diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/61384-8.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/61384-8.txt | 1059 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 1059 deletions
diff --git a/old/61384-8.txt b/old/61384-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 975fc13..0000000 --- a/old/61384-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1059 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Anglo-Saxon Solidarity, by Herbert Adams Gibbons - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Anglo-Saxon Solidarity - -Author: Herbert Adams Gibbons - -Release Date: February 12, 2020 [EBook #61384] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANGLO-SAXON SOLIDARITY *** - - - - -Produced by Graeme Mackreth and The Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -ANGLO-SAXON SOLIDARITY - - - - - ANGLO-SAXON - SOLIDARITY - - [Illustration] - - BY - Herbert Adams Gibbons - - THE CENTURY CO. - MDCCCCXXI - - - - -COPYRIGHT 1920 BY - -THE CENTURY CO - - -REPRINTED FROM - -THE CHRISTMAS _Century_ 1920 - - -[Illustration] - - - - -ANGLO-SAXON SOLIDARITY - -By Herbert Adams Gibbons - - -None denies that the world is askew. Ships of state are pilotless and -rudderless, riding God knows where. In every country internal economic -and social conditions are so upset that forecasts of the morrow seem -futile. And yet international political relationships depend upon -these internal conditions more intimately and more wholly than ever -before in history. Statesmen may still be sitting at the diplomatic -chessboard, making moves in accordance with the old rules of the game. -But each realizes that shaping the foreign policy of his nation is no -longer independent of or divorced from home policies and problems. -Things have changed. The old order upon which one could count in -directing foreign affairs has given place to new and uncertain values. -Just what the changes are, whether for good or bad, whether permanent -or temporary, and how we are to adjust ourselves to them and take -advantage of them or combat them, as the case may be, on all this we -read little that is constructive. Prophets are alarmists, and critics -keep telling us what we know, that our statesmen are making a mess of -things internationally and that we are badly off internally because -legislators and executives are passive in the face of high prices and -social unrest. - -Dear me! do we need to be taught that our house is not in order -by having it, figuratively at least, pulled down around our ears? -Politicians and professors and publicists must call a halt on their -flood of complaint and denunciation and warning. The rôle of Cassandra -may have been necessary to get people to pay attention, but when the -public begins to say, "Well, what of it?" tirades must be changed to -programs, if the piercing through the armor-plate of indifference is -to accomplish any good result. "You writers on political and economic -affairs give me the willies," said a bluff business man to me the other -day. "If I do not stop reading you, I'll get to thinking in circles." - -Many who see the danger-signal try to heed it by shifting from -fault-finding to rose-hued platitudes. We have seen this in the recent -political campaign. When managers and orators felt that public opinion -was growing restive under constant criticism and impatient of overdoses -of "the world is going to the bow-wows," the strident notes gave way -to a grand diapason of "All's well!" Everything had been and would -again be lovely in these United States, once the disturbing element -of the opposing political party was snowed under by the avalanche of -voters saving the republic. - -In a political campaign demagogic methods may be excusable. After -all, the public has the votes, and must be handled with due regard -for the laws of mob psychology. But when we see the same methods -applied to the presentation of a question of permanent interest and -importance, and applied by men who both know better and have not the -defense of electoral anxiety and expediency, it is time to protest. As -an Anglo-Saxon American, whose deepest interest is in the solidarity -of the English-speaking world, I want to raise my voice against the -tactless and platitudinous type of article and speech one reads and -hears everywhere in connection with the Pilgrim tercentenary. In my -childhood, when the kitchen happened to run out of cereals or milk, the -cook used to give us a dish of bread or flour and water with a liberal -sprinkling of sugar to disguise its origin. To make children take -"pap," everything depends upon the sugar. The ingredients and their -cooking do not enter in. - -I would not do all tercentenary orators the injustice of imputing to -them paucity of ideas. For the cleverest of writers and preachers -are among the most platitudinous when they touch the subject of our -relations with Great Britain. Why do they go no further than extolling -Puritan stock and our inheritance from the mother country and declaring -that no sinister influences disturb the complete understanding that -exists between those to whom blood is thicker than water? Article -after article, speech after speech, toast after toast, have I read -or sat through, and failed to get any idea other than that it was -reprehensible and "pro-German" to criticize Great Britain, that the -Irish were akin to the Bolshevists, and that the bonds uniting the two -great nations of the Anglo-Saxon world were imperishable. Our British -hosts are assured that history text-books have been responsible for -much of our misunderstanding of the British, and that when we have -remedied the way the War of Independence and the War of 1812 and the -British attitude in the Civil War were presented to American children, -a desire to twist the lion's tail will remain in this country only -among Germans and Irish. And we shall substitute "Over There" as our -national anthem for "The Star-Spangled Banner," whose origin is, -like the Fourth of July, extremely embarrassing for Anglo-American -relations. And no matter what war may arise, together shall we stand, -as we did in France. So on _ad nauseam_. - -We must not be uncharitable in passing judgment on tercentenary -orators. With British hosts in the audience and at the table, and -considering the occasion, a graceful eulogy is the order of the -day. Still, it is possible to combine constructive thinking with -complimentary references to past and present, especially when we -consider that tercentenary celebrations draw thoughtful, earnest -people, who do not have to be treated like a movie audience or a -campaign gathering. But so strongly are we under the influence of the -propaganda of the recent war that our tongues cleave to the roof of the -mouth when any thought comes into our head that, if uttered, might -be interpreted as criticizing a British foreign or domestic policy -or suggesting that Anglo-American relations need careful guiding and -nursing. Still under the spell of the war, our tercentenary utterances -are "pap," uninteresting, tiresome, and not contributing, as they ought -to do, something new to the great problem of Anglo-Saxon solidarity. - -We might dismiss the tercentenary disappointment with a simple -expression of regret over the great opportunity missed, -were it not for the strong feeling that the loving-cup and -patting-ourselves-mutually-on-the-back performances are positively -harmful to Anglo-Saxon solidarity. They have the effect of a soporific -to American believers in Anglo-Saxon solidarity and of a stimulant to -the enemies among Americans of friendship with Great Britain. The -man who attends Pilgrim dinners and celebrations goes home with the -comfortable feeling that Anglo-Saxon solidarity is stronger than ever. -It is a physical reaction from the food and lights and flowers and -music and women, not a mental reaction from the speakers. Satisfied and -reassured, the tercentenary celebrant thinks he has done all that is -necessary to maintain and strengthen the bonds of friendship and good -understanding between the English-speaking nations. The sugar is to his -taste. The German-American who reads the reports of the speeches and -toasts in the newspapers finds his instinctive antipathy to Anglo-Saxon -solidarity confirmed by the tercentenary orator's foolish and distorted -conception of it. There is no sugar on the "pap" for him. As for the -Irishman, he sees redder than ever when he reads of tercentenary -orators lauding Puritans for exiling themselves and later fighting -England for freedom's sake and denouncing the Irish for aspiring to -freedom. - -Yes, I know the American of Scotch or English descent is likely to say -that this is an Anglo-Saxon country, and that the Germans and Irishmen -and other Europeans did not have to come here. When they did come, it -was up to them to forget old ties and become assimilated with us. We -have the right to justify close ties with Great Britain on the ground -of "blood is thicker than water," but they have not that right in -regard to their countries of origin. In 1914 this contention was put -squarely before Americans of European origin. We forget now that it was -never admitted by them, and that the remarkable union of the American -nation, after we went into the war, did not mean, among Americans -of other than Anglo-Saxon origin, the abandonment of affection for, -of pride in, their own ancestors. They refuse to accept the brand of -hyphenate, arguing that, until the country of origin became the enemy -of the United States, they had as much right to feel sympathetic toward -it and even help its cause as did the Americans of Anglo-Saxon origin -to sympathize with and help Great Britain. Now that the war is over, -these non-Anglo-Saxons say to us, "If in your tercentenary celebrations -you insist on blood relationship, do not speak for the United States. -We resent that and deny your right. Speak only for your own element in -the American population." - -We Anglo-Saxons cannot expect to denounce Ireland and even Germany and -affirm our affection for and championship of England _on the ground -of blood relationship_, as is being done in almost every tercentenary -celebration, and expect our right to speak for the United States not -to be contested. Unfortunately, this is not "our country." The United -States, from the beginning, contained elements without a drop of -Anglo-Saxon blood in their veins, and Germans, Irishmen, and Hollanders -fought in the Revolutionary War. Throughout the nineteenth century -the United States relied for her growth and expansion upon European -immigration, and the large part of the Irish and German elements came -to this country before the Civil War. The United States is not our -(Anglo-Saxon) country either because of the great preponderance of -people of our unmixed blood or because the Anglo-Saxon element founded -it exclusively and made it what it is. The greatness of the United -States in the third decade of the twentieth century is due to the -combined aid of several different elements of her population, and it -is certain that we could not have dispensed with either the German or -the Irish element. And these elements are so numerous and so powerful -in wealth and political influence that it is inexpedient--to use a -mild word--to ignore or affront them in our tercentenary writing -and speaking. It does not help the cause of Anglo-Saxon solidarity -for a tercentenary orator to denounce the German-Americans and the -Irish-Americans. Quite the contrary. Thoughtless speakers who indulge -in such diatribes and enthusiastic listeners who beam approval are -digging the grave and assisting at the interment of Anglo-Saxon -solidarity. - -On a Sunday morning in January, 1915, I went to service at an Anglican -church in Cairo. After the prayers for the king and the royal family, -the minister prayed for the President of the United States. I knew, of -course, that this beautiful and graceful custom holds in many Anglican -chapels on the Continent which American tourists attend, and I suppose -it was introduced in Cairo for the same reason. But in wartime, when -we were neutral and when there were no tourists in Cairo, the prayer -touched me deeply. It was an evidence of the close relationship between -my country and Great Britain, closer than between Great Britain and her -allies. I sat through a dull sermon, thinking of what a privilege it -was for an American to share in the advantages of the unique position -of the British Empire. Travel where I would in the world, I could -use my own language and attend my own church and hear my country -remembered in prayer. Common language and common faith, common laws and -customs and common ideals--does the untraveled American appreciate the -wealth of his Anglo-Saxon heritage and the vast privileges it confers -upon him? - -But on another American correspondent who was not of Anglo-Saxon origin -this incident made no impression, and he did not follow me in prizing -the heritage. "Language is a lucky convenience," he admitted, "but -the English are foreigners to me. I feel nothing in common with them, -nothing at all." He went on to say that he regarded the British as a -more dangerous enemy than the Germans, and that our next war would -be with them. My friend was a high-minded and intelligent American -who had been to school in England and also in France. In temperament -he was more emotional than I; he loved music and architecture and -handled carpets reverently. But his American blood--three or four -generations--gave him no feeling of kinship with the English. I -realized, when it came to the test of liking for a European country, -that his sympathies were instinctively with Germany, while mine were -as instinctively with England. Why? The difference in our blood and -background of tradition. Later this correspondent rendered splendid -service in the A. E.F. But he was fighting for the United States alone, -and more than once told me that he would do everything in his power, -after the war, to keep the United States from "falling in the orbit," -as he put it, of the British Empire. - -It will do us no good to discount the importance of our compatriots -who are not of Anglo-Saxon blood. If we want to make Anglo-Saxon -solidarity a national policy instead of a group cult, we shall have -to find an appeal to the American public different from that of the -orators and writers who speak in these days of our ancestors, our -common blood, our precious Anglo-Saxon heritage. Nor is the superiority -of Anglo-Saxon culture an argument that impresses many outside of -our group. It smacks too much of a discredited political system that -sought to replace or dominate other cultures by the _Kulture_ of the -_Uebermensch_. Some of the tercentenary orators come dangerously near -plagiarizing the ex-Kaiser. - -Culture is a vague word. If it means traditions and customs and mental -habits as embodied in our literature and preserved in our family -life, we shall find many other American elements than the German -unwilling to abandon for our culture what they brought here from the -Old World. Thousands of flourishing communities exist in the United -States, nurseries of splendid Americans, where the new generation is -being brought up with traditions and customs and mental habits very -different from those of Anglo-Saxons. From Scandinavians to Italians, -elements of continental European origin are not giving up their culture -for Anglo-Saxon culture. So strong are atavism, the home circle, and -the church that our public-school system does not Anglo-Saxonize the -children. I used to believe in this assimilation and to write that -it was being accomplished. Experience, especially with officers and -soldiers of the A.E.F., has taught me that I was wrong. - -If millions upon millions of Americans are ignorant of or indignantly -reject the bases of Anglo-Saxon solidarity lovingly dwelt upon by -tercentenary orators and writers, what are we going to do about it? -We cannot tell Hans Schmidt, Giuseppe Tommasi, Abram Einstein, Olaf -Andersen, Robert Emmet O'Brien, and a dozen others that they are not -good Americans because they do not cheerfully accept the supremacy -of the Scotch and English among us and the superiority of Scotch and -English ways. Nothing could be better fitted to arouse within them a -fierce determination to resist assimilation and oppose the policy of -Anglo-Saxon solidarity. - -Here is our problem. We of pure Anglo-Saxon stock, whose ancestors -came to America in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, have never -been accused of hating ourselves and being oblivious to our origin. We -have overloaded the _Mayflower_ and over-populated Virginia and given -William Penn a host of intimate friends. From the time of Washington -Irving we have become more and more reconciled with our British -cousins, and have learned to build our traditions from long before the -Revolutionary War. We have become aware of our precious Anglo-Saxon -heritage. At the outbreak of the World War we celebrated a hundred -years of peace with Great Britain. Then we entered the war, and fought -with the British against a common enemy. - -Now, after the victory, we come to celebrate the three hundredth -anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims. We are more than ever glad -of our blood and traditions. We are immensely proud of the British -stock from which we sprang. How the deeds of the British on land and -sea quickened our pulses as we read of them! A privileged few of us -saw and shared in them. More important still, during the war, there -were times when we realized that Anglo-Saxondom was threatened with an -eclipse of glory and influence. A thing is never so precious as when -you are faced with losing it. Will any reader of this article ever -forget the awful sensation that came when he read the first bulletins -of the Battle of Jutland? No Anglo-Saxon could be indifferent about -the outcome of the war after that experience. The aftermath of the war -has not dispelled, but rather confirmed, the instinct of danger felt -during the war. We say to ourselves that the British Empire and the -United States must face the future together. How are we going to create -an irresistible public opinion in the United States in favor of a -foreign policy that will embody as one of its cardinal principles the -fostering of Anglo-Saxon solidarity? What are the bases of Anglo-Saxon -solidarity? - -I think I have proved that the elements of our population which are -not Anglo-Saxon do not take much stock in Anglo-American community of -blood and culture and history because they are not bases to them. Their -blood is not ours, their culture is different, and American history -gives them ground for antagonism to the British rather than sympathy -with the British. The earlier English history they did not share. Other -grounds must be sought to convince the American nation that it is a -part of Anglo-Saxondom and should work for the union and prosperity of -Anglo-Saxondom. The only cultural basis that has a wider appeal than -simply to one of several American groups is the question of common -language. - -English is our national language. But this forms a strong bond only -with Canada, where there is a constant intercourse among peoples and -a constant exchange of books and periodicals. It is becoming a factor -in our relations with Australia, also, because Australians read widely -and with avidity popular American literature. But outside of a limited -circle, which needs no conversion to Anglo-Saxon solidarity, few -British and Americans come into personal contact, and the reciprocal -purchase of books and magazines and newspapers is surprisingly small. -Potentially, however, common language is a basis of solidarity. -It is an asset in favor of those who are working to bring the -English-speaking peoples together. - -The practicable bases of Anglo-Saxon solidarity, which tercentenary -orators could present with effect to _all_ their compatriots, -are common laws and spirit of administration of justice, similar -development of democratic institutions, common ideals, and common -interests. The first two are in a certain sense included in the third -and fourth, and the fourth covers the first three. One appeals to the -moral sense and to self-interest, and then, to clinch the argument, -shows how idealism is in harmony with interest, as in the adage, -"Honesty is the best policy." - -In discussing the four bases of Anglo-Saxon solidarity, it must be -remembered that the problem involves the direct relations between each -two of the members of the English-speaking group of nations and between -each English-speaking country and the colonies and possessions of the -British Empire and the United States. The following table shows how -wide a field Anglo-Saxon solidarity covers: - - Great Britain and United States - Great Britain and Ireland - Ireland and United States - Great Britain and Canada - United States and Canada - Ireland and Canada - Great Britain and Australia - United States and Australia - Ireland and Australia - Canada and Australia - Great Britain and New Zealand - United States and New Zealand - Ireland and New Zealand - Canada and New Zealand - Australia and New Zealand - Great Britain and South Africa - United States and South Africa - Ireland and South Africa - Canada and South Africa - Australia and South Africa - New Zealand and South Africa - Great Britain and India and other possessions - United States and British possessions - Ireland and British possessions - Canada and British possessions - Australia and British possessions - New Zealand and British possessions - South Africa and British possessions - United States and her possessions - Great Britain and American possessions - Ireland and American possessions - Canada and American possessions - Australia and American possessions - New Zealand and American possessions - South Africa and American possessions - British possessions and American possessions - -Thirty-six separate headings may seem on first glance useless -repetition. But I ask my readers simply to take each heading, think for -a minute, and there will arise in your mind some problem of Anglo-Saxon -solidarity involving primarily the two parties coupled in each of the -thirty-six headings. In fact, it is not difficult to find several -sources of friction calling for adjustment under a single head. I have -not space to enumerate. Nor have I increased the list by adding the new -headings that might be justified by the new responsibilities of the -British Empire through the acquisition--in complicated form because -of division with self-governing dominions and the as yet unsettled -limitations of mandates--of the former German colonies. - -The years immediately ahead are years of great peril for Anglo-Saxon -solidarity. The problems we must face and solve go so far beyond the -matters dealt with by tercentenary orators that one feels the crying -need of light and more light in considering the quadrangular character -of relations between the different parts of Anglo-Saxondom--Great -Britain, self-governing dominions, the United States, and the -possessions and protectorates British and American. Japan? The Pacific? -Tariffs and shipping? Sea-power? Status of the Near East and the German -colonies? Panama Canal? Monroe Doctrine? League of Nations? Ireland? -We cannot treat these matters only as questions between London and -Washington affecting Anglo-American relations. Nor can Great Britain -treat them that way. Both London and Washington are forced to take -into consideration the self-governing dominions of the British Empire -whose sentiments and interests give them a distinct point of view -and program of their own. With the exception of South Africa, the -self-governing dominions are, like the United States, the outgrowth of -transplanted Anglo-Saxon civilization. It is natural that in mentality, -and frequently in interests, they should be nearer us than the mother -country. Canada and South Africa have important Caucasian elements -that have not been under the influence of, and are antipathetic to, -Anglo-Saxon culture. Australia's Irish rival ours in singing the hymn -of hate against England. - -The first basis of Anglo-Saxon solidarity is to create throughout -Anglo-Saxondom the consciousness of unity in our conception of law -and in the spirit of our administration of law. Just laws justly -administered are the foundation of civilized society. Those who live -under them prize them more highly than any other possession. No alien, -whatever his origin, who comes to live under our dispensation fails to -acknowledge the blessings of Anglo-Saxon law. Our laws and our courts -are the outgrowth of centuries of English history and experience. They -offer the greatest protection to the individual man and the widest -possibility of individual freedom the world has ever known. Within -recent years, if America meant to the immigrant "the home of the -free," it was because of the scrupulous administration of justice -according to the laws handed down to us by our Anglo-Saxon forebears. -Similarly, the immigrant of continental European origin who went to a -British colony was sure of a "square deal." Before the law he was the -equal of any other man. Entering our society, he shared immediately -the benefits of our most sacred heritage--free speech, free assembly, -the habeas corpus act, and the principles of Anglo-Saxon law assured -to Americans not only by custom and our system of jurisprudence, but -by the first amendments to the Constitution. As far as laws and the -administration of justice are concerned, the English-speaking countries -have had a similar development, and have not severed this powerful link -binding them to England more closely than common language. - -If we can impress upon our fellow-citizens in the United States -and Canada and South Africa and Ireland who are not of Anglo-Saxon -origin or who have grown away from Anglo-Saxondom that throughout the -English-speaking world we are maintaining the reign of English law and -guarding jealously the constitutional liberties handed down to us from -England, this precious basis of Anglo-Saxon solidarity will appeal to -them, and they will help us to strengthen it. But there never has been -a time in this country when the enemies of our Anglo-Saxon liberties -have been so strong and so persistent. The cause of Anglo-Saxon -solidarity is menaced by assaults from within. Public officials of the -mentality of Attorney-General Palmer despise the Anglo-Saxon system of -law and repudiate the traditions and customs of centuries. - -Political institutions and jurisprudence go together. Although the -American commonwealth has developed its political institutions with -less strict adherence to English standards than in the case of -jurisprudence, our modifications do not affect the spirit of what we -have received, and the changes are only in detail. Representative -government we received from England. When we fought the mother country -it was to preserve our rights as Englishmen, which we did not believe -had been forfeited by transplantation. The American War of Independence -was a struggle to establish a principle that has been vital in the -development of English-speaking countries. Canada, Australia, New -Zealand, and South Africa owe to us the possession of Anglo-Saxon -liberties in new worlds without having had to fight for them. During -the recent war British propagandists in the United States made much -of the argument that the British Empire was fighting to secure the -triumph of Anglo-Saxon polity against a different system that was both -reactionary and aggressive, that Americans were as much interested as -British in defending Anglo-Saxon polity, and that therefore the British -Empire was fighting our battle. The argument was sound. It appealed to -thoughtful men in the United States, and I believe history will show -that our slogan when we did enter the war, "To make the world safe for -democracy," was not a vain one. - -The continental European who emigrates to white men's countries under -the Anglo-Saxon form of government becomes, after naturalization, -an equal partner with every other citizen. He votes. He is eligible -for office. No argument is necessary to convince him of the -advantages of living under Anglo-Saxon political institutions. If -these institutions are properly administered, he appreciates them -as highly as he appreciates Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence. A basis of -Anglo-Saxon solidarity that we can urge upon Americans who are deaf to -the call of blood and culture is Anglo-Saxon polity. Every inhabitant -of Anglo-Saxondom is interested in the maintenance and defense of -the jurisprudence and polity under which he lives. Point out to him -that English-speaking countries cannot afford to risk these precious -possessions by being enemies and by pursuing antagonistic policies in -this electrically charged _post bellum_ world, and he will begin to see -the common sense of a policy of _rapprochement_ between Great Britain, -her dominions, and ourselves. - -The most powerful appeal to the heart of the United States is the moral -appeal. This is true of every other Anglo-Saxon country. If we needed -proof, the recent war gave it. Great Britain was hardly less slow than -the United States in getting her soul into the war. Whatever German -polemicists may have said in their hymns of hate, there was no English -conspiracy against their commerce, and Great Britain did not enter the -war--I am speaking of the national consciousness of her people--to -crush a trade rival. Without the invasion of Belgium, the cabinet would -have had difficulty in getting Parliament to declare war. Without the -constant effort to arouse and maintain the people in a state of moral -indignation, which was never relaxed during the four years of fighting, -the people of the British Empire would not have furnished millions of -soldiers. We Anglo-Saxons are instinctively anti-militaristic, and we -loathe war. We accept the burden of war only as a last resort, when -we are driven to it. In a certain sense the United States was kicked -into the war. We could not stand Germany pulling our nose and slapping -our face any longer. But after we entered, the remarkable effort in -manpower and money made by this nation was due not to spontaneous -combustion, but to the clever propaganda of various official and -unofficial organizations, ably assisted by a large element of the press. - -If the call of blood and culture, as some tercentenary orators claim, -enlisted us in the war, why were we deaf to it for three years? I -am afraid that our passivity from 1914 to 1917 flatly contradicts -the eloquent assertions made over loving-cups at Pilgrim banquets. -The United States as a whole does not possess an Anglo-Saxon racial -or cultural consciousness. But, despite our mixture of blood and -cultural background, successive generations of development under -Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence and polity have given us an idealism that -is distinctively Anglo-Saxon. It was slow to awaken, but when it did -awake, the people of this country, irrespective of origin, went into -the war for the triumph of the ideals embodied by President Wilson in -his war speeches. We believe that these were the ideals of our allies, -for their statesmen had been telling us the principles for which the -Entente was fighting ever since August 1, 1914. - -But when the statesmen of the peace conference refused to abide by the -principles proclaimed during the war, and upon the basis of which the -armistice was concluded, they made impossible America's participation -in the treaties. At Manchester, in December, 1918, President Wilson -declared that the United States would never enter into any league that -was not an association of _all_ nations for the common good. How could -it be otherwise? A formidable number of millions of Americans who -fought Germany without hesitation because Germany stood for militarism -and autocracy and imperialism do not believe they are called upon to -sanction and enforce a sordid materialistic peace that makes some races -masters of others. For the sake of idealism and for the United States -they fought against kith and kin, or alongside of those they believed, -rightly or wrongly, to be the oppressors of their race. But can we -expect our compatriots of German or Irish or Slavic origin to support -a European and world order based upon the permanent inferiority and -subjection of the races from which they sprang? - -Some unthinking Americans hotly answer in the affirmative, and revive -the epithet of hyphenate. But in doing so, they reveal themselves to -be very poor Anglo-Saxons. A sense of justice and an ability to put -oneself in the other man's place are the Anglo-Saxon qualities _par -excellence_. Being of pure British blood myself, I cannot help looking -with contempt upon parvenus who are _plus royalistes que le roi_. The -American of German or Irish origin who speaks and works for Anglo-Saxon -race supremacy is a strange creature. "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem" -is sacred to the decent-minded man. The pride I have in my ancestry -and the sense of partnership I feel in the history of my race enable -me to respect others for thinking of Germany and Ireland as I think -of England. Insisting that they foul their own nests is a poor test -for recruits to Anglo-Saxon solidarity. Americans who maintain that it -is our duty as good citizens of the United States to work for, or at -least not to speak against, the material advancement of Great Britain -because of kinship are appealing to a racial group and are as guilty of -hyphenism as the propagandists of any other racial group. The reader -interrupts me with the protest, "But you cannot put our comrade in -arms, Great Britain, whose language and civilization we share, in the -same position toward American citizens as Germany, our recent enemy!" -Precisely so. I agree. But why? The blood argument I accept, but nearly -fifty million Americans reject it. We must make the distinction one of -ideals. - -Our third basis of Anglo-Saxon solidarity is, then, harmony of ideals -among the nations of the English-speaking world. Great Britain is drawn -to us, the self-governing dominions are drawn to us, and we are drawn -to Great Britain and the self-governing dominions because we have -common ideals. And there will be no _rapprochement_ unless this is so. -Consequently, if we are honestly working for Anglo-Saxon solidarity -and not simply setting forth sugared "pap" for public consumption, -we shall on both sides tackle courageously shortcomings in following -ideals not because we love to criticize, but because this is the -only way we can remove sources of friction that threaten to disrupt -Anglo-Saxon solidarity. In regard to Germany, Great Britain has acted -admirably, and is living up to her ideals of fair play and of not -kicking the other fellow when he is down. In regard to Ireland, on -the other hand, we have a question that must be settled before genuine -good feeling is established among the Anglo-Saxon states. Speaking for -Ireland and not against her is the highest wisdom for the Anglo-Saxon -propagandist in the United States. It proves that he himself believes -in the Anglo-Saxon heritage of which he boasts, and that he is anxious -to remove one of the greatest obstacles to Anglo-American friendship. - -We are not going to get anywhere in our propaganda for Anglo-Saxon -solidarity unless we emphasize the common idealism and strive to -make the association of Anglo-Saxon nations a committee for giving -Anglo-Saxon liberties to the whole world. This thought came to me with -peculiar force when I stood on the spot in the Moses Taylor Pyne -estate where are buried those who fell in the Battle of Princeton. On a -bronze tablet are inscribed the words of Alfred Noyes: - - Here freedom stood by slaughtered friend and foe, - And, ere the wrath paled, or that sunset died, - Looked through the ages, then, with eyes aglow, - Laid them to wait that future, side by side. - -The "future, side by side" of English-speaking countries can mean only -working for the spread of freedom. We shall not help each other to deny -freedom to others, and if we did join in an Anglo-Saxon freebooting -expedition across the world, we should quickly follow the law of -pirates and be at each other's throats. - -A poet might have ended his plea for Anglo-Saxon solidarity here. An -orator certainly would. But, as I am in earnest and want my argument -to remain with the reader, I must not leave it incomplete. Among -the bases of Anglo-Saxon solidarity, as in any human association, -interest is the cornerstone. Men coöperate in no undertaking in which -the element of mutual advantage does not play the preponderant rôle. -Other factors are present, of course, and mutual interest may not be -the exciting cause of entering into a common undertaking. But interest -is the cement as well as the foundation of human society. If I were -strictly logical, the three bases of Anglo-Saxon solidarity already -suggested ought to be made sub-divisions of the basis I call common -interests. - -What are these interests? Are they numerous and important enough to -justify a close union among English-speaking countries? What particular -interests would have to be sacrificed in order to further the common -interests? Are the sacrifices possible? Is it worth while to make -them? The World War and its aftermath make inevitable raising these -questions. But those who, like myself, believe that the political and -economic _rapprochement_ of Anglo-Saxon countries is a possibility that -ought to be carefully considered, will fail of appreciable results -unless we are willing to discuss moot questions frankly and with -detachment in good old Anglo-Saxon fashion and unless we realize the -composite racial and cultural character of the American nation. - - - - - PRINTED BY - PAUL OVERHAGE, INC. - NEW YORK - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Anglo-Saxon Solidarity, by Herbert Adams Gibbons - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANGLO-SAXON SOLIDARITY *** - -***** This file should be named 61384-8.txt or 61384-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/3/8/61384/ - -Produced by Graeme Mackreth and The Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |