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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Erasmus - -Author: Jebb Richard Claverhouse - -Release Date: February 20, 2020 [EBook #61464] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ERASMUS *** - - - - -Produced by Carlos Colón, the University of California and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive/American -Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - - ERASMUS. - - - - - London: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, - CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, - AVE MARIA LANE. - Glasglow: 263, ARGYLE STREET. - - - [Illustration] - - - Leipzig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. - New York: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. - Bombay: E. SEYMOUR HALE. - - - - - ERASMUS - - _THE REDE LECTURE - DELIVERED IN THE SENATE-HOUSE - ON JUNE 11, 1890_ - - - BY - - R. C. JEBB, LITT. D. - - REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE - IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. - - - SECOND EDITION. - - - CAMBRIDGE: - AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS - 1897 - - - - - Cambridge: - PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, - AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. - - - - -ERASMUS. - - -Desiderius Erasmus was born at Rotterdam on the 27th of October, -1467. His father, Gerhard de Praet, belonged to a respectable family -at Gouda, a small town of south Holland, not far from Rotterdam: his -mother, Margaret, was the daughter of a physician at Sevenberg in -Brabant. Gerhard's parents were resolved that he should become a monk. -Meanwhile he was secretly betrothed to Margaret. His family succeeded -in preventing their marriage, but not their union. After the birth of -a son--the elder and only brother of Erasmus--Gerhard fled to Rome. A -false rumour of Margaret's death there induced him, in his despair, to -enter the priesthood. On returning to Holland, he found Margaret living -at Gouda with his two boys. He was true to the irrevocable vows which -parted him from her. After a few years, during which the supervision of -their children's education had been a common solace, she died, while -still young; and Gerhard, broken-hearted, soon followed her to the -grave. - -The boy afterwards so famous had been given his father's Christian -name, Gerhard, meaning 'beloved.' Desiderius is barbarous Latin for -that, and Erasmus is barbarous Greek for it. If the great scholar -devised those appellations for himself, it must have been at an early -age. Afterwards, when he stood godfather to the son of his friend -Froben the printer, he gave the boy the correct form of his own second -name,--viz., Erasmius. The combination, Desiderius Erasmus, is probably -due to the fact that he had been known as Gerhard Gerhardson. It was a -singular fortune for a master of literary style to be designated by two -words which mean the same thing, and are both incorrect. - -He was sent to school at Gouda when he was four years old. Here it was -perceived that he had a fine voice; and so he was taken to Utrecht, and -placed in the Cathedral choir. But he had no gift for music. At nine -years of age he was removed from Utrecht to a good school at Deventer. -His precocious genius soon showed itself, and his future eminence was -predicted by the famous Rudolph Agricola--one of the first men who -brought the new learning across the Alps. - -Erasmus was only thirteen when he lost both parents, and was left -to the care of three guardians. They wished him to become a monk: -it was the simplest way to dispose of a ward. The boy loathed the -idea; he knew his father's story; and now it seemed as if the same -shadow was to fall on his own life also. However, the guardians sent -him to a monastic seminary at Hertogenbosch, where the brethren -undertook to prepare youth for the cloister. The three years which -he spent there--_i.e._, from thirteen to sixteen--were wholly wasted -and miserable: he learned nothing, and his health, never strong, -was injured by cruel severities. 'The plan of these men,' he said -afterwards, 'when they see a boy of high and lively spirit, is to -break and humble it by stripes, by threats, by reproaches, and various -other means.' The struggle with the monks and his guardians was a long -one; when menaces failed, they tried blandishments,--especially they -promised him a paradise of literary leisure. At last he gave in. When -he was about eighteen, he took the vows of a Canon Regular of the order -of St Augustine. Looking back afterwards on the arts by which he had -been won, he asks, 'What is kidnapping, if this is not?' - -The next five years--till he was twenty-three--were spent in his -monastery at Stein, near Gouda. The general life of the place was -odious to him; but he found one friend, named William Hermann. They -used to read the Latin classics together--secretly, for such studies -were viewed with some suspicion. It was then that he laid the basis of -his Latin style, and became thoroughly familiar with some of the best -Latin authors. - -In 1491 he left the monastery, having been invited by the Bishop of -Cambray, Henry de Bergis, to reside with him as his secretary. Soon -afterwards he took orders; and the Bishop subsequently enabled him to -enter the University of Paris, for the purpose of studying theology. He -was then, perhaps, about twenty-seven years of age. - -At this point we may attempt,--aided by Holbein, and by tradition--to -form some idea of his personal appearance. Erasmus was a rather small -man, slight, but well-built; he had, as became a Teuton, blue eyes, -yellowish or light brown hair, and a fair complexion. The face is a -remarkable one. It has two chief characteristics,--quiet, watchful -sagacity,--and humour, half playful, half sarcastic. The eyes are -calm, critical, steadily observant, with a half-latent twinkle in them; -the nose is straight, rather long, and pointed; the rippling curves of -the large mouth indicate a certain energetic vivacity of temperament, -and tenacity of purpose; while the pose of the head suggests vigilant -caution, almost timidity. As we continue to study the features, they -speak more and more clearly of insight and refinement; of a worldly yet -very gentle shrewdness; of cheerful self-mastery; and of a mind which -has its weapons ready at every instant. But there is no suggestion of -enthusiasm,--unless it be the literary enthusiasm of a student. It is -difficult to imagine those cool eyes kindled by any glow of passion, or -that genial serenity broken by a spiritual struggle. This man, we feel, -would be an intellectual champion of truth and reason; his wit might be -as the spear of Ithuriel, and his satire as the sword of Gideon; but he -has not the face of a hero or a martyr. - -On entering the University of Paris, Erasmus took up his residence at -the Montaigu College. It was on the south side of the Seine, not far -from the Sorbonne, and is said to have stood on the site now occupied -by the Library of St. Geneviève. The Rector of the College was a man -of estimable character; but he believed in extreme privation--which -he had himself endured in youth--as the best school for students of -theology. Erasmus has described the life there. The work imposed on -the students was excessively severe. They were also half starved; meat -was proscribed altogether; eggs, usually the reverse of fresh, formed -the staple of food; the inmates had to fetch their drinking water from -a polluted well. When wine was allowed, it was such as implied by the -nickname 'Vinegar College' (a Latin pun on Montaigu). Many of the -sleeping-rooms were on a ground-floor where the plaster was mouldering -on the damp walls, and in such a neighbourhood that the air breathed -by the sleepers--when they could sleep--was pestilential. One year's -experience of this place--these are the words of Erasmus--doomed many -youths of the brightest gifts and promise either to death, or to -blindness, or to madness, or to leprosy; 'some of these,' he says, 'I -knew myself,--and assuredly every one of us ran the danger.' Similar -testimony is given by his younger contemporary, Rabelais:--'The unhappy -creatures at that College are treated worse than galley-slaves among -the Moors and Tartars, or than murderers in a criminal prison.' - -No wonder Erasmus, a delicate man at the best, soon fell ill; indeed, -his constitution was permanently impaired. He went back to the Bishop -at Cambray. Then, after a short visit to Holland, he returned to -Paris--but not to the Montaigu College. He rented a one-room lodging, -and resolved to support himself during his University course by taking -private pupils. It was a hard struggle that he went through then; but -better days were at hand. He had already become known in Paris as a -scholar of brilliant promise, and especially as an admirable Latinist. -Latin was then the general language, not only of learning, but of -polite intercourse between persons of different nationalities; and to -speak Latin with fluent grace--an art in which Erasmus was already -pre-eminent--was the best passport to cultivated society in Paris, -whose University attracted students from all countries. Then he had -a bright and nimble fancy, a keen sense of humour, a frank manner, -and also rare tact; in short, he was a delightful companion, without -ever seeking to dominate his company. One of his pupils was a young -Englishman, William Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, who was studying at Paris. -Mountjoy settled an annual pension of a hundred crowns on Erasmus, and -presently persuaded him to visit England. - -This was in 1498. Erasmus was now thirty-one. For eighteen years--ever -since he left the school at Deventer--his life had been a hard one. -The coarse rigours of Hertogenbosch, the midnight oil of Stein, the -miseries of the Montaigu College, the later battle with poverty -in Paris--all these had left their marks on that slight form, and -that keen, calm face. Men who met him in England must have found it -difficult to believe that he was so young. The sallow cheeks, the -sunken eyes, the bent shoulders, the worn air of the whole man seemed -to speak of a more advanced age. But neither then, nor at any later -time, was he other than youthful in buoyant vivacity of spirit, in -restless activity of mind, in untiring capacity for work. - -And now a new world opened before him. In England he was not only an -honoured guest, but, for the first time, perhaps, since he left school, -he found himself among men from whom he had something to learn. He went -to Oxford, with a letter of introduction to Richard Charnock, Prior -of a house of his own order, the Canons Regular of St Augustine, and -was hospitably received by him in the College of St Mary the Virgin. -At that time the scholastic theology and philosophy still held the -field in both the English Universities--as everywhere else, north of -the Alps. But at Oxford there were a few eminent men who had studied -the new learning in Italy, and had brought the love for it home with -them. Erasmus was just too late to see William Selling of All Souls -College, who died in 1495,--one of the first Englishmen who endeavoured -to introduce Greek studies in this country. And he was too early to -meet William Lilly, who was still abroad then. But he met some other -scholars who were among the earliest teachers or advocates of Greek -at Oxford,--William Grocyn, William Latimer, and Thomas Linacre;--the -last-named, who became Founder of the Royal College of Physicians, -had studied at Florence under Politian and Chalcondyles. Erasmus -speaks with especial praise of Grocyn's comprehensive learning, and of -Linacre's finished taste. It is certain that his intercourse with the -Oxford Hellenists must have been both instructive and stimulating to -him; we can see, too, that it strengthened his desire to visit Italy. -On the other hand, his letters show that when he left Oxford in 1500, -he had not advanced far in the study of Greek. The years from 1500 to -1505, during which he worked intensely hard at Greek by himself in -Paris, were those in which his knowledge of that language was chiefly -built up. - -The two Oxonians with whom Erasmus formed the closest friendship -were John Colet and Thomas More. Colet was just a year his senior, -and was then lecturing on St Paul's Epistles in what was quite a -new way,--endeavouring to bring out their meaning historically and -practically. He was not a Greek scholar; but it was he who, more than -anyone else, encouraged Erasmus to print the New Testament in the -original tongue. Thomas More, who was then a youth of twenty, had left -Oxford, and was reading law in London, where Erasmus first met him. The -story that they met at dinner, and that, before an introduction, each -recognised the other by his wit, is perhaps apocryphal. At any rate, it -expresses the truth that such perfectly congenial minds would be drawn -to each other at once. - -In the winter of 1499 Erasmus visited Lord Mountjoy at Greenwich. It -would seem, too, that he had a glimpse of Henry VII.'s Court. He writes -that he has become 'a better horse-man, and a tolerable courtier.' In -January, 1500, just before Erasmus left England, Thomas More went down -from London to Greenwich, to say farewell,--bringing with him another -young lawyer named Arnold. More proposed a walk, and took his friends -to call at a large house in the neighbouring village of Eltham. They -were shown into a hall where some children were at play: it was, in -fact, the royal nursery. The eldest, a boy of nine years old, was the -future Henry VIII.; he was not then Prince of Wales, but Duke of -York, his brother Arthur being still alive. The tutor in charge of -the children was John Skelton, the poet. Three days afterwards, in -fulfilment of a promise, Erasmus sent the little Prince a Latin poem; -it is in praise of England, and of Henry VII. There is no doubt that -the praise of England came from his heart: his letters show that. - -At the end of January, 1500, he sailed from Dover for France. A -serious mishap befell him just before he went on board. He carried -with him a considerable sum of money, contributed by friends for the -purpose of enabling him to visit Italy. The custom-house officers at -Dover deprived him of nearly the whole, on plea of a law forbidding -the exportation of gold coin of the realm above a certain amount. His -friends at court afterwards tried to recover it for him,--but in vain. -On reaching Paris, he fell ill. When he recovered, he set hard to work. -The next five years were spent chiefly at Paris, with occasional visits -to Orleans or the Netherlands. They form a quiet yet memorable period -of his life. In 1500 he published his first collection of proverbial -sayings from the classics,--the _Adagia_,--which, in its enlarged -form, afterwards brought him so much fame. And during these years his -incessant labour at Greek gradually qualified him for yet greater -tasks. He had no teacher in Paris; and, though not absolutely in want, -he had difficulty in buying all the books that he required. - -Towards the end of 1505 Erasmus paid a second visit to -England,--staying only about six months. On this occasion he visited -Cambridge. The Grace Book of our University shows that permission was -given to Desiderius Erasmus to take the degrees of B.D. and D.D. by -accumulation. It would seem, however, that he took the degree of B.D. -only; so Dr John Caius says, and he must be right, if it is true that -in the doctor's diploma which Erasmus received at Turin in 1506 he -was described as a bachelor of theology. Had he possessed the higher -degree, it would have been mentioned in the Turin document. During this -second visit he saw a good deal of More and other old acquaintances. -Grocyn took him to Lambeth, and introduced him to Warham, Archbishop of -Canterbury and Lord Chancellor of England,--who, in the sequel, was one -of his best friends. - -He had now become able to realise the dream of his youth--to visit -Italy. It was arranged that he should accompany the two sons of Dr -Baptista Boyer, chief physician to Henry VII., who were going to Genoa; -a royal courier was to escort them as far as Bologna. The party left -Dover in the spring of 1506, and were tossed about for four days in -the Channel. After a rest at Paris, they set out on horse-back for -Turin. Erasmus has vividly described the squalid German inns, which he -contrasts with those of France. Another discomfort of the journey was -that the tutor and the courier quarrelled a good deal. At Turin--his -companions having left him--he stayed several weeks, and received from -the University the degree of Doctor in Theology. - -The stay of Erasmus in Italy lasted three years--from the summer of -1506 to that of 1509. It is well to remember what was the general -state of things in Italy at that time,--for the impressions which -Erasmus received there had a strong and lasting effect upon his mind. -In literature the humanistic revival had now passed its zenith, and -was declining into that frivolous pedantry which Erasmus afterwards -satirised in the 'Ciceronian.' Architecture, sculpture and painting -were indeed active; Bramante, Michael Angelo and Raphael were at -work. But the fact which chiefly arrested the attention of Erasmus -was that Italian soil was the common ground on which the princes of -Europe were prosecuting their intricate ambitions, and that the Pope -had unsheathed the sword in pursuit of temporal advantage. Julius -II. was already an elderly man, but full of military ardour. Venice -seemed to be his ulterior object; meanwhile, in the autumn of 1506, -he had reduced Perugia and Bologna. Erasmus was in Bologna when the -Pope entered in November, and the late roses of that strangely mild -autumn were strewn in his path by the shouting multitudes who hailed -him as a warrior equal to his Roman namesake of old, the conqueror -of Gaul. Erasmus was at Rome, too, in the following March, when the -Pope celebrated his triumph with a martial pomp which no Caesar could -have surpassed. Then came the revolt of Genoa from France,--the futile -war of Maximilian, 'Emperor Elect,' against Venice,--and lastly the -iniquitous League of Cambray, by which Maximilian, the Pope, Louis XII. -and Ferdinand of Spain banded themselves together for the spoliation of -the Venetian Republic. Such things as these sank deep into the heart -of Erasmus. 'When princes purpose to exhaust a commonwealth'--he wrote -afterwards--'they speak of a just war; when they unite for that object, -they call it peace.' - -But there was a bright side also to his years in Italy; in many places -he enjoyed intercourse with learned men; and he formed some enduring -friendships. At Venice he spent several months with Aldus in 1508, -and saw an enlarged edition of the _Adagia_ through his famous press. -The kind of reputation which he had now won may be seen from his own -account of his visit to Cardinal Grimani at Rome, in 1509: it is a -characteristic little story, and ought to be told in his own words. -'There was no one to be seen in the courtyard of the Cardinal's -palace,' he says, 'or in the entrance-hall.... I went upstairs alone. -I passed through the first, the second, the third room;--still no one -to be seen, and not a door shut; I could not help wondering at the -solitude. Coming to the last room, I there found only one person,--a -Greek, I thought,--a physician,--with his head shaved, standing at the -open door. I asked him if I could see the Cardinal; he replied that he -was in an inner room, with some visitors. As I said no more, he asked -me my business. I replied, 'I wished to pay my respects to him, if it -had been convenient, but as he is engaged, I will call again.' I was -just going away, but paused at a window to look at the view; the Greek -came back to me, and asked if I wished to leave any message. 'You need -not disturb him,' I said,--'I will call again soon.' Then he asked my -name, and I told him. The instant he heard it, before I could stop him, -he hurried into the inner room, and quickly returning, begged me not to -go--I should be admitted directly. The Cardinal received me, not as a -man of his high degree might have received one of my humble condition, -but like an equal: a chair was placed for me, and we conversed for -more than two hours. He would not even allow me to be uncovered,--a -wonderful condescension in a man of his rank. Grimani pressed Erasmus -to stay permanently at Rome. But he replied that he had just received a -summons to England, which left him no choice. - -In the April of that year, 1509, the little boy whom Erasmus had seen -in the nursery at Eltham had become Henry VIII.; and in May, Mountjoy -had written to his old tutor, urging him to return. Erasmus reached -England early in the summer of 1510. Soon afterwards, in More's house -at Bucklersbury, he rapidly wrote his famous satire, the _Encomium -Moriac_, or 'Praise of Folly,' in which Folly celebrates her own -praises as the great source of human pleasures. He had been meditating -this piece on the long journey from Rome; it is a kaleidoscope of -his experiences in Italy, and of earlier memories. As to the title, -_Moria_, the Greek word for 'folly,' was a playful allusion, of course, -to the name of his wise and witty host. This 'Praise of Folly' is -a satire, not only in the modern but in the original sense of that -word,--a medley. All classes, all callings, are sportively viewed on -the weak side. But in relation to the author's own life and times, -the most important topics are the various abuses in the Church, the -pedantries of the schoolmen, and the selfish wars of kings. If this -eloquent Folly, as Erasmus presents her, most often wears the mocking -smile of Lucian or Voltaire, there are moments also when she wields the -terrible lash of Juvenal or of Swift. The popularity of the satire, -throughout Europe, was boundless. The mask of jest which it wore was -its safeguard; how undignified, how absurd it would have been for a -Pope or a King to care what was said by Folly! And, just for that -reason, the _Encomium Moriae_ must be reckoned among the forces which -prepared the Reformation. - -Where was Erasmus to settle now? That was the great question for him. -He decided it by going to Cambridge, on the invitation of Fisher, -the Bishop of Rochester, who was then Chancellor of the University. -Rooms were assigned to him in Queens' College, of which Fisher had -been President a few years before. In that beautiful old cloister at -Queens', where the spirit of the fifteenth century seems to linger, -an entrance at the south-east corner gives access to a small court -which is known as the court of Erasmus. His lodgings were in a square -turret of red brick at the south-east angle of the court. His study -was probably a good-sized room which is now used as a lecture-room; on -the floor above this was his bedroom, with an adjoining attic for his -servant. From the south windows of these rooms--looking on the modern -Silver Street--he had a wide view over what was then open country, -interspersed with cornfields; the windings of the river could be seen -as far as the Trumpington woods. The walk on the west side of the -Cam, which is called the walk of Erasmus, was not laid out till 1684: -in his time it was open ground, with probably no trees upon it. His -first letter from Cambridge is dated Dec. 1510, and this date must -be right, or nearly so. He says himself that he taught Greek here -before he lectured on theology; and also that, after his arrival, the -commencement of his Greek teaching was delayed by ill-health. Now he -was elected to the Lady Margaret Professorship of Divinity in 1511, and -in those days the election was ordered to take place on the last day -of term before the Long Vacation. His residence, then, can hardly have -begun later than the early part of 1511. - -It is interesting to think of him--now a man of forty-four, but -prematurely old in appearance--moving about the narrow streets or quiet -courts of that medieval Cambridge which was just about to become the -modern--a transformation due, in no small measure, to the influence -of his own labours. Eleven of our Colleges existed. Peterhouse was in -the third century of its life; others also were of a venerable age. -Erasmus would have heard the rumour that a house of his own order, the -Hospital of the Brethren of St John, was about to be merged in a new -and more splendid foundation, the College of St John the Evangelist. -Where Trinity College now stands, he would have seen the separate -institutions which, after another generation, were to be united by -Henry VIII.; he would have seen a hostel of the Benedictines where -Magdalene College was soon to arise; the Franciscans on the site of -Sidney Sussex, and the Dominicans on the site of Emmanuel. North of -Queens' College, he would have found the convent of the Carmelites; and -then, rising in lonely majesty--with no other College buildings as yet -on its south side--the chapel of King's, completed as to the walls, but -not yet roofed. - -When Erasmus began his Greek lectures in his rooms at Queens', his -text-book was the elementary grammar of Manuel Chrysoloras, entitled -the 'Questions',--which had been the standard book all through the -fifteenth century. He next took up the larger and more advanced grammar -of Theodorus Gaza, published in 1495,--which he afterwards translated -into Latin. We have a specimen of his own Greek composition at this -period. In 1511 he went from Cambridge to visit the celebrated shrine -of the Virgin at Walsingham in Norfolk--the same where, two years -later, Queen Catherine gave thanks after the battle of Flodden. As a -votive offering, he hung up on the wall a short set of Greek iambics, -which are extant: they are to the effect that, while others bring rich -gifts and crave worldly blessings, he asks only for a pure heart. There -are some faults of metre, but the diction is classical and idiomatic: -probably no one in Europe at that time, unless it were Budaeus, could -have written better. When Erasmus revisited Walsingham a little later, -he found that these verses had sorely puzzled the monks and their -friends; there had been much wiping of eye-glasses; and opinions -differed as to whether the characters were Arabic, or purely arbitrary. -Erasmus did not get many hearers for his Greek lectures, and was rather -disappointed; but some, at least, of his pupils were ardent; thus he -describes Henry Bullock of Queens'--the 'Bovillus' of his letters--as -'working hard at Greek.' And the impulse which he gave can be judged -from the rapid progress of the new learning at Cambridge. Writing to -him in 1516--three years after he had left--Bullock says, 'people here -are devoting themselves eagerly to Greek literature.' In a letter to -Everard, the Stadtholder of Holland, in 1520, Erasmus says:--'Theology -is flourishing at Paris and at Cambridge as nowhere else: and why? -Because they are adapting themselves to the tendencies of the age; -because the new studies, which are ready, if need be, to storm an -entrance, are not repelled by them as foes, but received as welcome -guests.' In another letter he remarks that, while Greek studies have -been instituted in both the English Universities, at Cambridge they -are pursued peacefully (_tranquille_),--owing, he says, to Fisher's -influence. He is alluding to those struggles at Oxford between the -adherents of the schoolmen and the new learning which came to a head in -the 'Trojan' and 'Grecian' riots of 1519, and led to Wolsey's founding -the readership of Greek. Oxford had been, in England, the great -theological University of the middle ages, and the scholastic system -died hardest there. - -Erasmus taught Greek without any formal appointment, so far as we know, -from the University; though Fisher, the Chancellor, may have arranged -that he should receive a stipend. The first man formally appointed -Greek reader was Richard Croke in 1519; who speaks, indeed, of Erasmus -as having been 'professor of Greek,' but probably means simply -lecturer. The official status of Erasmus was that of Lady Margaret -Professor of Divinity. The election to the Chair was then biennial. -At the end of his term--_i.e._, in the summer of 1513--Erasmus was -re-elected. This is a noteworthy fact. The electing body comprised the -whole Faculty of Theology, regulars as well as seculars. The 'Praise of -Folly' must by that time have been well-known here. If Erasmus was not -universally acceptable to the schoolmen or to the monks of Cambridge, -at any rate the general respect for his character and attainments -carried the day. - -When we try to imagine him in his rooms at Queens', we are not to -picture him as a popular teacher, with the youth of the university -crowding to learn from him; his life here was that of a recluse -student, in weak health, whose surroundings were in some respects -uncongenial to him, but who had a group of devoted pupils, and some -chosen older friends. From 1508 to the end of his life he suffered -from a painful organic disease, which obliged him to be careful of his -diet. When he dined in the old College hall at Queens', above the west -cloister--now part of the President's Lodge--the ghosts of the College -benefactors, whose heads are carved on the oak wainscoting, would have -been grieved if they could have known what he thought of Cambridge -beverages; he writes to his Italian friend Ammonius--afterwards -Latin Secretary to Henry VIII.--begging for a cask of Greek wine. -His favourite exercise was riding; and he made frequent excursions. -Meanwhile he accomplished a surprising amount of work. He was busy -with the text of Seneca, with translations from Basil, with Latin -manuals for St Paul's School, just founded by his friend Colet--and -with much else. It was here that he began revising the text of Jerome's -works. 'My mind is in such a glow over Jerome,' he writes, 'that I -could fancy myself actually inspired.' But there is one labour above -all that entitles those rooms in the old tower at Queens' to be -reckoned among the sacred places of literature. It was there in 1512 -that the Lady Margaret Professor completed a collation of the Greek -Text of the New Testament. Four years later, his edition--the first -ever published--appeared at Basle. - -In 1513 Cambridge was visited by the plague, and nearly every one -fled from it. During some months of the autumn, Erasmus had scarcely -heard a foot-fall in the cloister beneath his rooms. At the end of the -year, he finally left the University. Some of his reasons for going -can be conjectured from his letters. They express disappointment with -England; and they speak of poverty. It is well to observe the sense -in which these complaints are to be understood. After 1510 Erasmus was -never actually indigent. Archbishop Warham had offered him the Rectory -of Aldington in Kent; Erasmus declined it, because he could not speak -English--he never learned any modern language, and besides his own -vernacular, spoke Latin only: then Warham gave him a pension from the -benefice. Fisher and Mountjoy were also liberal. At Cambridge, with -these resources, and the stipend of his Chair, it has been computed -that his income must have been equivalent to about £700 at the present -day. But his mode of living, though not profuse, was not frugal. Thus -he himself enumerates the following heads of his expenditure;--servants -('_famulorum_')--the aid of amanuenses--the cost of keeping a horse, -or horses (ιπποτροφἱá)--frequent journeys--and social or charitable -obligations: he disliked, he says, to be penurious ('_hic animus -abhorrens a sordibus_'). The fact seems to be that he had formed -exaggerated hopes of what Henry VIII. would do for him. His immediate -motive for departure, however, was probably the desire to supervise the -printing of the Greek Testament. There was then no English press where -such a work could be done so well as abroad. He had heard that Froben, -the famous printer at Basle, was about to publish the works of Jerome; -and to Basle he went. Another circumstance helped to decide him. Prince -Charles,--afterwards the Emperor Charles V.,--had offered him the post -of honorary privy-councillor, with a pension,--and this without binding -him to live in the Netherlands. At this time Erasmus would have been -welcomed in any country of Europe; Cardinal Canossa, the Papal legate, -was anxious to secure him for Rome. At a later period, when his fame -stood yet higher, Henry VIII. would have been glad to lure him back; -but it was then too late. - -So, in 1514, Erasmus left England--not to return, except for a few -months in the following year. He was now forty-seven. Twenty-two years -of life remained to him. The history of these years is essentially that -of his untiring and astonishing literary activity. In his external -life there is little to record beyond changes of residence,--from -Basle to the University of Louvain in Brabant,--from Louvain back to -Basle,--from Basle to Freiburg,--and once more to Basle, where, in -1536, he died. The clue to this later period is given by two threads, -which are indeed but strands of a single cord,--his influence on the -revival of learning, and his attitude towards the Reformation. - -In the younger days of Erasmus the Italian cultivation of classical -literature had attained its highest point, and was already verging -towards decline. More than a century had passed since Petrarch -had kindled the first enthusiasm. It requires some effort of the -imagination for us to realise what that movement meant. The men of the -fourteenth century lived under a Church which claimed the surrender -of the reason, not only in matters of faith, but in all knowledge: -philosophy and science could speak only by the doctors whom she -sanctioned. When the fourteenth century began to study the classics, -the first feeling was one of joy in the newly revealed dignity of the -human mind; it was a strange and delightful thing, as they gradually -came to know the great writers of ancient Greece and Rome, to see the -reason moving freely, exploring, speculating, discussing, without -restraint. And then those children of the middle age were surprised -and charmed by the forms of classical expression,--so different from -anything that had been familiar to them. Borrowing an old Latin word, -they called this new learning _humanity_; for them, however, the phrase -had a depth of meaning undreamt of by Cicero. Now, for the first time, -they felt that they had entered into full possession of themselves; -nothing is more characteristic of the Italian renaissance than the -self-asserting individuality of the chief actors; each strives to throw -the work of his own spirit into relief; the common life falls into the -background; the history of that age is the history of men rather than -of communities. - -In the progress of this Italian humanism three chief phases may be -roughly distinguished. The first closes with the end of the fourteenth -century,--the time of Petrarch and his immediate followers,--the -morning-time of discovery. Then, in the first half of the fifteenth -century, the discovered materials were classified, and organised -in great libraries; Greek manuscripts, too, were translated into -Latin,--not that the versions might be taken as substitutes for the -original, but to aid the study of Greek itself. The men of this second -period were gathered around Cosmo de' Medici at Florence, or Nicholas -V. at Rome. The third stage was that in which criticism, both of form -and of matter, was carried to a higher level, chiefly by the joint -efforts of scholars grouped in select societies or academies, such as -the Platonic academy at Florence, of which Ficino was the centre. -The greatest man of this time,--the greatest genius of the literary -renaissance in Italy,--was Angelo Poliziano; he died in 1494, when -Erasmus was twenty-seven. - -With Erasmus a new period opens. Two things broadly distinguish him, -as a scholar, from the men before and after him. First, he was not -only a refined humanist, writing for the fastidious few, and prizing -no judgment but theirs; he took the most profitable authors of -antiquity,--profitable in a moral as well as a literary sense,--chose -out the best things in them,--and sought to make these things widely -known,--applying their wisdom or wit to the circumstances of his own -day. Secondly, in all his work he had an educational aim,--and this -of the largest kind. The evils of his age,--in Church, in State, -in the daily lives of men,--seemed to him to have their roots in -ignorance,--ignorance of what Christianity meant,--ignorance of what -the Bible taught,--ignorance of what the noblest and most gifted minds -of the past, whether Christian or pagan, had contributed to the -instruction of the human race. Let true knowledge only spread, and -under its enlightening and humanising influence a purer religion and a -better morality will gradually prevail. Erasmus was a man of the world; -but with his keen intellect, so quickly susceptible to all impressions, -he made the mistake, not uncommon for such temperaments, of overrating -the rapidity with which intellectual influences permeate the masses of -mankind. However, no one was ever more persistently or brilliantly true -to an idea than Erasmus was to his; and it is wonderful how much he -achieved. - -His services to the new learning took various forms. He wrote -school-books, bringing out his view that boys were kept too long -over grammar, and ought to begin reading some good author as soon -as possible. His own _Colloquies_ were meant partly as models of -colloquial Latin; the book was long a standard one in education. These -lively dialogues are prose idylls with an ethical purpose,--the -dramatic expression of the writer's views on the life of the day. Thus -the dialogue between the Learned Lady and the Abbot depicts monastic -illiteracy; that between the Soldier and the Carthusian brings out the -seamy side of the military calling. Lucian has influenced the form; -but the dramatic skill which blends earnestness with humour is the -author's own; there are touches here and there which might fairly be -called Shakspearian. Then he made collections of striking thoughts and -fine passages in the classics. His chief book of this kind was the -_Adagia_. Many of the classical proverbs are made texts for little -essays on the affairs of the day. Thus he takes up a Latin proverb, -'The beetle pursues the eagle'--based on the fable of the beetle -avenging itself for an insult by destroying the eagle's eggs--the moral -being that the most exalted wrong-doer is never safe from the vengeance -of the humblest victim. This suggests to him an ingenious satire on -the misdeeds of great princes--typified by the eagle--and their -results. Later in life, he brought out the _Apophthegms_--a collection -of good sayings, chiefly from Plutarch. His editions of classical -authors were numerous: the best was that of Terence,--his favourite -poet; the next best was that of Seneca. His principal editions of -Greek authors belong to the last five years of his life, and were less -important. Speaking of these editions generally, we may say that they -were valuable in two ways,--by making the authors themselves more -accessible, and by furnishing improved texts. Then he made many Latin -translations from Greek poetry and prose. Mention is due also to his -dialogue on the pronunciation of Greek and Latin,--published in 1528. -It was especially a protest against the confusion of the vowels in -the modern Greek pronunciation, and against the modern disregard of -quantity in favour of the stress accent. His views ultimately fixed -the continental pronunciation of Greek, which is still known in Greece -by his name (ἡ 'Ερáσμου προφορá). At Cambridge it was introduced a -little later by Thomas Smith and John Cheke. Along with this dialogue -appeared another,--the amusing _Ciceronian_. It is an appeal to -common-sense against an absurd affectation which marked the dotage of -Italian humanism. Bembo and his disciples would not use a single word -or phrase which did not occur in Cicero. Their purism moreover rejected -all modern terms: a Cardinal became an 'augur,' a nun a 'vestal,' the -Papal tiara was 'the fillet of Romulus.' Most ludicrous of all, because -Cicero was a statesman, the modern Ciceronian, writing to his friends -from the profound seclusion of his study, deemed it a stylistic duty to -imply that he lived in a vortex of politics. The gist of what Erasmus -says is merely that other ancients besides Cicero wrote good Latin, and -that a true Ciceronianism would adjust itself to its surroundings. No -one, it should be added, had a more intelligent admiration for Cicero -than Erasmus himself. - -We see, then, the peculiar place which he holds in the history of -the new learning. It may be allowed that, if the study of classical -antiquity be viewed as a progressive science, he did much less to -advance it than was done by some other great scholars of a later -period. He did not enlarge the boundaries of knowledge in that field -as they were afterwards enlarged by the special labours of Joseph -Scaliger, of Isaac Casaubon, or of Richard Bentley. But the work which -Erasmus did was one which, at that time, was of the first necessity -for the northern nations. In his genial, popular way he made them feel -the value and charm of the classics as literature; he himself was, in -fact, a learned man of letters rather than a critical specialist. Let -us remember what the state of northern Europe, as regards literature, -was in his boyhood. It was sunk,--to use his own words,--in utter -barbarism. To know Greek was the next thing to heresy. 'I did my -best,' he says, 'to deliver the rising generation from this slough of -ignorance, and to inspire them with a taste for better studies. I -wrote, not for Italy, but for Germany and the Netherlands.' - -The circulation of his more popular writings, all over Europe, was -so enormous that one can compare it only to that of some widely-read -modern journal, or of some extraordinarily popular novel. For instance, -a Paris bookseller once heard, or invented, a rumour that the Sorbonne -was going to condemn the _Colloquies_ of Erasmus as heretical; and, -being a shrewd man, he instantly printed a new edition of 24,000 -copies. A moral treatise by Erasmus, called the _Enchiridion_ ('the -Christian Soldier's Dagger'), which was a favourite alike with -Catholics and with Protestants, was translated into every language -of Europe. A Spanish ecclesiastic, writing in 1527, declares that a -version of it was in the hands of all classes throughout Spain,--even -the smallest country inn could usually show a copy. It may be doubted -whether any author's works were ever so frequently reprinted within -his life-time as were those of Erasmus. And wherever his books went, -they carried with them the influence of his spirit,--his love of -good literature, his loyalty to reason, his quiet common-sense, his -hatred of war, his versatile wit, nourished by varied observation of -life,--wit which could play gracefully around the slightest theme, or -strike with a keen edge at falsehood and wrong,--his desire to make it -felt that a good life is not an affair of formal observance, but must -begin in the heart. - -The works which entitle Erasmus to be called the parent of Biblical -criticism are connected with his secular studies by a closer tie than -might appear at first sight. His principal concern was always with -literature as such; he was, moreover, a practical moralist, anxious to -aid in correcting the evils of his time: but he was not distinctively -a theologian; and towards dogmatic theology, in particular, he had -little inclination. Now, in pursuing his paramount aim--to make the -world better by the humanising influences of literature--the enemy -with which he had to do battle was the scholastic philosophy. Hear his -words when he is asking how Christians are to convert Turks:--'Shall we -put into their hands an Occam, a Durandus, a Scotus, a Gabriel, or an -Alvarus? What will they think of us, when they hear of our perplexed -subtleties about Instants, Formalities, Quiddities, and Relations?' -This was the dreary wilderness of pedantry that had hitherto passed for -knowledge. And the scholastic philosophy was securely entrenched behind -the scholastic theology. The weapons of that theology were Biblical -texts, isolated from their context, and artificially interpreted: -the one way to disarm it was to make men know what the Bible really -said and meant. Therefore Erasmus felt that his first duty, both as a -moralist and as a man of letters, was to promote a knowledge of the -Bible. He was not a Hebrew scholar, and could do nothing at first -hand with the Old Testament; that province was left to Reuchlin. But -in 1516 he published the Greek Testament,--the first edition which -had appeared; for the Complutensian edition, though printed two years -earlier, was not issued till 1522. He also wrote a new Latin version of -the New Testament, endeavouring to make it more exact than the Vulgate; -and added notes. Further, he wrote a series of Latin Paraphrases on all -the books of the New Testament except Revelation. These were intended -to exhibit the substance and thought of the several books in a more -modern form, and so to bring them home more directly to the ordinary -reader's mind. The paraphrases were presently translated into English, -and every Parish Church in England was furnished with a copy. In the -remarkable 'Exhortation' prefixed to his Greek Testament, Erasmus -observes that, while the disciples of every other philosophy derive it -from the fountain-head, the Christian doctrine alone is not studied at -its source. He would like to see the Scriptures translated into every -language, and put into the hands of all. 'I long,' he says, 'that the -husbandman should sing them to himself as he follows the plough, -that the weaver should hum them to the tune of his shuttle, that the -traveller should beguile with them the weariness of his journey.' Then, -as to interpretation,--from the medieval expositors, the schoolmen, -he appealed to the primitive interpreters, the Fathers of the early -Church, who stood nearer to those documents alike in time and in -spirit. And first of all to Jerome; for Jerome had essayed, in the -fourth century, a work analogous to that which Erasmus was attempting -in the sixteenth. Thus it was fitting that his edition of Jerome should -appear almost simultaneously with his Greek Testament. He afterwards -edited other Latin Fathers; and it was through his translations from -the Greek Fathers, especially Chrysostom and Athanasius, that their -writings first became better known in the West. - -So far, all that Erasmus had said and done was in accord with that -general movement of thought which led up to the Reformation. When -Luther came forward, it was expected by many that Erasmus would place -himself at his side. But Erasmus never departed an inch from his -allegiance to Rome; and in the year before his death Paul III., in -appointing him Provost of Deventer, formally acknowledged the services -which he had rendered in combating the new opinions. It is important to -see as clearly as possible what his position was. - -Luther made his protest at Wittenberg in 1517. For four years after -that, Erasmus hoped that the matter might be peaceably adjusted. -Luther was personally a stranger to him, but had a great admiration -for his work, and wrote to him, as to an intellectual leader of whose -sympathy he hoped that he might feel sure; Erasmus wrote back kindly, -but guardedly, urging counsels of moderation. When Frederick of Saxony -consulted him, he spoke in Luther's favour. But after 1521 all hopes -of conciliation were at an end: peace between Rome and Luther was -thenceforth impossible. And now both sides began to press Erasmus. -The Romanists cried, 'This is all your doing; as the monks say, you -laid the egg, and Luther has hatched it: you must now lose no time in -speaking out, and making it clear that you are loyal to the Church of -which you are a priest.' The Lutherans said: 'You know that you agree -with us in your heart; you yourself have made a scathing exposure of -the very abuses which we are attacking; be true to yourself, and take -your place among our leaders.' Erasmus suffered, but remained silent. -At last he decided to write against Luther, and in 1524 published -his treatise on Free Will. Luther held that, owing to original sin, -divine grace alone can turn man's will to good; Erasmus defended the -doctrine of the Church, that, while grace is the indispensable and -principal agent, the will is so far free as to allow for some human -merit in preferring good to evil. Luther replied, and Erasmus rejoined. -Thenceforth the Lutherans regarded Erasmus as an opponent;--some of -them, as a traitor; while his own side felt that he had not done them -much good. For the question handled by him, however important in -itself, was not the question of the hour. And indeed many will feel -that this particular controversy was the greatest mistake in the life -of Erasmus. Not because he entered the lists against Luther--it is -intelligible that he should have felt himself constrained to do so--but -because, having decided to fight, he did not raise the main issue. That -issue was,--Which is the greater evil,--to endure the corruptions, or -to rebel? It was open to him to contend that rebellion was the greater: -but, if he was not prepared to enter on that ground, then it would have -been better to keep silence. - -What were the trains of thought and feeling which determined his course -at that great crisis? A careful study of his own utterances will show -that the considerations which swayed him were of three distinct kinds; -we might describe them as ecclesiastical, intellectual, and personal. - -In the first place, it is apparent that Erasmus regarded the prospect -of schism, not only from a churchman's point of view, but also as -a danger to social order. He thinks of the Roman Church under the -image of a temporal State. Grave abuses have indeed crept into the -constitution, but the State contains within itself the only legitimate -agencies for reform. A citizen is entitled to lift up his voice against -the abuses; but his loyalty to the head of the State must remain -intact; if that head delays or declines to interfere, the citizen must -be patient. And, even in denouncing evils, he must consider whether -there is not a point at which denunciation, as tending to excite -turbulence, may not do more harm than good. Such a view was the more -natural in an age when men's minds had so long been familiar with the -conception which was the basis of the Holy Roman Empire. No faults -in any grade of the ecclesiastical hierarchy could do away with the -feeling that Pope and Emperor were, by divine appointment, the joint -guardians of human welfare, and that a revolt against the authority of -the Church was an assault on the framework which held society together. -The peculiar attitude of Erasmus,--his reluctance to take part in -the conflict, and the attacks made on him from both sides,--gave to -his conduct the appearance of greater irresolution than can justly -be laid to his charge. About one thing--this should be distinctly -remembered--he never wavered. He never at any moment contemplated -rebellion against the authority of Rome; he was as remote from that as -were the two English friends whose views as to the abuses in the Church -most nearly agreed with his own, John Colet and Thomas More. The real -source of his embarrassment was that he approved, in a large measure, -of Luther's objects, while he strongly disapproved of his methods. - -Further, he disliked the Lutheran movement as threatening to impede -the quiet progress of literature, and this in two ways,--first, by -creating a general turmoil,--secondly, by giving the schoolmen and -the monks a pretext for saying that the new learning was a source of -social disorder. There is a striking letter of his, written to Alberto -Pio, Prince of Carpi, in 1525. He points out that the foes of the new -learning had been most anxious to identify it with the Lutheran cause, -in order to damage two enemies at once. Then, further,--he disliked all -appeals to passion, or blind partisanship; his hope for the world was -in the growing sway of reason. Two hundred and fifty years afterwards, -another gifted mind, in looking back, took much the same view that -Erasmus had taken in looking forward. Goethe deplored Luther's -violence. But Luther might have quoted Ajax. To dream that such evils -could be cured by the gentle magic of literature was indeed to chant -incantations over a malady that craved the surgeon's knife. - -As might have been expected, some critics of Erasmus ascribed his -attitude to worldly motives; but this was unjust, as many details of -his life show. When Paul III. wished to make him a Cardinal, and to -provide him with the necessary income, he declined. He was ambitious of -praise, but not of wealth or rank. Personal considerations influenced -him only in this sense, that he knew his own unfitness for the part -of a leader or a combatant at such a time. His right place was in -his study, and he grudged every hour lost to his proper work. 'I -would rather work for a month at expounding St Paul,' he said to a -correspondent, 'than waste a day in quarrelling.' In character and -temperament he was the most perfect contrast to Luther. We remember the -story of Luther being awakened in the night by a noise in his room; he -lit a candle, but could find nothing; he then became certain that the -invisible Enemy of his soul was present in that room,--and yet he lay -down, and went calmly to sleep. There is the essence of the man--the -intensely vivid sense of the supernatural, and the instinctive -recourse to it as an explanation--and the absolute faith. Erasmus was -once in a town where a powder-magazine exploded, and destroyed a house -which had harboured evil-doers; some one remarked that this showed the -divine anger against guilt; Erasmus quietly answered that, if such -anger was indeed there, it was rather against the folly which had built -a powder-magazine so near a town. The man who said that could never -have fought at Luther's side. - -Erasmus was a great literary precursor of the Reformation; he armed the -hands of the Lutherans: but to call him, as some have done, a Reformer -before the Reformation, seems hardly an appropriate description. If, -in our own day, those who are denominated Old Catholics had confined -themselves to urging the advisability of certain reforms, without -disputing the authority of the Pope or proposing to secede from -communion with Rome, their position would have been analogous to that -of Erasmus. Viewed as a whole, his conduct was essentially consistent -and independent. - -His imperishable claim to the gratitude of the world, and especially -of the Teutonic peoples, rests on the part which he sustained in -a contest of even larger scope than that waged by Luther,--in the -great preliminary conflict between the old and the new conception of -knowledge, between the bondage and the enfranchisement of the human -mind, between a lifeless formalism in religion and the spirit of -practical Christianity. From youth to old age, through many trials, -he worked with indomitable energy in the cause of light; and it was -his great reward, that, before he died, he saw the dawn of a new age -beginning for the nations of the north,--not without clouds and storm, -but with the assurance that the reign of darkness was past. - - -CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. 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