes +the passage to signify that the Church of St. John the Baptist, +in the suburb of the Hebdomon, was one mile from the +capital. The proposed construction is so original that it must +be given in its author’s own words: “Theodosius egressus unum +milliare extra Constantinopolim, in æde Divi Joannis Baptistæ, +quam ipse construxerat in Hebdomo suburbio, a Deo +precatus est.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Under the guidance of this strange interpretation of +Sozomon’s statement, the indefatigable explorer of the ancient +sites of Constantinople set himself to discover the precise +locality which the Hebdomon had occupied. As the suburb +<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>was in existence before the erection of the Theodosian Walls, +the specified distance of one mile had to be measured from +the original limits of the city, viz. from the Wall of Constantine. +This, Gyllius thought, would put the suburb somewhere +in the neighbourhood of the Walls of Theodosius. Searching +next for more definite indications, he found the ruins of a +splendid church dedicated to St. John the Baptist on the Sixth +Hill, at Bogdan Serai near Kesmè Kaya. But a church of +St. John the Baptist, as already intimated, adorned the Hebdomon, +and so Gyllius leaped to the conclusion that the Hebdomon +was the district on the Sixth Hill: “Suburbium Hebdomon +appellatum in sexto colle fuisse, qui nunc est intra urbem, +ostendit ædes Divi Joannis Baptistæ, quam etiam nunc Græci +vulgo vocant Prodromi.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Having adopted this conclusion, it only remained for Gyllius +to explain how a suburb only one mile from the city could have +been styled the Hebdomon. His explanation is that the extramural +territory along the Wall of Constantine had been occupied, +before its enclosure within the Theodosian lines, by a series of +suburbs distinguished from one another by numerals, and that +the Hebdomon was so named because it was the seventh suburb +in the series. This explanation he supports by pointing to the +undoubted fact that one portion of that territory is frequently +named the Deuteron<a id='r1190' /><a href='#f1190' class='c009'><sup>[1190]</sup></a> by Byzantine writers. And he might have +added that other portions of the territory were, respectively, +styled the Triton<a id='r1191' /><a href='#f1191' class='c009'><sup>[1191]</sup></a> and the Pempton.<a id='r1192' /><a href='#f1192' class='c009'><sup>[1192]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Du Cange<a id='r1193' /><a href='#f1193' class='c009'><sup>[1193]</sup></a> was unable to accept Gyllius’s interpretation of +the phrase, Ἑβδόμῳ Μιλίῳ. He insists upon its correct and only +signification; and admits that the suburb derived its name from +<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>its situation near the seventh milestone from the capital. Nevertheless +he is, impossible though it may seem, in substantial +agreement with Gyllius.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The fundamental thesis of Du Cange on the subject is that +the term “Hebdomon” had two meanings. Strictly speaking, +he grants, it meant the seventh mile; but it was also employed, +he maintains, as the designation of the whole district extending +between the Wall of Constantine and the seventh milestone. +Hence, after the erection of the Theodosian Walls, a considerable +portion of the suburb was included within the new city +limits, so that the Hebdomon could very well be where Gyllius +supposed it stood.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Only, while supporting Gyllius on this point, Du Cange +considers that the identification of the Church of St. John +at Kesmè Kaya with the Church of St. John the Baptist at +the Hebdomon is a mistake. For the latter is described +by Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id='r1194' /><a href='#f1194' class='c009'><sup>[1194]</sup></a> as without the city walls in +the tenth century, and therefore never stood, like the Church +of St. John at Kesmè Kaya, within the Theodosian lines. At +the same time, Du Cange does not concede that the church of +that dedication in the Hebdomon was near the seventh milestone. +In harmony with his view regarding the extent of the +area to which the term “Hebdomon” was applied, he holds that +the church, though outside the Walls of Theodosius, was close to +them. Du Cange differs from Gyllius also in laying great stress +upon Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon, +identifying that palace with the Palace of the Magnaura, one of +the noted buildings of the suburb.<a id='r1195' /><a href='#f1195' class='c009'><sup>[1195]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>What induced Du Cange to maintain the application of +the term “Hebdomon” to the whole territory extending from +the seventh mile eastwards to the walls of the city was the +opinion, that only thus could certain statements regarding the +suburb become intelligible or credible. The statement, for +instance, that the plain at the Hebdomon was “adjacent” +(ἀνακείμενον)<a id='r1196' /><a href='#f1196' class='c009'><sup>[1196]</sup></a> to the city implies, he thinks, that the plain of +the Hebdomon was contiguous to the city; “quæ (vox) campus +urbi adjacuisse situ prodit.” So does, he contends, the statement +that the Avars, upon approaching to lay siege to the city, +encamped “at what of the city is named the Hebdomon.”<a id='r1197' /><a href='#f1197' class='c009'><sup>[1197]</sup></a> +For how could an enemy besiege a city without coming close up +to its walls? The consideration, however, which above everything +else led Du Cange to attach a wider meaning to the term +“Hebdomon” than the seventh mile, was the difficulty of believing +that the great religious processions which, on the occasion of a +severe earthquake, went on foot from the city to the Campus +of the Hebdomon to implore Divine Mercy, walked the whole +distance of seven miles on that pious errand.<a id='r1198' /><a href='#f1198' class='c009'><sup>[1198]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Such a performance seemed to Du Cange, especially when the +emperor and the patriarch took part in the procession, incredible; +and since he could not imagine the people going to the Hebdomon, +in the strict sense of the word, he made the Hebdomon +come to the people, by extending the signification of the term.</p> + +<p class='c008'>But Du Cange forgets that the processions to which he refers +were recognized to be extraordinary performances, even in the +age in which they were undertaken; that they were acts of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>profoundest humiliation in view of a most awful danger; that +they were deeds of penance, whereby men hoped to move the +Almighty to spare His people. The distance of seven miles +is not too great for men to walk in order to escape a terrible +death.</p> + +<p class='c008'>At the same time, it is quite possible that the Campus of the +Hebdomon extended some distance towards the city. The +plain was not a mathematical point, and a portion of it may +have been nearer the city than the seventh milestone itself was. +That must be decided by the nature of the ground, not by +subjective considerations. But to make the plain reach to the +city walls for the reason assigned is preposterous.</p> + +<p class='c008'>This brief account of the arguments with which Gyllius +and Du Cange upheld their views must suffice. For all the +evidence at our command goes to prove that the suburb +occupied the site of the modern village of Makrikeui.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In support of this proposition there are, first, express +statements to the effect that the Hebdomon, taken as a whole, +was seven miles distant from the city. That is how Theophylactus +Simocatta,<a id='r1199' /><a href='#f1199' class='c009'><sup>[1199]</sup></a> for instance, indicates the situation of the +suburb: “It was a place seven miles from the city”—ἐν τῷ +λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ (τόπος δὲ οὗτος τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπὸ σημείων ἑπτὰ). +That is how Idatius, also, describes the suburb’s position, +when speaking of the inauguration of Valens and of Arcadius +there: “Levatus est Constantinopoli in Milliario VII.”<a id='r1200' /><a href='#f1200' class='c009'><sup>[1200]</sup></a> And +it is in the same terms that Marcellinus Comes refers to the +suburb, when he records the fact that Honorius was created +Cæsar in it: “Id est, septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” To +<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>understand such expressions as denoting the whole territory +between the walls of the city and the seventh milestone is out +of the question. As employed by these writers, the term +“Hebdomon” or “Septimum” means a definite place, reached +only when a person stood seven miles from the point whence +distances from Constantinople were measured.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the second place, not only is the Hebdomon, as a whole, +described as being seven miles from the city, but the particular +objects found there are similarly identified. The Church of +St. John the Baptist in that suburb, Sozomon,<a id='r1201' /><a href='#f1201' class='c009'><sup>[1201]</sup></a> Socrates,<a id='r1202' /><a href='#f1202' class='c009'><sup>[1202]</sup></a> and +John of Antioch<a id='r1203' /><a href='#f1203' class='c009'><sup>[1203]</sup></a> state in express words, was seven miles from +the city. The Church of St. John the Evangelist, which +stood in the suburb, is declared by Socrates<a id='r1204' /><a href='#f1204' class='c009'><sup>[1204]</sup></a> to have been +at the same distance. Thus, also, the Campus of the Hebdomon +is described by Cedrenus as “the plain in front of +the city, seven miles distant.”<a id='r1205' /><a href='#f1205' class='c009'><sup>[1205]</sup></a> The Imperial Tribune in that +Campus was, according to Idatius and Marcellinus Comes, +at the seventh mile: “In milliario septimo, in Tribunali;” +“Septimo ab urbe regia milliario.” So, likewise, the palace +which Justinian the Great built at the Hebdomon<a id='r1206' /><a href='#f1206' class='c009'><sup>[1206]</sup></a> is described, +in the subscription to several of his laws, as at the seventh +mile: “Recitata septimo milliario hujus inclytæ civitatis, in +Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani.”<a id='r1207' /><a href='#f1207' class='c009'><sup>[1207]</sup></a> In all these passages the +Hebdomon is defined with a precision that renders any vague +and loose application of the term impossible, if language has +any meaning. So much for the distance of the Hebdomon from +the city.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>That the Hebdomon was situated on the shore of the Sea of +Marmora is placed beyond dispute by the fact that ships +approaching Constantinople from the south reached the Hebdomon +before arriving at the city. When, for example, Epiphanius +came by ship from Cyprus to Constantinople, in 402, to +attend a synod called to condemn the heresies of Origen, he +landed at the Hebdomon, and celebrated divine service there in +the Church of St. John the Baptist, before entering the capital.<a id='r1208' /><a href='#f1208' class='c009'><sup>[1208]</sup></a> +This order in the stages of the bishop’s journey implies that the +suburb stood on the shore of the Sea of Marmora. Again, when +the fleet of Heraclius came up from Carthage to overthrow Phocas, +in 610, the latter proceeded to the Hebdomon to view the ships +of the hostile expedition as they stood off the suburb, and there +he remained until they advanced towards the city, when he +mounted horse and hurried back to fight for his throne.<a id='r1209' /><a href='#f1209' class='c009'><sup>[1209]</sup></a> Such +proceedings were possible only if the suburb stood beside the Sea +of Marmora. Yet again; the Saracen fleets which came against +Constantinople, in 673 and 717, put into the harbour of the +Hebdomon on their way to the city. On the first occasion the +enemy’s vessels anchored, says Theophanes,<a id='r1210' /><a href='#f1210' class='c009'><sup>[1210]</sup></a> “off Thrace, from +the promontory of the Hebdomon, otherwise named Magnaura, +to the promontory of the Cyclobion.” The ships of the second +Saracen expedition, likewise, “anchored between the Magnaura +and the Cyclobion.” There they waited for two days, and then, +taking advantage of a south wind, “they sailed alongside the +city,” some of them making the ports of Anthemius and Eutropius +(at Kadikeui), others of them reaching the Bosporus, and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>dropping anchor between Galata and Klidion (Ortakeui).<a id='r1211' /><a href='#f1211' class='c009'><sup>[1211]</sup></a> +Manifestly, the Hebdomon lay to the west of the city, upon the +Sea of Marmora.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Let one more proof of this fact suffice. When Pope Constantine +visited Constantinople in 708, for the settlement of certain +disputes between Eastern and Western Christendom, he came all +the way by sea until he reached the Hebdomon. There the +Pontiff and his retinue disembarked, and having been welcomed +with distinguished honour, mounted horses which had been +sent from the Imperial stables, and rode into the city in great +state: “A quo loco (the island Cæa) navigantes venerunt a +Septimo Milliario Constantinopolim, ubi egressus Tiberius +Imperator, filius Justiniani Augusti (Justinian II.) cum Patriciis, +cum clero, et populi multitudine, omnes lætantes, et diem festum +agentes. Pontifex autem et ejus primates, cum sellaribus imperialibus, +sellis et frenis inauratis, simul et mappulis, ingressi +sunt civitatem.”<a id='r1212' /><a href='#f1212' class='c009'><sup>[1212]</sup></a> On the view that the Hebdomon was situated +beside the Sea of Marmora, all this is clear.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The data for determining the situation of the Hebdomon +therefore are: that the suburb was seven miles from the city; +that it stood beside the Sea of Marmora; that it had a harbour, +on the one hand, and a plain of considerable extent, on the +other.</p> + +<p class='c008'>There is little room for difference of opinion in regard to the +point from which the seven miles are to be measured. That point +could not have been in the Theodosian Walls, as the Hebdomon +is mentioned before they were in existence. For a similar +reason, it could not have been in the Wall of Constantine, seeing +the Egnatian Road which led from Byzantium to Rome was +marked with the seventh milestone before the foundation of +<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>Constantinople. It must, therefore, have been the point whence +distances from old Byzantium were measured under the Roman +domination. This being so, the choice lies between the Milion +near St. Sophia, and the gate of Byzantium near the Column +of Constantine. In favour of the former is the fact that it was +the point from which distances from Constantinople were afterwards +measured; for in all probability that usage was the +continuation of the practice of the older city, any change in +that respect being not only unnecessary, but exceedingly inconvenient. +Still, the result will be substantially the same if the +gate of Byzantium is preferred, since the Milion and that gate +were at a short distance from each other. Seven miles from +either point, westwards, to the Sea of Marmora will bring us +to the modern suburb of Makrikeui.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Between the promontory on which that village stands and the +promontory of Zeitin Bournou, to the east, is a bay which could +serve as a harbour; while to the north and north-east spreads a +magnificent plain. Makrikeui, therefore, satisfies all the indications +regarding the site of the Hebdomon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>As a corollary from this determination of the real site of the +Hebdomon there follows the determination of the real site of the +Cyclobion; and thus the correction of another of the mistakes into +which students of the topography of Byzantine Constantinople +have fallen. The prevalent opinion on the subject, since Du +Cange<a id='r1213' /><a href='#f1213' class='c009'><sup>[1213]</sup></a> propounded the opinion, has been that the Cyclobion +was a fortress attached to the Golden Gate. But this could not +have been the case, for the Cyclobion was at the Hebdomon. +It was a fortification on the eastern headland of the bay which +formed the Harbour of the Hebdomon,<a id='r1214' /><a href='#f1214' class='c009'><sup>[1214]</sup></a> and, therefore, stood some +two miles and a half from the Golden Gate. This explains how +<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>Theophanes<a id='r1215' /><a href='#f1215' class='c009'><sup>[1215]</sup></a> describes the engagements between the Greeks and +the Saracens, who landed at the Hebdomon in 673, as taking +place between the Golden Gate and the Cyclobion. The fortress +was so closely connected with the suburb that the latter is sometimes +referred to under the name of the former. The Church of +St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon, for example, is declared +by one authority<a id='r1216' /><a href='#f1216' class='c009'><sup>[1216]</sup></a> to have stood in the Cyclobion: “Ad Castrum +autem Rotundum, in quo est Ecclesia, miræ magnitudinis, Sancti +Evangelistæ Johannis nomini dicata.” Again, whereas John of +Antioch<a id='r1217' /><a href='#f1217' class='c009'><sup>[1217]</sup></a> represents the fleet of Heraclius as standing off the +Hebdomon, the <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>,<a id='r1218' /><a href='#f1218' class='c009'><sup>[1218]</sup></a> on the other hand, says the +fleet was seen off the Round Tower. In all probability, the +Cyclobion stood at Zeitin Bournou, on the tongue of land +to the east of Makrikeui. It derived its name, Κυκλόβιον, +Στρογγύλον Καστέλλιον (Castrum Rotundum), from its circular +form,<a id='r1219' /><a href='#f1219' class='c009'><sup>[1219]</sup></a> and was a link in the chain of coast fortifications defending +the approach to the city. It was repaired by Justinian +the Great, who connected it by a good road with Rhegium<a id='r1220' /><a href='#f1220' class='c009'><sup>[1220]</sup></a> +(Kutchuk Tchekmedjè), another military post, and drew upon +its garrison for troops to suppress the riot of the Nika.<a id='r1221' /><a href='#f1221' class='c009'><sup>[1221]</sup></a> There +Constantine Copronymus died on board the ship on which he +had hoped to reach the capital from Selivria, when forced by +his mortal illness to return from an expedition against the +Bulgarians.<a id='r1222' /><a href='#f1222' class='c009'><sup>[1222]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Whether the Cyclobion was the same as the “Castle of the +Theodosiani at the Hebdomon,” mentioned by Theophanes,<a id='r1223' /><a href='#f1223' class='c009'><sup>[1223]</sup></a> is +not certain. On the whole, the fact that the two names are employed +by the same historian favours the view that they designated +<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>different fortifications. The Theodosiani were a body of troops +named in honour of Theodosius the Great.<a id='r1224' /><a href='#f1224' class='c009'><sup>[1224]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>What gave the Hebdomon its importance and explains its +history was, primarily, its favourable situation for the establishment +of a large military camp in the neighbourhood of the capital. +An extensive plain, with abundance of water, and at a convenient +distance from the city, furnished a magnificent camping-ground +for the legions of New Rome. This, in view of the +military associations of the throne, especially during the earlier +period of the Empire, brought the emperors frequently to the +suburb to attend great functions of State, and thus converted it +also into an Imperial quarter, embellished with the palaces, +churches, and monuments which spring up around a Court. To +these political reasons for the prosperity of the suburb were +added the natural attractions of the place—its pleasant climate, +its wide prospect over the Sea of Marmora, and the excellent +sport obtained in the surrounding country.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was on the plain of the Hebdomon that Theodosius +the Great joined the army which he led against the usurper +Eugenius in Italy.<a id='r1225' /><a href='#f1225' class='c009'><sup>[1225]</sup></a> There, the Gothic troops which Arcadius +recalled from the war with Alaric took up their quarters under +the command of Gainas, and there that emperor, accompanied +by his minister Rufinus, held the memorable review of those +troops, in the course of which Rufinus was assassinated in +the Imperial tribune.<a id='r1226' /><a href='#f1226' class='c009'><sup>[1226]</sup></a> It was at the Hebdomon that Gainas +gathered the soldiers with which he planned to seize the capital.<a id='r1227' /><a href='#f1227' class='c009'><sup>[1227]</sup></a> +There Vitalianus encamped with more than sixty thousand men +<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>to besiege Constantinople in the reign of Anastasius I.<a id='r1228' /><a href='#f1228' class='c009'><sup>[1228]</sup></a> Thither +Phocas<a id='r1229' /><a href='#f1229' class='c009'><sup>[1229]</sup></a> and Leo the Armenian<a id='r1230' /><a href='#f1230' class='c009'><sup>[1230]</sup></a> brought the armies that enabled +them to win the crown. And there Avars, Saracens, Bulgarians, +and, doubtless, other foes halted to gaze upon the walls and +towers they hoped to scale, or from which they retired baffled +and broken.<a id='r1231' /><a href='#f1231' class='c009'><sup>[1231]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The plain at the Hebdomon was used, also, for military +exercises and athletic sports, and consequently appears under +the name of the Campus Martius,<a id='r1232' /><a href='#f1232' class='c009'><sup>[1232]</sup></a> as though to give it the +prestige of the ground devoted to similar purposes on the banks +of the Tiber. There recruits were drilled and trained in the use +of arms,<a id='r1233' /><a href='#f1233' class='c009'><sup>[1233]</sup></a> and there the popular game of polo was played.<a id='r1234' /><a href='#f1234' class='c009'><sup>[1234]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Thither, also, on account of the wide and free space afforded +by the plain the population of the city fled, on the occasion of a +violent earthquake, to find a temporary abode, or to take part in +public supplications for the withdrawal of the calamity.<a id='r1235' /><a href='#f1235' class='c009'><sup>[1235]</sup></a> Such +services were attended by the emperor and the patriarch, and it +was on such an occasion that the Emperor Maurice, a particularly +devout man, and the Patriarch Anatolius, proceeded from the +city to the Campus, on foot.<a id='r1236' /><a href='#f1236' class='c009'><sup>[1236]</sup></a> It was customary, moreover, to +hold religious services at the Campus on the anniversary of a +great earthquake, to avert the recurrence of the disaster, or to +celebrate the fact that it had not been attended with loss of life.<a id='r1237' /><a href='#f1237' class='c009'><sup>[1237]</sup></a> +<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>There, also, public executions took place,<a id='r1238' /><a href='#f1238' class='c009'><sup>[1238]</sup></a> or the heads of +persons executed elsewhere were set up for public gaze, as in the +case of the Emperor Maurice and his five sons.<a id='r1239' /><a href='#f1239' class='c009'><sup>[1239]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But the chief interest of the Hebdomon belongs to it on +account of the many associations of the suburb with the life of +the Byzantine Court. There, in the early days of the Eastern +Empire, while old Roman customs prevailed and the army continued +to be a great political factor, an emperor often assumed the +purple, in the presence of his legions and a vast concourse of the +citizens of the capital. At the suburb, also, triumphal processions +sometimes commenced their march to the Golden Gate and the +city. And there the emperors had a palace to which they resorted +for country air, or to escape the turbulence of the Factions, +or to take part in the State ceremonies performed on the +adjoining Campus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The earliest reference to the Hebdomon, though not by name, +is in connection with the inauguration of Valens there, in 364, as +the colleague of his brother, the Emperor Valentinian: “Valentem, +in suburbanum, universorum sententiis concinentibus (nec enim +audebat quisquam refragari) Augustum pronuntiavit; decoreque +imperatorii cultus ornatum et tempore diademate redimitum in +eodem vehiculo secum reduxit.”<a id='r1240' /><a href='#f1240' class='c009'><sup>[1240]</sup></a> In commemoration of the event +Valens erected a tribune, adorned with many statues, for the +accommodation of the emperors when taking part in State +functions on the Campus of the suburb.<a id='r1241' /><a href='#f1241' class='c009'><sup>[1241]</sup></a> It was known as the +Tribune of the Hebdomon (ἐν τῷ Τριβουναλίῳ Ἑβδόμου).<a id='r1242' /><a href='#f1242' class='c009'><sup>[1242]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp330' class='figcenter id004'> +<a href='images/fig_fp330-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp330.jpg' alt='Triumphus Theodosii.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Triumphus Theodosii.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>Valens also provided the Harbour of the Hebdomon with a +<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>quay, and showed his partiality for the suburb otherwise to such an +extent that Themistius ventured to expostulate with him, and to +charge him with forgetting to improve and beautify the capital.<a id='r1243' /><a href='#f1243' class='c009'><sup>[1243]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>After Valens, the following ten emperors were invested with +the purple at the Hebdomon: Arcadius,<a id='r1244' /><a href='#f1244' class='c009'><sup>[1244]</sup></a> by his father Theodosius +the Great, who also raised Honorius to the rank of Cæsar +there;<a id='r1245' /><a href='#f1245' class='c009'><sup>[1245]</sup></a> Theodosius II.;<a id='r1246' /><a href='#f1246' class='c009'><sup>[1246]</sup></a> Marcian;<a id='r1247' /><a href='#f1247' class='c009'><sup>[1247]</sup></a> Leo the Great;<a id='r1248' /><a href='#f1248' class='c009'><sup>[1248]</sup></a> Zeno;<a id='r1249' /><a href='#f1249' class='c009'><sup>[1249]</sup></a> +Basiliscus;<a id='r1250' /><a href='#f1250' class='c009'><sup>[1250]</sup></a> Maurice;<a id='r1251' /><a href='#f1251' class='c009'><sup>[1251]</sup></a> Phocas;<a id='r1252' /><a href='#f1252' class='c009'><sup>[1252]</sup></a> Leo the Armenian;<a id='r1253' /><a href='#f1253' class='c009'><sup>[1253]</sup></a> and +Nicephorus Phocas.<a id='r1254' /><a href='#f1254' class='c009'><sup>[1254]</sup></a> Doubtless the fatigue involved in celebrating +the ceremony so far from the heart of the city had much +to do with transferring the scene of Imperial inaugurations to the +Hippodrome.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The custom of installing an emperor thus into his office was +the continuation of an old Roman practice which testified to the +power acquired by the army in deciding the succession to the +throne. We have two accounts of the ceremonies observed on +such an occasion at the Hebdomon, given at great length and +with minute details by that devoted student and admirer of +Byzantine Court etiquette, Constantine Porphyrogenitus.<a id='r1255' /><a href='#f1255' class='c009'><sup>[1255]</sup></a> They +are interesting, both as an exhibition of public life during the +Later Empire, and as an illustration of the extent to which old +Roman forms, and even the old Roman spirit, survived the +profound changes which the Empire underwent after the capital +was removed to the banks of the Bosporus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>When all interested in the event of the day had assembled, +the troops present laid their standards prostrate upon the +<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>ground, to express the desolation of the State bereft of a +ruler. Meanwhile, from every point of the Campus rose the +sound of prayer, as the immense multitudes gathered there +joined in supplications that God would approve the man +who had been chosen as the new chief of the Empire. “Hear +us, O God; we beseech Thee to hear us, O God. Grant Leo +life; let him reign. O God, Lover of mankind, the public +weal demands Leo; the army demands him; the laws wait for +him; the palace awaits him. So prays the army, the Senate, +the people. The world expects Leo; the army waits for +him. Let Leo, our common glory, come; let Leo, our common +good, reign. Hear us, O God, we beseech Thee.” At length the +emperor-elect appeared, and ascended the Imperial tribune. A +coronet was placed upon his head by one high military officer, +an armlet upon his right arm by another. And instantly the +prostrate standards were lifted high, and the air shook with +acclamations: “Leo, Augustus, thou hast conquered; thou art +Pius, August. God gave thee, God will guard thee. Ever +conquer, worshipper of Christ. Long be thy reign. God will +defend the Christian Empire.”<a id='r1256' /><a href='#f1256' class='c009'><sup>[1256]</sup></a> This was the first act in the +dramatic spectacle. Next came the solemn investiture of the +emperor with the Imperial insignia. This took place behind a +shield held before him by soldiers of the household-troops +known as the Candidati, and when he had been duly robed, +crowned, and armed with shield and spear, the screen was +removed, and the new sovereign stood before the gaze of his +subjects in all his majesty.<a id='r1257' /><a href='#f1257' class='c009'><sup>[1257]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>The dignitaries of the State now approached, in the order of +their rank, and did homage to the monarch, while the crowds +around made the air ring again with every acclamation that +loyalty or adulation could invent. As soon as this scene terminated, +the emperor addressed a brief allocation to the soldiers, +through a herald; claiming to reign by the will of God and their +suffrage, promising devotion to the welfare of the Empire, and a +generous donative to each of his faithful companion-in-arms, +announcements which were greeted with storms of applause. +Then the sum of money required for the promised largess was +handed over by the emperor to the officers charged with its +distribution.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Upon the conclusion of this important part of the day’s +proceedings, the ceremonies assumed a religious character. The +emperor now repaired, on foot, to a camp-chapel, a tent of +many colours, at a short distance from the Imperial tribune, +and, leaving his crown without, entered to bow before the King +of kings. It was a simple service conducted by ordinary +priests, as the patriarch and higher clergy had left the Campus +for St. Sophia. Upon issuing from the chapel, the emperor +resumed his crown, and proceeded on a white charger, followed by +a brilliant escort of dignitaries also on horseback, to the Church +of St. John the Baptist, the principal sanctuary of the Hebdomon. +This second service may be described as the Consecration of +the Crown. For in this case, the crown, upon being again +removed from the emperor’s head, was not left in the vestry, +but was carried by a court official up to the altar, and then +placed by the emperor himself on the sacred table. There it +remained until the service closed, when the emperor handed +it to the court official, and, having presented a rich gift to the +church, returned to the vestry and assumed his diadem once +more. This brought the coronation ceremonies, so far as they +<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>concerned the Hebdomon, to an end. The stream of life now +poured into the city, the Imperial <i>cortége</i> gathering more +and more pomp as it passed the Golden Gate, the Helenianæ,<a id='r1258' /><a href='#f1258' class='c009'><sup>[1258]</sup></a> +the Forum of Constantine, and entered St. Sophia for the +supreme coronation of the emperor by the patriarch in the Great +Cathedral of the capital.<a id='r1259' /><a href='#f1259' class='c009'><sup>[1259]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Only one triumphal procession, that of Basil I.,<a id='r1260' /><a href='#f1260' class='c009'><sup>[1260]</sup></a> is expressly +described as starting from the Hebdomon, but the suburb was in +all probability<a id='r1261' /><a href='#f1261' class='c009'><sup>[1261]</sup></a> the starting-point also of the processions which +celebrated the victories of Theodosius the Great, Heraclius, Constantine +Copronymus, Zimisces, and Basil II., if not of Michael +Palæologus.</p> + +<p class='c008'>On the occasion of the triumph accorded to Basil I., the +Senate and a vast crowd, representing all classes of the population, +and carrying wreaths of roses and other flowers, went forth +from the city to the Hebdomon to welcome the conqueror, who +had crossed to the suburb from the palace at Hiereia (Fener +Bagtchè). After the customary salutations had been exchanged, +the emperor proceeded to the Church of St. John the Baptist +to pray and light tapers at that venerated shrine. Then having +put on his “scaramangion triblation,” he and his son Constantine +mounted horse and took the road towards the Golden +Gate, the Senate and people leading the way, with banners +waving in the air. A short halt was made at the monastery of +the Abramiti (τῶν Ἀβραμιτῶν), which stood between the suburb +<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>and the gate, that Basil might offer his devotions in the Church +of the Theotokos Acheiropoietos (Ἀχειροποίητος), and then the +procession resumed its march, and entered through the Golden +Gate into the jubilant capital.<a id='r1262' /><a href='#f1262' class='c009'><sup>[1262]</sup></a></p> + +<div id='fig_fp334' class='figcenter id002'> +<a href='images/fig_fp334-large.jpg'><img src='images/fig_fp334.jpg' alt='Trivmphvs Heraclii.' class='ig001' /></a> +<div class='ic002'> +<p>Trivmphvs Heraclii.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<p class='c008'>The first writer who mentions the Hebdomon by name refers +to it as an Imperial country retreat which the emperors gladly +frequented. From the connection in which Rufinus<a id='r1263' /><a href='#f1263' class='c009'><sup>[1263]</sup></a> makes this +statement, it is evident that a palace stood at the Hebdomon +before the reign of Theodosius the Great. That residence was +either rebuilt or enlarged in the reign of Justinian the Great, +when mention is made of “the New Consistorium of the Palace +of Justinian, at the seventh mile from this renowned city.”<a id='r1264' /><a href='#f1264' class='c009'><sup>[1264]</sup></a> +How agreeable a retreat the palace was may be inferred from the +name bestowed upon it—the Pleasance, Jucundianæ (Ἰουκουνδιαναὶ).<a id='r1265' /><a href='#f1265' class='c009'><sup>[1265]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In front of the palace rose the statue of Justinian, on a +porphyry column brought for the purpose from the Forum of +Constantine, where it had borne the silver statue of Theodosius I.<a id='r1266' /><a href='#f1266' class='c009'><sup>[1266]</sup></a> +Justinian showed his partiality for the suburb, moreover, by +the erection of porticoes, fora, baths, churches, all built in a +style worthy of the capital itself, and by having the Harbour of +the Hebdomon dredged and provided with jetties for the better +accommodation and safety of the shipping frequenting the coast.<a id='r1267' /><a href='#f1267' class='c009'><sup>[1267]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>In the seventh and eighth centuries the palace of the Hebdomon +appears under the name of Magnaura;<a id='r1268' /><a href='#f1268' class='c009'><sup>[1268]</sup></a> but whether it +was the old residence under a different designation, or a new +building added to the Imperial quarters, in the style of the Hall +of the Magnaura in the Great Palace beside the Hippodrome,<a id='r1269' /><a href='#f1269' class='c009'><sup>[1269]</sup></a> it +is impossible to say.</p> + +<p class='c008'>It was to the palace of the Hebdomon, probably, that +Pulcheria retired from the Court of her brother Theodosius II., +while the influence of the Empress Eudoxia had the ascendency.<a id='r1270' /><a href='#f1270' class='c009'><sup>[1270]</sup></a> +Basiliscus withdrew to it from the storm of theological hatred +which his opposition to the creed of Chalcedon had excited +in the capital, and thither the pillar-saint of Anaplus (Arnaoutkeui), +Daniel Stylites, went to rebuke him and foretell the loss +of the throne which had been usurped and dishonoured.<a id='r1271' /><a href='#f1271' class='c009'><sup>[1271]</sup></a> As +already intimated, it was a favourite resort of Justinian the +Great,<a id='r1272' /><a href='#f1272' class='c009'><sup>[1272]</sup></a> and several of his laws were promulgated during his +residence there. On the occasion of one of his visits, the +Imperial crown mysteriously disappeared and was not heard of +again for eight months, when it as strangely reappeared, without +a single gem missing.<a id='r1273' /><a href='#f1273' class='c009'><sup>[1273]</sup></a> The palace was occupied also by +Justin II.<a id='r1274' /><a href='#f1274' class='c009'><sup>[1274]</sup></a> and Tiberius II., the latter dying in it.<a id='r1275' /><a href='#f1275' class='c009'><sup>[1275]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>The Hebdomon enjoyed, moreover, a great religious reputation +on account of its numerous churches. The oldest sanctuary +<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>of the suburb was the Basilica of St. John the Evangelist,<a id='r1276' /><a href='#f1276' class='c009'><sup>[1276]</sup></a> +which appears first in the reign of Arcadius,<a id='r1277' /><a href='#f1277' class='c009'><sup>[1277]</sup></a> but claimed to be +a foundation of Constantine the Great. It is described by the +Legates of Hadrian II., after its restoration under Basil I.,<a id='r1278' /><a href='#f1278' class='c009'><sup>[1278]</sup></a> as +remarkable for its size, “miræ magnitudinis,”<a id='r1279' /><a href='#f1279' class='c009'><sup>[1279]</sup></a> and continued to +be a venerated shrine as late as the Comnenian period,<a id='r1280' /><a href='#f1280' class='c009'><sup>[1280]</sup></a> after +which it was allowed to fall into decay. Basil II. was interred +in it, according to his dying request,<a id='r1281' /><a href='#f1281' class='c009'><sup>[1281]</sup></a> and his grave was +discovered among the ruins of the church in the thirteenth +century, while Michael Palæologus was engaged in the siege +of Galata, in 1260. Some members of the Imperial household, +in the course of their exploration of the surrounding country, +then visited the Hebdomon, and found the church of St. John +the Evangelist turned into a fold for sheep and cattle. As the +visitors wandered among the ruins, admiring the traces of the +building’s former beauty, they stumbled upon the dead body +of a man. It was naked, but well preserved, and in its mouth +a vulgar jester had placed a shepherd’s lute by way of +derision. As the corpse lay near a sarcophagus upon which +was inscribed an epitaph in honour of Basil II., no doubt could +be entertained regarding the identity of the body. When +the discovery was reported to Michael Palæologus, he commanded +the mortal remains of his predecessor to be conveyed +in great state to the camp before Galata, to receive once +more a tribute of respect, and then sent them with solemn +ceremonial to Selivria,<a id='r1282' /><a href='#f1282' class='c009'><sup>[1282]</sup></a> for interment in the monastery of +St. Saviour.</p> + +<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>Another of the sanctuaries at the Hebdomon was the church +erected, in 407, by the Emperor Arcadius to enshrine the reputed +remains of the Prophet Samuel.<a id='r1283' /><a href='#f1283' class='c009'><sup>[1283]</sup></a> Such importance was attached +to these relics that their conveyance from Palestine to Constantinople, +by way of Asia Minor, resembled an Imperial progress +through the country. One might have supposed the prophet +himself was moving through the land, so great was the interest +and devotion displayed by the population along the route.<a id='r1284' /><a href='#f1284' class='c009'><sup>[1284]</sup></a> Nor +were the relics less honoured upon their arrival at the capital. +The emperor and the highest dignitaries of Church and State +did homage to them at the Scala Chalcedonensis and carried +them in procession to the Church of St. Sophia, where the sacred +remains rested until the church built for them at the Hebdomon +was completed.<a id='r1285' /><a href='#f1285' class='c009'><sup>[1285]</sup></a> The church fell in the earthquake which shook +the city in the thirty-first year of the reign of Justinian the +Great.<a id='r1286' /><a href='#f1286' class='c009'><sup>[1286]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>But the most venerated church in the suburb was that +dedicated to St. John the Baptist (τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ +Ἰωάννου),<a id='r1287' /><a href='#f1287' class='c009'><sup>[1287]</sup></a> a domical edifice, built by Theodosius the Great<a id='r1288' /><a href='#f1288' class='c009'><sup>[1288]</sup></a> for +the reception of the head, it was supposed, of the heroic +Forerunner of Christ. The Emperor Valens had already +sought to obtain the relic. But its possessors, certain monks +of the sect of Macedonius, who had taken it with them from +Jerusalem to Cilicia, refused to surrender the treasure, and +all that Valens succeeded in doing was to bring it as near to +Constantinople as Panticheion (Pendik), on the opposite shore +of the Sea of Marmora. There, the mules which drew the car +conveying the relic refused to proceed any further, and at that +village, accordingly, in obedience to what appeared to be an +<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>indication of the Divine will, the sacred head was allowed to +remain. When Theodosius the Great endeavoured to acquire +the relic, its custodians, a woman Matrona and a priest Vicentius, +did everything in their power to prevent the execution of the +emperor’s design. But the pressure to make them yield was +such that at last they gave their reluctant consent. In doing +so, however, Matrona cherished the secret belief that Theodosius +would be hindered, like Valens, from carrying out his purpose; +while Vicentius laid down a condition which he thought could +never be fulfilled, viz. that the emperor in removing the head +should walk after the Baptist. Theodosius saw no difficulty in +the condition. He reverently wrapped the reliquary in his +Imperial mantle and, holding the sacred contents in front of him, +took them to the Church of St. John the Evangelist at the Hebdomon, +and commenced the erection of a church consecrated +to the Forerunner’s name as their final shrine. This won +Vicentius over to the emperor’s side, and he followed the +head to the Hebdomon. But Matrona, with a true woman’s +intensity of feeling, maintained her protest, and would never +come near the suburb which had disappointed her faith, and +purloined her treasure.<a id='r1289' /><a href='#f1289' class='c009'><sup>[1289]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>It was the possession of this relic that gave the church its +great religious repute. This explains why, as we have seen, +Theodosius the Great,<a id='r1290' /><a href='#f1290' class='c009'><sup>[1290]</sup></a> Epiphanius of Cyprus,<a id='r1291' /><a href='#f1291' class='c009'><sup>[1291]</sup></a> Gainas,<a id='r1292' /><a href='#f1292' class='c009'><sup>[1292]</sup></a> at +important moments in their lives, performed their devotions +there; and this accounts for the association of the church +with the ceremonies attending Imperial inaugurations and +triumphs.<a id='r1293' /><a href='#f1293' class='c009'><sup>[1293]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>In the course of its history the church was twice restored on +<span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>a magnificent scale; first by Justinian the Great,<a id='r1294' /><a href='#f1294' class='c009'><sup>[1294]</sup></a> and again +by Basil I.<a id='r1295' /><a href='#f1295' class='c009'><sup>[1295]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Other churches of less note at the Hebdomon were respectively +dedicated to St. Theodotè (τὸ Θεδότης ἁγίας τέμενος);<a id='r1296' /><a href='#f1296' class='c009'><sup>[1296]</sup></a> +SS. Menas and Menaius (Μηνᾶς καὶ Μηναίος);<a id='r1297' /><a href='#f1297' class='c009'><sup>[1297]</sup></a> SS. Benjamin +and Berius (Ἁγίων Βενιαμὶν καὶ Βηρίου);<a id='r1298' /><a href='#f1298' class='c009'><sup>[1298]</sup></a> and the Holy Innocents +(τῶν Νηπίων).<a id='r1299' /><a href='#f1299' class='c009'><sup>[1299]</sup></a> The first two sanctuaries owed their foundation +to Justinian the Great, who did so much for the suburb in other +ways; at the last church, the Senate welcomed an emperor upon +his return to the capital by land, from the West.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Finally, in days when travellers made the first and last stages +of a journey short, the Hebdomon enjoyed considerable importance +as a halting-place for persons leaving or approaching +Constantinople; its proximity to the city rendering it a +caravansary, where a traveller could conveniently make his +final arrangements to start on his way, or to enter the capital +in a suitable manner. The suburb served that purpose, even in +the case of the emperors.<a id='r1300' /><a href='#f1300' class='c009'><sup>[1300]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>Instances of this use of the suburb, by Theodosius the Great, +Epiphanius, and Pope Constantine, have already been noticed, +when referring to other matters connected with the Hebdomon. +There also the Legates of Pope Hormisdas, in 515,<a id='r1301' /><a href='#f1301' class='c009'><sup>[1301]</sup></a> and the +Legates of Pope Hadrian II., in 869,<a id='r1302' /><a href='#f1302' class='c009'><sup>[1302]</sup></a> rested before entering the +city. There the Emperor Maurice halted, upon leaving Constantinople, +to join the expedition against the Avars;<a id='r1303' /><a href='#f1303' class='c009'><sup>[1303]</sup></a> and +<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>there Peter, King of Bulgaria, stopped on his return home, in +927, with the Princess Maria, the granddaughter of the Emperor +Romanus Lecapenus, as his bride.<a id='r1304' /><a href='#f1304' class='c009'><sup>[1304]</sup></a></p> + +<p class='c008'>On the last occasion, as relatives and friends, doubtless, +often did under similar circumstances, the parents of the princess +accompanied her as far as the suburb to take leave of her there. +The historian has left a vivid picture of the scene. “When +the moment for their daughter’s departure approached, father +and mother burst into tears, as is natural for parents about to +part with the dearest pledge of their love. Then having embraced +their son-in-law, and entrusted their child to his care, +they returned to the Imperial city. Maria proceeded on her +journey to Bulgaria in the king’s charge, with mingled feelings of +grief and joy—sad, because carried away from beloved parents, +Imperial palaces, and the society of her relations and friends; +happy, because her husband was a king, and she was the Despina +of Bulgaria. She took with her much wealth, and an immense +quantity of baggage.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>In keeping with such practices, when the Icon of St. Demetrius +was transported from Thessalonica to Constantinople, in the +reign of Manuel Comnenus, to be placed in the Church of the +Pantocrator (now Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, above Oun Kapan +Kapoussi), members of the Senate and a vast multitude of +priests, monks, and laymen, went seven miles from the capital +to receive the sacred picture and escort it with great pomp to its +destination.<a id='r1305' /><a href='#f1305' class='c009'><sup>[1305]</sup></a></p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span> + <h2 id='chap20' class='c006'>CHAPTER XX. <br /> THE ANASTASIAN WALL.</h2> +</div> +<p class='c007'>Some notice, however brief, may here be taken of the wall +erected by the Emperor Anastasius I. to increase the security of +the capital, and at the same time to protect from hostile incursions +the suburbs and a considerable tract of the rich and +populous country, outside the Theodosian Walls. This additional +line of defence, consisting of a wall twenty feet thick flanked by +towers, stood at a distance of forty miles to the west of the city, +and was carried from the shore of the Sea of Marmora to the +shore of the Black Sea, across a territory fifty-four miles broad, +or, as Procopius measures it, what would take two days to +traverse.<a id='r1306' /><a href='#f1306' class='c009'><sup>[1306]</sup></a> It was known, in view of its length, as the Long Wall +(Μακρὸν τεῖχος),<a id='r1307' /><a href='#f1307' class='c009'><sup>[1307]</sup></a> the Long Walls (τὰ Μακρὰ τείχη),<a id='r1308' /><a href='#f1308' class='c009'><sup>[1308]</sup></a> and, after +the emperor by whom it was erected, as the Anastasian Wall (τὸ +τεῖχος τὸ Ἀναστασιακὸν).<a id='r1309' /><a href='#f1309' class='c009'><sup>[1309]</sup></a> In 559, in the reign of Justinian the +Great, it demanded extensive repairs on account of injuries due +to earthquakes, and occasion was then taken to introduce a +change which, it was hoped, would render the defence of the wall +an easier task. All tower-gateways permitting communication +between the towers along the summit of the wall were built up, +<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>so that a tower could be entered only by the gateway at its base; +the object of this arrangement being to make every tower an +independent fort, which could hold out against an enemy even +after he was in possession of the wall itself.<a id='r1310' /><a href='#f1310' class='c009'><sup>[1310]</sup></a> The Anastasian +Wall appears in history in connection with the attacks of the +Huns and Avars, in the reigns of Justinian the Great,<a id='r1311' /><a href='#f1311' class='c009'><sup>[1311]</sup></a> Maurice,<a id='r1312' /><a href='#f1312' class='c009'><sup>[1312]</sup></a> +and Heraclius.<a id='r1313' /><a href='#f1313' class='c009'><sup>[1313]</sup></a> But it cannot be said to have been of much +service. The attempt to obstruct the march of the enemy, and +to join issue with him at a distance from the city, was indeed a +wise measure. It has been imitated by the recent establishment, +nearer the city, of a chain of forts across the promontory, from +Tchataldja to Derkos; a line of defence occupying a position +which makes Constantinople, in the judgment of a competent +military authority,<a id='r1314' /><a href='#f1314' class='c009'><sup>[1314]</sup></a> the best-fortified capital in the world. But +the weakness of the Anastasian Wall was its great length, +which required for its proper defence a larger garrison than the +Empire was able to provide for the purpose.<a id='r1315' /><a href='#f1315' class='c009'><sup>[1315]</sup></a> And, of course, +it was useless against an enemy advancing upon the capital by +sea.<a id='r1316' /><a href='#f1316' class='c009'><sup>[1316]</sup></a> Traces of the wall are, it is said, visible at Koush Kaya +and at Karadjakeui.</p> + +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span> + <h2 id='emperors' class='c006'>TABLE OF EMPERORS.</h2> +</div> +<table class='table0' summary=''> +<colgroup> +<col width='68%' /> +<col width='31%' /> +</colgroup> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine I., the Great</td> + <td class='c018'>306-337</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantius II.</td> + <td class='c018'>337-361</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Julian</td> + <td class='c018'>361-363</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Jovian</td> + <td class='c018'>363-364</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Valens</td> + <td class='c018'>364-378</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodosius I., the Great</td> + <td class='c018'>378-395</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Arcadius</td> + <td class='c018'>395-408</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodosius II.</td> + <td class='c018'>408-450</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Marcian</td> + <td class='c018'>450-457</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Leo I.</td> + <td class='c018'>457-474</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Zeno</td> + <td class='c018'>474-491</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Anastasius I.</td> + <td class='c018'>491-518</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Justin I.</td> + <td class='c018'>518-527</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Justinian I., the Great</td> + <td class='c018'>527-565</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Justin II.</td> + <td class='c018'>565-578</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Tiberius II.</td> + <td class='c018'>578-582</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Maurice</td> + <td class='c018'>582-602</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Phocas</td> + <td class='c018'>602-610</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Heraclius</td> + <td class='c018'>610-641</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Heraclius Constantinus and Heracleonas</td> + <td class='c018'>641-642</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constans II.</td> + <td class='c018'>642-668</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine IV.</td> + <td class='c018'>668-685</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Justinian II.</td> + <td class='c018'>685-695</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>Leontius</td> + <td class='c018'>695-697</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Tiberius III. Apsimarus</td> + <td class='c018'>697-705</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Justinian II. (restored)</td> + <td class='c018'>705-711</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Philippicus</td> + <td class='c018'>711-713</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Anastasius II.</td> + <td class='c018'>713-715</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodosius III.</td> + <td class='c018'>715-717</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Leo III., the Isaurian</td> + <td class='c018'>717-740</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine V. Copronymus</td> + <td class='c018'>740-775</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Leo IV.</td> + <td class='c018'>775-779</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine VI.</td> + <td class='c018'>779-797</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Irene</td> + <td class='c018'>797-802</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Nicephorus I.</td> + <td class='c018'>802-811</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Stauricius</td> + <td class='c018'>811</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael I. Rhangabe</td> + <td class='c018'>811-813</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Leo V., the Armenian</td> + <td class='c018'>813-820</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael II., the Amorian</td> + <td class='c018'>820-829</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theophilus</td> + <td class='c018'>829-842</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael III.</td> + <td class='c018'>842-867</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Basil I., the Macedonian</td> + <td class='c018'>867-886</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Leo VI., the Wise</td> + <td class='c018'>886-912</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus</td> + <td class='c018'>912-958</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexander</td> + <td class='c018'>912-913</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Romanus I. Lecapenus</td> + <td class='c018'>919-945</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine VIII. and Stephanus, sons of Romanus I., reigned five weeks</td> + <td class='c018'>944</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Romanus II.</td> + <td class='c018'>958-963</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Basil II. Bulgaroktonos</td> + <td class='c018'>963-1025</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Nicephorus II. Phocas</td> + <td class='c018'>963-969</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John I. Zimisces</td> + <td class='c018'>969-976</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine IX.</td> + <td class='c018'>976-1025</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>Constantine IX.</td> + <td class='c018'>1025-1028</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Romanus III. Argyrus</td> + <td class='c018'>1028-1034</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael IV., the Paphlagonian</td> + <td class='c018'>1034-1042</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael V.</td> + <td class='c018'>1042</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Zoe and Theodora</td> + <td class='c018'>1042</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine X. Monomachus</td> + <td class='c018'>1042-1054</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodora (restored)</td> + <td class='c018'>1054-1056</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael VI. Stratioticus</td> + <td class='c018'>1056-1057</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Isaac I. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1057-1059</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine XI. Ducas</td> + <td class='c018'>1059-1067</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael VII. Ducas</td> + <td class='c018'>1067-1078</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperor</i>—</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Romanus IV. Diogenes</td> + <td class='c018'>1067-1078</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Nicephorus III. Botoniates</td> + <td class='c018'>1078-1081</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexius I. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1081-1118</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John II. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1118-1143</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Manuel I. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1143-1180</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexius II. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1180-1183</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Andronicus I. Comnenus</td> + <td class='c018'>1183-1185</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Isaac II. Angelus</td> + <td class='c018'>1185-1195</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexius III. Angelus</td> + <td class='c018'>1195-1203</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Isaac II. (restored)</td> + <td class='c018'>1203-1204</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexius IV. Angelus</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Nicolas Canabus</td> + <td class='c018'>1204</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus</td> + <td class='c018'>1204</td> + </tr> +</table> +<h3 class='c010'>Latin Emperors.</h3> +<table class='table0' summary=''> +<colgroup> +<col width='68%' /> +<col width='31%' /> +</colgroup> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Baldwin I.</td> + <td class='c018'>1204-1205</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Henry</td> + <td class='c018'>1205-1216</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Peter</td> + <td class='c018'>1217-1219</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>Robert</td> + <td class='c018'>1219-1228</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John of Brienne</td> + <td class='c018'>1228-1237</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Baldwin II.</td> + <td class='c018'>1237-1261</td> + </tr> +</table> +<h3 class='c010'>Nicæan Emperors.</h3> +<table class='table0' summary=''> +<colgroup> +<col width='68%' /> +<col width='31%' /> +</colgroup> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodore I. Lascaris</td> + <td class='c018'>1204-1222</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John III. Ducas</td> + <td class='c018'>1222-1254</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Theodore II. Ducas</td> + <td class='c018'>1254-1259</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John IV. Ducas</td> + <td class='c018'>1259-1260</td> + </tr> +</table> +<h3 class='c010'>Empire Restored.</h3> +<table class='table0' summary=''> +<colgroup> +<col width='68%' /> +<col width='31%' /> +</colgroup> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael VIII. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1260-1282</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Andronicus II. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1282-1328</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperor</i>—</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Michael IX.</td> + <td class='c018'>1295-1320</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Andronicus III. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1328-1341</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John VI. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1341-1391</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'><i>Co-Emperors</i>—</td> + <td class='c018'> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John V. Cantacuzene</td> + <td class='c018'>1342-1355</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Andronicus IV. Palæologus (usurped throne)</td> + <td class='c018'>1376-1379</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Manuel II. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1391-1425</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>John VII. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1425-1448</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class='c017'>Constantine XII. Palæologus</td> + <td class='c018'>1448-1453</td> + </tr> +</table> +<div class='chapter'> + <span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span> + <h2 id='index' class='c006'>INDEX.</h2> +</div> +<ul class='index c003'> + <li class='c019'>A.</li> + <li class='c019'>Achilles and Ajax, Shrine of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Achmet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-seraglio-point'>Seraglio Point</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— at Athens, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Adrianople, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ædes Severianæ, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ægean, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Agnes, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Aivan Serai, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Aivan Serai Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ak Serai, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Alaric, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Alexandria, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Alti Mermer, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Amalfi, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Amaury, King of Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Amphitheatre of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Amurath I., Sultan, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anaplus, Arnaout Keui, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anatolius, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anaxibius, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>André d’Urboise, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anemas, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>. See <a href='#index-prison'>Prison</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Angora, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anna, Princess, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>-161.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anna of Savoy, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Anthemius, Prefect, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>-46, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Antony, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Apobathra, Pier of the Emperor, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Apocaucus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Apollinarius, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Aqueduct of Hadrian, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Valens, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Arch of Constantine, at Rome, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Severus, at Rome, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-arch-urbicius'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Urbicius, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>Archways near Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>-202, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Arcla, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Argyra Limnè, Silver Lake, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Arians, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Arsenius, of Crete, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Artavasdes, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Asia, Asia Minor, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Asmali-Medjid Sokaki, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Athanaric, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Athens, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Athos, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-athyras'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Athyras (Buyuk Tchekmedjè), <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Atrium of Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Attila, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Augusta, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Avars, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Avret Bazaar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-arcadius'>Forum of Arcadius</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>B.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bacchatureus, Murus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bajazet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Balata, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Baloukli, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-pege'>Pegè</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Balata Liman, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Barbyses, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bardas, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Basilica, Great Law Courts, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— Senate House, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bas-reliefs at Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Belisarius, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Berenger, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Berœa, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Beshiktash, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-243, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Blachernæ, district of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Black Sea, Euxine, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>Board of Health, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bodgan Serai, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bohemond, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bonus, Patrician, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— Rector, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bosporus, <i>passim</i>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Brachionion of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Branas, Alexius, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Braz Saint George, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bridge at St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Byzantine, across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>-177.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, inner, across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Brousa, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bucanon, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bucoleon. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>; <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Bulgarian, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>-329.</li> + <li class='c019'>Buyuk Tchekmedjè. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-athyras'>Athyras</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>-15, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>-251, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Byzas, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>C.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cabatash, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cæa, island of, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Campus, Campus Martius, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Candidati, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Candidus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Canicleius, district of, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Carthage, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-cassim-pasha'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Cassim Pasha, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Castamon, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Castinus, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-castle'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Castle— + <ul> + <li>Blachernæ. <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.</li> + <li>Bohemond, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Cyclobion, Strongylon, Castrum Rotundum, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li> + <li>Kalojean, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li>St. Gregorius, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> + <li>Seven Towers, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-yedi-koule'>Yedi Koulè</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosiani, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Castron, of the Petrion, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Catalans, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cemetery, Imperial, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chain across the Golden Horn, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>-224, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>-240.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chalcedon, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>-307, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chalcoprateia, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>Charisius, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chares, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Christocamaron, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Christodoulos, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chrysaphius, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chrysocamaron, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chrysopolis, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chrysotriclinium, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Chrysostom, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-church'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Church— + <ul> + <li>St. Acacius, in Heptascalon, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li>St. Acacius, in Karya, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li> + <li>St. Æmilianus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li>St. Agathonicus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li> + <li>All Saints, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li>St. Anastasia, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li>Angels, Seven Orders of the, Monastery, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.</li> + <li>St. Anna, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li>St. Antony, of Harmatius, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> + <li>Holy Apostles, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>St. Barbara, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>Batopedi, on Mount Athos, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Benjamin and Berius, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li>St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>.</li> + <li>St. Conon, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Cosmas and Damianus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li> + <li>Prophet Daniel, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li> + <li>St. Demetrius, near the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>St. Demetrius, of Kanabus, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li> + <li>St. Demetrius, in the Great Palace, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li> + <li>Dexiocrates, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> + <li>St. Diomed, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li>St. Dius, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> + <li>Prophet Elias, in the Petrion, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>St. Elpis, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> + <li>St. Euphemia, in the Petrion, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>Forty Martyrs, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li>St. George, Armenian Church (Soulon Monastir), on site of Church of St. Mary Peribleptos, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li> + <li>St. George, near the Gate of Charisius, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li>St. George, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li> + <li>St. George, at the Mangana, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>-256, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li> + <li>St. George, Patriarchal Church, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> + <li>San Georgio Majore, Venice, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li>Holy Innocents, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li>St. Icasia, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>St. Irene, in the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li>St. Irene, in Galata, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> + <li>St. Isaacius, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>Prophet Isaiah, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, Armenian Chapel of, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, near Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Basilikè Pylè, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>-320, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>-340.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Gate of the Kynegos, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, near the Palaia Porta, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, in Petra, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, near Residence of Probus, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Baptist, of Studius, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li>St. John de Cornibus, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> + <li>St. John the Evangelist, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li>St. Julian, Perdix, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li> + <li>St. Julianè, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>St. Kallinicus, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li> + <li>St. Kyriakè, near Koum Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> + <li>St. Kyriakè, near the Lycus, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> + <li>St. Laurentius, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>St. Lazarus, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> + <li>St. Luke, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> + <li>Manuel, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Manuel, Sabel, and Ishmael, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary Acheiropoietos, of the Abramiti, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>-258, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, of the Mongolians, Kan Klissè, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, Pammacaristos, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, of the Pegè, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, Peribleptos, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, of the Rhabdos, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mary, in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Menas and Menaius, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li>St. Metrophanes, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li>St. Michael, near the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>St. Michael the Archangel, of Adda, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>St. Michael the Archangel, at Anaplus, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li> + <li>St. Michael the Archangel, in Arcadianais, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mokius, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li>Myrelaion, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li>St. Nicholas, at the Acropolis, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>St. Nicholas, between the Walls of Heraclius and Leo V., <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li> + <li>St. Nicetas, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Notarii, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li>St. Panteleemon, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li>St. Paul the Apostle, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>.</li> + <li>St. Paul the Patriarch, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Peter and Mark, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Peter and Paul, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>.</li> + <li>Petrion, Convent of, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>St. Priscus, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> + <li>St. Romanus, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li> + <li>Prophet Samuel, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, of the Chora, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, Euergetes, Monastery of, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, Pantocrator, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, Pantopoptes, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, Philanthropos, near Indjili Kiosk, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-257.</li> + <li>St. Saviour, at Selivria, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-church-ss-sergius-bacchus'></a></li> + <li>SS. Sergius and Bacchus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>-279, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>.</li> + <li>St. Sophia, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li>St. Stephen, of the Romans, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>St. Stephen, in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>St. Thekla, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>St. Theodore, of Claudius, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li>St. Theodore, in the Deuteron, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li> + <li>St. Theodore, above Galata, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>.</li> + <li>St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>St. Theodotè, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li>St. Thomas, Amantiou, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>St. Timothy, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Cilicia, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Circus Maximus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cistern— + <ul> + <li>Aspar, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-cistern-basilica'></a></li> + <li>Basilica, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> + <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li> + <li>Mokius, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> + <li>Soulon Monastir, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li> + <li>Yeri Batan Serai. <i>See above</i>, <a href='#index-cistern-basilica'>Basilica</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Clari, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Clarissimi, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>Claudius, district of, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cold Waters, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-cassim-pasha'>Cassim Pasha</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-column'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Column— + <ul> + <li>Outside the Ancient Gate, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> + <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#fig_fp330'>illustration</a> facing p. 330.</li> + <li>Burnt Column. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li> + <li>Claudius, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-column-constantine'></a></li> + <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li> + <li>On the Fifth Hill, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li> + <li>Justinian the Great, at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Porphyry. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li> + <li>Serpent Column, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li>Strategion, in the, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Tchemberli Tash. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column-constantine'>Column of Constantine the Great</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius the Great, in the Forum of Taurus, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius II., in the Sigma, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>Twisted Columns of the Tzycalarii, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Constantine, Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Constantine, Prefect, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>-51, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Constantine Ducas, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Contoscopie, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Convent. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church'>Church</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Coparia, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-cosmidion'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Cosmidion, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Council of Basle, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Ferrara, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Fifth General, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Florence, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Count of the Walls, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Courapas, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crete, Cretans, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crimea, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crum, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crusade I., <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crusade II., <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crusade III., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crusade IV., <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Crusaders, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Custom House, Galata, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Stamboul, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cyclobion. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-castle'>Castle</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cyprus, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Cyrus, Prefect, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>D.</li> + <li class='c019'>Damalis, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Dandolo, Henrico, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Daniel Stylites, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Danube, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Daphnusium, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>David, Chartophylax of the Palace of Hormisdas, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Delassaina, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Delphi, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>St. Demetrius, Icon of, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Demosthenes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Derkos, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Deuteron, district of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Dexiocratis, district of, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Diedo, Aluxio, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Diplokionion, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Dolma Bagtchè, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>-246.</li> + <li class='c019'>Domestic of the Walls, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Domos Politymos, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Domus-Dama, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Domus Gaiana, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Doria, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Dositheos, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Drungarius, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Drungarius, district of, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>E.</li> + <li class='c019'>Edessa, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Egnatian Road, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Egypt, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Egri Kapou, district of, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eleutherius, district of, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Emperor— + <ul> + <li>Alexius I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li> + <li>Alexius II. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Alexius III. Angelus, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li>Alexius V. Ducas, Murtzuphlus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Alexius, of Trebizond, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li> + <li>Anastasius I., <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>.</li> + <li>Anastasius II., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> + <li>Andronicus I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li> + <li>Andronicus II. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>-296.</li> + <li>Andronicus III. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li>Andronicus IV. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>Antoninus, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li>Baldwin I., <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Baldwin II., <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>.</li> + <li>Basil I., <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li>Basil II., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>-102, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li>Basiliscus, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li>Cantacuzene, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>.</li> + <li>Caracalla, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> + <li>Charlemagne, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li> + <li>Charles V., <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> + <li>Claudius Gothicus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Conrad, German Emperor, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li>Constans II., <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine I., the Great, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine IV., <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine V. Copronymus, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine VI., <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine VII., <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine VIII., <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine IX., <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine X. Monomachus, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine XII. Dragoses, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>.</li> + <li>Constantius II., <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li> + <li>Frederick Barbarossa, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li>Hadrian, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Henry, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Heraclius, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>.</li> + <li>Honorius, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li> + <li>Isaac Angelus, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>John Comnenus, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li>John VI. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> + <li>John VII. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>-108, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> + <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> + <li>Justin I., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li> + <li>Justin II., <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>Justinian I., the Great, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>-217, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li>Justinian II., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li>Kanabus, Nicholas, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li> + <li>Leo I., <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> + <li>Leo II., <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + <li>Leo III, Isaurian, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li>Leo IV., <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li> + <li>Leo V., the Armenian, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li> + <li>Leo VI. the Wise, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>Leontius, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>Manuel I. Comnenus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li>Manuel II. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li>Marcian, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> + <li>Maurice, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li>Michael I., <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li> + <li>Michael II., <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li>Michael III., <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li>Michael V., <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>Michael VIII. Palæologus, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>-314, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li>Nicephorus Botoniates, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li> + <li>Nicephorus Phocas, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>-67, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>.</li> + <li>Phocas, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + <li>Romanus I., Lecapenus, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li>Romanus II., <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.</li> + <li>Romanus III., Argyrus, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li> + <li>Romanus, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> + <li>Septimius Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> + <li>Stephen, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius I., the Great, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>-64, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>-340.</li> + <li>Theodosius II., <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>-50, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius III., <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>Theophilus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>-185, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li> + <li>Tiberius II., <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li>Tiberius III., Apsimarus, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li>Valens, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>-332, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li>Valentinian, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>.</li> + <li>Zeno, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + <li>Zimisces, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Epiphanius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Et Meidan, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eubulus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>-229, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Exartesis Palaia, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-exokionion'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Exokionion, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>-20, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Exokionitai, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Eyoub, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-cosmidion'>Cosmidion</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>F.</li> + <li class='c019'>Faction, Blue, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Green, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-red-faction'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>——, Red, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Factions, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Faletri, Doge, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Fener Bagtchessi, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ferikeui, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ferry of St. Antony, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Fœderati, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Forum— + <ul> + <li>Amastrianon, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-forum-arcadius'></a> + <ul> + <li>Arcadius, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li> + <li>Augustaion, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Bous, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Strategion, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-forum-taurus'></a></li> + <li>Taurus, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> + <li>Tetrastoon, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius the Great, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-taurus'>Forum of Taurus</a>.</li> + <li>Xerolophos. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-forum-arcadius'>Forum of Arcadius</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c003'>G.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gabriel, Archangel, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gabriel, of Treviso, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-233, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gainas, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Galata, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Galbius, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gas Works at Yedi Koulè, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span><a id='index-gate'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Gate. <i>See</i> also <a href='#index-postern'>Postern</a>. + <ul> + <li>Adrianople, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-st-aemilianus'></a></li> + <li>St. Æmilianus, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> + <li>Ahour Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li>Aivan Serai Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li> + <li>St. Anastasia, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li>Ancient Gate, Porta Antiqua, Palaia Porta of the Forerunner, Antiquissima Pulchra Porta, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> + <li>Asomaton, Seven Orders of Angels, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.</li> + <li>Atalus, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li> + <li>Aurea, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>-73. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-aya-kapou'></a></li> + <li>Aya Kapou, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-theodosia'>Gate of St. Theodosia</a>.</li> + <li>Ayasma Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</li> + <li>Bagtchè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>-220, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>.</li> + <li>Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>-202, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>-206, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>-235, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>.</li> + <li>Balouk Bazaar Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li>Balouk Haneh Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-st-barbara'></a></li> + <li>St. Barbara, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-basilike'></a></li> + <li>Basilikè, Imperial Gate, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-240.</li> + <li>Bears, of the, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-bonus'></a></li> + <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>-11, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li> + <li>Caraviorum, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> + <li>Catena, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-charisius'></a></li> + <li>Charisius, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-86, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-92, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li>Chrysè. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li> + <li>Daoud Pasha Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-aemilianus'>Gate of St. Æmilianus</a>.</li> + <li>Deïrmen Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li>St. Demetrius, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>Demir Kapou, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-deuteron'></a></li> + <li>Deuteron, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li> + <li>Dexiocrates, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> + <li>Diplophanarion, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li> + <li>Djubali Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Gate Ispigas</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-drungarii'></a></li> + <li>Drungarii, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>-216, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li> + <li>Eastern Gate, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>Edirnè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-charisius'>Gate of Charisius</a>.</li> + <li>Egri Kapou, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-eugenius'></a></li> + <li>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>-229, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>-239.</li> + <li>Fifth Military Gate. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-pempton'>Gate of the Pempton</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>Fourth Military Gate, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-golden-gate'></a></li> + <li>Golden Gate, Porta Aurea, Chrysè Pylè, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>-73, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Gyrolimnè, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-hebraica'></a></li> + <li>Hebraica, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>-219, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li> + <li>Hicanatissa, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> + <li>Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>-260, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li>Horaia, Beautiful, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>-225, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>-237.</li> + <li>Imperial. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-basilike'>Basilikè</a>.</li> + <li>Isa Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-ispigas'></a></li> + <li>Ispigas, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>. <i>See</i> Porta Puteæ.</li> + <li>St. John, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-st-john-cornibus'></a></li> + <li>St. John de Cornibus, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> + <li>Judece, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li> + <li>Kaligaria, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> + <li>Katerga Limani, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-kerko-porta'></a></li> + <li>Kerko Porta, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>-117, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>-121, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-xylokerkus'>Gate of the Xylokerkus</a>.</li> + <li>Kiliomenè, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li> + <li>Kiretch Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li>Kontoscalion, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-koum-kapoussi'>Koum Kapoussi</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-koum-kapoussi'></a></li> + <li>Koum Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>-314.</li> + <li>Kynegos, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>-205, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li> + <li>St. Lazarus, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> + <li>Leonis, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</li> + <li>Marina, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mark, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li> + <li>Marmora Porta, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-eugenius'>Gate of Eugenius</a>.</li> + <li>Melandesia or Melantiados, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li>Mesè, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>Michael Protovestarius, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li>Myriandron, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li>Narli Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li>Neorion, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>-222, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>.</li> + <li>Odoun Kapan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-drungarii'>Gate Drungarii</a>.</li> + <li>Oun Kapan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-platea'>Gate of Platea</a>.</li> + <li>Palatina, Balat Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-pege'></a></li> + <li>Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>-77, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-pempton'></a></li> + <li>Pempton, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li> + <li>Perama, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>-220.</li> + <li>Petrus, Petri Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li>Phanar, Phani, del Pharo, Fener</li> + <li>Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li> + <li>Piazza, ala, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>Piscaria, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-platea'></a></li> + <li>Platea, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li> + <li>Polyandrion, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-charisius'>Gate of Charisius</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span>Precursoris, Porta juxta Parvum Templum. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-john-cornibus'>St. John de Cornibus</a>.</li> + <li>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li>Puteæ, del Pozzo, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Gate Ispigas</a>.</li> + <li>Rectoris Veteris. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-bonus'>Gate of Bonus</a>.</li> + <li>Regia, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-rhegium'></a></li> + <li>Rhegium, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhousiou'>Porta Rhousiou</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-rhousiou'></a></li> + <li>Rhousiou, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhegium'>Gate of Rhegium</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-st-romanus'></a></li> + <li>St. Romanus, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-89, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-top-kapoussi'>Top Kapoussi</a>.</li> + <li>Saouk Tchesmè Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Saturninus, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> + <li>Second Military Gate. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-deuteron'>Gate of the Deuteron</a>.</li> + <li>Selivria, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-pege'>Gate of the Pegè</a>.</li> + <li>Sidhera, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li> + <li>Sixth Military Gate, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li> + <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li> + <li>Tchatlady Kapou, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>-278, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li>Tchifout Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-hebraica'>Porta Hebraica</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-st-theodosia'></a></li> + <li>St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-aya-kapou'>Aya Kapou</a>.</li> + <li>Third Military Gate, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-top-kapoussi'></a></li> + <li>Top Kapoussi, in Land Walls, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-romanus'>Gate of St. Romanus</a>.</li> + <li>Top Kapoussi, at Seraglio Point, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-st-barbara'>Gate of St. Barbara</a>.</li> + <li>Tzycanisterion, Gate at eastern end of the, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li>Veteris Rectoris. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-bonus'>Gate of Bonus</a>.</li> + <li>Xylo Porta, Xylinè, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-gate-xylokerkus'></a></li> + <li>Xylokerkus, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-94, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-kerko-porta'>Kerko Porta</a>.</li> + <li>Yali Kiosk Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-eugenius'>Gate of Eugenius</a>.</li> + <li>Yedi Koulè Kapoussi. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-golden-gate'>Golden Gate</a>.</li> + <li>Yeni Aya Kapou, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li>Yeni Kapou, Vlanga, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>-312, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> + <li>Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-rhegium'>Gate of Rhegium</a>.</li> + <li>Zindan Kapoussi, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>-216.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Genoa, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Genoese, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>-306.</li> + <li class='c019'>George Brankovitch, Despot of Servia, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Georgius, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>Germanicia, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Germanus, residence of, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gerocomion, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Giustiniani, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Godfrey de Bouillon, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Golden Horn, <i>passim</i>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Goths Gothic, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Governor of the Wall, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Grand Bazaar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Grant, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gregoras, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Gritti, Doge, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Guliano, Peter, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>H.</li> + <li class='c019'>Habakkuk, Prophet, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hadrian II., Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-harbour'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Harbour— + <ul> + <li>Ancient Neorion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>-222, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>Anthemius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li> + <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li>Bosporion. <i>See below</i>, <a href='#index-harbour-prosphorion'>Prosphorion</a>.</li> + <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>-287, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> + <li>Diplokionion, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-harbour-eleutherius'></a></li> + <li>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>-300.</li> + <li>Eutropius, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li> + <li>Galata, or Pera, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>.</li> + <li>Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> + <li>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Heptascalon, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>-315.</li> + <li>Hormisdas, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>-279, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-harbour-julian'></a></li> + <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>-293, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> + <li>Kadriga Limani, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li> + <li>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>-315.</li> + <li>Kontoscalion, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>-296, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>-315.</li> + <li>Latins, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li>New Neorion, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>.</li> + <li>Phosphorion. <i>See below</i>, <a href='#index-harbour-prosphorion'>Prosphorion</a>.</li> + <li>Portus Novus. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-harbour-prosphorion'></a></li> + <li>Prosphorion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-julian'>Harbour of Julian</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour-eleutherius'>Harbour of Eleutherius</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Harmatius, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, district of, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Haskeui, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-hebdomon'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>-341.</li> + <li class='c019'>Helas, Theme of, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>Helena, Empress, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Helenianæ, District of the, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Helenopolis, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hellespont, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Heptapyrgion, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Heraclea, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hexakionion, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-exokionion'>Exokionion</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hicanati, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hiereia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hills of Constantinople, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hippodrome, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>-273, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>-290, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hippodrome at St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Holy Well of Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— at Church of St. Nicholas, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of the Hodegetria, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of the Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>-78, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of St. Saviour, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-254.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, district of, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, Pope, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hormisdas, Prince, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Horrea, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Hospitia, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Huns, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>I.</li> + <li class='c019'>Iagari, Manuel, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ibrahim, Sultan, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Icon of Christ, from Edessa, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Illyria, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Indjili Kiosk, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>-258, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ino, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Irene, Empress, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Isaac Sevastocrator, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Isa Kapoussi Sokaki, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Isidore, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Italian Hospital, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>J.</li> + <li class='c019'>Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Jews, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Joannicus, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>John the Fat, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Joseph, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Judeca, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Julian, Prefect, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Jus Italicus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Justinian Code, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Justinianopolis, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>K.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kadikeui, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>Kaffa, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, district of, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kaligaria. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kanatissa, residence of, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Karadjakeui, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kesmè Kaya, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Khan of the Mongols, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kiathaneh, Sweet Waters of Europe, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kiosk of Sultan Abdul Medjid, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kitchens, Imperial, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kiz Kalehssi. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-tower'>Tower</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Klidion, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Koumbaradji Sokaki, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Koush Kaya, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kral of Servia, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Krenides, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kutchuk Levend Tchiflik, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-rhegium'>Rhegium</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kynegion, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Kynegon, district of, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>-203, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>L.</li> + <li class='c019'>Latins, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Leo, brother of Nicephorus Phocas, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Leontari, Manuel Bryennius, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Levend Tchiflik, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Londja, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Lycus, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>-83, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>M.</li> + <li class='c019'>Macedonia, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Macedonius, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Magnaura. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace'>Palace</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mahmoud IV., Sultan, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Makrikeui, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mamas, St., suburb, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mandrahio, Cassim Pasha, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mangana, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>-251, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Manuel, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Manuel of Liguria, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Manuel Phakrasè, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Marathon, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Marble Kiosk, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Marciana Library, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Margaret of Hungary, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Maria, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Marine Exchange, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Marmora, Island of, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>——, Sea of, <i>passim</i>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Martin I., Pope, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Matrona, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Maurus, district of, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>Mausoleum at the Church of the Holy Apostles, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Maximus, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Megara, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mehemet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>-89, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <i>passim</i>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Melanciada, Melantiada, Melantrada, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Menas, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mesè, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mesoteichion, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>-89, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mews, Imperial, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Michael, Despot, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Milan, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Milion, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Minotto, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Moda, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mole of St. Thomas, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Monferrat, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>-286.</li> + <li class='c019'>Moselè, residence of, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Mosque— + <ul> + <li>Achmet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>.</li> + <li>Aivas Effendi Djamissi, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>.</li> + <li>Atik Mustapha Pasha Djamissi, Church of SS. Peter and Mark, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> + <li>Aya Sofia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-sophia'>St. Sophia</a>.</li> + <li>Bajazet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> + <li>Boudroum Djamissi, Myrelaion, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> + <li>Eski Ali Pasha Djamissi, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li> + <li>Eski Imaret Djamissi, Church of the Pantopoptes, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>Fethiyeh Djamissi, Church of the Pammacaristos, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li>Gul Djamissi, Church of St. Theodosia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li>Isa Kapou Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>.</li> + <li>Kahriyeh Djamissi, Church of St. Saviour in the Chora, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li>Kefelè Djamissi, Monastery of Manuel, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li>Khadin Ibrahim Pasha, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li>Kutchuk Aya Sofia. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church-ss-sergius-bacchus'>Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus</a>.</li> + <li>Mehemet, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li>Mihrimah Djamissi, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</li> + <li>Murad Mesdjidi, Sheik, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li>Saracen, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li>Selim, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>-26.</li> + <li>Sinan Pasha, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + <li>Suleiman, Sultan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li> + <li>Toklou Dedè Mesdjidi, Church of St. Thekla, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li> + <li>Tulbenkdji Djamissi, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> + <li>Yeni Validè Djamissi, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> + <li>Yol Getchen Mesdjidi, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>Zeirek Klissè Djamissi, Church of the Pantocrator, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>Municipal Gardens, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Murad, Sultan, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Museum, Imperial, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>N.</li> + <li class='c019'>Naples, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Narses, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Nemitzi, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Neophytus of Rhodes, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Neorion. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-harbour'>Harbour</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Nicephorus Bryennius, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Nicholas V., Pope, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Nika, Riot of, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Nikè, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Normans, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Notaras, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Novobrodo, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Numeri, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>O.</li> + <li class='c019'>Obelisk, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Odeon, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ok Meidan, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Olympus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Orban, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Orphanage, Great, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ortakdjilar, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ortakeui, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>P.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-palace'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Palace— + <ul> + <li>At the Argyra Limnè, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li> + <li>Blachernæ, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>-111, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>-123, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>-127, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>-133, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>-147, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li> + <li>Bonus, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-palace-bucoleon'></a></li> + <li>Bucoleon, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>-287.</li> + <li>The Cæsars, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine, Great Palace, Imperial Palace, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>-287, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li>Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Hiereia, Fener Bagtchè, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> + <li>Hormisdas. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-bucoleon'>Palace of Bucoleon</a>.</li> + <li>Irene, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li>Justinian. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-bucoleon'>Palace of Bucoleon</a>.</li> + <li>Justinian, Jucundianæ at the Hebdomon, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Kaisarius, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> + <li>Karya, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</li> + <li>Magnaura, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> + <li>Mangana, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> + <li>Pegè, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-palace-porphyrogenitus'></a></li> + <li>Porphyrogenitus Tekfour Serai, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>-114, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>-120, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> + <li>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li>Scutarion, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li>Secundianas, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li><a id='index-palace-sophia'></a></li> + <li>Sophia, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Palatine, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Palestine, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Panteleon, Saint, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Panticheion, Pendik, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Patriarchate, Greek, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Paul, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Paulinus, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pausanias, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pegæ, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-pege'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Pegè. <i>See</i> Gate; Holy Well.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pelerine, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pempton, district of the, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pentapyrgion, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pepagomenes, George, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pera, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Perama, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Peridromi of Marcian, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Perinthus, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Persia, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Persians, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pescennius Niger, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Peter the Hermit, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Peter, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Petits Champs, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Petra, Petra Palaia, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Petrion, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>-28, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Petrus, Patrician, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Petty, Mr., <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Phanar, district of the, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>-208, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pharos, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Phedalia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Philip of Macedon, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Philippopolis, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Phœnicia, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pisa, Pisans, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Platæa, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Platea, Plateia, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pontus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Portico— + <ul> + <li>Between Augustaion and Forum of Constantine, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Cariana, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>.</li> + <li>Eubulus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Josephiacus, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li>St. Mamas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> + <li>Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>-11.</li> + <li>Troadenses, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span><a id='index-postern'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Postern— + <ul> + <li>Giustiniani, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.</li> + <li>St. Kallinicus, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li> + <li>Kerko Porta, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.</li> + <li>With Monogram of Christ, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.</li> + <li>Porphyrogenitus, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>.</li> + <li>SS. Sergius and Bacchus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Prince’s Island, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-prison'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Prison— + <ul> + <li>Anemas, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>. <i>See</i> Chapters <a href='#chap10'>X.</a>, <a href='#chap11'>XI</a>.</li> + <li>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> + <li>St. Diomed, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Probus, residence of, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Proteichisma, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Proti, Island of, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Psamathia, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pteron, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pulcheria, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Pusæus, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>R.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region IV., <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region V., <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region VII., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region X., <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region XI., <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region XII., <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region XIII., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Region XIV., <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>-121, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Regions, Fourteen, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-rhegium'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Rhegium, Kutchuk Tchekmedjè, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Rhousiou. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-red-faction'>Red Faction</a>; <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Roe, Sir Thomas, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Rome, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Roumelian Railroad, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Rufinus, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Russians, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>S.</li> + <li class='c019'>Saladin, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Salamis, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sali Bazaar, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>St. Mamas, suburb, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>-91, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Salmak Tombruk, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sandakdjar Youkousou, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Saoudji, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Saouk Tchesmè, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Saracen, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>-182, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Saturninus, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Scala— + <ul> + <li>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li>Chalcedonensis, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> + <li>De Drongorio, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>Sycena, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li>Timasii, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Scholarii, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>School of Arts, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Scio, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Scutari, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Selivria, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Senate of Constantinople, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Senate House, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Septimius Severus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>-14, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Septimum. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Seraglio Grounds, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Seraglio Lighthouse, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Seraglio Plateau, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-seraglio-point'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Seraglio Point, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>-237, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Servia, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Settimo, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sicily, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li> + <li class='c019'>Sigma, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Simeon, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sirkedji Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sirmium, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Smyrna, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sophia, Empress, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Soulou Kaleh. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-tower'>Tower</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Spanish, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sphendonè, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Spigæ, De Spiga, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate-ispigas'>Ispigas</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Stadium, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Statue— + <ul> + <li>Apollo, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> + <li>Arabia, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>Atalus, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> + <li>Constantine the Great, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li> + <li>Eleutherius, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>.</li> + <li>Eudoxia, Empress, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> + <li>Fortune of the City, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> + <li>Helena, Empress, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> + <li>Julian, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> + <li>Justin II., <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>.</li> + <li>Muses of Helicon, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li>Narses, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>Pallas of Lindus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + <li>Sophia, Empress, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius I., <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li> + <li>Theodosius II., <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> + <li>Victory, on Golden Gate, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> + <li>Zeus of Dodona, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Stephen, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Strategion. <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Strategopoulos, Alexius, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Studius, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-church'>Church</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Suleiman, Sultan, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>Swiatoslaf, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Sycæ, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Syrghiannes, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Syria, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>T.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tamerlane, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tarsus, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Taxim, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tchataldja, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tchemberli Tash. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-column'>Column</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tchoukour Bostan, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tekfour Serai, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-palace-porphyrogenitus'>Palace of the Porphyrogenitus</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Templar, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Temple— + <ul> + <li>Aphroditè, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Apollo, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Artemis, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Demeter, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li>Poseidon, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li>Zeus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Temple Bar, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tenedos, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ten Thousand, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>,</li> + <li class='c019'>Tephrice, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Terter, King of Bulgaria, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theatre of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— of Dionysius, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theodora, Empress of Justinian the Great, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theodora, Empress, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theodore, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theodosiani, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theodota, Empress, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theologus, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Theophano, Empress, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Thermæ— + <ul> + <li>Achilles, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li> + <li>Arcadianæ, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li>Constantianæ, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> + <li>Zeuxippus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Thermopylæ, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Thessalonica, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Thomas, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Thrace, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tiber, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tiberius, son of Justinian II., <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Timasius, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Top Haneh, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-246.</li> + <li class='c019'>Topi, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tornikius, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-tower'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Tower— + <ul> + <li>Acropolis, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li> + <li>Anemas. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-prison'>Prison</a>.</li> + <li>Baccaturea, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.</li> + <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>Belisarius, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>.</li> + <li>Eugenius, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li> + <li>Fire Signal, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> + <li>Galata, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>.</li> + <li>Hercules, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> + <li>Imperial Gate, near, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-232.</li> + <li>Isaac Angelus, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>. <i>See</i> Chapter <a href='#chap10'>X.</a>, <i>passim</i>.</li> + <li>Kaligaria, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.</li> + <li>Kentenarion, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> + <li>Kiz Kalessi, Leander’s Tower, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> + <li>Mangana, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> + <li>Marble, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li> + <li>Pentapyrgion, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.</li> + <li>Phani, Turris, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>-234.</li> + <li>Seven Towers. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-yedi-koule'>Yedi Koulè</a>.</li> + <li>Seven Towers of Byzantium, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> + <li>Soulou Kaleh, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li> + <li>Virgioti, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</li> + </ul> + </li> + <li class='c019'>Transitus Justinianarum, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Transitus Sycenus, Trajectus Sycarum, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Trebizond, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tribunal, Tribune, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-hebdomon'>Hebdomon</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Triclinium of Anastasius, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— Danubius, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>—— Holy Shrine, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Triton, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Troilus, defended the Myriandrion, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Troilus, Protovestarius, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tsinar Tchesmè, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Turks, Ottoman, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Tzycanisterion, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>U.</li> + <li class='c019'>Ukooz-Limani, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Uldin, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Urbicius. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-arch-urbicius'>Arch</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>V.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vandal, John the, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vandals, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Varangians, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Veccus, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>-160.</li> + <li class='c019'>Venetian, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>-163, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>-211, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>-219, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Venice, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vercelli, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>Via Drungariou, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Via Triumphalis, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vicentius, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vigla, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Visigoths, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vitilianus, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vlanga, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Vlanga Bostan, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>W.</li> + <li class='c019'>War Office, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>X.</li> + <li class='c019'>Xenophon, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Xerolophos, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Xylokerkus, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-gate'>Gate</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>Y.</li> + <li class='c019'>Yalova, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'><a id='index-yedi-koule'></a></li> + <li class='c019'>Yedi Koulè, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Yemish Iskelessi, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Yeri Batan Serai, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> + <li class='c003'>Z.</li> + <li class='c019'>Zeitin Bournou, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Zen, Carlo, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Zeugma, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Zeugma of St. Antony, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> + <li class='c019'>Zoe, Empress, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<p class='c008'>THE END.</p> + +<p class='c020'>LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,</p> + +<p class='c008'>STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.</p> + +<div class='nf-center-c1'> +<div class='nf-center c002'> + <div><span class='large'>Footnotes</span></div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class='footnote' id='f1'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. </span>Petrus Gyllius, <i>De Topographia Constantinopoleos et De illius Antiquitatibus</i>, +liber i. c. 4-18.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f2'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. </span>Page 722. All references in this work to the Byzantine Authors, unless otherwise +stated, are to the Bonn Edition of the <i>Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f3'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. </span>Anonymus, lib. i. p. 20, in Banduri’s <i>Imperium Orientale</i>; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, +<i>De Cerimoniis Aulæ Byzantinæ</i>, p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f4'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. </span>Xenophon, <i>Anabasis</i>, vii. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f5'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. </span><i>Anabasis</i>, vii. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f6'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. </span>Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, p. 103. Mordtmann, <i>Esquisse Topographique +de Constantinople</i>, p. 5. All references to these writers, unless otherwise stated, are +to the works here mentioned.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f7'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. </span>Lib. i. p. 2; Codinus, pp. 24, 25. Ἤρχετο δὲ τὸ τεῖχος, καθὰ καὶ νῶν, ἐπὶ τοῦ +Βύζαντος ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου τῆς Ἀκροπόλεως, καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τὸν τοῦ Εὐγενίου +πύργον, καὶ ἀνέβαινε μέχρι τοῦ Στρατηγίου, καὶ ἤρχετο εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως +λουτρόν. Ἡ δὲ ἐκεῖσε ἁψὶς, ἡ λεγομένη τοῦ Οὐρβικίου, πόρτα ἦν χερσαία +τῶν Βυζαντίων: καὶ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὰ Χαλκοπρατεῖα τὸ τεῖχος ἕως τοῦ +λεγομένου Μιλίου· ἦν δὲ κἀκεῖσε πόρτα τῶν Βυζαντίων χερσαία: καὶ διήρχετο +εἰς τοὺς πλεκτοὺς κίονας τῶν Τζυκαλαρίων, καὶ κατέβαινεν εἰς Τόπους, καὶ +ἀπέκαμπτε πάλιν διὰ τῶν Μαγγάνων καὶ Ἀρκαδιανῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀκρόπολιν.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f8'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f9'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. </span>The site of the Strategion may be determined thus: It was in the Fifth Region +of the city (<i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i>); therefore, either on the northern slope or at the +foot of the Second Hill. Its character as the ground for military exercises required +it to be on the plain at the foot of the hill. In the Strategion were found the +granaries beside the harbour of the Prosphorion (Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cerim</i>, +p. 699), near Sirkidji Iskelessi. At the same time, these granaries were near the +Neorion (<i>Bagtchè Kapoussi</i>), for they were destroyed by a fire which started in the +Neorion (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 582).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f10'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. </span>The Chalcoprateia was near the Basilica, or Great Law Courts, the site of which +is marked by the Cistern of Yeri Batan Serai (Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 616; cf. Gyllius, +<i>De Top. CP.</i>, lib. ii. c. 20, 21). Zonaras, xiv. p. 1212 (Migne Edition), ἐν τῇ +καλουμένῃ βασιλικῇ ἔγγιστα τῶν Χαλκοπρατείων.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f11'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f12'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. </span>See below, the size of city as given by Dionysius Byzantius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f13'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. </span><i>Anaplus</i> of Dionysius Byzantius. Edition of C. Wescher, Paris, 1874.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f14'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. </span>Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 14; Herodianus, iii. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f15'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. </span>Beside Bagtchè Kapoussi. See below, p. <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f16'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. </span>I. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f17'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. </span>Page 96: Καὶ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν εἶχε τὴν πύλην ἐν τῇ συμπληρώσει τῶν +στοῶν ἅς Σεβῆρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f18'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 96: Ἀγορὰν δὲ ἐν τῶ τόπῳ καθ᾽ ὅν ἡ πύλη τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἦν +οἰκοδομήσας, ... ἁψίδας δύο μαρμάρου προικοννησίου μεγίστας ἀλλήλων +ἀντίας ἀπέτυπωσε, δι᾽ ὧν ἔνεστιν εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰς Σεβῆρου στοὰς, καὶ τῆς +πάλαι πόλεως ἐξιέναι.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f19'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 42, speaking of the column, says it was set up ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου +οὗ ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος τῆς ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἐξιούσης +πύλης.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f20'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f21'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. </span>I. p. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f22'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. </span>Page 41.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f23'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. </span><i>The Church of Sancta Sophia</i>, pp. 5, 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f24'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 96, Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ βορείου λόφου κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον, κατιὸν +ἄχρι τοῦ λιμένος ὅ καλοῦσι νεώριον, καὶ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι θαλάσσης ἥ κατευθὺ +κεῖται τοῦ στόματος δι᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἀνάγονται Πόντον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f25'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, Τὸ δὲ τεῖχος διὰ τοῦ λόφου καθιέμενον ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ δυτικοῦ μέρους +ἄχρι τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ναοῦ, καὶ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντικρὺ Χρυσόπολεως.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f26'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f27'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 345.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f28'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. </span>Page 292.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f29'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. </span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 149; Codinus, p. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f30'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i>; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f31'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 96.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f32'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. </span>As the Sphendonè of the Hippodrome was a construction of Constantine the +Great, the wall of Severus may, near that point, have stood higher up the hill than +is indicated on the Map of Byzantine Constantinople, facing page <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f33'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. </span>Dionysius Byzantius. See Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, <i>De +Top. CP.</i>, i. c. 10.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f34'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 494, 495; cf. Malalas, p. 345; <i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f35'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Regiones, IV., V., VI.</i> In the first tower south of Saouk Tchesmè +Kapoussi, in the land wall of the Seraglio, is built a stone, inscribed with archaic +Greek letters, which probably came from the Stadium. See <i>Proceedings of the Greek +Literary Syllogos of Constantinople</i>, vol. xvi., 1885, <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, p. 3. +Ἀπομά(χων) αἰχματ(ᾶν), σταδιοδ(ρόμων), ὁ τόπος ἄ(ρχεται).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f36'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 76.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f37'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. </span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 149.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f38'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 619.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f39'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. </span>For buildings, etc., outside the limits of Byzantium, see <i>Anaplus</i> of Dionysius +Byzantius; Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2, c. 5; Codinus, p. 30; Anonymus, +iii. p 51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f40'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. </span>Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f41'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. </span>See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f42'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. </span>Pages 96, 97.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f43'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f44'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. </span><i>Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanæ et Laterculi +Provinciarum</i>, edidit Otto Seeck, p. 243.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The <i>Notitia</i>, so far as Constantinople is concerned, will be found in Gyllius’ <i>De +Topographia Constantinopoleos</i>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>“Habet sane longitudo urbis a porta aurea usque ad litus maris directa linea pedum +quattuordecim milia septuaginta quinque, latitudo autem pedum sex milia centum +quinquaginta.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f45'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; Anonymus, i. p. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f46'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f47'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f48'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f49'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f50'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 561; Socrates, v. c. 7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f51'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f52'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. </span>Theophanes Continuatus, p. 196; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 173; Nicetas Chon. +p. 319.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f53'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f54'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. </span>On the occasion of his second visit, Gyllius saw the column removed to the +Mosque of Sultan Suleiman.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f55'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. </span>Pages 10, 72.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f56'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f57'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540, Ἄνωθεν τῆς περιβλέπτου μονῆς, ἐν τῷ τοπω τῷ +καλουμένῳ Σίγματι.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f58'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 86.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f59'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 579.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f60'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. </span>Socrates, vii. c. 5; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 106.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f61'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, v. p. 81; <i>Synaxaria</i>, May 11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f62'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 55, 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f63'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 99; Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 8.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f64'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. </span>Cf. Paspates, p. 362.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f65'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 122.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f66'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f67'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. </span>Du Cange, iv. p. 102.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f68'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. </span><i>Patrologia Græca</i>, vol. clvi. p. 54, Migne.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f69'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. </span>Another copy of the map of Bondelmontius than that forming the Frontispiece +of this work is found at the beginning of Du Cange’s <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f70'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. </span>For this information I am indebted to Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., of the +American Board of Missions.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f71'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. </span>Cf. Paspates, pp. 361-363.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f72'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. </span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 154.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f73'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f74'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XII.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f75'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f76'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 103; <i>Traduits pour la Société de l’Orient Latin</i>, +par Madame B. de Khitrovo.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f77'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 123.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f78'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. </span>Page 593.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f79'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. </span>Theophanes Continuatus, p. 168.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f80'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. </span>Paspates, pp. 304-306.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f81'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 99.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f82'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 4.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f83'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. </span>Pages 72, 73.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f84'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 343.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f85'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 532.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f86'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f87'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., p. 532.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f88'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 49, Ἐσκέπασεν αὐτὴν κυλινδρικῷ θόλῳ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f89'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. </span>The literary form of the word is Djami’i.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f90'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. </span><i>Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel</i>, p. 185.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f91'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. </span><i>Ad Reg. XI.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f92'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f93'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, June 17, 20; Anonymus, ii. p. 35.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f94'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 36.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f95'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 104, 105.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f96'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. </span>Paspates, pp. 320-322.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f97'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 381-383.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f98'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. </span>Page 494, Τὸ παλαιὸν τεῖχος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τουτέστιν ἀπὸ τοῦ +καλουμένου Πετρίου ἕως τῆς πόρτας τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, πλησίον τῆς +καλουμένης Ῥάβδου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f99'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. </span>See <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f100'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. pp. 39, 40.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f101'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. </span><i>Bollandists</i>, May 30, p. 238, Ἐν μαρτυρείῳ τῆς ἁγίας Εὐφημίας τῷ ὄντι +πλησίον τοῦ ἁγίου Λαυρεντίου ἐν τῷ Πετρίῳ.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Under August 10, St. Laurentius is described as ἐν Πουλχεριαναῖς and ἐν +Πετρίῳ. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f102'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. </span>Emperor Julian, <i>Oratio I.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f103'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 719.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f104'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. </span>Pages 10, 28. See below, p. <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f105'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f106'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f107'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f108'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f109'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, ref. 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f110'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f111'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. </span><i>Ad Reg. XII.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f112'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; see below, p. <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f113'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. </span>Pages 7, 8. There is no proof for the existence of a Porta Saturnini in the +Constantinian Wall (<i>Esquisse Top. de CP.</i>). The author of the “Life of St. Isaacius,” +in the <i>Bollandists</i> (May 31, p. 256, n. 4, p. 259), says that a cell was built for that saint +by Saturninus: “Suburbanam, nec procul a civitatis muris (Constantinian) remotam +domum.” The house of Saturninus himself is described as “extra portam Collarida” +(Xerolophos). But nothing is said regarding a gate named after him. Regarding +this Basilikè Porta, see below, p. <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f114'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. </span>Nicephorus Callistus, xiv. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f115'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 488; Agathias, v. c. 5, 3-8.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f116'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. </span>Page 494.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f117'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f118'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 363.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f119'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. </span>Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 266.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f120'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. </span>Jornandes, <i>De Rebus Get.</i>, c. 21, “Nam et dum famosissimam et Romæ +æmulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio, qui fœdere +inito cum imperatore XL. suorum millia illi in solatio contra gentes varias obtulere, +quorum et numerus et millia usque, in Rep. nominantur Fœderati.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>In one brief (<i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. 13, tit. iv. 1) Constantine complains of the dearth +of architects; in another (<i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. 13, tit. iv. 2) he offers to free from taxes +thirty-five master artificers if they would bring up their sons in the same professions.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f121'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f122'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, lib. v. p. 98.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f123'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 528; Zosimus, p. 96.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f124'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. </span>Hesychius, <i>Frag. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 154; Anonymus, i. p. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f125'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 529, Αὐγουσταῖον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f126'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 528.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f127'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f128'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 528.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f129'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. </span>Eusebius, <i>Life of Constantine</i>, iv. 66.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f130'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 97.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f131'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 528, 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f132'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. </span>Zosimus, pp. 280, 281.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f133'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. </span>Eusebius, <i>Life of Constantine</i>, iii. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f134'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. </span>Socrates, i. c. 16.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f135'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. </span>Eusebius, iv. c. 52-60.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f136'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. </span>Eusebius, iv. 60.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f137'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. </span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, p. 154; Theophanes, p. 34; Sozomon, +ii. c. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f138'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. </span><i>Life of Constantine</i>, iii. c. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f139'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, pp. 22, 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f140'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46. See below, p. <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f141'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 26. See below, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f142'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. </span>Socrates, i. c. 16.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f143'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 528; Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 266.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f144'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, p. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f145'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. </span>Cf. Tchihatchef, <i>Le Bosphore et Constantinople</i>, chap. ii.; Andreossy, <i>Constantinople +et le Bosphore de Thrace</i>, Livre Troisième, “Système des Eaux.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f146'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f147'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f148'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. </span>Socrates, ii. c. 13; Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f149'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. xiv. 13; <i>Cod. Justin.</i>, xi. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f150'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. </span>Hesychius Milesius, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 154; Zosimus, p. 97.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f151'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, Novella 12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f152'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 530. Because of this subordination of Byzantium to +Heraclea, the bishop of the latter city has still the right to preside at the consecration +of the patriarch of Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f153'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. </span>Valesian Anonymus, appended to the History of Ammianus Marcellinus. The +senators of Rome were styled “Clarissimi.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f154'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. </span><i>Nolitia, ad Regiones.</i> On the delimitation of the Regions, see Gyllius, <i>De +Topographia Constantinopleos</i>, l. ii. c. 2, 10, 16; l. iii. c. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9; l. iv. c. +1, 3, 7, 10, 11; and Mordtmann, <i>Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople</i>, pp. 2-10. +The point on which these authorities differ most widely is regarding the +situation of the Seventh Region, Gyllius making it occupy the valley of the Grand +Bazaar, on the northern side of the city; while Mordtmann (pp. 6, 7) places it on +the southern slope of the Second Hill, from the Forum of Constantine to the Sea +of Marmora. My view (at present) on the subject is indicated in the Map of +Byzantine Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f155'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. </span>Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxii. 16.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f156'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. </span>Jornandes, xxviii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f157'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. </span>Eunapius, quoted by Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f158'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 101.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f159'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. </span>Sozomon, ii. c. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f160'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 680.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f161'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. </span><i>Oratio</i>, xviii. p. 222. Edition of Petavius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f162'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. </span>VII. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f163'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, lib. viii. tit. xxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f164'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f165'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. </span>See Choisy, <i>L’Art de Bâttir chez les Byzantins</i>, pp. 7-13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f166'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. </span>Socrates, vii. c. 1; <i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Operibus Publicis,” lex. 51. The law +refers to the towers of the new wall, and is addressed to Anthemius as Prætorian +Prefect in 413: “Turres novi muri, qui ad munitionem splendidissimæ urbis extructus +est, completo opere, præcipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum terram idem murus +studio ac provisione Tuæ Magnitudinis ex Nostræ Serenitatis arbitrio celebratur.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f167'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes, “Plurimi urbis Augustæ muri recenti adhuc constructi, cum +LVII. turribus, corruerunt.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f168'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. </span>“Intra tres menses, Constantino Præfecto Prætorio opere dante, (muri) reædificati +sunt.” Cf. Inscription on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, p. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f169'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. </span>Measuring from the bed of the Moat.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f170'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. </span>It stood on the Outer Wall between the fourth and fifth towers south of the +Golden Gate (Paspates, p. 58).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f171'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. </span>See illustrations facing pp. <a href='#fig_fp078'>78</a>, <a href='#fig_fp096'>96</a>, <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f172'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vii. n. 428.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f173'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f174'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 148, 149; Leo Gram., pp. 108, 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f175'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, Paspates, Mordtmann, Du Cange.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f176'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. </span>Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, de 395 à 1057</i>, pp. 54, 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f177'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 588, 589.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f178'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 582, 583.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f179'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 588.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f180'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. </span>Suidas, <i>ad vocem</i> Κύρος.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f181'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. </span>Lydus, <i>De Magistratibus</i>, iii. p. 235.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f182'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 361, Οὐκ ἀρέσκει μοι τύχη πολλά γελῶσα.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f183'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 48, quoting Skarlatus Byzantius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f184'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, Malalas.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f185'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. </span>Lib. vii. c. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f186'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. </span>Cananus, p. 476.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f187'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. </span>Nicephorus Gregoras, xiv. p. 711.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f188'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. </span>Philo of Byzantium. See <i>Veterum Mathemat. Opera</i>, s. ix. Edited and Translated +by MM. de Rochat et Graux, <i>Revue de Philologie</i>, 1879.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f189'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. </span>Choisy, <i>L’Art de Bâtir chez les Byzantins</i>, p. 112.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f190'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Metatis,” lib. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f191'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod.</i>, “De Operibus Publicis,” lib. 51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f192'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 589; Phrantzes, p. 281.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f193'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. </span>Nicephorus Gregoras, ix. p. 408.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f194'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 283.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f195'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 504.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f196'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. </span>Cananus, p. 476.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f197'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. </span>Critobulus, i. c. 34.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f198'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. </span>Or “Lists, the space between the Inner and the Outer Walls of enceinte or +enclosure” (<i>Violet-le-Duc on Mediæval Fortifications</i>; translated by Macdermott).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f199'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. </span>Only seventy out of the ninety-six towers in this wall can now be identified.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f200'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. </span>Cananus, p. 475.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f201'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 266, 283, 286; Critobulus, i. c. 34; Leonard of Scio, p. 936, +thinks this was poor strategy, rendered necessary by the bad condition of the Inner +Wall. “Operosa autem protegendi vallum et antemurale nostris fuit; quod contra +animum meum semper fuit, qui suadebam in refugium muros altos non deserendos, +qui si ob imbres negligentiamque vel scissi, vel inermes propugnaculis essent, qui +non deserti, præsidium urbi salutis contulisset.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f202'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f203'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 266, Ἐν τῇ τάφρῳ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f204'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. </span>Cananus, pp. 461, 462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f205'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. </span>Pages 7-13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f206'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. </span>Page 40, Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς (τάφροις) ὑδάτων, ὥστε ᾧ μέρει +μόνον ἐλείπετο, καὶ ταύτῃ δοκεῖν πελαγίαν τὴν πόλιν εἶναι διὰ τούτων.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f207'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. </span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelagi</i>, p. 121. Leipsic, 1824.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f208'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. </span>IV. 138, 139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f209'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. </span>Dethier, <i>Sièges de Constantinople</i>, ii. p. 1085; cf. Mijatovich, <i>Constantine, Last +Emperor of the Greeks</i>, pp. 185, 186. Some 24 of these aqueducts or dams can still +be identified: 2 between the Sea of Marmora and the Golden Gate; 1 between that +gate and the Gate of the Deuteron; 6 or 7 between the Gate of the Deuteron and the +Gate of Selivria; 5 between the Gate of Selivria and the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh +Kapoussi; 5 between Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi and Top Kapoussi; 2 between +Top Kapoussi and the Gate of the Pempton; 3 between the Gate of the Pempton and +Edirnè Kapoussi; 2 between Edirnè Kapoussi and the northern end of the Moat.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f210'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. 137, 138, “Pontes qui ad mœnia ducunt dirumpunt.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f211'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. 151, “Aurea Porta datur ponto vicina sonanti.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f212'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. </span>Cananus, p. 460.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f213'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 292, 293; Manuel Chrysolaras, p. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f214'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. </span><i>Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores Antiqui</i>, p. 642. London, 1652.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f215'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. </span>See French translation of his work, <i>Constantinople Ancienne et Moderne</i>, 1798, +vol. i. p. 28, where, quoting the legend, he says, “On y lit encore ces vers.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f216'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. </span><i>Opera Varia</i>, vol. i., Paris, 1696; Paneg. Maioriani, <i>Carmen V.</i>, 354.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f217'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, lib. i. p. 52.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f218'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. </span>The brilliant monograph of Dr. Strzygowski on the Golden Gate is found in the +<i>Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts</i>, Band viii., 1893, Erstes +Heft.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f219'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 234.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f220'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. </span>Cf. the inscription on the pedestal of the obelisk—</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>“Difficilis quondam dominis parere serenis</div> + <div class='line'>Jussus, et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis</div> + <div class='line'>Omnia Theodosio cedunt,” etc.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f221'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f222'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 360, ascribes the decoration of the gate with gold to Theodosius II.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f223'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f224'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. </span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, p. 59; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 500, 506.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f225'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 360.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f226'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f227'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 675.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f228'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 173.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f229'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. </span>Codinus, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f230'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 634.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f231'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 567.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f232'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 363.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f233'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 239.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f234'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. </span>Manuel Chrys., p 48; Gyllius, <i>De Top CP.</i>, iv. c. 9; Adolf Michaelis, <i>Ancient +Marbles in Great Britain</i>, pp. 10-14, translated by C. A. M. Fennell. See Wheler, +Grelot, Gerlach, Bulliardus, Spon, and Monograph of Dr. Strzygowski.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f235'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. </span>The first two bas-reliefs to the north of the gate, and the first and fourth to the +south, as superior in workmanship, came very near being removed to England, through +the efforts of Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador to the Porte from 1621 to 1628, +and of a certain Mr. Petty, who was sent to the East by the Earl of Arundel to +procure works of Ancient Art. The finds were to be divided between that nobleman +and the Duke of Buckingham. The correspondence on the subject will be found in <i>The +Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte</i>, published in +London, 1740 (see pp. 386, 387, 444, 445, 495, 512, 534, 535); in Michaelis’ <i>Ancient +Marbles in Great Britain</i>; and, partially, in Dr. Strzygowski’s <i>Monograph on the +Golden Gate</i>.</p> + +<p class='c008'>“Promise to obteyne them,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, in May, 1625, “I cannot, +because they stand upon the ancient gate, the most conspicuous of the cytte, though +now mured up, beeing the entrance by the castell called the Seauen Towers, and +neuer opened since the Greek emperors lost yt: to offer to steale them, no man dares +to deface the cheefe seate of the grand signor: to procure them by fauour, is more +impossible, such enuy they bear vnto us. There is only then one way left; by corruption +of some churchman, to dislike them, as against their law; and vnder that +pretence to take them downe to be brought into some priuat place; from whence, +after the matter is cold and unsuspected, they may be conveyed. I haue practised +for the four, and am offered to haue it done for 600 crownes.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>A year later he had to write, “Those on the Porta Aurea are like to stand, till +they fall by tyme: I haue vsed all meanes, and once bought them, and deposed, +3 moneths, 500 dollers. Without authority, the danger and impossibility were alike; +therefore I dealt with the great treasurer, who in these tymes is greedy of any mony, +and hee had consented to deliuer them into a boat without any hazard of my part. +The last weeke hee rode himself to see them, and carried the surueigher of the citty +walls with him; but the Castellano and the people beganne to mutine, and fell vpon +a strange conceit; insomuch that hee was forced to retyre, and presently sent for my +enterpreter, demanding if I had any old booke of prophesy: inferring, that those +statues were enchanted, and that wee knew, when they should bee taken downe, +some great alteration should befall this cytty.... In conclusion, hee sent to mee, to +think, nor mention no more that place, which might cost his life, and bring mee into +trouble; so that I despair to effect therein your graces seruice: and it is true, though +I could not gett the stones, yet I allmost raised an insurrection in that part of the +cytty.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f236'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f237'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 414.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f238'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 186.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f239'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 693.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f240'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 784.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f241'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f242'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. </span>Anastasius Bibliothecarius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f243'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f244'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. </span>Guillelmus Bibliothecarius, <i>in Hadriano II</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f245'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 432.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f246'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 234.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f247'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. </span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f248'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 668.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f249'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 503, 504.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f250'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 498.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f251'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, p. 158.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f252'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 475.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f253'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f254'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Bello Vand.</i>, ii. c. 9; Theophanes, p. 309.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f255'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 388.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f256'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, p. 28.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f257'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f258'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 309.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f259'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. </span>For the descriptions of the triumphs accorded to Basil I. and Theophilus, see +Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 498-508.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f260'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 499, Ἐν δὼ τῷ λιβαδίῳ τῷ ἔξω τῆς χρυσῆς +πόρτας.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f261'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. </span>On the pier to the left of the central archway are painted in red the words, +ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ; while on the pier to the right are the +words, Ο ΘΣ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΗΝΕΝΤΕΝ ΣΕ; lingering echoes of the shouts that +shook the gate on a day of triumph.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f262'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. </span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp334'>334</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f263'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, p. 158.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f264'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f265'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., p. 508.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f266'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. </span>Τὸ κατὰ τὴν χρυσῆν καλουμένην φρούριον, Cantacuzene, iv. p. 292. It was +not, however, the fortress known as the Strongylon, Cyclobion, Castrum Rotundum +(Procopius, <i>De Aed.</i>, iv. c. 8; Theophanes, p. 541; Anastasius, <i>in Hormisda PP.</i>; +Guillelmus Biblioth. <i>in Hadriano II.</i>). That fortress stood outside the city, near +the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), three miles to the west of the Golden Gate (Theophanes, +pp. 541, 608). See below, p. <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f267'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 293, 301, 302. The southern tower projects 55 feet 7 inches +from the wall, and is 60 feet 5 inches broad; the corresponding dimensions of the +northern tower are 55-½ feet, and 60 feet 4 inches.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f268'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f269'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 541.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f270'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 785.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f271'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 385.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f272'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 606, 607.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f273'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 304.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f274'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. </span>Chalcocondylas, p. 62.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f275'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 47, 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f276'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 239, “Chateau de l’Empereur Kalojean. Il +a trois entrées.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f277'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. </span>See Muralt, ad annum, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f278'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f279'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 78.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f280'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 13. Above the gate, on the side facing the city, is a slab with +the figure of the Roman eagle.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f281'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f282'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f283'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f284'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f285'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 223.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f286'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. </span>Page 779.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f287'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 97.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f288'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f289'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. </span>Sozomon, iv. c. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f290'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f291'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f292'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Octob. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f293'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f294'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f295'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f296'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, June 10.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f297'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, April 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f298'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, April 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f299'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. </span>Nicephorus Callistas, xii. c. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f300'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f301'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f302'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f303'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. </span>It is still held in great repute, and on the Friday of Greek Easter week is +visited by immense crowds of devotees, as in the olden time.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f304'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f305'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f306'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, iv. p. 64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f307'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 142; Niceph. Greg., iv. p. 85.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f308'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. </span>See Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f309'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 184.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f310'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. </span>Nicolo Barbaro, p. 733.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f311'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f312'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f313'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 47; Mordtmann, p. 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f314'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, Oct. 25. Ἐν τῇ Μελανδησία πόρτῃ, ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Κωνσταντινούπολει, +τοποθεσίᾳ τοῦ Δευτέρου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f315'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f316'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. </span>Nicephorus Callistus, xv. c. 25, c. 28.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f317'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. </span>Agathias, v. c. 14, c. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f318'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes, <i>ad Zenonem</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f319'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 717.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f320'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f321'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 78.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f322'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. </span><i>Menæa</i>, May 30, as quoted by Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. p. 178.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f323'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 501; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f324'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. </span>Mordtmann, pp. 14, 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f325'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f326'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f327'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f328'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 323.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f329'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f330'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. </span>Pages 378-389.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f331'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f332'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 355, 358.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f333'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f334'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. </span>The inscription is found in the C. I. G., No. 8789. Dr. Paspates compares it +with No. 8788 in that collection. ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ +ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ +ΒΕΝΕΤΩΝ (of the Blues) ΕΥΝΩΟΥΝΤΩΝ. See below, p. <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f335'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f336'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f337'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. </span>Choiseul-Gouffier, <i>Voyage pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 17, +speaking of this gate, says, “Sur le cintre de cette porte sont les représentations de +quelques saints, donc les Turcs ont effacé le visage.” Cf. Paspates, p. 51.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f338'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f339'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f340'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. </span><i>De Constantinopoli Expugnata</i>, p. 462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f341'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. </span>Critobulus, i. c. 23, c. 27 (<i>Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum</i>, vol. v.); +Phrantzes, p. 237.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f342'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. </span>Critobulus; Phrantzes, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f343'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. Compare lines 165 and 169. Cf. Dolfin, s. 54.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f344'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 55; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f345'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 719.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f346'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f347'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. </span><i>E.g.</i> Dethier, <i>Le Bosphore et Consple.</i>, p. 50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f348'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r348'>348</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f349'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r349'>349</a>. </span><i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, lines 371-429; cf. statement ἐγέρθη Γεωργίου δόμος ... +πρὸς πύλην τὴν Χαρσίαν with statement πύλην ἐάσας ἀνοικτὴν τὴν ποταμοῦ +πλησίον εἰς ἥν τῆς μάρτυρος ναὸς Κυριακῆς ὁρᾶται. See <i>Byzantinshe +Analecten</i>, von Hernn Joseph Müller, “Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der +Wissenshaften Philosoph. Hist.,” Classe B. 9, 1852. Cf. Cananus, p. 462, ἦν γὰρ ὁ +τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πύργος πλησίον Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ +ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην, καὶ πλησιέστηρον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμόν +τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον Λύκον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f350'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r350'>350</a>. </span>Palladius, <i>Dialogus de Vita J. Chrysostomi</i>, Migne, xlvii. p. 34. In front of +St. Irene in the Seraglio grounds, is preserved the pedestal on which stood the +porphyry column bearing the silver statue of the Empress Eudoxia, the occasion of +Chrysostom’s banishment.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f351'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r351'>351</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 589, Εἰσῆλθεν λεκτικίῳ ἀπὸ Λευκοῦ ποταμοῦ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f352'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r352'>352</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, 497.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f353'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r353'>353</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f354'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r354'>354</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 68.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f355'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r355'>355</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f356'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r356'>356</a>. </span>Dr. Mordtmann was the first to establish the fact. For a full statement of his +view, see <i>Esquisse Topographique de Consple.</i>, pp. 16-29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f357'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r357'>357</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f358'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r358'>358</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 497. In 1299, Andronicus II. also entered the +city by this entrance in great state, after an absence of two years (Pachymeres, +vol. ii. p. 290).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f359'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r359'>359</a>. </span>Anna Comn., ii. pp. 124, 129; <i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, 371-429.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f360'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r360'>360</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 105. The church +possesses two ancient <i>Lectionaries</i>, one containing the Epistles, the other the Gospels. +The history of the latter is interesting. The MS. was presented to the Church of +St. Sophia, in 1438, by a monk named Arsenius, of Crete. It was taken, the same +year, by the Patriarch Joseph to Ferrara, when he proceeded to that city to attend +the council called to negotiate the union of the Western and Eastern Churches. Upon +his death in Florence the year following it was returned to St. Sophia. Some +time after the fall of Constantinople it came into the hands of a certain Manuel, son +of Constantine, by whom it was given, in 1568, to the church in which it is now +treasured.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f361'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r361'>361</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 288.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f362'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r362'>362</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 719, 720; cf. Anonymus, i. p. 22, with iii. p. 50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f363'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r363'>363</a>. </span>In the foundations of one of the towers to the north of the Gate of the Pempton, +pulled down in 1868 for the sake of building material, a large number of marble +tombstones were found, some being plain slabs, others bearing inscriptions. Among +the latter, several were to the memory of persons connected with the body of auxiliary +troops, styled the Fœderati. Such Gothic names as Walderic, Saphnas, Bertilas, +Epoktoric, occurred in the epitaphs, <i>e.g.</i>—</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>† ΕΝΘΔΕ ΚΤΑ ... Ι Ο</div> + <div class='line'>ΤΗΣ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΕΦΝΑΣ</div> + <div class='line'>ΔΕΣΠΟΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΦΟΙΔΕΡΑΤΟΣ ΕΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΣΕΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΔΕ ΜΗ ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩ ΚΔ ΗΜΕΡΑ Β</div> + <div class='line'>ΙΝΔ Β.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>See Paspates, pp. 33, 34; <i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, +vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, pp. 17-23. Some of the stones are in the +Imperial Museum.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f364'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r364'>364</a>. </span>Critobulus, i. c. 26, c. 31.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f365'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r365'>365</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 253; Critobulus, i. c. 26; Leonard of Scio, “In loco arduo Miliandri, +quo urbs titubabat.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f366'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r366'>366</a>. </span><i>Leonard of Scio</i>, Migne, vol. clix. pp. 929, 940.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f367'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r367'>367</a>. </span>Dolfin, s. 31.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f368'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r368'>368</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 719, 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f369'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r369'>369</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f370'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r370'>370</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 493.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f371'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r371'>371</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 525.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f372'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r372'>372</a>. </span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 124.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f373'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r373'>373</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 824.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f374'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r374'>374</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 419, 420.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f375'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r375'>375</a>. </span>See Muralt, <i>Essai de Chronographie Byzantine</i>, vol. ii. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f376'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r376'>376</a>. </span>Cananus, pp. 461, 462.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f377'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r377'>377</a>. </span>Compare the narratives of Phrantzes, pp. 246, 253; Critobulus, i. c. 23, 27, 31, +34, 60; Ducas, p. 275; Leonard of Scio (<i>Migne</i>, vol. clix.).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f378'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r378'>378</a>. </span>Critobulus, i. c. 60.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f379'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r379'>379</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 287.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f380'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r380'>380</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558; Theophanes, p. 667.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f381'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r381'>381</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 282. The Circus was known as the Circus of St. Mamas, because +of its proximity to that church, and appears frequently in Byzantine history.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The district associated with the Church of St. Mamas (Zonaras, xvi. c. 5, +ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸ Στενὸν τοποθεσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος καλουμένῃ) must have +occupied the valley which extends from the Golden Horn southwards to the village +of Ortakdjilar, the territory between Eyoub (Cosmidion) and Aivan Serai at the +north-western angle of the city. The church itself, with its monastery (Cantacuzene, +iv. pp. 107, 259), stood, probably, on the high ground near Ortakdjilar. +Owing to its charming situation, the suburb was a favourite resort, and boasted +of an Imperial palace, a hippodrome, a portico, a harbour, and, possibly, the +bridge across the Golden Horn. The indications for the determination of the +site of the suburb are: (1) it stood nearer the Golden Horn than the Gate +of Charisius did; for in the military demonstration which Constantine Copronymus +made before the land walls, against the rebel Artavasdes, by marching up and +down between the Gate of Charisius and the Golden Gate, the emperor reached +St. Mamas and encamped there, after passing the former entrance on his march +northwards (Theophanes, pp. 645, 646). (2) The Hippodrome of St. Mamas +was in Blachernæ (Ἐν Βλαχέρναις ... ἐν τῷ ἱππικῷ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος—Theophanes, +p. 667), a term which could be used to designate even the district of the +Cosmidion (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 725, τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἁγίων Κοσμᾶ καὶ Δαμιανοῦ, +ἐν Βλαχέρναις). (3) The suburb stood near the Cosmidion; hence the facility +with which the Bulgarians under Crum were able to ravage St. Mamas from their +camp near the Church SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Theophanes Cont., pp. 613, 614). +(4) The suburb was near the water; for it had a harbour (Theophanes, p. 591). +It is also described as situated on the Propontis (Genesius, p. 102), on the Euxine +(Theophanes Cont., p. 197), on the Stenon, the Bosporus (Zonaras, <i>ut supra</i>), these +names being applied in a wide sense. (5) At the same time the Church of St. Mamas +stood near the walls (Zonaras, xiv. p. 1272, πλησίον τοῦ τείχους), and near the gate +named Porta Xylokerkou (Cedrenus, i. p. 707). This does not necessarily imply +that the church was immediately outside the gate, but it intimates that the church +was at no very great distance from the gate, and could be easily reached from it; +as, for example, the Church of the Pegè stands related to the Gate of Selivria (see +above, p. <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>). Such language would be appropriate if a branch road leading to +St. Mamas and the Golden Horn left the great road, parallel to the walls, at the +point opposite the Porta Xylokerkou.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The suburb owed much to Leo the Great, who took up his residence there for six +months, after the terrible conflagration which devastated the city in the twelfth year +of his reign (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 598). To him are ascribed all the constructions for +which the suburb was celebrated; the harbour and portico (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>), +the church, the palace, and the hippodrome (Anonymus, iii. pp. 57, 58; Codinus, +p. 115). The Church of St. Mamas is, however, ascribed also to an officer in the +reign of Justinian the Great, and to the sister of the Emperor Maurice (see Du Cange, +<i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, iv. p. 185). There Maurice and his family were buried, +after their execution by Phocas (Codinus, p. 121). The palace was frequented by +Michael III., and there he was murdered by Basil I. (Theophanes Cont., p. 210). +To it the Empress Irene and her son Constantine VI. retired from the city on the +occasion of the severe earthquake of 790 (Theophanes, pp. 719, 720), and in it the +marriage of Constantine VI. with Theodota was celebrated (<i>Ibid.</i> p. 728). It was +burnt down by Crum of Bulgaria (<i>Ibid.</i> pp. 785, 786), but must have been rebuilt +soon, for Theophilus took up his quarters there on the eve of his first triumphal +entrance into the city (Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 504). The hippodrome may +have been, originally, the one which Constantine the Great constructed of wood, +outside the city, and in which the adherents of Chrysostom assembled after the +bishop’s deposition (Sozomon, viii. c. 21, συνήθον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος εἰς τινα χῶρον +ὅν Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Βασιλεὺς, μήπω τὴν πόλιν συνοικήσας, εἰς ἱπποδρόμου +θέαν ἐκάθηρε, ξύλοις περιτειχίσας). There Michael III. took part in chariot races +(Theophanes Cont., p. 197; cf. Theophanes, p. 731). Crum carried away some of +the works of Art which adorned it (Theophanes, pp. 785, 786). The harbour of +St. Mamas appears as the station of a fleet in the struggle between Anastasius II. +and Theodosius III. (Theophanes, pp. 591, 592), and in the struggle between +Artavasdes and Constantine Copronymus (<i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 645, 646).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f382'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r382'>382</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 150, n. 428, ΘΕΥΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ +ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ +ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ. The gate appears in the reign of Anastasius I. +(491-518), when a nun residing near it was mobbed and killed for sharing the +emperor’s heretical opinions (Zonaras, xiv. c. 3, p. 1220, Migne). This is another +evidence of its Theodosian origin. It must have stood in the portion of the Theodosian +Walls that still remain, for it is mentioned in the reign of John Cantacuzene.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f383'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r383'>383</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 282-286. Cf. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f384'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r384'>384</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 528, 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f385'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r385'>385</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f386'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r386'>386</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 282, Παραπόρτιον ἕν πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων ἀσφαλῶς πεφραγμένον, +ὑπόγαιον, πρὸς τὸ κάτωθεν μέρος τοῦ παλατίου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f387'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r387'>387</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 282-286.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f388'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r388'>388</a>. </span>Pages 63-67. Dr. Paspates regarded the Kerko Porta and the Porta Xylokerkou +as different gates. The latter, he held, has disappeared.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f389'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r389'>389</a>. </span>Page 27.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f390'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r390'>390</a>. </span>I. c. 60.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f391'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r391'>391</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 286.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f392'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r392'>392</a>. </span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis</i>, p. 41; Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 589.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f393'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r393'>393</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 616.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f394'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r394'>394</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 6. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 295, speaks of the τοῦ τειχεώτου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f395'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r395'>395</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 595.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f396'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r396'>396</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 195.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f397'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r397'>397</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 345, 355.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f398'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r398'>398</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 357, 358.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f399'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r399'>399</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 86.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f400'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r400'>400</a>. </span><i>John of Ephesus</i>: translation by R. Payne Smith.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f401'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r401'>401</a>. </span>See <a href='#fig_fp096'>illustration</a> facing p. 96, for copy of the inscription with its errors in +orthography.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f402'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r402'>402</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 589.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f403'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r403'>403</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 634, 635. The tax was called “dikeraton,” because it was equal +to two keratia (1<i>s.</i> ½<i>d.</i>), or one-twelfth of a nomisma (12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>). Cf. Finlay, +<i>History of the Byzantine Empire</i>, i. pp. 37, 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f404'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r404'>404</a>. </span>The date of her death is not known. Muralt is mistaken in saying that she +died in 750. The Maria who died in that year was the second wife of Constantine +Copronymus; not the widow, as Muralt has it, of Leo III. Cf. Nicephorus, Patriarch +of Consple., p. 73.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f405'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r405'>405</a>. </span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological +Supplement</i>, pp. 34, 35.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f406'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r406'>406</a>. </span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological +Supplement</i>, p. 30.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f407'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r407'>407</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, pp. 175, 176.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f408'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r408'>408</a>. </span>Paspates, pp. 46, 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f409'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r409'>409</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 500, 503, 504.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f410'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r410'>410</a>. </span>Cinnamus, p. 274.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f411'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r411'>411</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 414, 415.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f412'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r412'>412</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f413'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r413'>413</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f414'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r414'>414</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f415'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r415'>415</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., xiv. pp. 694-696.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f416'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r416'>416</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., xiv. p. 711.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f417'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r417'>417</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f418'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r418'>418</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 59.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f419'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r419'>419</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f420'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r420'>420</a>. </span>Compare Paspates, pp. 54, 55, with Mordtmann, p. 14.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f421'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r421'>421</a>. </span>Du Cange, <i>Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ</i>, p. 246.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f422'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r422'>422</a>. </span>Zorzo Dolfin, s. 54.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f423'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r423'>423</a>. </span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885: <i>Archæological +Supplement</i>, p. 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f424'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r424'>424</a>. </span>Du Cange, <i>Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ; Familiæ Sclavonicæ</i>, ix. p. 336.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f425'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r425'>425</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 42.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f426'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r426'>426</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f427'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r427'>427</a>. </span><i>Historia Cpolitanæ Urbis a Mahumete II. Captæ, per modum Epistolæ, die +Augusti, anno 1453, ad Nicolaum V. Rom. Pont.</i>, Migne, vol. clix. p. 936.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f428'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r428'>428</a>. </span><span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>Critobolus, i. c. 27; Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f429'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r429'>429</a>. </span>See below, <a href='#chap19'>Chap. XIX</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f430'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r430'>430</a>. </span>Tekfour Serai means Palace of the Sovereign, from a Persian word signifying +Wearer of the Crown, Crowned Head. Leunclavius (<i>Pandectes Historiæ Turcicæ</i>, +s. 56, Migne, vol. clix.) says that the Turks, in his day, styled the emperor, Tegguires. +The derivation of Tekfour from the Greek τοῦ κυρίου is untenable.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f431'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r431'>431</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f432'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r432'>432</a>. </span>I. c. 27. Ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλίνης πύλης ἀνιόντι μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων τοῦ +Πορφυρογεννήτου, καὶ φθάνοντι μέχρι τῆς λεγομένης πύλης τοῦ Χαρισοῦ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f433'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r433'>433</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f434'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r434'>434</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f435'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r435'>435</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f436'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r436'>436</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f437'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r437'>437</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f438'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r438'>438</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f439'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r439'>439</a>. </span>Tafferner (see below, p. <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, reference 5) speaks of a propylæum supported by +ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the palace from the city.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f440'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r440'>440</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, Τὴν τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου προσαγορευομένην +πυλίδα.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f441'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r441'>441</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f442'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r442'>442</a>. </span>Salzenberg, <i>Altchristliche Bandenkmäler von Constantinopel</i>, p. 125.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f443'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r443'>443</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means settled. +Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann +(p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to +determine.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f444'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r444'>444</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 42.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f445'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r445'>445</a>. </span>Pages 62, 63.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f446'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r446'>446</a>. </span>Lib. i. p. 268.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f447'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r447'>447</a>. </span>Page 612.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f448'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r448'>448</a>. </span>Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to the +Ottoman Court (<i>Cæsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom. Imperatore Leopoldi +I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque Excellentissimus Dominus +Walterus Comes de Leslie</i>, 1688), gives in his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the +following description of the palace in his day:—“Præteriri non potuit quin inviseretur +aula magni Constantini: Regia hæc ad Occidentem mœnibus adhæret; nobilia +sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus substructionibus moles +assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore +inciso elaborata tectum fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. Vastæ et eminentes +præter sacræ antiquitatis ædilitatem è pario lapide fenestræ liquidò demonstrant, +cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulæ etiamnum ruinæ sint. Propylæum decem +columnæ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuæ sustinent: ejus in angulo +desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus mœret. Pergula è centro prominens universæ +urbis conspectum explicat. Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color +viridis extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricæ ornamentis, +ac fulcris cæteris in Moschèas translata sunt: sola tantæ molis vestigia, atque +ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo meridiem versùs insertum parieti visitur +Oratoriolum hominibus recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatæ +illud pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hæc Imperatorij operis +majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive cœli injurias, sive immanitatem +barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus +cæteris, utcunque floreant, internecionem minatur.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f449'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r449'>449</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f450'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r450'>450</a>. </span>Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f451'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r451'>451</a>. </span>The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be +distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f452'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r452'>452</a>. </span>This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f453'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r453'>453</a>. </span>Procopius (<i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of Blachernæ, describes it +as situated πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, ἐν χώρῳ καλουμένῳ Βλαχέρναις. Cf. <i>Paschal +Chron.</i>, p. 726.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f454'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r454'>454</a>. </span>This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f455'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r455'>455</a>. </span>Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued further +north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f456'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r456'>456</a>. </span>Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the spur, the +area they enclose, and their character. According to him, the wall on the eastern +side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length, and is in some parts m. 13-14 high; +the wall along the northern side of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high; +the wall on the western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining +walls of the city.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f457'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r457'>457</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 724, τὸ τεῖχος Βλαχερνῶν. This was before the erection +of the Wall of Heraclius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f458'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r458'>458</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 726, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f459'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r459'>459</a>. </span>Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, τὸ Βλαχερνῶν προτείχισμα τὸ καλούμενον +Πτερόν.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f460'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r460'>460</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>; cf. Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 3, c. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f461'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r461'>461</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg.</i> XIV.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f462'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r462'>462</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>. See also illustration facing p. <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f463'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r463'>463</a>. </span>With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f464'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r464'>464</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.</i> “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima numeretur, +tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio vallata alterius quomodo speciem +civitatis ostendit.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dionysius Byzantius derives the name Blachernæ from a barbarian chieftain who +was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that the Sixth Hill was fortified, +to some extent, even before the foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, <i>De Top. +C.P.</i>, iv. c. 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f465'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r465'>465</a>. </span>On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from Londja to +the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the fortifications around the city.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f466'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r466'>466</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f467'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r467'>467</a>. </span>Page 719; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f468'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r468'>468</a>. </span><i>Ut supra</i>, Περὶ τὸ γεώλοφον ἄφ᾽ οὗπερ ὁρατὰ μὲν τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις +ἀνάκτορα, ὁπόσα νένευκε πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Περὶ δὲ γε τὴν τούτου ὑπόβασιν +ὑπτιάζει τις αὔλειος, πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος λήγουσα ὅπερ ἔρυμα +τῶν ἀρχείων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνήγειρε Μανουὴλ, κατὰ δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον τῇ θαλάσσῃ +ἐγγίζουσα.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f469'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r469'>469</a>. </span>Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, <i>et passim</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f470'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r470'>470</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f471'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r471'>471</a>. </span>As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine courses of brick.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f472'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r472'>472</a>. </span>This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is found.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f473'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r473'>473</a>. </span>Page 62.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f474'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r474'>474</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f475'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r475'>475</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. 177.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f476'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r476'>476</a>. </span>Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo de, +l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio, “Ad partem +illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali tutebatur, Calegariam +dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam erat perlatus, fortisque.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f477'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r477'>477</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 280.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f478'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r478'>478</a>. </span>Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai +quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ... lapide +qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum conterebant.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f479'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r479'>479</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f480'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r480'>480</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f481'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r481'>481</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f482'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r482'>482</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f483'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r483'>483</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 35.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f484'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r484'>484</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f485'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r485'>485</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a little above +the base of the tower.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f486'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r486'>486</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f487'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r487'>487</a>. </span>Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of certain +gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et Continuatus +(<i>Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades</i>, vol. iii. p. 178) states that Bohemond, who, +according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61) and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the +Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned +quarters—extra civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these +writers was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who were +styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the epithet of the +saints were probably connected.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f488'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r488'>488</a>. </span>See <a href='#figxi'>foot</a> of List of Illustrations.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f489'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r489'>489</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f490'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r490'>490</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f491'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r491'>491</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, i. pp. 255, 289, 290.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f492'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r492'>492</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f493'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r493'>493</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f494'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r494'>494</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. pp. 130-132.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f495'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r495'>495</a>. </span>Chap. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f496'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r496'>496</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg.</i> XIV.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f497'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r497'>497</a>. </span>Suidas, <i>Ad vocem</i>, <i>Anastasius</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f498'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r498'>498</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 542, 543.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f499'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r499'>499</a>. </span>Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f500'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r500'>500</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f501'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r501'>501</a>. </span>William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f502'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r502'>502</a>. </span>William of Tyre, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f503'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r503'>503</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f504'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r504'>504</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 351.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f505'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r505'>505</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f506'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r506'>506</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f507'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r507'>507</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f508'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r508'>508</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f509'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r509'>509</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420, etc.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f510'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r510'>510</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 280.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f511'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r511'>511</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 269.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f512'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r512'>512</a>. </span>See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom visited +the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f513'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r513'>513</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f514'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r514'>514</a>. </span>See Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f515'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r515'>515</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f516'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r516'>516</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f517'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r517'>517</a>. </span>See tower L, in Map facing p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f518'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r518'>518</a>. </span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f519'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r519'>519</a>. </span>Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his discovery +and exploration of the chambers.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f520'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r520'>520</a>. </span>The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in +Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred Hamlin, of +Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson, Architect.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f521'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r521'>521</a>. </span>Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and chambers has +been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening <span class='fss'>V</span>, from the courtyard of the +Mosque of Aivas Effendi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f522'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r522'>522</a>. </span>In the opinion of some authorities, <i>e.g.</i> Professor Strzygowski, this apartment +was a cistern.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f523'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r523'>523</a>. </span>Cf. Lanciani, <i>The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, pp. 178, 179, 182.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f524'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r524'>524</a>. </span>See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. <a href='#fig_fp109'>109</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f525'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r525'>525</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f526'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r526'>526</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f527'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r527'>527</a>. </span><i>Ut supra.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f528'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r528'>528</a>. </span>Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace of the +Cæsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true idea of the human +fourmillière of slaves, servants, freed men, and guards, which lived and moved and +worked in the substrata of the Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in +darkness” (<i>The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 150).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f529'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r529'>529</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, Προθέμενος δὲ καὶ πύργον τεκτήνασθαι κατὰ +τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις παλάτιον, ἅμα μὲν εἰς ἔρυμα τῶν ἀνακτόρων, ὡς ἔφασκε, καὶ +ὑπέρεισμα, ἅμα δὲ καὶ εἰς ἐνοίκησιν ἐαυτῷ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f530'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r530'>530</a>. </span><i>Ibid. ut supra.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f531'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r531'>531</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p. <a href='#fig_fp115'>115</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f532'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r532'>532</a>. </span>Page 39.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f533'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r533'>533</a>. </span>Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ εἱρκτή, +is described as πύργος δ᾽ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀνακτόρων +διακειμένων τειχῶν τῆς πόλεως: also p. 161, τὸν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ᾠκοδομημένον +πύργον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f534'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r534'>534</a>. </span>See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f535'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r535'>535</a>. </span>Page 51, Ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀδεμανίδες πλησίον Βλαχέρνων. +The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of a certain +Bardanius, τὸ ἐπίκλην Ἀνεμᾶν, in the reign of Nicephorus I., 802-811.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f536'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r536'>536</a>. </span>The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express terms +are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455 (ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ +φρουρὰ); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib. ii. p. 329; Phrantzes, +p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii. p. 409) speaks of ταῖς κατὰ +τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταῖς, in which the Despot Michael and his family were +confined.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f537'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r537'>537</a>. </span>Page 31.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f538'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r538'>538</a>. </span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that the +Palace of Blachernæ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall of Heraclius +and the Wall of Leo. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 44.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f539'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r539'>539</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 206.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f540'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r540'>540</a>. </span>See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f541'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r541'>541</a>. </span>Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum +molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el cardinal a sue spese +hauea reparato, diffensaua.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f542'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r542'>542</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f543'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r543'>543</a>. </span>Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f544'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r544'>544</a>. </span>See Schlumberger, <i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, chap. ii., for a +brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas in 962; cf. Leo +Diaconus, <i>Historia</i>, lib. i. et ii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f545'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r545'>545</a>. </span>Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f546'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r546'>546</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 161-164.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f547'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r547'>547</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f548'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r548'>548</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f549'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r549'>549</a>. </span>For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 350-355.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f550'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r550'>550</a>. </span>For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see Pachymeres, +vol. i. pp. 374-403.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f551'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r551'>551</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f552'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r552'>552</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is styled ταῖς +κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταις.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f553'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r553'>553</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f554'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r554'>554</a>. </span>Langier, <i>Histoire de la République de Venise</i>, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f555'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r555'>555</a>. </span>The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found in +Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46, 51, 60-64.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f556'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r556'>556</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 726, Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος πέριξ τοῦ οἴκον +τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν τῆς θεοτόκου, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f557'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r557'>557</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, lib. i. c. 3; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 702.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f558'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r558'>558</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f559'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r559'>559</a>. </span>For account of the siege, see <i>Paschal Chronicle</i>, pp. 715-726; Nicephorus +Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f560'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r560'>560</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f561'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r561'>561</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 618.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f562'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r562'>562</a>. </span>Pages 37, 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f563'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r563'>563</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f564'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r564'>564</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f565'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r565'>565</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 726; Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, p. 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f566'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r566'>566</a>. </span>See above, Chapter <a href='#chap09'>IX</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f567'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r567'>567</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; Συναθροίσας λαὸν πολὺν καὶ τεχνίτας +ἤρξατο κτίζειν ἕτερον τεῖχος ἔξωθεν τοῦ τείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν, κόψας καὶ +τὴν σούδαν πλατεῖαν.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f568'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r568'>568</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f569'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r569'>569</a>. </span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f570'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r570'>570</a>. </span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by Constantine +Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a castle with five +towers, kept in the Great Palace.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f571'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r571'>571</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f572'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r572'>572</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. 6; <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 724, 725.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f573'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r573'>573</a>. </span>Anna Comn., x. p. 48; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient.</i>, p. 124. The church +was dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicholas (Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>). The Holy Well +is now regarded as that of St. Basil (Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern +Consple.</i>, p. 44). Whether the church should be identified with the Church of St. +Nicholas, τὰ Βασιλίδου (Codinus, p. 125, Paspates, p. 34), is doubtful.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Cosmidion, now Eyoub, obtained its name from the celebrated Church and +Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the district. The church was founded by +Paulinus, the friend of Theodosius II., and the victim of his jealousy, and is therefore +sometimes described as ἐν τοῖς Παυλίνου. It stood on the hill at the head of the +Golden Horn, commanding the most beautiful view of the harbour, and constituted, +with the walls around it, an acropolis (Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i> i. c. 6). It was restored +by Justinian the Great, and was famed for miraculous cures. The two saints had +been what would now be termed “medical missionaries,” and exercised their art +gratuitously; hence, their epithet Ἀνάργυροι (without money). Owing to the strategical +position of the monastery, it was frequently seized by assailants of the city, as, +for example, by the Avars (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 725), and by the rebel Thomas (Theophanes +Cont., p. 59). It was granted to Bohemond by Alexius Comnenus, and was +consequently known as the Castle of Bohemond (William of Tyre, ii. pp. 84, 85). +Andronicus II. Palæologus dismantled the fortress, lest it should be used by the +Catalans (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 592).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f574'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r574'>574</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f575'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r575'>575</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 573.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f576'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r576'>576</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 592.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f577'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r577'>577</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f578'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r578'>578</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f579'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r579'>579</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f580'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r580'>580</a>. </span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f581'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r581'>581</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, x. p. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f582'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r582'>582</a>. </span>For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, <i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. 35; +Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in <i>Tafel et Thomas</i>, p. 309.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f583'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r583'>583</a>. </span>Barbaro, pp. 719-722.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f584'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r584'>584</a>. </span>Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f585'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r585'>585</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 61.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f586'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r586'>586</a>. </span>Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f587'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r587'>587</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f588'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r588'>588</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f589'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r589'>589</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, lib. vii. p. 150.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f590'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r590'>590</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f591'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r591'>591</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 282.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f592'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r592'>592</a>. </span>Page 37.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f593'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r593'>593</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f594'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r594'>594</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f595'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r595'>595</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f596'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r596'>596</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f597'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r597'>597</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f598'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r598'>598</a>. </span><i>Ad Reg. XIV.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f599'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r599'>599</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f600'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r600'>600</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 618.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f601'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r601'>601</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f602'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r602'>602</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f603'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r603'>603</a>. </span>Attaliotes, p. 251.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f604'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r604'>604</a>. </span>Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f605'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r605'>605</a>. </span>John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, <i>ut infra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f606'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r606'>606</a>. </span>III. p. 58. Page 30.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f607'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r607'>607</a>. </span>Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον: +Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f608'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r608'>608</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f609'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r609'>609</a>. </span>Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the bridge +stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f610'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r610'>610</a>. </span>De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis +Christiana</i>, iv. p. 179.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f611'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r611'>611</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f612'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r612'>612</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 13.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f613'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r613'>613</a>. </span>Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f614'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r614'>614</a>. </span>Anna Comn., x. p. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f615'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r615'>615</a>. </span>Cinnamus, p. 75.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f616'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r616'>616</a>. </span>Chap. 33.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f617'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r617'>617</a>. </span>Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f618'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r618'>618</a>. </span><i>La Conquête de Constantinople</i>, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui conseillièrent +qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les +Vénitiens, qui connaissaient mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de +l’eau les emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs vaisseaux.” +Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f619'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r619'>619</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f620'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r620'>620</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f621'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r621'>621</a>. </span>Leo Gram., p. 241.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f622'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r622'>622</a>. </span>See <a href='#fig_fp019'>Map</a> of Byzantine Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f623'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r623'>623</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f624'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r624'>624</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 21. The inscription +was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on the Porta +Rhousiou. See above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f625'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r625'>625</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f626'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r626'>626</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 589.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f627'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r627'>627</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f628'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r628'>628</a>. </span>Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f629'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r629'>629</a>. </span>Manasses, 4824-4829.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f630'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r630'>630</a>. </span>See illustration facing p. <a href='#fig_fp248a'>248</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f631'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r631'>631</a>. </span>Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f632'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r632'>632</a>. </span>Von Hammer, <i>Constantinopolis und Bosporos</i>, vol. i. appendix, numbers 23, +24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, <i>Voyage du Levant</i>, lettre xi. +p. 180.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f633'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r633'>633</a>. </span><i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological +Supplement</i>, p. 31.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f634'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r634'>634</a>. </span>Cf. <i>Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885; +<i>Archæological Supplement</i>, p. 32. The following reading of the inscription has been +suggested:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>Πολλῶν κραταιῶς δεσποσάντων τοῦ σάλου</div> + <div class='line'>Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδενὸς πρὸς ὕψος [εἴκοσιν ποδῶν]</div> + <div class='line'>Τὸ βληθὲν εἰς γῆν τεῖχος ἐξηγερκότος</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f635'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r635'>635</a>. </span>Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f636'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r636'>636</a>. </span>Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not clear. +Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting of more than one tower +(p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p. 288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the +plural number to be understood literally or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated +by Phrantzes with Leo and Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the +historian refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the former +alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the matter, and the name of +Basil I. must have dropped out of the inscription of Leo and Alexander when the +tower, as the reversed position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and +repaired. If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of Basil, +had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower was defended by the +Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p. 254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan +ship as defending the fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see +below, pp. <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or towers he +had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p. 238) from Crete were +present at the siege, Cretans could be found taking part in the defence at different +points. The tower of Leo and Alexander has disappeared.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f637'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r637'>637</a>. </span>Page 274.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f638'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r638'>638</a>. </span>Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside the Sea +of Marmora, may be cited here.</p> + +<p class='c008'>The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and reads:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΦΗΛΩΧΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΝ</div> + <div class='line'>ΕΤΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ ΤΕΣΣΑΡΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΥ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class='c012'>The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:</p> + +<div class='lg-container-b c011'> + <div class='linegroup'> + <div class='group'> + <div class='line'>ΜΒΑΙΩΝΝΘΟΜ ΤΕΙΧ ΗΝΕΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΦΥΛΑΤΕΙ</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f639'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r639'>639</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f640'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r640'>640</a>. </span>Three pikes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f641'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r641'>641</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; <i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, +pp. 657-661.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f642'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r642'>642</a>. </span>Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio enclosure +to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the opinion that the +Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the Turkish Conquest, and formed, +after 1261, part of the domain attached to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the +statement of Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood +within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates identified with +the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point; hence his conclusion that the +territory about that point was included in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But +Dr. Paspates must have forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, +which formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point, but near +the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace, buildings placed by Dr. +Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short distance to the east of the Hippodrome, +and to the west of the Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, +Βυζαντινὰ Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr. +Metcalfe.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f643'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r643'>643</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f644'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r644'>644</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication of his +<i>History</i> to Andronicus II.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f645'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r645'>645</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f646'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r646'>646</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f647'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r647'>647</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f648'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r648'>648</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.) The +bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f649'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r649'>649</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f650'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r650'>650</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See <i>Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos +of Consple.</i>, 1885; <i>Archæological Supplement</i>, pp. 37, 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f651'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r651'>651</a>. </span>Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f652'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r652'>652</a>. </span>The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city has +been so often cited.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f653'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r653'>653</a>. </span><i>Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre</i> 1453, +note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., <i>Cottascher Verlag</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f654'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r654'>654</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f655'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r655'>655</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, <i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième +Siècle</i>, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to the Varangian Guard. +Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who assisted Isaac Angelus in the +negotiations with the envoys of the Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, +et entra en une chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier, +et son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f656'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r656'>656</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f657'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r657'>657</a>. </span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelagi.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f658'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r658'>658</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f659'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r659'>659</a>. </span>Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or Verandah. +The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f660'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r660'>660</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition the term +is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f661'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r661'>661</a>. </span>Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα +τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ... près +de la mer.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f662'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r662'>662</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 124.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f663'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r663'>663</a>. </span>Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn., +iii. p. 166.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f664'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r664'>664</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 39.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f665'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r665'>665</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty feet wide. +The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles fifteen feet. The dividing walls, +pierced by seven arches, are five feet thick.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f666'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r666'>666</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f667'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r667'>667</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, iv. p. 116.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f668'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r668'>668</a>. </span>Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f669'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r669'>669</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 233.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f670'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r670'>670</a>. </span>Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f671'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r671'>671</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f672'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r672'>672</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f673'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r673'>673</a>. </span>Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f674'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r674'>674</a>. </span><i>Cæsarea Legatio</i>, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f675'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r675'>675</a>. </span>It is now in the Imperial Museum.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f676'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r676'>676</a>. </span><i>Ancient and Modern Constantinople</i>, p. 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f677'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r677'>677</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. 4; <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 2. This depression was visible +as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known +as a Tchoukour Bostan, the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f678'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r678'>678</a>. </span><i>Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David Ungnad</i>, +p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this Diary of his visit to Constantinople, +1573-1578.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f679'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r679'>679</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f680'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r680'>680</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>-240.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f681'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r681'>681</a>. </span>Page 254.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f682'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r682'>682</a>. </span>IV. p. 181.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f683'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r683'>683</a>. </span>N. Barbaro, p. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f684'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r684'>684</a>. </span>Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient (from Pera) +à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’ où ils devaient trouver le +sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la +plus grande partie de la ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople +et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la cour, +près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils montèrent à cheval et partirent +pour visiter une église nommée Sancta Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of +Blachernæ).”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f685'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r685'>685</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, i. p. 568, year 1334.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f686'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r686'>686</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f687'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r687'>687</a>. </span>Page 728.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f688'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r688'>688</a>. </span>Page 720.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f689'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r689'>689</a>. </span>Clavijo, <i>Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques</i>, pp. 14, 15.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f690'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r690'>690</a>. </span>See <i>History of the Council of Florence</i>, by Sgyropoulos, who attended the +Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a Latin translation are +found in <i>Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii +Florentini</i>. The translation, published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was +dedicated to Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that +work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f691'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r691'>691</a>. </span><i>Historia Politica</i>, p. 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f692'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r692'>692</a>. </span>Pages 254, 255.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f693'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r693'>693</a>. </span>On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern extremity +of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of +the Kynegos, for these names are sometimes employed in a way which renders it +perfectly evident that they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, <i>ut supra</i>; +Pusculus, iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f694'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r694'>694</a>. </span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f695'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r695'>695</a>. </span>Page 254.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f696'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r696'>696</a>. </span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis CP.</i>, p. 39.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f697'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r697'>697</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν οἰκημάτων +αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ +κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιβοήτου, +μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St. John +mentioned in the <i>Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus</i>, p. 203, cited above on p. <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>. +The latter, also, was a gate near the water, with a considerable territory outside the +entrance, occupied by numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία +Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is confirmed +by the reference in the <i>Chrysoboullon</i> to Kanabus (τοῦ Κανάβη), the eponym of the +Church of St. Demetrius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f698'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r698'>698</a>. </span>Page 40.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f699'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r699'>699</a>. </span>Vol. ii. p. 582.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f700'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r700'>700</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f701'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r701'>701</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 321.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f702'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r702'>702</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 721.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f703'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r703'>703</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f704'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r704'>704</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 753.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f705'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r705'>705</a>. </span>Antony of Novgorod, in <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 99.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f706'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r706'>706</a>. </span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f707'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r707'>707</a>. </span><i>Metrical Chronicle</i>, line 259.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f708'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r708'>708</a>. </span>Page 41.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f709'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r709'>709</a>. </span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f710'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r710'>710</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f711'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r711'>711</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 39.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f712'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r712'>712</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f713'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r713'>713</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 537.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f714'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r714'>714</a>. </span>Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f715'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r715'>715</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f716'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r716'>716</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f717'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r717'>717</a>. </span>N. Barbaro, p. 818.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f718'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r718'>718</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, pp. 85, 86. The church +was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of Michael Palæologus, +upon her return to Constantinople, after the death of her husband, the Khan of +the Mongols. It has remained in the possession of the Greek community, in virtue +of a firman of Mehemet the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, +the architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (<i>Acta Patriarchatus +CP.</i>, vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f719'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r719'>719</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f720'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r720'>720</a>. </span>Codinus, <i>De S. Sophia</i>, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f721'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r721'>721</a>. </span>Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f722'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r722'>722</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, May 29.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f723'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r723'>723</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 104.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f724'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r724'>724</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 293.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f725'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r725'>725</a>. </span>IV. 191.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f726'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r726'>726</a>. </span>S. 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f727'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r727'>727</a>. </span><i>Chroniques Græco-Romaines</i>, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that this point +is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael Palæologus with the Venetians in 1265, +when that emperor allowed the Venetians to occupy any point from the old Arsenal +to Pegæ (ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἐξαρτύσις μέχρι καὶ τῶν Πηγῶν). The passage is +ambiguous, for there was an old arsenal and a suburb Pegæ on the northern side of +the Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f728'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r728'>728</a>. </span>Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f729'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r729'>729</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 720, 721.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f730'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r730'>730</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches was the +Church of St. Conon (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 721), memorable in the Sedition of the +Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two of the seven rioters condemned +to death from the hands of the clumsy executioner, and carried them across the +Golden Horn in a boat to the Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas, +p. 473).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f731'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r731'>731</a>. </span>Desimoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f732'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r732'>732</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f733'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r733'>733</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f734'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r734'>734</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 754; <i>Chroniques Græco-Romaines</i>, p. 96.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f735'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r735'>735</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f736'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r736'>736</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; <i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. p. 284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f737'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r737'>737</a>. </span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 46, 348.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f738'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r738'>738</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery of Christ +the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi, +to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates, pp. 384, 385). But the prominence +of the monastery suggests a position nearer the shore. For incidents connected +with it, see Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the +monastery (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern +limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the Monastery of St. +Giorgio Majore, at Venice (<i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 47-49).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f739'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r739'>739</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f740'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r740'>740</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 282.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f741'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r741'>741</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 39; <i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 461; <i>Itinéraires Russes +en Orient</i>, pp. 104, 105.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f742'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r742'>742</a>. </span>According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, +and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f743'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r743'>743</a>. </span>Ducas, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f744'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r744'>744</a>. </span>Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p. <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f745'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r745'>745</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. X.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f746'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r746'>746</a>. </span>Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f747'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r747'>747</a>. </span>Du Cange, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f748'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r748'>748</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, vi. c. xxi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f749'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r749'>749</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Muller</i>, iii. p. 88.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f750'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r750'>750</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f751'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r751'>751</a>. </span>According to Du Cange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, <i>ad vocem</i>, +from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected with the German +“Gedrung” and the English “throng.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f752'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r752'>752</a>. </span>Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in <i>Anna +Comn.</i>, vol. ii. p. 544.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f753'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r753'>753</a>. </span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quæ dicitur De Longaria, extra +murum civitatis CP.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f754'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r754'>754</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f755'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r755'>755</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 281.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f756'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r756'>756</a>. </span>Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, <i>Epistolæ Quatuor</i>, p. 88.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f757'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r757'>757</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f758'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r758'>758</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f759'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r759'>759</a>. </span>Paspates, p. 166.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f760'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r760'>760</a>. </span>Heyd, <i>Histoire du Commerce du Levant</i>, vol. i. p. 251.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f761'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r761'>761</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 251.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f762'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r762'>762</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. vii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f763'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r763'>763</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. VI.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f764'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r764'>764</a>. </span><i>Novella LIX.</i>, c. v.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f765'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r765'>765</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 618.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f766'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r766'>766</a>. </span><i>Notitia</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f767'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r767'>767</a>. </span><i>Ptochoprodromus</i>, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f768'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r768'>768</a>. </span>VII. p. 286.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f769'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r769'>769</a>. </span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, i. p. 50.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f770'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r770'>770</a>. </span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, i. pp. 55-63.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f771'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r771'>771</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f772'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r772'>772</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f773'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r773'>773</a>. </span>On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in Byzantine +Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp. 127-276; Mordtmann, pp. +46-50; Desmoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, vol. i.; <i>Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli +nel Secolo XII.</i>; Heyd, <i>Histoire du Commerce du Levant</i>; Sauli, <i>Della Colonia +del Genovesi in Galata</i>; Pears, <i>Fall of Constantinople</i>, c. 6; Miklosich et Müller, +<i>Acta et Diplomata Græca</i>; Tafel und Thomas, <i>Urkunden zur Älteren Handels und +Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f774'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r774'>774</a>. </span>The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (<i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 121), +who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate near the sea, and beside a Church +of St. Demetrius, named “Portes Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the +vicinity. From the connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the +gate stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood of +Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different gates at different +periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro (p. 817) confirms the existence of +a Jewish quarter on the Marmora shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish +fleet, finding itself unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the +attempt, and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del Dardanelo”), +and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntò in tera de la banda +de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend that the Russian pilgrim referred to +a gate near the Church of St. Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does +not affect the argument presented in the text.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f775'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r775'>775</a>. </span><i>Tafel und Thomas</i>, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 4-11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f776'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r776'>776</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 6.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f777'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r777'>777</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f778'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r778'>778</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 737.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f779'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r779'>779</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 19-21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f780'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r780'>780</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f781'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r781'>781</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. 19, 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f782'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r782'>782</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 19.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f783'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r783'>783</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f784'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r784'>784</a>. </span>Nicephorus Patriarcha, <i>CP.</i>, p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes Cont., +p. 391.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f785'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r785'>785</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f786'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r786'>786</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at Keurekdjilar, +in Galata.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f787'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r787'>787</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f788'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r788'>788</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. ii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f789'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r789'>789</a>. </span>Page 454.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f790'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r790'>790</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f791'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r791'>791</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 254.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f792'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r792'>792</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who +mention the Beautiful Gate.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f793'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r793'>793</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The ground on +which Yeni Validè Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of the Outer Bridge, +belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to Karaïte Jews, who claimed that the +territory had been granted to their ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return +for the seizure of the ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received +houses at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from +taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the mosque has had +to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two piastres.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f794'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r794'>794</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f795'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r795'>795</a>. </span>Page 268.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f796'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r796'>796</a>. </span>I. c. 18.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f797'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r797'>797</a>. </span>Page 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f798'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r798'>798</a>. </span>Page 384.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f799'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r799'>799</a>. </span>Pages 283, 284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f800'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r800'>800</a>. </span>Pages 282, 283.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f801'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r801'>801</a>. </span>Page 263.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f802'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r802'>802</a>. </span>Page 300.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f803'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r803'>803</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f804'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r804'>804</a>. </span>Pages 270, 271.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f805'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r805'>805</a>. </span>Gyllius’ statement (<i>De Top. CP.</i>, III. c. i.) on the subject is: “Portum, quem +vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam Græci appellant Oraiam, corruptè quasi +Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam +Oraiam, quam Turci appellant Siphont (Tsifout), id est, Judæorum eam accolentium, +spatium latum ... videre licet.” Cf. <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, II. c. i. “Pro porta +quam vulgo vocant Oriam corruptè, quasi olim Neorii portam.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f806'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r806'>806</a>. </span>Page 454: “Die Prächtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f807'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r807'>807</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200. “Porta quæ Græci quotquot vederi peritores volunt +Porta Horæa (Ὡραία), vulgo Huræa (Ebraia) dicitur.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f808'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r808'>808</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, vol. i. p. 37: +<i>Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII.</i>, p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f809'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r809'>809</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f810'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r810'>810</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, ad ann. 406, 415.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f811'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r811'>811</a>. </span><i>Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor.</i>, Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, <i>De Urbibus et +Populis</i>, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f812'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r812'>812</a>. </span>Mordtmann, p. 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f813'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r813'>813</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to be +ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the Ox-Port.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f814'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r814'>814</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. V.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f815'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r815'>815</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 699.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f816'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r816'>816</a>. </span><i>De Corona</i>, p. 134, Edition Didot.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f817'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r817'>817</a>. </span>Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f818'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r818'>818</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f819'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r819'>819</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f820'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r820'>820</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. pp. 76, 232.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f821'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r821'>821</a>. </span>Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f822'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r822'>822</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f823'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r823'>823</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; <i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, p. 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f824'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r824'>824</a>. </span>Banduri, <i>Imp. Orient.</i>, vii. p. 149.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f825'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r825'>825</a>. </span><i>Miklosich et Müller</i>, ii. pp. 467, 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f826'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r826'>826</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. IV.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f827'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r827'>827</a>. </span>Codinus, <i>De Officiis</i>, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f828'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r828'>828</a>. </span>Critobulus, i. c. 18.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f829'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r829'>829</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the tower +to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two towers, on the +opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn, which supported the chain, he +says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la zilade, zoè una de la banda de Constantinopoli, +l’altra de la banda de Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f830'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r830'>830</a>. </span>N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f831'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r831'>831</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f832'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r832'>832</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. x. “Adhuc Galatæ porta est, quæ appellatur Catena, +ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes, +p. 609.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f833'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r833'>833</a>. </span>Dr. Paspates (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἄλωσις τῆς ΚΠ., p. 63) thinks the tower stood +beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata Bridge and the Galata +Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the existence of old ruins at that point. +But the chain would never be placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f834'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r834'>834</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 609.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f835'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r835'>835</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f836'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r836'>836</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, p. 79.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f837'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r837'>837</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f838'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r838'>838</a>. </span>Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>-247, for the discussion regarding the +precise route taken by the ships.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f839'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r839'>839</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f840'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r840'>840</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi. R.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f841'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r841'>841</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f842'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r842'>842</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 15. With him agree +Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f843'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r843'>843</a>. </span>Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f844'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r844'>844</a>. </span>Pages 254, 255, Ἐδόθη φυλάττειν τὸν πύργον τὸν ἐν μέσω τοῦ ῥεύματος, +τὸν φυλάσσοντα τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἦν ἀντικρὺς τῆς πύλης τῆς +βασιλικῆς.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f845'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r845'>845</a>. </span>Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city (Πολιορκία +καὶ Ἂλωσις τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, p. 141), represents the Hill of St. Theodore +and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of Cassim Pasha. This, however, is +in harmony neither with the statements of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The +requirements of the case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was +the ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery stood nearer +the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso +el Turcho da disdegno, da i montè orientali de Pera penso a profondar con machine +e morteri, o trar quelle de la cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal +occidente” (<i>i.e.</i> aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f846'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r846'>846</a>. </span>Page 259.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f847'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r847'>847</a>. </span>Page 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f848'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r848'>848</a>. </span>XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f849'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r849'>849</a>. </span>Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited above) understands +Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower with one which stood, +until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius +(Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers +(see above, p. <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f850'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r850'>850</a>. </span>Pages 254, 255.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f851'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r851'>851</a>. </span>See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f852'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r852'>852</a>. </span>Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f853'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r853'>853</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 275.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f854'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r854'>854</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297, 487.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f855'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r855'>855</a>. </span>Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden Horn, and +on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p. +931) says the bridge was built that the army might advance near the wall, beside the +“fanum” of the city: “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term +is ambiguous. Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But +more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the bridge was not +exactly opposite to it.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f856'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r856'>856</a>. </span>How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to have +been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was burned down. It was +then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by fire, after which it was rebuilt at the +expense of the monastery on Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable +church of the Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern +Consple.</i>, pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (<i>Proceedings of +the Greek Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f857'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r857'>857</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. p. 391.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f858'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r858'>858</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f859'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r859'>859</a>. </span>Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point “Die Königliche +Pforte.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f860'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r860'>860</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>; see below, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f861'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r861'>861</a>. </span><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, ii. pp. 297, 391, 487.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f862'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r862'>862</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f863'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r863'>863</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 65.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f864'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r864'>864</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 18.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f865'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r865'>865</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 65.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f866'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r866'>866</a>. </span>If the Basilikè Pylè could be identified with the gate which went by the names +Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi, all statements concerning +the Imperial Gate might be applied to that single entrance. But this would be to +interpret the language of Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely. +Nor is there any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or for +regarding that gate important during the last siege.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f867'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r867'>867</a>. </span>The Basilikè Pylè is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following writers:—</p> + +<p class='c008'>Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great conflagration, +in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the city, and caused immense loss of +houses and merchandise.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship from the +harbour at Blachernæ, in order to leave Constantinople more readily, as soon as a +favourable wind sprang up.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Acta Patriarchatus CP.</i>, vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate beside the +shore on which a certain priest had his residence.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St. John the +Baptist stood upon the seashore.</p> + +<p class='c008'><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a hospitium +on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during the +siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor Manuel Palæologus, +who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir), +allowed his minister Theologus to be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from +the Turks to betray the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith +dragged by the Cretans along the street to the Basilikè Pylè, and there had his eyes +put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after the horrible operation.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower injured +by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians, and by +the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As the +gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke +Notaras.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which entered +the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of the harbour.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f868'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r868'>868</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 42.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f869'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r869'>869</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f870'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r870'>870</a>. </span>Page 753.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f871'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r871'>871</a>. </span>Page 271.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f872'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r872'>872</a>. </span>Page 251.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f873'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r873'>873</a>. </span><i>Constantinople et le Bosphore</i>, p. 364.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f874'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r874'>874</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 42.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f875'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r875'>875</a>. </span><i>Siège de Constantinople</i>; Nicolò Barbaro, <i>Giornale</i>, p. 752.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f876'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r876'>876</a>. </span>See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f877'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r877'>877</a>. </span>Page 270: Προστάττει τοῦ εὐθυδρομηθῆναι τὰς νάπας τὰς ὄπισθεν κειμένας +τοῦ Γαλατᾶ, ἀπὸ τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν, κάτωθεν τοῦ διπλοῦ κίονος.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f878'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r878'>878</a>. </span>IV. 550-551.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f879'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r879'>879</a>. </span>Page 753.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f880'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r880'>880</a>. </span>Lib. i. c. 42. Charles Müller thinks the correct reading in the text of Critobulus +was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f881'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r881'>881</a>. </span>For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, <i>De Bosporo Thracio</i>, ii. c. 7. See +also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more distinctly shown in the copy of that +map found in Du Cange and Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work). +The idea of Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (<i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, p. +237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns +and inhabitants together—to Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has +no foundation whatever.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f882'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r882'>882</a>. </span>Page 753.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f883'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r883'>883</a>. </span>Dethier, <i>Siège de Constantinople</i>, No. xviii. p. 893.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f884'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r884'>884</a>. </span>See <a href='#fig_fp019'>Map</a> of Byzantine Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f885'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r885'>885</a>. </span>Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169; Cantacuzene, +iv. p. 221.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f886'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r886'>886</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f887'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r887'>887</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. xxi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f888'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r888'>888</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας πύλης, ἥτις ἀνέῳγε κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. +Cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f889'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r889'>889</a>. </span>Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f890'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r890'>890</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f891'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r891'>891</a>. </span>Pachymeres, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f892'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r892'>892</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f893'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r893'>893</a>. </span>Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f894'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r894'>894</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f895'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r895'>895</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 26.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f896'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r896'>896</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 205.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f897'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r897'>897</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f898'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r898'>898</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f899'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r899'>899</a>. </span>Page 268, Ὁ ἀντίπορθμος οὖτος πύργος τῆς τῶν Μαγγάνων ἄγχιστα +δεδομημένος μονῆς.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f900'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r900'>900</a>. </span>The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares, admiral +of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of Macedon, erected a +pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a monument to the memory of his wife, +Damalis, who had accompanied him on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis. +Hence that suburb and the rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the +Byzantine emperors at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin, +c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius, <i>De +Bosporo Thracio</i>, iii. c. ix.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f901'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r901'>901</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f902'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r902'>902</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 495; <i>Notitia, ad Reg. II.</i> See above, p. <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f903'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r903'>903</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f904'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r904'>904</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus, +see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f905'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r905'>905</a>. </span>Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f906'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r906'>906</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 268.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f907'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r907'>907</a>. </span>Zonaras, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f908'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r908'>908</a>. </span>M. Attaliota, p. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f909'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r909'>909</a>. </span><i>Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du XV. Siècle</i>. +Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f910'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r910'>910</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 162.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f911'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r911'>911</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f912'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r912'>912</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; <i>William of Tyre</i>, lib. xx. c. xxiv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f913'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r913'>913</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f914'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r914'>914</a>. </span>Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of the wall +between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk. One gallery measures +123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f915'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r915'>915</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 119.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f916'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r916'>916</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, i. c. vii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f917'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r917'>917</a>. </span><i>Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant</i>, c. xviii. (1665).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f918'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r918'>918</a>. </span><i>Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople</i>, p. 83 (1670).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f919'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r919'>919</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis und der Bosporos</i>, vol. i. p. 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f920'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r920'>920</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Constantinople et ses Abords</i>, p. 99.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f921'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r921'>921</a>. </span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 181.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f922'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r922'>922</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 119, 202, 231.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f923'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r923'>923</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f924'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r924'>924</a>. </span>For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f925'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r925'>925</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f926'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r926'>926</a>. </span>Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals found +among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann remarks, “explication +qui n’a point été admise par ses contradicteurs.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f927'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r927'>927</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 337.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f928'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r928'>928</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 581.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f929'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r929'>929</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f930'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r930'>930</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f931'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r931'>931</a>. </span>Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f932'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r932'>932</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent +(Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres, celui de Lazare +le Ressuscité, où ses reliques et (celles de) sa sœur Marie sont incrustées dans une +colonne; et secondement celui de Lazare, évêque de Galassie.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f933'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r933'>933</a>. </span>Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the theatres +erected by Severus in Byzantium?</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f934'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r934'>934</a>. </span>Page 79.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f935'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r935'>935</a>. </span>Leo Gram., p. 273, Εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Λάζαρον, εἰς τὸ καταβάσιον τοῦ Τζυκανιστηρίου: +p. 274, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Τόπους. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 859, 860.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f936'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r936'>936</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f937'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r937'>937</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, <i>ad vocem</i> στήλη.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f938'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r938'>938</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f939'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r939'>939</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f940'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r940'>940</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f941'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r941'>941</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 229.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f942'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r942'>942</a>. </span>Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26; Pachymeres, +<i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f943'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r943'>943</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f944'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r944'>944</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 288.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f945'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r945'>945</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent d’Odigitria, dans +la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “à l’est de Sainte Sophie, dans la direction de la +mer, à droite, s’élève un couvent appelé Odigitria.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f946'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r946'>946</a>. </span>Page 52.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f947'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r947'>947</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f948'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r948'>948</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f949'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r949'>949</a>. </span>Psalm cxviii. 19. † ΑΝΥΞΑΤΑΙ ΜΟΙ ΠΥΛΑΣ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΥΝΗΣ +ΙΝΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΩΝ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΑΙΣ ΕΞΟΜΟΛΟΓΗΣΩΜΑΙ ΤΩ ΚΥΡΙΩ †. +Cf. <i>Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple.</i>, vol. xvi., 1885; <i>Archæological +Supplement</i>, pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f950'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r950'>950</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f951'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r951'>951</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John Palæologus took +the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon during the night.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f952'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r952'>952</a>. </span>Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f953'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r953'>953</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 698.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f954'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r954'>954</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 283.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f955'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r955'>955</a>. </span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f956'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r956'>956</a>. </span>Leo Gramm., p. 289.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f957'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r957'>957</a>. </span><i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f958'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r958'>958</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 207.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f959'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r959'>959</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f960'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r960'>960</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, ii. c. xv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f961'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r961'>961</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200, Πόρτα ταῖς Ἀρκούδες; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, +p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent des ours et des aurochs en +pierre.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f962'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r962'>962</a>. </span>Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern Consple.</i>, p. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f963'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r963'>963</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f964'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r964'>964</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (<i>De Leone Basilii Filio</i>, c. i.) +records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate, which burned the +Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood near one another.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f965'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r965'>965</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f966'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r966'>966</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f967'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r967'>967</a>. </span>Habakkuk iii. 8.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f968'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r968'>968</a>. </span>Psalm xxi. 7.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f969'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r969'>969</a>. </span>Psalm lxxxix. 22.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f970'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r970'>970</a>. </span>Psalm xviii. 3</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f971'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r971'>971</a>. </span>Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of Justinian +over the Factions in 532.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f972'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r972'>972</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f973'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r973'>973</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i> <i>ut supra</i>; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f974'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r974'>974</a>. </span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f975'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r975'>975</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 109.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f976'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r976'>976</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f977'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r977'>977</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f978'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r978'>978</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f979'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r979'>979</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f980'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r980'>980</a>. </span>Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f981'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r981'>981</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iii. p. 46; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f982'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r982'>982</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iii. p. 49; <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 102, 103.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f983'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r983'>983</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms Ψαμάθεα +(Codinus, p. 109); τῶν Ὕψωμαθίων (Phrantzes, p. 253); τοῦ Ψωμαθέως (Constant. +Porphyr., <i>De Administratione Imperii</i>, c. 43). The quarter boasted of a palace and +gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus, <i>ut supra</i>), a monastery (Constant. +Porphyr., <i>ut supra</i>), and the Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou +Monastir).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f984'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r984'>984</a>. </span><i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 562, 563.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f985'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r985'>985</a>. </span>Page 349.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f986'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r986'>986</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 223.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f987'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r987'>987</a>. </span>See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth Epistle.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f988'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r988'>988</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 347.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f989'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r989'>989</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f990'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r990'>990</a>. </span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f991'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r991'>991</a>. </span>Bondelmontius’ Map.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f992'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r992'>992</a>. </span>William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f993'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r993'>993</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; <i>Itinéraires Russes +en Orient</i>, p. 235.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f994'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r994'>994</a>. </span>William of Tyre, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f995'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r995'>995</a>. </span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f996'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r996'>996</a>. </span>Page 118.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f997'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r997'>997</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f998'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r998'>998</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, pp. 201-210.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f999'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r999'>999</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis und der Bosporos</i>, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1000'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1000'>1000</a>. </span><i>Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman</i>, vol. v., note xxxv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1001'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1001'>1001</a>. </span>Pages 53, 54.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1002'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1002'>1002</a>. </span>Marin Sanuto, <i>Diarii Autographi</i>, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14 Decembrio, +1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who had been in Constantinople, +and knew the localities to which allusion was made.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1003'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1003'>1003</a>. </span>Von Hammer (<i>Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman</i>, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes also +from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman, who alludes to +the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam hic propere ad mare, in +quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille +hominibus moveri non possit.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his <i>Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi Ottomani,</i> +adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In Constantinopoli un Leone di +pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro, +guardava prima verso Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche, +era situato sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una coscia +e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che bevese” (<i>Libro</i>, iv. +p. 319. Venezia, 1677).</p> + +<p class='c008'>With the above compare the statement found in the <i>Spectator</i> of April 20, 1895, +p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in Southern Austria, +Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste there was also a good deal +of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue of the Emperor Charles is reported to have +twisted round on its pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What +an omen that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1004'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1004'>1004</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, ref. 2.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1005'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1005'>1005</a>. </span><i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione pecudum.... +Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac vetus habet undique circumfluum +nisi qua terræ jungitur, in quo mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur +pecudes.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1006'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1006'>1006</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>: “Fenestres habet hæc porta (Tchatlady Kapou) marmoreas +a latere, cujusdam ædificii vel palatii veteris, quod ipsis, muris urbanis incumbit.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1007'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1007'>1007</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo versus meridiem +est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli; +cujus fenestræ antiquo opere laboratæ extant in muro inclusæ.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1008'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1008'>1008</a>. </span><i>Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc.</i>, vol. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1009'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1009'>1009</a>. </span>The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some 200 by +175 feet. See <a href='#fig_fp269'>Map</a> facing p. 269.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1010'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1010'>1010</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1011'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1011'>1011</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a higher +palace, Ἐν τῷ κάτω παλατίῳ: εἰς τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1012'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1012'>1012</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, <i>Librum Insularum</i>, p. 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1013'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1013'>1013</a>. </span>Labarte, <i>Le Palais Imperial de Consple.</i>, pp. 208-210.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1014'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1014'>1014</a>. </span>Lib. i. p. 9.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1015'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1015'>1015</a>. </span>Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1016'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1016'>1016</a>. </span>Lib. iii. p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1017'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1017'>1017</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 87.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1018'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1018'>1018</a>. </span><i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1019'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1019'>1019</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Imperial de Consple.</i>, pp. 208, 209.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1020'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1020'>1020</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1021'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1021'>1021</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1022'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1022'>1022</a>. </span>Page 700.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1023'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1023'>1023</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1024'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1024'>1024</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1025'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1025'>1025</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1026'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1026'>1026</a>. </span>Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1027'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1027'>1027</a>. </span><i>De Cer.</i>, p. 601.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1028'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1028'>1028</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1029'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1029'>1029</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of Du +Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of SS. Sergius and +Bacchus?</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1030'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1030'>1030</a>. </span>Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the Palace of +the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the Anonymus on points of +history is not very great. Or, it may be held, that the palace was founded by +Theodosius II., and that the name Bucoleon was given to it later.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1031'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1031'>1031</a>. </span>Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1032'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1032'>1032</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i> i. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1033'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1033'>1033</a>. </span><i>John of Ephesus</i>, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1034'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1034'>1034</a>. </span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. iv. p. 107.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1035'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1035'>1035</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 447.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1036'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1036'>1036</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1037'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1037'>1037</a>. </span>Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1038'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1038'>1038</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxvi. p. 123. +The last author describes the work thus: Τῷ νῦν ὁρωμένῳ τείχει τὰ βασίλεια +ἐστεφάνωσεν. Ἄκροπολιν δ᾽ οἱ πολίται τοῦτο καὶ τυραννεῖον καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν +γινόμενον ἔκρινον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1039'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1039'>1039</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 64, Περίβολον ἐκ τοῦ θατέρου μέρους τοῦ πρὸς θάλατταν +ἐπικλινοῦς τῶν ἀνακτόρων τειχίζειν ἀρξάμενος, κατὰ θάτερον πρὸς θάλατταν +συνεπέρανε, καὶ τεῖχος, τὸ νῦν ὁρώμενον ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὀχυρὸν ἐδομήσατο, καὶ +τὴν βασίλειον ἑστίαν ὡς ὑπετόπαζεν, ἠσφαλίσατο. Not, as Schlumberger +supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora, across the promontory +(<i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, p. 544).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1040'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1040'>1040</a>. </span>Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, <i>Patrologia Latina</i>, vol. cxxxvi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1041'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1041'>1041</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 210.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1042'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1042'>1042</a>. </span><i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 545.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1043'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1043'>1043</a>. </span>Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a special enclosure, +although the historians do not refer to it particularly.</p> + +<p class='c008'>In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a portion of a +Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet high, is found standing. It was +discovered, when walls and houses in the neighbourhood were demolished for the +construction of the Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted +gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns. Gate and +columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall would join the tower +at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if produced northwards, the wall would +abut against the retaining wall of the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet +and its courtyards are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing <i>east</i>, and +behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches occurring at +intervals.</p> + +<p class='c008'>Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of Marcian (see +Labarte, <i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 214), attached to the Great Palace. But +this view of its character is not consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards. +That fact indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon +which stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these palaces +were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall not have turned +westwards, at its present northern extremity, to protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon +along the north, and then southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady +Kapou, and protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the +southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified enclosure of +their own.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1044'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1044'>1044</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 393.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1045'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1045'>1045</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1046'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1046'>1046</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1047'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1047'>1047</a>. </span>Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1048'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1048'>1048</a>. </span>Lib. xx. c. 23.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1049'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1049'>1049</a>. </span><i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. li. E.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1050'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1050'>1050</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1051'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1051'>1051</a>. </span><i>Conquête de Consple.</i>, c. li.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1052'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1052'>1052</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. liii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1053'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1053'>1053</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1054'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1054'>1054</a>. </span>Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1055'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1055'>1055</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. cvi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1056'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1056'>1056</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. liii., lv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1057'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1057'>1057</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of +Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the statements of Ville-Hardouin.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1058'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1058'>1058</a>. </span><i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi Antapodosis, +lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., <i>Mon. Germ. Hist.</i>, t. v. p. 333.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1059'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1059'>1059</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 393.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1060'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1060'>1060</a>. </span><i>De Cer.</i>, p. 586.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1061'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1061'>1061</a>. </span>Page 253.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1062'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1062'>1062</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. III.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1063'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1063'>1063</a>. </span>Theod. Cod., <i>De Calcis Coctor</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1064'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1064'>1064</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1065'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1065'>1065</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1066'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1066'>1066</a>. </span><i>De Top. CP.</i>, ii. c. xv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1067'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1067'>1067</a>. </span><i>Notitia, ad Reg. III.</i>; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1068'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1068'>1068</a>. </span>Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1069'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1069'>1069</a>. </span>Pages 284, 564, Εἰς τὸν Ἰουλιανοῦ τῆς Σοφίας λεγόμενον λιμένα: ἐν τῷ +Ἰουλιανισίῳ λιμένι τῆς Σοφίας.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1070'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1070'>1070</a>. </span>Page 700.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1071'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1071'>1071</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1072'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1072'>1072</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1073'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1073'>1073</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1074'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1074'>1074</a>. </span>Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1075'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1075'>1075</a>. </span><i>Notitia ad Reg. III.</i>; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1076'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1076'>1076</a>. </span>Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1077'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1077'>1077</a>. </span>Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1078'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1078'>1078</a>. </span>Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1079'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1079'>1079</a>. </span>Zosimus, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1080'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1080'>1080</a>. </span>Malalas, p. 479.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1081'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1081'>1081</a>. </span>See Epistle 58.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1082'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1082'>1082</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus cœno effoso +purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1083'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1083'>1083</a>. </span>The plural form of the name (τῶν Σοφιῶν) may allude to the two divisions of +the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration actuelle permet encore de +distinguer un port intérieur et un port extérieur, séparés par une étroite digne.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1084'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1084'>1084</a>. </span>Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1085'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1085'>1085</a>. </span>Anonymus, ii. p. 30.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1086'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1086'>1086</a>. </span><i>Menæa</i>, January 27. This point was known also as ἐν τῷ μούλῳ τοῦ ἁγίου +Θωμᾶ (Theophanes, p. 673).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1087'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1087'>1087</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 622.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1088'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1088'>1088</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 700.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1089'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1089'>1089</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1090'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1090'>1090</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 564.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1091'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1091'>1091</a>. </span>Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1092'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1092'>1092</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1093'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1093'>1093</a>. </span>Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1094'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1094'>1094</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 585.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1095'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1095'>1095</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1096'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1096'>1096</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 385.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1097'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1097'>1097</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1098'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1098'>1098</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 105.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1099'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1099'>1099</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, <i>Bibl. Græc. Med. Ævi.</i>, +vol. v. p. 214).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1100'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1100'>1100</a>. </span>Lib. iii. p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1101'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1101'>1101</a>. </span>Lib. ii. p. 34.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1102'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1102'>1102</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1103'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1103'>1103</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, note 5.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1104'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1104'>1104</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, pp. 120, 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1105'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1105'>1105</a>. </span>Leunclavius, <i>Pand. Hist. Turc.</i>, s. 200, is the first writer after the Conquest +who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (<i>i.e.</i> Contoscalion) velut intra sinum quemdam abscedit +versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in +mare se porrigentem et muris circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the +Kontoscalion is strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1106'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1106'>1106</a>. </span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1107'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1107'>1107</a>. </span><i>Liber Insularum Archipelagi</i>, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga) Condoscali +vel Arsena restat.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1108'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1108'>1108</a>. </span>Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1109'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1109'>1109</a>. </span>In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth century, +the copyist, under the heading Περὶ τὸν Σοφιανῶν λιμένα, adds the note that the +harbour εἰς τὸ Κοντοσκάλον was constructed by Justin, and had been deepened +and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus +Palæologus. See Banduri, <i>Imperium Orientale</i>, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist +is at fault in identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was +a historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the restoration of the +Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1110'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1110'>1110</a>. </span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1111'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1111'>1111</a>. </span>See below, pp. <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1112'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1112'>1112</a>. </span><i>Ad Reg. XII.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1113'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1113'>1113</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1114'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1114'>1114</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1115'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1115'>1115</a>. </span>Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 45.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1116'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1116'>1116</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1117'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1117'>1117</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1118'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1118'>1118</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1119'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1119'>1119</a>. </span>Lib. iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1120'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1120'>1120</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this authority +the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being 600 paces long and +12 feet broad.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1121'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1121'>1121</a>. </span>Gyllius, <i>ut supra</i>. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum æstivum, a quo +moles extendebatur ad occasum æstivum, supra quam nunc muri adstricti existunt.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>“In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis, etiamnum +videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquæ ruinarum.”</p> + +<p class='c008'>Grelot, in his <i>Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople</i>, pp. 79, 80, refers +to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English translation of his work by J. Philips, +London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you +meet with a square tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from +the city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it Belisarius +Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great and famous commander, +for the recompense of all those signal services which he had done the Emperor +Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being +despoyled of all his estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity, +after he had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and forced +for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his chamber, and cry to the +passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing, whom envy and no crime has deprived +of his eyes.’ Near to the place where stands this tower was formerly the harbour +where Theodosius, Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1122'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1122'>1122</a>. </span>From <i>Broken Bits of Byzantium</i>. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1123'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1123'>1123</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 733.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1124'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1124'>1124</a>. </span>Nicetas Chon., p. 170.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1125'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1125'>1125</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; <i>Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani</i>, year 1400, +p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old harbour is given: Κῆπος +περὶ τὸν Βλάγκαν, ἔξω που καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῦ τείχους τῆς πόλεως.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1126'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1126'>1126</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1127'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1127'>1127</a>. </span>Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1128'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1128'>1128</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 47.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1129'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1129'>1129</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i> p. 48.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1130'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1130'>1130</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 560.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1131'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1131'>1131</a>. </span>Page 59.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1132'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1132'>1132</a>. </span>Ducas, p. 283.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1133'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1133'>1133</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1134'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1134'>1134</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 438, 499, 504.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1135'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1135'>1135</a>. </span>Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place off the +entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says that the Sultan viewed +the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle Perensi, fortunæ expectans eventum.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1136'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1136'>1136</a>. </span>Act II.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1137'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1137'>1137</a>. </span>Vol. i. p. 679.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1138'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1138'>1138</a>. </span>Page 364.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1139'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1139'>1139</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1140'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1140'>1140</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1141'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1141'>1141</a>. </span>Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. p. 169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1142'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1142'>1142</a>. </span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, vol. v. p. 38. Ἐπιτρέπει φυλάττεσθαι +ἐκ τῶν Πρασίνων τὸν λιμένα τοῦ Καισαρείου καὶ τὸν Σοφίας, τοὺς +δὲ Βενετοὺς τὰ ἐπὶ Ὁρμίσδου. Cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 700.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1143'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1143'>1143</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, Ἐν τῷ Προκλιανισίῳ τῷ Καισαρίου +λιμένι. What does Προκλιανισίῳ mean?</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1144'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1144'>1144</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 324; <i>Synaxaria</i>, May 7, July 21.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1145'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1145'>1145</a>. </span>Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1146'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1146'>1146</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 165.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1147'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1147'>1147</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 290.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1148'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1148'>1148</a>. </span>Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1149'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1149'>1149</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, iv. p. 118.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1150'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1150'>1150</a>. </span><i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of the Church +of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la montagne, se trouve l’eglise des +saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the Latin version given in Riant’s <i>Exuviæ CP.</i>, ii. +pp. 228, 229, the passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia +SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1151'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1151'>1151</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1152'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1152'>1152</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 220.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1153'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1153'>1153</a>. </span>But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would suppose +that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs and shoals off the +shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus says explicitly that the +conflict took place off the Diplokionion (Beshiktash), ὅπη κίονες διπλοῖ σχῆμα +τάφου τινὸς ἀνέχοντες ἵστανται. According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore +between Beshiktash and Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. <i>De Bosporo +Thracio</i>, ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam eminentibus +inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore, Beshiktash, Cabatash, +refer to these rocks.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1154'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1154'>1154</a>. </span>Lib. xxvi. pp. 85-92.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1155'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1155'>1155</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1156'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1156'>1156</a>. </span>Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1157'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1157'>1157</a>. </span>Lib. ix. p. 460.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1158'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1158'>1158</a>. </span>Lib. xxvi. p. 87.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1159'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1159'>1159</a>. </span>Lib. xxvi. p. 87.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1160'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1160'>1160</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1161'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1161'>1161</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1162'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1162'>1162</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 46.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1163'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1163'>1163</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1164'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1164'>1164</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1165'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1165'>1165</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 364.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1166'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1166'>1166</a>. </span><i>Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani</i>, year 1400, p. 394; Bondelmontius, +“In quibus mœnibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus Vlanga.” See above, +p. <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, ref. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1167'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1167'>1167</a>. </span>The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It was +ἐν Ἑπτασκάλω (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St. Metrophanes +(<i>Synaxaria</i>, June 4; <i>Itinéraires Russes en Orient</i>, p. 106); (3) near the Residence of +Moselè (Μωσηλὲ), and the monument named the Christocamaron (Χριστοκάμαρον), +after a gilt Icon of Christ upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it +is supposed, was the same as the Chrysocamaron (Χρυσοκάμαρον: Anonymus, iii. +p. 48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (<i>Imp. Orient.</i>, ii. p. 688) and Dr. +Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the rear of the Myrelaion +(Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was the church, now the Mosque Boudroum +Djamissi (Gyllius, <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, <i>Ancient and Modern +Consple.</i>, p. 75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the rear, +or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points in this chain of arguments; +Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the two monuments which are identified +above, and speaks of two places in Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1168'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1168'>1168</a>. </span>He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72, 74; and +to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1169'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1169'>1169</a>. </span>Codinus, p. 72.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1170'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1170'>1170</a>. </span>Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1171'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1171'>1171</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the subject, +the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the Heptascalon, implied not only +that the harbour was no longer its old self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished +from another and earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during +the reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1172'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1172'>1172</a>. </span>Lib. xvii. p. 854: Ἐς τὸ περὶ τὸν τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἱππόδρομον νεώριον. +Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1173'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1173'>1173</a>. </span>Lib. xxvi. p. 90.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1174'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1174'>1174</a>. </span>Unger (<i>Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte</i>, p. 264), without discussing +the question at length, holds, as the result of his study of the texts, that the Kontoscalion +cannot be identified with either the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon. +Scarlatus Byzantius (Ἡ Κωνσταντινούπολις, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains +that the three names designated different harbours.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1175'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1175'>1175</a>. </span>Συγγραφαὶ Ἐλάσσονες, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1176'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1176'>1176</a>. </span>For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., +who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many years a resident there.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1177'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1177'>1177</a>. </span>It is still standing.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1178'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1178'>1178</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1179'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1179'>1179</a>. </span><i>Ut supra.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1180'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1180'>1180</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, Τὸ πρὸς τὸν Βλάγκα Κοντοσκέλιον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1181'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1181'>1181</a>. </span><i>Librum Insularum Archipelago</i>, p. 121.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1182'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1182'>1182</a>. </span>Vol. i. p. 365.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1183'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1183'>1183</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1184'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1184'>1184</a>. </span>A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between that city and +Milan, <i>viâ</i> Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the reminiscence of its ancient +designation, ad Septimum.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1185'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1185'>1185</a>. </span>In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius were +unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It was startling to +find, afterwards, that the truth had been established so long ago by substantially the +same evidence as convinced my own mind, and that truth so well established had +been ignored. My reasons for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange +were first published in the <i>Levant Herald</i>, April 12, 1891.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1186'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1186'>1186</a>. </span>Pages 113, 114.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1187'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1187'>1187</a>. </span><i>Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle</i>, p. 299.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1188'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1188'>1188</a>. </span>See <i>De Top. CP.</i>, iv. c. i. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1189'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1189'>1189</a>. </span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., Λέγεται δὲ τότε τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐκδημῶν, +πρὸς τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ μιλίῳ γενόμενος, προσεύξασθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐη τῇ ἐνθάδε +ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥν ἐπὶ τιμῇ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ ἐδείματο.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1190'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1190'>1190</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1191'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1191'>1191</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1192'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1192'>1192</a>. </span>See above, pp. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1193'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1193'>1193</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on the +Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at Venice.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1194'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1194'>1194</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1195'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1195'>1195</a>. </span>Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of Constantine, +and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura at the Hebdomon; but he +neither identifies the two palaces, nor points to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the +site of the Hebdomon.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1196'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1196'>1196</a>. </span>Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, Τὸ πεδίον τὸ +ἀνακείμενον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ, ὅν Κάμπον Ῥωμαῖοι κατονομάζουσι.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1197'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1197'>1197</a>. </span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, pp. 15, 16, Καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅ +Ἕβδομον καλοῦσι καταλαβόντες ἱδρύσαντο. What the enemy did was to halt +at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1198'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1198'>1198</a>. </span>See below, p. <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1199'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1199'>1199</a>. </span>Page 333; cf. <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from the city +is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives the distance as forty +stadia.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1200'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1200'>1200</a>. </span>Cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 556, 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1201'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1201'>1201</a>. </span>Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, ref. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1202'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1202'>1202</a>. </span>Lib. vi. c. vi., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1203'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1203'>1203</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, iv. p. 611, Ὅς ζ᾽ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως ἀφειστήκει.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1204'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1204'>1204</a>. </span>Lib. vi. c. xii., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1205'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1205'>1205</a>. </span>Vol. i. p. 641, Εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίοv ἑπτὰ σημείοις ἀπέχον.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1206'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1206'>1206</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1207'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1207'>1207</a>. </span>Lib. xxii., <i>De Sacros Eccl.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1208'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1208'>1208</a>. </span>Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1209'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1209'>1209</a>. </span>John of Antioch, <i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38; cf. <i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 699, 700.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1210'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1210'>1210</a>. </span>Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36) +describes the Hebdomon as παραθαλάσσιον τόπον. In regard to the situation +of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September 2, the Festival +of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1211'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1211'>1211</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 608, Ἀπάραντες ἐκεῖθεν παρέπλευσαν τὴν πόλιν.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1212'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1212'>1212</a>. </span>Anastasius Bibliothecarius, <i>De Vitis Pontificum Roman</i>, p. 56. Paris, 1649.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1213'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1213'>1213</a>. </span><i>Constantinopolis Christiana</i>, i. p. 45. See above, p. <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, ref. 1.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1214'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1214'>1214</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 541.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1215'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1215'>1215</a>. </span>Page 541.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1216'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1216'>1216</a>. </span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano II.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1217'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1217'>1217</a>. </span><i>Fragm. Hist. Græc.</i>, v. p. 38.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1218'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1218'>1218</a>. </span>Page 699.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1219'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1219'>1219</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv. c. viii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1220'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1220'>1220</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1221'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1221'>1221</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 622.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1222'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1222'>1222</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 693.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1223'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1223'>1223</a>. </span>Page 458, Τὸ καστέλλιν τῶν Θεοδοσιανῶν ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1224'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1224'>1224</a>. </span><i>Notitia Dignitatum</i>, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du Cange +thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by Tiberius to protect +his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus, iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1225'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1225'>1225</a>. </span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with which +he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1226'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1226'>1226</a>. </span>Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1227'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1227'>1227</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 272, 273.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1228'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1228'>1228</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes, in 513.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1229'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1229'>1229</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1230'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1230'>1230</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 784.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1231'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1231'>1231</a>. </span>Nicephorus, <i>Patriarcha CP.</i>, pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1232'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1232'>1232</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 414, 416.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1233'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1233'>1233</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 458.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1234'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1234'>1234</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 379.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1235'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1235'>1235</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 641; +<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 702.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1236'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1236'>1236</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 169.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1237'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1237'>1237</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still commemorates +seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the Byzantine +period.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1238'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1238'>1238</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 458.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1239'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1239'>1239</a>. </span>Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1240'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1240'>1240</a>. </span>Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below; <i>Paschal +Chron.</i> p. 556.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1241'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1241'>1241</a>. </span>Themistius, <i>Oratio VI.</i>, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1242'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1242'>1242</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of the +Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ἐν τῷ Κάμπῳ τοῦ Τριβουναλίου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1243'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1243'>1243</a>. </span>Themistius, <i>Oratio VI.</i>, p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1244'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1244'>1244</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 562.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1245'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1245'>1245</a>. </span>Marcellinus Comes.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1246'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1246'>1246</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 568.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1247'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1247'>1247</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 590.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1248'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1248'>1248</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 592.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1249'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1249'>1249</a>. </span>Victor Tunnensis.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1250'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1250'>1250</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1251'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1251'>1251</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 388.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1252'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1252'>1252</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 447.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1253'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1253'>1253</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, p. 784.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1254'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1254'>1254</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 438.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1255'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1255'>1255</a>. </span>The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas in 963. +See Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 410-417, 433-440.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1256'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1256'>1256</a>. </span>The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the Hippodrome. +See Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 431. Probably that was the rule.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1257'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1257'>1257</a>. </span>In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of the proceedings. +<i>E.g.</i> Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius, Valens (Idatius +<i>Fasti Consulares</i>); Theodosius II. (<i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 568); Marcian (<i>Paschal +Chron.</i>, p. 590).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1258'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1258'>1258</a>. </span>Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1259'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1259'>1259</a>. </span>In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the patriarch took +place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon.</p> + +<p class='c008'>So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted by Du +Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra consuetudinem +coronatur.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1260'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1260'>1260</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 498.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1261'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1261'>1261</a>. </span>The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as exceptional, +and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1262'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1262'>1262</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 498-503.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1263'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1263'>1263</a>. </span>Rufinus, <i>De Vitis Patrum</i>, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus in Constantinopoli, +temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem in parva cella foris +civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de +civitate, libenter degere.”</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1264'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1264'>1264</a>. </span><i>De Sacro Eccl.</i>, Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytæ civitatis, in Novo +Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. <i>Novella</i>, 118.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1265'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1265'>1265</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form +Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope Gregory the +Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf. Malalas, p. 486).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1266'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1266'>1266</a>. </span>Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and +sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1267'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1267'>1267</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>; Theophanes, p. 353.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1268'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1268'>1268</a>. </span>Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1269'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1269'>1269</a>. </span>See Labarte, <i>Le Palais Impérial de Consple.</i>, pp. 185-195. It was a hall in the +form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of six columns, with an apse at +the eastern end, where the emperor’s throne stood on a platform. In it foreign +princes and ambassadors were received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of +the State were held.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1270'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1270'>1270</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 152.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1271'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1271'>1271</a>. </span>Symeon Metaphrastes, <i>Life of Daniel Stylites</i>, p. 1025. Patrol. Græca, Migne.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1272'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1272'>1272</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. xi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1273'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1273'>1273</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 351.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1274'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1274'>1274</a>. </span>Eustachius, <i>Vita Eutychii Patriarchæ</i>, as quoted by Du Cange, <i>Constantinopolis +Christiana</i>, iv. p. 177.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1275'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1275'>1275</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 690.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1276'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1276'>1276</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1277'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1277'>1277</a>. </span>Socrates, vi. c. vi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1278'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1278'>1278</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1279'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1279'>1279</a>. </span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano PP.</i></p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1280'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1280'>1280</a>. </span>Anna Comn., p. 149.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1281'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1281'>1281</a>. </span>Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1282'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1282'>1282</a>. </span>Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri, <i>Imp. +Orient.</i>, vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:</p> + +<p class='c013'>ΙΣΤΙΜΙ ΤΥΜΒΟΝ ΕΝ ΜΕΣΩ ΓΗΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΥ</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1283'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1283'>1283</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, p. 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1284'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1284'>1284</a>. </span>Jerome, <i>Adversus Vigilantium</i>, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1285'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1285'>1285</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, pp. 569, 570.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1286'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1286'>1286</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 357.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1287'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1287'>1287</a>. </span>Socrates, vi. c. vi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1288'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1288'>1288</a>. </span>Anonymus, iii. p. 56.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1289'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1289'>1289</a>. </span>Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1290'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1290'>1290</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, vii. c. xxiv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1291'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1291'>1291</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, viii. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1292'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1292'>1292</a>. </span>Socrates, vi. c. xii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1293'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1293'>1293</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, pp. 413, 499.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1294'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1294'>1294</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. viii.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1295'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1295'>1295</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon, mentioned +in history, was probably attached to this church (John Scylitzes, in Cedrenus, +vol. ii. p. 714).</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1296'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1296'>1296</a>. </span>Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, i. c. iv.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1297'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1297'>1297</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, c. ix.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1298'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1298'>1298</a>. </span><i>Menæa</i>, 29 July, πλησίον τῶν παλατίων τοῦ Ἑβδόμου.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1299'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1299'>1299</a>. </span>Constant. Porphyr., <i>De Cer.</i>, p. 496.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1300'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1300'>1300</a>. </span><i>Ibid.</i>, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1301'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1301'>1301</a>. </span>Anastasius Biblioth. in <i>Hormisda PP</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1302'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1302'>1302</a>. </span>Guillelmus Biblioth. in <i>Hadriano PP</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1303'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1303'>1303</a>. </span>Theophylactus Simocat., pp. 236, 237.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1304'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1304'>1304</a>. </span>Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1305'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1305'>1305</a>. </span><i>Synaxaria</i>, 26 October.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1306'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1306'>1306</a>. </span>For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv. +c. ix.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1307'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1307'>1307</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1308'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1308'>1308</a>. </span>Agathias, p. 305.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1309'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1309'>1309</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 360.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1310'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1310'>1310</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, <i>De Æd.</i>, iv. c. ix.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1311'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1311'>1311</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 361.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1312'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1312'>1312</a>. </span>Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1313'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1313'>1313</a>. </span><i>Paschal Chron.</i>, 712.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1314'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1314'>1314</a>. </span>Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, <i>The Russian Army +and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78</i>, p. 362.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1315'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1315'>1315</a>. </span>Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, <i>ut supra</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class='footnote' id='f1316'> +<p class='c008'><span class='label'><a href='#r1316'>1316</a>. </span>Theophanes, p. 460.</p> +</div> +<div> + + <ul class='ul_1 c002'> + <li>Transcriber’s Notes: + <ul class='ul_2'> + <li>Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. + </li> + <li>Typographical errors were silently corrected. + </li> + <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant + form was found in this book. + </li> + <li>Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of + reference. + </li> + </ul> + </li> + </ul> + +</div> + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 61475 ***</div> + </body> + <!-- created 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