diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/61359-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/61359-0.txt | 12876 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 12876 deletions
diff --git a/old/61359-0.txt b/old/61359-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 04aca3a..0000000 --- a/old/61359-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12876 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's France from Behind the Veil:, by Catherine Radziwill - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: France from Behind the Veil: - Fifty Years of Social and Political Life - -Author: Catherine Radziwill - -Release Date: February 9, 2020 [EBook #61359] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCE FROM BEHIND THE VEIL: *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - [Illustration: - - _From the painting by Cabanel._ - - NAPOLEON III.] - - - - - France from Behind - the Veil: Fifty Years - of Social and Political Life - - BY - COUNT PAUL VASSILI - - Illustrated - - [Illustration] - - FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY - New York and London - 1914 - - - - -PUBLISHERS’ NOTE - - -While this volume has been passing through the press certain of the -personages still living at the time Count Vassili was at work on the -manuscript of “France from Behind the Veil” have passed away. - -Also, incidents have occurred which are a reflex of matters mentioned in -these pages. - -In such instances the publishers have thought well to bring the -manuscript right up to date, leaving the reader to understand that -events happening in 1914, and therefore subsequent to the Count’s death, -have been so treated. - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER PAGE - -1. LAST DAYS OF THE EMPIRE: NAPOLEON AND EUGÉNIE 1 - -2. THE SURROUNDINGS AND FRIENDS OF THE SOVEREIGNS 13 - -3. FONTAINEBLEAU AND COMPIÈGNE 25 - -4. POLITICAL MEN OF THE TIME 38 - -5. BEFORE THE STORM 52 - -6. THE DISASTER 63 - -7. LETTERS FROM PARIS DURING THE SIEGE 73 - -8. THE COMMUNE 87 - -9. M. THIERS 99 - -10. THE COMTE DE CHAMBORD AND HIS PARTY 112 - -11. THE ORLEANS PRINCES 123 - -12. THE DUC D’AUMALE AND CHANTILLY 133 - -13. THE PRESIDENCY OF MARSHAL MACMAHON 144 - -14. TWO GREAT MINISTERS 156 - -15. PARIS SOCIETY UNDER THE PRESIDENCY OF MARSHAL MACMAHON 166 - -16. A FEW PROMINENT PARISIAN HOSTESSES 177 - -17. MADAME JULIETTE ADAM 190 - -18. A FEW LITERARY MEN 205 - -19. THE 16TH OF MAY AND THE FALL OF MARSHAL MACMAHON 218 - -20. LEON GAMBETTA 231 - -21. THE ADVENTURE OF GENERAL BOULANGER 244 - -22. THE PANAMA SCANDAL 257 - -23. TWO PRESIDENTS 271 - -24. IMPERIAL AND PRESIDENTIAL VISITS 285 - -25. THE FRENCH PRESS 297 - -26. THE PRESIDENCY OF M. LOUBET 308 - -27. THE DREYFUS AFFAIR 318 - -28. PARISIAN SALONS UNDER THE THIRD REPUBLIC 332 - -29. THE PRESENT TONE OF PARIS SOCIETY 343 - -30. M. FALLIÈRES AS PRESIDENT 358 - -31. M. BRIAND AND THE SOCIALISTS 366 - -32. A FEW LITERARY MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY 372 - -33. A FEW FOREIGN DIPLOMATS 382 - -L’ENVOI 389 - -INDEX 391 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -NAPOLEON III. _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PAGE - -EMPRESS EUGÉNIE 10 - -M. ADOLPHE THIERS 118 - -MARSHAL MACMAHON 118 - -COMTE DE CHAMBORD 118 - -LEON GAMBETTA 118 - -MADAME JULIETTE ADAM 212 - -ALEX. DUMAS (PÈRE) 212 - -ANATOLE FRANCE 212 - -OCTAVE MIRBEAU 212 - -CAPTAIN DREYFUS 246 - -GENERAL BOULANGER 246 - -EMILE ZOLA 246 - -M. DE LESSEPS 246 - -M. M. F. SADI-GARNOT 310 - -M. J. P. P. CASIMER PÉRIER 310 - -M. F. F. FAURE 310 - -M. E. LOUBET 310 - -M. A. FALLIÈRES 360 - -M. R. POINCARÉ 360 - -M. A. BRIAND 360 - -M. G. CLEMENCEAU 360 - -THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES SITTING 370 - - - - -France from Behind the Veil - - - - -CHAPTER I - -LAST DAYS OF THE EMPIRE: NAPOLEON AND EUGÉNIE - - -Towards the end of the year 1868 I arrived in Paris. I had often before -been in the great city, but had never occupied any official position -there. Now, however, having been appointed secretary to our (Russian) -embassy, I consequently enjoyed special privileges, not the least being -opportunity to watch quite closely the actors in what was to prove one -of the greatest dramas of modern history. I had many acquaintances in -Paris, but these belonged principally to the circle known still by the -name of Faubourg St. Germain, for I had never frequented the -Imperialistic world. Consequently I found myself thrown in quite a -different _milieu_, and had to forgo a great many of my former friends, -who would not have cared to receive in their houses one who now belonged -to the intimate coterie of the Tuileries. In a certain sense I felt -sorry; but on the other hand I discovered that the society in which I -now found myself was far more pleasant, and certainly far more amusing, -than my former circle. To a young man such as I was at that time, this -last consideration, of course, was most attractive. - -Paris, during that autumn of the year 1868, was extremely congenial; -indeed, it has never been so brilliant since the Napoleonic Eagle -disappeared. The Sovereigns liked to surround themselves with nice -people, and sought popularity among the different classes of society; -they gave splendid receptions, and did their best to create around them -an atmosphere of luxury and enjoyment. They frequented the many theatres -for which Paris was famed, were present at the races, and in general -showed themselves wherever they found opportunity to appear in public. -During the summer and autumn months the Imperial hospitality was -exercised with profusion and generosity, either at Compiègne or at -Fontainebleau, and it was only at St. Cloud or at Biarritz that the -Emperor and his lovely Consort led a relatively retired life, while they -enjoyed a short and well-earned holiday. - -As is usual in such cases, the Imperialistic society followed the lead -given to it from above, and pleasure followed upon pleasure, festivity -crowded upon festivity during these feverish months which preceded the -Franco-Prussian War. In 1868 the clouds that had obscured the Imperial -sky at the time of the ill-fated Mexican Expedition had passed away, and -the splendours which attended the inauguration of the Suez Canal were -already looming on the horizon. - -The political situation as yet seemed untroubled; indeed, though the -Emperor sometimes appeared sad and anxious, no one among all those who -surrounded him shared the apprehensions which his keen political glance -had already foreseen as inevitable. The Empress, too, appeared as if she -wanted to make the most of her already disappearing youth, and to gather -her roses whilst she still could do so, with all the buoyancy of her -departed girlish days. - -The leading spirit of all the entertainments given at the Tuileries, the -Princess Pauline Metternich, was always alert for some new form of -amusement wherewith to enliven the house parties of Compiègne, or the -solemnity of the evening parties given in the old home of the Kings of -France--that home from which Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette had gone to -the scaffold, and to which their memory clung in spite of all those who -had inhabited it since the day they started upon their tragic journey to -Varennes. - -The fair Eugénie had a special reverence for the memory of the beautiful -Austrian Archduchess whose destiny it had been to die by the hand of the -executioner within a few steps of the grand old palace that had been -hers. With all the impressionability of her Spanish nature she used to -say that she was sure a like fate awaited her, and so prepared herself -to die as had died the unfortunate Princess whose place she had taken. -Eugénie often spoke of what she would do when that day should come, and -sometimes amused her friends with her conviction that she, too, was -destined to endure tragic misfortunes and calamities. Her presentiments -were fulfilled; but, alas! she did not bear them with true dignity. - -At the time of which I am speaking--October, 1868--Napoleon III. had -just completed his sixtieth year. In spite of the agonies occasioned by -the painful disease from which he was suffering, he retained his good -looks, and notwithstanding his small height and the largeness of his -head, which, compared with the size of his body, would have been -ridiculous in any other person, he presented a most dignified -appearance, and bore himself like a Sovereign born to the purple would -have done. When he chose, the expression of his face was charming, and -the eyes, which he always kept half closed, had a dreamy, far-away, -mysterious look that gave them a peculiar charm. He spoke slowly, as if -carefully weighing every word he uttered; but what surprised one when -talking with him for the first time was a German accent in speaking -French--a habit retained from his early days spent in Switzerland--from -which he could not rid himself, in spite of all his efforts, as well as -those of M. Mocquard, his faithful secretary and friend, who, so long as -he lived, gave him lessons in elocution. I believe that the slowness -with which Napoleon III. expressed himself must be attributed to that -circumstance more than anything else. But it is a fact that sometimes it -had the effect of irritating those with whom he was engaged in -conversation; they never knew what he was going to say next, and -ofttimes gathered the impression that some ulterior motive actuated his -speech. - -With ladies the Emperor was always charming, and his manner with them -had a tinge of chivalry that savoured of olden times, and generally -succeeded in winning for him all that he wanted. His love intrigues were -numerous, and his wife was not always wrong when she complained, though -not improbably she would have done better to notice and talk of them -less than she did. In general the Empress was much too fond of -communicating her feelings and impressions to those whom she considered -her friends without the slightest reason for thinking them to be such. -Her many intimacies with ladies who bore her no real sympathy, such as -Princess Metternich, for instance, did her much harm and caused her many -annoyances which she could well have avoided had she shown herself more -careful in what she did or said. She never realised that community in -amusement does not constitute community of feelings, and that whilst one -may like the society of some people because one enjoys their good -dinners, or spends one’s time pleasantly in their company, it does not -mean that one really cares for them, or trusts them. - -Napoleon III. had been a very clever politician. I use the words “had -been” intentionally, because, unhappily, it is certain that toward the -end of his reign he had lost some of his former sharpness. Neither did -he see so plainly the dangers of his situation, nor realise that he -could not act as freely as he had done at the time of the _coup d’état_ -of December, 1852, and during the Crimean and Italian campaigns. - -He felt himself weakened, in part through the mistakes of his early -youth, as well as by his associations, which were beginning to tell upon -him, and of which he had a nervous dread of being reminded. As an -example of this the following anecdote is typical. A Russian lady, the -Countess K----, who used to frequent the Tuileries, met one day an -Italian statesman, whose name I won’t mention as he is still living. -This gentleman suddenly asked whether it would not amuse her to frighten -the Emperor. She was young and giddy, and accepted with enthusiasm. He -then told her that at the next fancy ball that was going to take place -at the Naval Office, the Sovereigns were to attend as the guests of the -Marquis and the Marquise de Chasseloup Laubat. The lady was to approach -Napoleon and to whisper in his ear the name of an Italian then in Paris, -and to remind Napoleon of an interview he had had with him in a small -inn near Perugia. No explanations were given to the lady, and she never -asked for any, but when the ball took place she managed to approach the -Emperor, who was present in a domino, and to murmur in his ear the -phrase given her, without, it must be owned, attaching any special -importance to it. Napoleon’s face became white, and, seizing her hand, -he asked her, in an agitated voice, to tell him from whom she had -obtained this information. The Countess was terrified, and replied that -a domino had whispered it to her during the ball. The Emperor plied her -with questions, but to no purpose, as his extreme emotion had put her -on her guard. Two days later, to her surprise, she was invited to dine -at the Tuileries. When the meal was over, the Empress, who had been -unusually gracious, called her to her side, and taking care no one -should hear them, asked her to explain from whom she had heard the -incident to which she had alluded during her conversation with the -Emperor, at the ball of Madame de Chasseloup Laubat. The Countess, -though taken quite unawares, persisted in her assurance that she did not -know the domino who had imparted it to her; that she was now very sorry -for heedlessly repeating words to which she had attached no importance. -Eugénie pressed her again and again, and at last exclaimed with -impatience, as she rose from her chair: “People like to be asked to the -Tuileries, but do not seem to consider that it is a grievous want of -tact to hold converse with the enemies of the Sovereign whilst doing -so.” “And,” added the Countess when she related to me this anecdote, -“from that moment I was watched at every step by the secret police, and -to this day I do not know why I was chosen as the instrument to deal -such a blow to Napoleon III.” - -I have related this anecdote to prove how very much the Emperor dreaded -all that related to his first steps in political life, under the -patronage of the Carbonari and other secret associations that were -working towards the unification of Italy. He did not feel himself a free -agent in that respect; no one knew exactly why, because he never -expressed himself on the subject--but it is certain that some of the -most unexpected things he did had their source in this mysterious -influence which made him appear to be more or less averse to thwarting -the desires of his former Italian friends. - -Napoleon was not brilliant by any means; but he was certainly clever, -though sometimes lacking in initiative. It is not likely that he would -ever have had the courage either to escape from Ham, or to overthrow the -second Republic, had he not been emboldened in the first of these -attempts by Conneau, and in the second by Morny and Fleury, together -with the active Maupat. He lived under the spell of the Napoleonic -tradition, and being before everything else a fatalist, he thought -himself destined to ascend the throne which his uncle had conquered. He -never fought against destiny, and so acquired an apathy which totally -unfitted him for any unexpected struggle. At Sedan he surrendered with -hardly a murmur, as, though he well knew the step to be a fatal one, he -had tolerated MacMahon’s fatal occupation of that fortress. He had lost -all faith in his future, and he had given up the game long before he -handed his sword to the conqueror. - -The Emperor’s was essentially a kind nature. During the eighteen years -of his reign he did an enormous amount of good, and certainly France -owes to him a good deal of her present prosperity. He thought about his -people’s welfare more than had any previous Sovereign; the economic -question was one to which he had given his most earnest attention. He -wanted his country to be strong, rich, an example to others in its -energetic progress along the path of material and intellectual -development. He was a lover of art; he was a keen student, an admirer of -literature; and he appreciated clever men. Catholic in his tastes, he -had the rare faculty of forgetting the wrongs done to him, in the -remembrance of the many proofs of affection he had experienced. Gifted -with a sweet and sunny temperament, he had been brought up in the school -of adversity. Amidst all the grandeur that he enjoyed later on, he never -forgot the lesson; and when misfortune once more assailed him, he was -never heard to murmur, or to reproach those whose incapacity had -destroyed his life’s work. - -Socially, Napoleon never forgot that the first duty of a monarch is ever -to appear to be amiable. Whenever he swerved from that axiom it was -always for some very good reason. He had great tact, and possessed to -perfection the art of invariably saying the right thing in the right -place. Yet he knew very well how to differentiate between persons, and -to accord the exact shade of behaviour towards an Ambassador or to an -Attaché, to a simple tourist, or to a foreign personage entrusted with a -mission of some kind. - -He was entirely interesting in all his remarks, and always conversant -with the subject about which he spoke. Though he had pretensions to -scientific and historical knowledge, he was not at all a well-read man -in the strict sense; but he had a wonderful faculty of assimilating all -that he read, and after having quickly run through a book, was at once -acquainted with its principal points or defects. Sceptical in his -appreciations, and perhaps in his beliefs, he had the utmost respect for -the convictions of his fellow creatures, and though by no means a -religious man, reverenced religion deeply. His faults and errors, in the -political sense, proceeded more from the influence of his immediate -entourage than from his own appreciation of right and wrong. In many -things he deserves to be pitied, and in many of his mistakes he was the -scapegoat of those who threw their blame upon his shoulders--a blame -that either from indifference or from disdain he accepted without a -murmur. - -Paradoxical as it may seem to say so, he knew humanity, but not the -people with whom he lived. He never expected gratitude, and yet he -believed that the men upon whom he had showered any amount of benefits -would feel grateful to him. To the last hour of his life he thought that -his dynasty had some chance to recover the throne; and he remained -convinced of the fidelity of his partisans in spite of the many proofs -that he had to the contrary. His many illusions proceeded from the -kindness of his nature, a kindness that never failed him, either in -prosperity or in disaster. - -I was introduced to Napoleon III. at Compiègne. I had been invited -there, together with the Russian Ambassador, in the course of the month -of November that had followed upon my appointment in Paris. We assembled -before dinner in what was called the Salle des Gardes, a long apartment -panelled in white, to which a profusion of flowers, scattered -everywhere, gave a homely look. We were a very numerous company, and it -was on that evening I became acquainted with many leading stars in the -Imperial firmament. We did not have to wait long before a door was -opened and an _huissier_ called out in a loud voice: “L’Empereur!” - -The Sovereigns entered the room, the Empress slightly in front, Napoleon -following her with the Princess Clotilde on his arm. He began at once to -talk with the members of the Corps Diplomatique, whilst his Consort -approached the ladies gathered together at one end of the vast hall. -When my Ambassador presented me, Napoleon asked me whether I was the son -“of the lovely Countess Vassili” he had known in London, and when I -replied to him in the affirmative he at once began to talk about my -mother, and the many opportunities he had had to meet her. “I am glad to -see you here,” he added, “and I hope you will enjoy your stay in -France.” - -The Empress on that day, when I beheld her for the first time, did not -strike me as so absolutely beautiful as I had been led to expect. Later -on I found out that her greatest attraction was in the varying charm of -her expressive face. The features were quite lovely in their regularity, -but a certain heaviness in the chin robbed them of what otherwise would -have been absolute perfection. The mouth had a curve which told that on -occasion the Empress could be very hard and disdainful, but the eyes and -the hair were glorious, the figure splendid, and she had an inimitable -grace in her every movement. With the exception of the Empress Marie -Feodorovna of Russia, I have never seen anyone bow like Eugénie, with -that sweeping movement of her whole body and head, that seemed to be -addressed to each person present in particular and to all in general. On -that particular evening she was a splendid vision in evening dress. Her -white shoulders shone above the low bodice of her gown, and many jewels -adorned her beautiful person. But though she excited admiration she did -not at first appeal either to the senses or to the imagination of men. -At least, so it seemed to me, whatever might have been said to the -contrary. Later on, however, when one had opportunity to see her more -frequently, and especially to talk with her, her personality grew upon -one with an especial charm that has never been equalled by any other -woman. She was not brilliant; she held strong opinions; she was very -much impressed by her position, though, it must be owned, not in the -least dazzled by her extraordinary success; she was impulsive; she was -not overwhelmingly tactful; had much knowledge of the world, but little -knowledge of mankind; she wounded sometimes when she had no intention of -doing so; she was romantic, though unsentimental; there were the -strangest contradictions in her nature, the strangest mixtures of good -and bad; but with all her defects she completely subjugated those who -got to know her, whatever might have been the first impression. Her -glances had something of Spanish softness blended with French coquetry. -In a word, she was a most attractive woman--one of the - -[Illustration: EMPRESS EUGÉNIE] - -most attractive that has ever lived--but she certainly was not an ideal -Sovereign. - -When Eugénie married she was already twenty-seven, and therefore it was -not easy for her to become used to the various duties and obligations of -her new position. She was a thorough woman of the world, which rendered -her especially charming when at Compiègne or at Fontainebleau, where -etiquette was not so strict as at the Tuileries. At those moments she -was positively bewitching, but when she thought it necessary to assume -her Imperial manner she lost her womanly charm. - -There have been many beautiful moments in Eugénie’s life; such, for -instance, as her famous visit to Amiens at the time the cholera was -raging there, and when, with a truly royal indifference, she exposed -herself to very real and serious danger. She was charitable, and -preferred not to boast of her charities; but, not possessing the -Emperor’s disposition, she resented injuries done to her. She was -impetuous in all that she did, thought, or felt; certainly bigoted and -superstitious, as Spaniards generally are. She was not courageous, -though brave, because these are two very different things. She would not -have minded being murdered in state, and the memory of the deed being -handed down to posterity; but she could not find the resolution to face -an intricate situation, nor to remain silent and firm at a difficult -moment. Her nature was essentially restless; she could never wait with -patience for what the future might hold. Her attitude on the 4th of -September was characteristic, and it was in accordance with her nature -that she tried to explain the abandonment of her position as Regent by -the word “necessity,” when, in reality, it was the shrinking of a lonely -woman, with no one near her to tell her what she ought to do, or to show -her how to resist the demands of the mob. - -But once more I must say she exercised a wonderful fascination on all -those whom she entertained. There was something remarkable in the -influence she exercised. In her presence one forgot all save her -extraordinary charm. - -In her private life Eugénie de Montijo, in spite of all that has been -said and written on that subject, has always been irreproachable. Amid -all the gaieties of the Court over which she presided she remained pure -and chaste, and redeemed the many frailties of her outward demeanour by -the dignity and blamelessness of her existence as a wife and mother. She -bitterly resented the indiscretions of the Emperor, but she kept herself -aloof from everything that could have been construed as a desire on her -part to retaliate. Perhaps her temperament helped her; but it is certain -that as a wife she was blameless, and that she showed herself an -enlightened mother, trying to bring up her son above the flatteries that -usually surround children born in such a high position, teaching him to -obey, to be grateful to those who took care of him, and loving him quite -as well and more wisely than the Emperor, who was perhaps too indulgent -in matters which concerned his only son. That the Prince Imperial -remained an only child was a source of deep grief to Napoleon III. - -When first I saw Eugénie, her whole appearance was fairy-like; in spite -of her forty years, she eclipsed all other women. Her slight, graceful -figure was almost girlish in its suppleness, and she is the only woman I -have ever seen who, though in middle life, did not prompt one to utter -the usual remark when lovely members of the fair sex have attained her -age: “How beautiful she must have been when she was young!” - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE SURROUNDINGS AND FRIENDS OF THE SOVEREIGNS - - -When Napoleon III. married, he tried to establish his Court on the same -footing as that of his uncle after the latter’s union with Marie Louise, -and fearing that, in spite of his affection, his young wife would find -it hard to get used to her exalted position, he surrounded her with the -trammels of a severe etiquette. From this, however, she gradually -emancipated herself, especially during the time when she acted as Regent -for the Emperor, at the period of the war of 1859 with Austria. - -This emancipation was in itself a curious phase. In her way Eugénie was -just as anxious as the Emperor to order her household upon the same -lines as those of the other great Courts of Europe. Especially with that -of Windsor she had been deeply impressed, when with the Emperor she -visited Queen Victoria. But she was not endowed by nature with that -reserved dignity which is a necessity to regal rank, and the result -stultified her efforts. The Empress, when a girl, had enjoyed far more -liberty than girls had at the time of which I am writing. This lack of -control led her sometimes to forget her rank as Empress, and she found -herself drifting into her old habits of saying everything that occurred -to her, or of allowing her sympathies and her antipathies to be seen by -a public always eager and ready to criticise. - -She had but few friends, and after the death of her sister, the Duchesse -d’Albe, she felt very isolated, and in need of one into whose ear she -might confide her sorrows and her joys. She did not get on with the -members of the Imperial Family, and she had been very much hurt at the -attitude taken up in regard to her by the Princess Clotilde. Eugénie had -received the Princess with open arms, but had met with repulse from the -very first moment Clotilde arrived in France. Then, again, Eugénie’s -relations with Prince Napoleon became of the worst, perhaps owing to the -fact that there had been a day, before her marriage with the Emperor, -when those relations were very near. The antagonism towards her which -the only cousin of her husband chose to adopt, wounded her to the quick, -and instead of trying to overcome it with tact and apparent -indifference, she did her best to accentuate his animosity, until open -warfare resulted, and the strained situation became a general topic of -gossip. - -With Princess Mathilde, the sister of the Prince, the Empress was, also, -not on intimate terms, although apparently they bore one another -affection. The Princess was perhaps the most remarkable among the many -fascinating women with whom the Second Empire will remain associated. -Surpassingly beautiful in her youth, she retained her good looks, and -notwithstanding her _embonpoint_, possessed a personality of great -dignity. She was certainly a _grande dame_, despite her numerous -frailties. - -She was clever, kind, brilliant in more senses than one; very talented, -she liked to surround herself with clever people, who, in their turn, -were glad to have her appreciation. There had been a time when the -question of a marriage between her and her cousin, Prince Louis -Napoleon, had been discussed, but the latter’s chances were so -uncertain, that neither Mathilde nor her father had had the courage to -run the risk of uniting her destiny with that of the Pretender. - -The Princess married M. Demidoff, and very soon regretted it; so deeply -that she tried to break the bonds. Thanks to the intervention of the -Emperor Nicholas of Russia, a separation was arranged under very -favourable terms for Madame Demidoff, who, by permission of the -government of Louis Philippe, settled in Paris. She did not mix with -politics, and only tried to create for herself a pleasant circle of -acquaintances and friends. Unfortunately, she possessed in addition to a -superior and cultivated mind, a very ardent temperament, and gossip soon -became busy with her name, especially after her liaison with Count de -Nieuwekerke became a recognised fact. - -When the Revolution of 1848 brought back to France the heir to the -Bonaparte traditions, the Princess Mathilde at once hastened to his -side, and showed herself to be the best of friends. It was the Princess -Mathilde who presided at his first entertainment at Compiègne, as well -as at the Elysée, where he was residing when in the capital, and it was -at her house that the Prince President, as he was called, met for the -first time the lovely Spaniard who was later to become his wife. - -The Princess Mathilde did not like the marriage, in view of the fact -that she might have occupied the place which this stranger took, as it -were by storm; she would hardly have been human had she done so. But she -was far too clever to show her disapproval, and it is related that when -the question arose as to who should carry the train of the new Empress, -Mathilde at once declared that she would do so if the Emperor asked her, -much to the astonishment and perhaps to the scandal of those who heard -her. She bore no malice, and thought herself far too great a lady to -imagine that by whatever she might do she would fall in the estimation -of others, or that it would be derogatory to her position. - -But though she consented to receive the future wife of her cousin when -first she entered the Tuileries, and though she tried hard to establish -friendly relations with her, all her efforts failed, partly because the -young Empress felt afraid of the brilliant Princess, and of her sharp -tongue and brusque manners, partly, also, because Mathilde did not care -for the people who formed the entourage of the Sovereign, and never felt -at her ease at the many entertainments given by Eugénie. She thought -them either too dull or too boisterous. - -Mathilde was never so happy as when in her own house in the Rue de -Courcelles, where all that was distinguished in France considered it an -honour to be admitted, and where she could live the life of a private -lady of high rank. She was too frank to conceal what she felt, and too -honest to flatter the Empress, or to find charming what she considered -to be the reverse. Though she disapproved of many things that her -brother, Prince Napoleon, did, she did not care to blame him publicly, -and thus she maintained a neutral attitude in regard to both. Eugenie’s -airy disposition and love of amusement in any shape or form prevented -her from finding pleasure in the company of the Princess Mathilde, whom -she thought exceedingly dull, and whom she accused of fomenting the -accusations which her enemies showered upon her. So long as the Empire -lasted there was no sympathy between the Empress and her husband’s -cousin, and it was only later, when both ladies had realised the -emptiness of worldly things, that their relations became intimate and -affectionate, so much so that when Mathilde Bonaparte died, it was -Eugénie who watched beside her, and whose hands were the last she -pressed before expiring. - -The best friend that the Empress Eugénie had among the members of the -Imperial Family was the Princess Anna Murat, who married the Duke of -Mouchy, to the horror of all the Noailles family, and the chagrin of the -Faubourg St. Germain generally. Princess Anna was one of the loveliest -women of her time, though perhaps not one of the brightest. Still, she -had a warm heart, a kindly disposition, and a sincere attachment for the -Empress. She had very nice dignified manners, if sometimes stiff, and -was perhaps the only really _grande dame_, with the exception of the -Princess Mathilde, among the many ladies with whom Eugénie liked to -surround herself. - -Very much might be said about the ladies of the Court. There were lovely -women, such as the Countess Valovska, née Anna Ricci, the dark -Florentine, whose smiles won her so many hearts, including that of -Napoleon III.; others were clever like Pauline Metternich, and some were -both lovely and clever, Mélanie Pourtalès for instance, that star of the -Empire who condescended later to shine in the Republican firmament, and -who to this day is one of the celebrities of Paris, in spite of her -seventy odd years. There was the Duchesse de Persigny, and the Duchesse -de Cadore, and the Baroness de Rothschild, and many others, but among -them all the Empress could not boast of a real friend, always with the -exception of the Duchesse de Mouchy, who owed her far too much ever to -dare criticise anything she did. - -I have mentioned the Princess Metternich. Among all those to whose fatal -influence the Second Empire owed its fall she holds one of the first and -foremost places. She it was who sapped its foundations and lowered its -dignity; she it was who with a rude hand pulled back the veil which, -until she appeared at Compiègne and at the Tuileries, had still been -drawn between the general public and the Imperial Court. Young and ugly, -but clever and gifted with what the French call _brio_, she lived but -for one thing, and that was amusement in any shape or form. She had no -respect for the society in which she found herself, and brought to -Paris an atmosphere of carelessness such as we sometimes display when -we find ourselves travelling in a country where we are unknown, and -where we can do what we like without fear of the _qu’en dira-t-on_, or, -as they say in England, “Mrs. Grundy.” After some experience of the -strict etiquette of the Austrian Hofburg, she felt delighted to be able -to dispense with it, and treated the Empress with disdain, making use of -her in order to attain her own ends, and ruling the Tuileries like some -of the present great ladies in pecuniary straits rule the houses of the -American or South African millionaires whom--for a consideration--they -introduce into society. The behaviour of the Princess Metternich can be -characterised by her remark to a lady who, at Compiègne, reproved her -for trying to induce the Empress to appear in public in a short gown, a -thing that was not considered to be proper at the time of which I am -writing. The friend asked her at the same time whether she would have -advised the Empress Elizabeth to do such a thing; she replied -vehemently: “No, certainly not, I would not do such a thing, but then my -Empress is a real one.” - -Pauline Metternich never liked Eugénie; she secretly envied her for her -beauty. She encouraged her in every false or mistaken step the Empress -unwittingly took. She brought a shade of vulgarity into all the -entertainments over which she presided and which she organised. She -smoked big cigars without minding in the least whether it pleased the -Empress or not, and she allowed herself every kind of liberty, sure of -immunity, and careless as to what people thought about her. She showed -herself the most ungrateful of beings, forsaking her friend when the -latter was precipitated into obscurity and misfortune, never once giving -her a thought. Pauline Metternich was a perfect type of an opportunist -without a memory, and after having danced, eaten, smoked, enjoyed -herself at the Tuileries where she always was a favoured guest, she -never once sent a message of sympathy to the discarded Sovereign, whose -acquaintance she probably thought irksome and inconvenient. Once in a -moment of expansion, so the story goes, she gave way to a remark which -deserves to pass to posterity concerning those years during which she -was the leading spirit at all the entertainments given at the Tuileries, -and which I cannot help reproducing here: A diplomat who had known her -in Paris asked her whether she did not regret the Second Empire, and -received a characteristic reply: “Regret it? Why? It was very amusing, -very vulgar, and it could not last; we all knew it, and we all made hay -whilst the sun shone.” - -Countess Mélanie Pourtalès, in that respect, was far superior to -Princess Metternich; she at least had the decency to remain faithful to -her former sympathies and to her Bonapartist leanings. To this day she -sees the Empress when the latter visits Paris, and she never indulges in -one word of blame concerning that far away time when she also was one of -the queens of the Tuileries. - -Mélanie de Bussières is one of the marvels of last century. As beautiful -as a dream, she had an angelic face, lovely innocent eyes, which used to -look at the world with the guilelessness of a child, and a Madonna-like -expression that reminded one of a long white lily drooping on its stem. -She was intelligent, too, had an enormous amount of tact, and succeeded, -whilst denying herself none of her caprices, in keeping unimpaired her -place in Parisian society, of retaining as her friends all those to whom -the world had given another name, and of acquiring a position such as -few women have ever had before her. Always kind, rarely malicious, -smiling alike on friends and foes, she contrived to disarm the latter, -and never to estrange the former. Though very much envied, yet she was -liked, and she inspired with enthusiasm all those with whom she was -brought into contact. Now she is a great-grandmother, but still a -leading light of social Paris, and those who formerly admired her beauty -continue to crowd around her in order to listen to her conversation. - -When I entered the circle of Imperialist society, I was struck by the -number of pretty women that I met there. They were not all clever; a -good many were vulgar, but most of them were lovely. A ball at that time -was a pretty sight, far prettier than it is at the present day, and as -for amusement, one could find it wherever one went. Morals, on the other -hand, were no worse than is the case at present; indeed, in many -respects they were better, insomuch that it was far more difficult then, -owing to the conditions of existence, for a lady belonging to the upper -classes to misbehave herself than is the case at present, when women go -freely everywhere, whilst during the Second Empire it was hardly -possible for a well-known lady to be seen in a cab or a ’bus, or even -walking in unfrequented streets. “Le diable n’y perdait rien,” to use an -old French expression; but a certain decorum, totally absent nowadays, -had to be adhered to, and the Empress was very severe upon all those who -infringed its rules. She had attacks of prudery, as it were, during -which she posed as a watcher over the morals of her Court. Such a -procedure among the very carefully immoral persons who surrounded her -made many people smile. - -The Emperor also had but few personal friends. The most faithful and -devoted perhaps was Dr. Conneau, who had watched over Queen Hortense -during her last illness, and who had given to her son the most sincere -proofs of affection that one man can give to another. Conneau was that -_rara avis_, a totally disinterested person. Millions had passed through -his hands, but he died poor, and when the Empire fell he was reduced to -selling a collection of rare books he possessed, in order to have bread -in his old age. He loved Napoleon with his whole heart, soul, and mind, -and belonged to the very few who cared for and believed in the -traditions of the Bonapartes. He did infinite good during the eighteen -years the Empire lasted, and never refused to lay a case of distress -before Napoleon III. once it was brought to his notice. Everybody -respected him, and he was a general favourite with everyone, except -perhaps with the Empress, who felt no personal sympathy for him. - -Conneau had voluntarily asked to be allowed to share the Emperor’s -captivity at Ham, and it was thanks to him that the latter contrived to -escape from that fortress disguised as a workman, with a plank on his -shoulder, behind which he hid his face. Whilst Napoleon was hastening -towards the Belgian frontier, Conneau did his best to hide his flight -from the authorities, declaring to those who wanted to see him that he -was ill and asleep in his bed. Conneau had cunningly arranged the -pillows in such a way that they appeared to represent a body wrapped up -in blankets. He knew very well that in doing this he was running a great -risk, but nothing stopped him, and it is certain that to his bold -initiative Napoleon III. owed first his escape and afterwards his -Imperial Crown. - -Conneau never left the Emperor, who breathed his last in that faithful -servant’s arms, murmuring before doing so: “Conneau, were you at Sedan?” -thus showing how incurable had been the wound received on that fatal day -which saw the fall of his throne and of his dynasty. - -Conneau, with perhaps the exception of M. Mocquard, Napoleon’s private -secretary, was the person who knew the best of the Emperor’s character, -and he remained faithful to him to the last. One day a friend asked him -whether he was sorry not to have died before the fall of the Empire, -and to have witnessed the terrible catastrophes that accompanied it. -Conneau immediately replied: “I am sorry for myself, but glad for the -Emperor who would have had one friend less around him in his -misfortune.” The remark is characteristic of the man. - -Mocquard also belonged to the few friends of Napoleon III. who had known -his mother Queen Hortense, and who had devoted his life to the cause of -the Bonapartes. He was one of the pleasantest men of his day, always on -the alert to learn or to hear everything that could be useful to his -Imperial master. Gifted with singular tact, he was able with advantage -to come out of the most entangled and awkward situations. His reply to -Berryer, who had written to him telling him that his political -convictions prevented him from asking to be presented to the Emperor on -his election to the French Academy, is well known, and proves his -ability in that respect. The great advocate, in writing to Mocquard, had -appealed to him as a former colleague. Napoleon’s private secretary at -once responded to his request, and gave him the most courteous and most -respectful reproof, in which the dignity of his Sovereign and that of -the great advocate were equally taken into account. - -“The Emperor,” wrote Mocquard, “regrets that M. Berryer has allowed his -political leanings to get the upper hand of his duties as Academician. -M. Berryer’s presence at the Tuileries would not have embarrassed His -Majesty, as he seems to dread. From the height on which he finds himself -raised, the Emperor would only have seen in the new Academician an -orator and a writer; in to-day’s adversary, the defender of yesterday. -M. Berryer is perfectly free to obey the general practice imposed by the -Academy, or to follow his personal repugnances.” - -A friend of Berryer, who happened to be with him when that letter -reached him, related to me later that that famous ornament of the French -Bar for once in his life felt embarrassed, and acknowledged his regret -at thus having drawn upon himself a well deserved and tactfully -administered rebuff. - -When Mocquard died his place was taken by M. Conti, also a clever man, -who was in possession of the post at the time I arrived in Paris. He did -not succeed in gaining the confidence of the Emperor, as his predecessor -had done, and I believe never felt quite at ease in his difficult -position. I do not know what became of him after the fall of the Empire. - -General Fleury was already Ambassador in St. Petersburg at the time of -which I am speaking. He had been, and still was, one of the most -intimate friends of the Emperor, but he was not liked by the Empress, -whose influence he had always tried to thwart. Eugénie was delighted -when he was sent on his foreign mission; she had never got used to the -General: perhaps he knew too many things relating to that distant time -when Mademoiselle de Montijo had never dreamt that fate held a crown in -reserve for her. And then one of the Empress’s closest acquaintances, -the Comtesse de Beaulaincourt, the daughter of the Marshal de -Castellane, and formerly Marquise de Contades, had an undying grudge -against General Fleury. It must be owned that he had not behaved -altogether well in regard to her, and she used her best endeavours to -harm him in the mind of the impressionable Eugénie, to whom she -represented the General as one of her worst enemies. This was not the -case; but Fleury had no sympathy for the Empress, and certainly did -nothing to further her views or her opinions in regard to politics, as -she would have liked him to do. To him is credited the most severe -comment that ever was made on the subject of the marriage between the -Emperor and the lovely Spaniard who had captivated his fancy; that -comment was revealed to the world through the indiscretion of Madame de -Contades, as she was at that time. Fleury had been asked why he objected -so much to his future Sovereign: “I do not like her,” he replied, -“because I feel that she will insist upon wearing her crown in her bed -and her night-cap in public.” This bitter remark being repeated to the -person whom it most concerned, was never forgiven by her. - -Fleury, Persigny, and Morny had been the most trusted advisers of -Napoleon III., but unfortunately I never had opportunity to meet any of -them. With their removal from the political scene, the Empire lost its -most solid supports. The ability of M. Rouher could not stave off the -supreme calamity that was to cast it into the abyss; and as for M. Emile -Ollivier, about whom I shall have more to say presently, he had neither -the energy nor the moral courage to resist the current that went against -him and that swept away a regime. - -In general, when I look back upon those last two years of the Second -Empire, and try to recapitulate all that I saw, I cannot find anyone, -with the few exceptions already mentioned, who was really the friend of -either the Emperor or the Empress. Surrounded by flatterers, admirers, -courtiers, they had around them no really devoted people willing to risk -anything in order to prove their affection. The Tuileries seemed to be -one vast Liberty Hall, inhabited by men and women who knew very well -that they had but a short time before them to enjoy the good things of -this world, and whose only care was how they could escape with the most -advantage from situations which all the time they felt to be shaking -under their feet. Indeed, the Court reminded one of a vast _cuvée_ out -of which everybody tried to snatch some prize. It was a case of eating, -drinking and being merry, but without thinking that for all these things -there would one day be a reckoning. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -FONTAINEBLEAU AND COMPIÈGNE - - -Though still a young man when I was appointed to Paris--a man of -thirty-two years is considered to be quite young--I had already a -considerable experience of the world, and knew the society of most -European capitals, having been at every European Court. I was very well -able, therefore, to judge of what I saw, and to form a reliable opinion, -good or bad, of the people with whom I came into contact. - -I must confess at once that I arrived in France with certain prejudices -against the regime, and I did not examine it at first with -over-indulgent eyes. But as I grew to know the Emperor and the Empress -well, many of these prejudices vanished. The kindness of the Emperor, -and his boundless generosity, could not but impress favourably, and as -for Eugénie, her powerful charm made one forget other sides of her -character. When in their presence it was difficult to realise that they -were Sovereigns, or to have the feeling, whether at the Tuileries, at -Compiègne, or at Fontainebleau, that one was at a Royal Court. A mixture -of formality and of gaiety without restraint was prevalent, which -entirely upset one’s notions of what should constitute the atmosphere of -a Court. Eugénie was an incomparable hostess, even if sometimes -eccentric; Napoleon was the most thoughtful of hosts, though restless at -times, and showing some impatience at different vagaries indulged in by -his guests; still, though each was addressed as “Your Majesty,” it was -in much the same spirit that one would have said “Monsieur” or -“Madame”; deference was lacking. - -In spite of the shade of Bohemianism which presided over the annual -gatherings at Compiègne and at Fontainebleau, the invitations were -always coveted, and with reason, for a week spent at either place was -certainly most enjoyable. The autumn season generally saw the Sovereigns -at Compiègne, which the Empress liked very much, and there could be met -all the celebrities of modern France and a good many foreigners, whom -the Imperial couple liked to encourage to visit France, and on whom they -lavished every attention. They were generally asked to stay a full week, -and privileged persons were sometimes invited to extend their sojourn. -Life was very pleasant in this old home of the Bourbon dynasty, and the -liberty left to the guests to do what they liked added to its charm. One -rode, one hunted, one drove, and one flirted to one’s heart’s content, -and the only thing which was asked was punctuality at meals and -admiration for the beauty of the Empress. - -The exceeding charm and beauty of the Empress was never more seen to -advantage than in one of her country homes, where she felt more at her -ease than in Paris. She used to ask privileged persons among her guests -to drink tea with her in the afternoon. On these occasions she appeared -at her best, talking on every subject, and discussing all the new books. -She rather prided herself on being what French people call “un bel -esprit,” and of caring for literature; she considered it a part of her -duty ostensibly to interest herself in the literary and scientific -movements of the day. She liked to make herself popular among writers -and artists, of whom there was generally a good sprinkling at Compiègne. -Among her favourites were Octave Feuillet, Mérimée, and Carpeaux. More -than once Carpeaux implored her to allow him to carve her bust, to -which, however, she would not agree. Mérimée had been a friend of her -mother’s, the Countess de Montijo, and had known her as a little girl; -indeed, people whispered softly that he had had a good deal to do with -her elevation to the throne, having admirably advised her at that -critical period of her existence when first she became the object of -Napoleon’s adoration. - -Mérimée was a charming man in spite of his misanthropic tendencies and -his fits of bad temper, which caused him sometimes to say the rudest -things imaginable, but which in reality he did not mean at all. He was, -however, a privileged person, being customarily forgiven words which -would not have been tolerated in anyone else. He was, perhaps, amidst -the crowd which congregated in the vast halls and galleries of -Compiègne, the one who judged most clearly what was going on around him, -and I remember that one evening, when we were discussing the political -situation, he suddenly asked me: “Et vous croyez que cela durera?” (“And -you think that all this will last?”) Noticing my surprise, he did me the -honour of a lengthy explanation: “You see, my friend, here in this -beautiful France of ours we never look beyond the present day; we enjoy -ourselves without any thought of what the morrow may bring. We have seen -so many changes, so many revolutions, that we have entirely lost the -feeling of stability, without which no nation can achieve really great -things. In politics one must have either stability, faith in the -principles which one is called upon to defend, or else enthusiasm like -that felt by our troops at Marengo. Now can you imagine a spirit of -enthusiasm for our master here?” And he winked in the direction of the -Emperor’s private apartments. “He is good, and kind, and weak, but -though the nation and the army shout ‘Vive l’Empereur’ when they see -him, it is very doubtful whether they would sacrifice anything beyond -the interests of their neighbours for him. And the Empress, she is as -much to be pitied as she is to be envied. I am sorry to have to say so, -because I am really attached to her, but what can one do! She does not -realise that she is not by birth the equal of the other Queens of -Europe, and there lies her great mistake. She is so beautiful that one -would have worshipped at once Mademoiselle de Montijo, but the nation -could not bring itself to respect the Comtesse de Téba in the same way -as had she been a Princess born. Now, don’t betray me, please,” he -added, “but I know that you are discreet, and, besides, who minds the -sayings of that old grumbler Mérimée!” - -This _boutade_ left a deep impression on my mind at the time I heard it; -it resounded like the “Mene, Tekel, Upharsin” of the Empire, uttered as -it was by a man who was well known to have personally a great and -sincere devotion for the fair Spaniard whom he had helped to place on -the throne of France. Poor Mérimée was not destined to survive the fall -of that Imperial regime of which he had been one of the strongest -supporters. He died broken-hearted a few days after the disaster of -Sedan, writing pathetically to one of his friends just before his end: -“I have tried all my life to fight against prejudices, and to be a -citizen of the world before being a Frenchman. But all these cloaks of -philosophy are now of no avail to me. I bleed to-day of the same wounds -as these idiots of Frenchmen, and I weep over their humiliation.” - -Octave Feuillet was a great favourite of the Empress. He was a charming -man, but always ill and always preoccupied with nursing his health, and -his _malade imaginaire_. His novels were undoubtedly pretty, and created -a great sensation at the time. He was the fashionable novelist of his -generation, and certainly some of his works deserve to pass to -posterity because of their fine observation. He was middle-class to the -core, and this made him worship everything that seemed to be above him. -He took himself far too much in earnest, and even carried so far his -appreciation of his own merit that he wrote once or twice to the -Emperor, proffering unsought his advice in political matters. Napoleon -III. was far too kind to rebuff him, and sometimes even replied to him, -flattering his vanity, as he was accustomed to flatter writers and -journalists, in whom he saw the manufacturers of public opinion, and -whom he liked to conciliate as far as possible. Octave Feuillet -professed a great admiration for the Empress, and he must be given his -due--he remained faithful to her after her fall. He was one of the few -who went to Chislehurst to present their respects to the exiled and -dethroned Sovereigns. - -In violent contrast to his behaviour can be instanced that of the -architect Viollet-le-Duc, who, after having been loaded with money and -kindnesses by the Emperor and his Consort, turned his back upon them -after the fall of the Empire, and even tried to make excuses for ever -having known them. Unfortunately, he was but one of many, and bitter -must have been the thoughts of Napoleon III. and Eugénie when they saw -that all the good they had done, the boundless generosity they had -exercised, had only made them a few more enemies among the ranks of -those who owed them so much. - -Carpeaux, in spite of his rudeness, was very much appreciated at -Compiègne, and I often saw him there, as indeed I met also most of the -illustrious Frenchmen the Empire could boast of at that time. These -celebrities, and the number of pretty women who were also invited, made -the gatherings unique. The members of the fair sex who were nearly -always present were the Princess Metternich, the pretty Comtesse Mélanie -de Pourtalès, the Marquise de Galiffet, then separated from her -husband, who had already struck up that strange friendship with the -Princesse de Sagan, née Seillères, which gave rise to so much talk later -on. Mme. de Galiffet was one of the loveliest women of the Imperial -Court, and certainly the one who knew the best how to dress. She was an -_élégante_ before everything else, and I believe cared even more for her -dresses than for her lovers. Her relations with General Galiffet were -most strange. They used to meet sometimes in society, and he was always -most polite towards her; it was even said that the warmest admirer the -Marquise de Galiffet had ever had was her husband. This did not prevent -them never agreeing upon any subject save one, and that, it was -rumoured, reunited them sometimes, not under the same roof, but under -the same tent, as the Marquise de Caux once said with more wit than -kindness. - -Another habitué of Compiègne was the Baronne de Poilly. She was a daring -horsewoman, an eccentric character, full of brusquerie and kindness, but -not liked, and very much talked about. She was, with the Comtesse de -Beaulaincourt, ex-Marquise de Contades, one of the most dreaded persons -in the whole of Paris society. - -Speaking of Madame de Beaulaincourt reminds me of various episodes in -that lady’s career, which set me wondering how the strict Faubourg St. -Germain, as well as the frivolous society of the Second Empire, could -have taken her to their hearts in the way they did. She was bad for -badness’ sake, as unsparing in her words as in her judgments; always on -the look out for something evil to do, or something unpleasant to say. -Full of wit with it all, this last circumstance only made her the more -dangerous. She was a rare example of a vicious woman who had no -charitable instincts; it seemed as if she condemned others the more -bitterly because she knew that there was needing much pardon in herself. -Nevertheless, Madame de Beaulaincourt was one of the most remarkable -personalities at the Court of the Emperor Napoleon III., and as such she -deserves to be remembered. - -The members of the Cabinet and their wives were generally asked to -Compiègne in turn. At Fontainebleau, where the Court used to spend the -summer months, this was rarely the case. St. Cloud was too near Paris to -be really pleasant as a summer residence. Fontainebleau was quite in the -country, and its lovely forest afforded many opportunities for riding, -driving, or hunting, which appealed to Eugénie’s tastes. There she used -to live a family life free from the restraints of the Court, with the -guests whom she asked to share her _villégiature_. At Fontainebleau, -too, the Emperor, always a great stickler for etiquette, allowed it to -be relaxed, considering his stay there as a kind of holiday. He was more -often in the company of his guests than at Compiègne, and his presence -was very much appreciated. When he liked, Napoleon III. could be a -charming man and an interesting talker, but it was not often that he -allowed himself to become expansive. - -Life at Fontainebleau as well as at Compiègne was almost uniform in its -round of gaieties. The company assembled for breakfast at noon, after -which the guests followed their own inclinations during the afternoon. A -few privileged ones, however, were asked to drive or walk with the -Empress, and afterwards to have tea with her. All guests enjoyed perfect -liberty, but this did not prevent them from watching their neighbours to -find out their little weaknesses, for gossip was rife both at Compiègne -and at Fontainebleau, and many unpleasant rumours concerning the Emperor -and the Empress were started there. The manners and customs that -prevailed among the recipients of the Imperial hospitality were publicly -criticised, the feeling being that it would certainly have been better -had more discrimination been exercised. There was little dignity though -much ceremony during these “series,” as they used to be called, and the -extreme liberty granted was the source of all kinds of unmerited rumours -concerning what happened in those vast halls. Somehow it savoured of -desecration to see the gay company of careless men and fashionable women -who thronged Fontainebleau without giving a thought to the great events -which its walls had witnessed. - -One evening at Fontainebleau, after the rest of the world had retired, I -was returning late to my bedroom from an enjoyable stroll in the lovely -park. There was a beautiful moon, and it lit up the old castle of -François I., with its many turrets, its old gables, its whole aspect -speaking of the grandeur of many ages. I thought myself the only one to -indulge in such an eccentricity, when suddenly I came face to face with -the Chevalier Nigra, then one of the great admirers of the Empress, and -a general favourite both at Court and in Society. Chevalier Nigra had -been the private secretary of Count de Cavour, and was considered one of -the stars of Italian diplomacy. He professed the greatest devotion for -Eugénie, knew exactly how to flatter her and thus to glean information -as to what was going on in the French Cabinet. More clever than lovely -Madame de Castiglione, who thought that one of her glances was -sufficient to keep the Emperor enchained to her chariot, Nigra did not -attempt to play the lover, but rather the worshipper of the Empress, -whom he used to tell he had set upon a shrine whence he hoped she would -condescend from time to time to smile upon him. He had all the subtlety -of the Italian, and had read, and, what is better, thoroughly digested -and understood, the philosophy expressed by Machiavelli in his works. He -was an ardent patriot, and when he accepted the appointment to Paris it -was with the firm intention of using his best endeavours to bring about -the completion and recognition of Italian unity. - -Nigra was an extremely pleasant man, with a sufficient tincture of -cynicism to make him amiable without being aggressive. He rarely spoke -the truth, and never said what he thought; but he had the talent of -convincing people of his entire sincerity. A keen observer, he had -judged better than any of his colleagues the frailty of the Imperial -regime, and was only watching for the moment when the house of cards -should collapse. On the evening I am referring to he was smoking a big -cigar and walking slowly in the flower-garden which stretched in front -of the private apartments of the palace, enjoying the scent of the -roses, and from time to time raising his eyes towards the only row of -windows still showing a light amidst the darkness that enveloped the -venerable pile. - -When he saw me, he pointed upwards with his finger to these windows, -saying at the same time: - -“She is not sleeping; she is always the last one to go to rest.” - -“I wonder what she is doing so late,” I replied. - -“Thinking about her dresses, or the last sermon she has listened to,” -was the remark of Nigra. “How little the Empress understands her -situation.” - -“She gathers her roses whilst she can,” was my reply. - -“Yes,” retorted the Italian diplomatist, “and perhaps she does the best -thing under the circumstances; all this cannot last.” - -“You do not believe in the durability of the Empire?” I asked him. - -“No,” was the reply. “I do not believe in it at all. The Italian -question will overthrow it sooner than one thinks.” - -“You do not admit the possibility of a war between Italy and France on -the subject of the integrity of the Holy See?” I inquired. - -“Certainly I don’t,” said Nigra, “but I know one thing; the Emperor has -no likelihood of keeping his crown, or of passing it to his son, unless -he makes up his mind to fulfil the promises which he gave, perhaps in an -unguarded moment, and without thinking of the consequences, but which he -gave all the same. This hesitation of his has not only entirely -destroyed his popularity in Italy, but it has also thrown Italian -politicians into the arms of his foes. You see, we cannot prevent the -natural course of events taking place; the supremacy of the Pope has had -its day, and the Bourbons also have achieved their destiny. Italy, if -she is to be regenerated, can only be so under the sway of an Italian -dynasty. The Bourbons are not Italians; they are French, with a large -admixture of Austrian blood, and their temperament is distinctly hostile -to that of the Italian people. The House of Savoy, on the other hand, -has everything that appeals to the mind and to the imagination of my -country; it will welcome Victor Emmanuel with joy wherever he may -appear. You must not forget, either, a thing of which people generally -lose sight: Italians are superstitious; they are not at all religious, -and they more or less look upon the Pope in the same light as they do -the small princes and dukes who have ruled them for so long. Temporal -Power has far more prestige abroad than is the case with us, and -Italians will only feel wrathful against those who may try to force it -upon them. The people of Italy instinctively guess that the Emperor is -afraid to go against the popular feeling in France, and that he will at -a given moment refuse to help their ambitions if he finds that they -clash with his own personal interests. That is where he makes his -mistake,” continued Nigra, who had become excited, a rare thing with -him; “that is where he makes his mistake. If he upheld our national -ambitions he would find us at his side when his hour of peril will -strike, whereas now we shall merely look on and do what he did in -1859--seek our own advantage, heedless of the danger in which he may -find himself placed.” - -I looked at him attentively. - -“So you believe that this hour of danger is fast approaching?” I asked. - -“Of course it is,” was the reply; “its warning rang long ago, after -Sadowa, and when the bullets of Juarez struck the breast of Maximilian -at Queretaro. It is only blind people, blinded by vanity, like those who -are in power here, who do not see the menace that the armaments of -Prussia constitute for the whole of Europe.” - -“You do not believe in the readiness of the French army in case of a -war?” I asked. - -“Do you?” retorted Nigra. - -I remained silent. - -“No, I do not believe in it,” he went on slowly, “the army is not -capable of strong resistance to a well disciplined foe. How can an army -be so in a country where politics are paramount? You see there is no -real patriotism in France, there is only chauvinism, and that is not -quite the same thing. The Frenchman will not admit that he can be -conquered by anyone. Why, we have seen it at Solferino, where our troops -fought desperately, and were not even thanked by the Emperor, whose -soldiers could never have held out alone against the shock of the -Austrian regiments. When we came up and decided the fate of the battle -they were already giving way. You must not forget one thing, the French -soldier gets discouraged at his first reverse, and most certainly the -fate of the next campaign will be decided in its very first days. - -“The Emperor also is no longer what he once was,” went on Nigra; “he is -ill, broken down, either by disease or by worry, he has lost very much -of his former elasticity, and is more than ever undecided in the -resolutions he is called upon to make. The Empress, on the other hand, -believes herself to possess political ability, and is encouraged therein -by people who see a source of advantage for them in a Regency over which -she would be called upon to preside. The death of the Emperor, which ten -years ago would have been regarded in the light of a calamity, not only -for France but for Europe, is no longer dreaded, because the feeling is -that he has survived himself, that his lucky star has left him. The -convinced Bonapartists think that a Liberal Empire is an anachronism; -but the Emperor, who was always more or less a conspirator, dreams, on -the contrary, of establishing his dynasty on new lines, in which his -strong sympathies towards Liberalism will take the upper hand. When once -his entourage realise this fact, which so far they do not yet suspect, -they will do their best to bring matters to a crisis, and by means of a -foreign war divert Napoleon’s mind from his present intentions. And that -war----” - -He stopped and looked at me significantly. - -“That war won’t find Italy the ally of France,” I remarked. - -“Certainly not, because there would be no necessity for it. Why should -we lose either men or money when nothing could be gained by it? What we -want is Rome, and Rome we shall get all the same, whether Napoleon -allows it or not. One cannot stop the evolution of history.” - -“But she--what will she do?” I asked, pointing up to the windows we had -been looking at a few moments before, when, as if in reply to my -question, the light suddenly went out. - -Nigra shrugged his shoulders, as if this matter did not concern him at -all. - -“She will never resign herself to her fall, should such a thing occur,” -I remarked. - -“Oh yes, she will do so,” was the answer. “She will not even attempt to -fight against her fate should it prove inimical to her,” he concluded -philosophically. - -It was during the last time the Imperial Court was at Fontainebleau that -this remarkable conversation took place, and it impressed me so much -that I noted it down at once when I reached my room. I was to think -about it more than once subsequently, and many years later, meeting -Count Nigra, as he had become then, in St. Petersburg, where he had been -appointed Italian Ambassador, I reminded him of it, and asked him to -tell me what had really been the conduct of the Empress Eugénie on that -fateful 4th of September when he and Prince Metternich urged her to fly -before the revolutionaries. - -“She did exactly what I told you that night at Fontainebleau,” replied -Nigra; “she declared that she would not go against the wishes of the -country, and that, since it wanted her to leave Paris, she would do so. -Mind, she knew nothing as to whether this was true or not; no one had -told her that the country wanted her to go, one had simply drawn her -attention to the fact that her life was in danger, and she believed it -at once. Metternich at one moment asked her whether she would not take a -few things with her, but she replied that it was not necessary, and she -left the Tuileries without even taking a pocket handkerchief.” - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -POLITICAL MEN OF THE TIME - - -I became very well acquainted with both M. Rouher and M. Emile Ollivier. -The latter inspired me with warm feelings of friendship. He was -essentially an honest man, and his mistakes were more the faults of -others than his own. He never had the opportunity really to show of what -stuff he was made. Though possessed of the best intentions in the world, -he was always misunderstood and suspected, even by the very people who -should have had confidence in him and in his sense of justice and -impartiality. - -When he was called upon to form a Cabinet he was met by the antagonism -of the Empress, who did not approve of the new trend in politics, which -had replaced the one inaugurated at the _coup d’état_. She hated the -idea of the slightest diminution in the Imperial power and prestige. She -did not believe in the necessity of concessions to public opinion, and -she was deeply incensed to find that her ideas on the subject were not -shared by her husband, who was more or less under the influence of his -new Prime Minister. Eugénie, who was superstitious, declared to her -friends that she had the feeling when she spoke with Emile Ollivier that -he was going to be fatal to her. - -The fact is that fate went against the new Prime Minister. M. Ollivier -had hardly been in power when occurred an event almost forgotten to-day, -but which was to sound the first knell of the Empire. Prince Pierre -Bonaparte shot Victor Noir. - -Till that fatal day very few people knew anything about Prince Pierre. -He was a distant cousin of the Emperor, with whom his relations had -never been either affectionate or even friendly. He was the black sheep -of a family which at that time could ill afford a setback, and his -political opinions, coupled with an irregular connection with a person -belonging to an inferior class, and whom he was ultimately to make his -wife, had led to his disgrace by the head of his house. Napoleon III. -ignored the existence of this inconvenient kinsman, who lived in a -little house at Auteuil. - -Prince Pierre was a true Corsican in character: violent, and given to -strong fits of passion. He professed, together with most Radical -political opinions and strong Republican sympathies, an immense worship -for the memory of his great ancestor, the first Napoleon, and a great -respect for the family traditions of the Bonapartes. And when one day, -in a small newspaper edited at Bastia, he chanced across a very vile -attack on the family, he got into a rage, and replied to it in the same -paper by an equally virulent attack directed against the author. - -The matter did not end there, for very soon the Parisian press took -part, and the occasion was used by the enemies of the Imperial regime in -order to air their grievances against it. At last one of the editors of -an opposition paper called _La Revanche_, M. Paschal Grousset, who later -on was to acquire a sorry celebrity during the excesses of the Commune, -sent two of his friends to Prince Pierre, to request him either to -apologise in person or else to fight. - -What happened during the interview no one will ever know. The versions -given by the Prince and that of M. Ulric de Fonville, who together with -Victor Noir had called at Auteuil at the request of Paschal Grousset, -differ entirely as to what passed. The result, however, was the murder -of Noir by the cousin of Napoleon III. - -This event, occurring as it did at a moment when the Empire was being -attacked on all sides and already tottering, added considerably to the -difficulties under which the Emperor was labouring. Unfortunately, -neither he nor his responsible advisers calculated its consequences. -Instead of following the advice given by M. Rouher, who was of opinion -that Prince Pierre should have been imprisoned in a fortress until his -crime had been forgotten by the public, Napoleon III. decided to have -his cousin tried by a special court which assembled at Tours. The court -acquitted the accused, which only added to the general exasperation -against the government. M. Ollivier was reproached with having lent -himself to a travesty of justice, in order to shield a relative of the -Sovereign from a justly deserved punishment, and was accused by his -former friends and followers of allowing himself to fall under the -influence of the Court. - -This was gall and wormwood to that sincere politician, and the -bitterness which resulted on both sides made the head of the Cabinet -lose that calmness which, more than anyone else, he required in the -difficult task that lay before him. - -As to Prince Pierre, the cause of all this perturbation, he left France -after his acquittal, settled in Brussels, and after the fall of the -Empire married the mother of his children, and spent his life in -comparative poverty until the marriage of his son Roland Bonaparte with -the youngest daughter of the celebrated Blanc, of Monaco fame, which -brought back financial prosperity to that branch of the family. He did -not enjoy it long, because he died a few months later, and was followed -very quickly to the grave by his young daughter-in-law. His widow, the -washerwoman whose introduction into his family Napoleon III. had deeply -resented, went on living with her son Roland, devoting herself to him -and to his baby daughter. She never could learn what manners were, but -she was kind-hearted in spite of her vulgarity, and did good in every -way she could. Prince Roland, on his side, had the tact never to be -ashamed of the humble origin of his mother, to surround her always with -the greatest respect, and to treat her with the most tender affection. -She did the honours of his house as well as she could, and unfortunately -for her, died before the marriage of her granddaughter, the Princess -Marie Bonaparte, with Prince George of Greece, an event which, had she -only lived long enough to witness it, would have proved the supreme -happiness of her life. - -This digression has led me far away from M. Emile Ollivier. I had the -opportunity to see him on the day following the acquittal of Prince -Pierre Bonaparte, and was surprised to find him considerably irritated -against M. Rouher, whom he accused of trying to influence the Emperor in -a direction contrary to the resolutions which the Sovereign had taken in -conjunction with Ollivier himself. He seemed as if he wanted to find -someone on whom he might vent his anger at his own mistakes. A phrase -which he uttered on that day, but to which I did not pay any attention -at the moment, struck me later on as the expression of a desire to -regain a popularity he had lost: - -“Il nous faut maintenant à tout prix regagner notre popularité” (“We -must now at all costs win back our popularity”). - -It was immediately after these troubled days that the important question -of the Plebiscite was raised. It was violently opposed by M. Thiers and -his followers, and also by several of the Emperor’s personal friends, -who dreaded what it might mean to him. Even when its result ratified -the country’s confidence in the Empire and in the Emperor, they were not -inspired with any greater confidence in the future. I remember that at a -dinner which took place at the house of Marshal Canrobert and at which I -was present, M. Rouher, who was among the guests, remarked sadly that -there was nothing to be so very proud of in the results of the -Plebiscite, because Paris had proved by its vote that it was distinctly -hostile to the Government. “Et c’est Paris qui fait les révolutions et -renverse les gouvernements” (“And it is Paris which makes revolutions -and upsets governments”), he concluded with a sigh. - -Without being on intimate terms with him, I liked M. Rouher exceedingly. -For one thing, he was really the Emperor’s friend, and for another, when -all is said and done, he was a statesman. It is not to be denied that he -was ambitious and liked power for power’s sake. He did not care so much -for the welfare of France as he did for that of the Bonaparte dynasty, -but he had a clear apprehension of all the political necessities of the -moment, and saw farther than those who were listened to with greater -attention than himself. He did not perhaps like the Empress very much, -but he remained faithful to her, and out of respect for the place which -she occupied and the crown which she wore, always tried to uphold her -prestige. He loved Napoleon III. truly and sincerely, and always gave -him disinterested advice. Like all strong men he had enemies, and like -all sincere people he was accused of dissimulation and intrigue by those -who did not understand that to tell the truth is sometimes the best way -not to be believed. - -He has been accused of having gathered immense riches whilst he was in -power. I can testify that this has not been the case by far, and that -when the “Second Emperor,” as he was sometimes called, died, he was -comparatively a poor man. - -Socially, M. Rouher was charming, and his conversation was most -enjoyable. He had what French people call “le mot pour rire,” as well as -a marvellous skill for parrying questions addressed to him, and replying -without answering anything. He had dignity, and gave constant proofs of -it in his presidency of the Senate, where he displayed the rarest -qualities of tact and skill. - -Talking of tact, leads me to say a few words respecting a personage who, -to his own misfortune, as well as to that of other people, did not know -the significance of that word. It is of Prince Napoleon, Prince Plon -Plon, as the Prussians called him, that I am thinking. - -This first cousin of the Emperor was certainly a remarkable personage, -and undoubtedly a most clever man. But evidently, also, a bad fairy had -presided at his birth, and blighted with her magic wand all the great -qualities with which nature had endowed him. His was essentially a -restless nature, incapable of contentment, even when it had what it -wanted. Had he been Emperor he would have lived in opposition to -himself, _faute de mieux_. Of ambition he had a lot; of desires and -passions even more, but he lacked an evenly balanced mind, and that most -essential of all qualities, submission before accomplished facts and the -things that human will cannot change. His intelligence was sharp, -bright, and clear; he was capable of resolution, and had initiative in -his character. He was gifted with rare eloquence, and, possessing also -an easy pen, wrote pages that great writers would have felt proud to -sign. He was brilliant, too, in conversation, and to all these talents -he added qualities that, joined with the prestige of his name, and of -his position, might have called him to great destinies, could he but -have learned how to use them. His existence was essentially one aptly -described by the French expression “une vie manquée,” and he was his own -worst enemy. Always in opposition to his cousin he succeeded in rousing -in revolt against himself not only the advisers of the Crown, but also -the Emperor, and especially the Empress. Eugénie, with whom he had been -ardently in love when she was still Mademoiselle de Montijo, was the -object of his especial animosity later on, and he never lost an -opportunity of displaying it, forgetting even that she was a lady, and -that he should have shown himself a gentleman in his behaviour towards -her. Among the survivors of the time none will have forgotten the -scandal he caused at Compiègne when he refused to propose the health of -the Empress on the day of St. Eugénie, when the Emperor asked him to do -so. On that occasion as on many others, he quite lost sight of the -politeness which a Sovereign and a woman has the right to expect, even -from her worst enemies. - -Prince Napoleon was all his life in opposition to somebody or something, -and by poetic justice before his death he was to experience the sorrow -of finding his own son oppose him and his principles. Deception dogged -his footsteps, disappointment seemed to pursue him, for which he himself -was partly responsible, and partly the victim of circumstances. He is -more to be pitied than anything else. His life seemed to be spent in -seeing withdrawn from his lips the cup that a wicked fairy kept -presenting to him in order to tempt him with its contents. - -A good many of Prince Napoleon’s defects proceeded from a spirit of -bravado, such as that which distinguished the Italian condottieri of -old. He took a vicious pleasure in appearing to be what in reality he -was not, and in defying public opinion, as in the case of his famous -Good Friday dinners, when he asked his best friends to help him to eat -ham and roast beef on an occasion when the gayest of gay Parisians would -not have dreamt of touching anything else but fish. His unorthodoxy was -more affected than sincere, more frequently it was adopted because it -amused him to shock people. - -His wife, the virtuous Princess Clotilde of Savoy, was a saint in her -life and habits. She had absolutely no bond of sympathy with him, and -made him always feel that duty alone kept her at his side. She had -great, noble, and even grand qualities, but her disposition was neither -amiable, nor sympathetic, and Prince Napoleon should have had a wife he -could love, rather than one whom he could only respect. - -When he died alone in Rome, within a stone’s throw from the palace where -his distinguished relative, Madame Mère, had ended her sad existence, -and within sight of the chapel where rests the mortal remains of the -Princess Borghese, née Pauline Bonaparte, he was on terms of intimate -friendship with a lady well known in Paris society, the Marquise de -----, whose salon is to this day the rendezvous of a certain circle of -people, among whom may be seen some enjoying a great social position, -and about which I shall have something more to say later on. This lady -was passionately attached to Prince Napoleon, for whom she had -sacrificed a good deal. She had been a beautiful woman, gifted with a -splendid voice, admired by many, and loved by not a few. Her devotion to -the Prince was admirable, but her presence at his bedside robbed his -last hours of dignity. - -His widow, the Princess Clotilde, retired to the castle of Moncalieri, -where she, too, died a few years ago, after having seen her eldest son, -Prince Victor, married to the Princess Clementine of Belgium. Her -youngest boy, Prince Louis Napoleon, after serving for several years in -the ranks of the Russian army, lives now in comparative solitude, at the -castle of Prangins in Switzerland, having inherited the fortune of his -aunt, the Princess Mathilde. As for Princess Clotilde’s daughter, the -Princess Letitia Bonaparte, she married, under rather singular -circumstances, her uncle, the Duke of Aosta, the brother of King Humbert -of Italy. When I use the words “singular circumstances,” I am alluding -to the popular belief that the Duke had no particular intention of -marrying his niece. The Princess Letitia, however, had inherited the -ardent temperament of her father, Prince Napoleon. The Duke died shortly -after the marriage. At present the widowed Duchess of Aosta spends part -of her time in Turin, and part in Paris, where she has an apartment in -the Hotel de Castiglione, Rue de Rivoli, and enjoys herself as much as -she possibly can, being a general favourite everywhere. - -After the Plebiscite, it was generally felt that some changes in the -Cabinet of M. Emile Ollivier had become imperative, especially as its -principal members, M. Buffet and M. Daru, were not entirely in accord -with M. Ollivier, being more or less under the influence of Thiers, who -had been a resolute adversary of the Plebiscite. The portfolio of -Foreign Affairs, becoming vacant owing to the retirement of Comte -Napoleon Daru, was offered to the Duc de Gramont, who accepted. - -The Duc de Gramont, among all the people who had rallied to the Empire, -was the one whose adherence had caused the most pleasure at the -Tuileries. He had been the favourite of the Duchess d’Angoulême, the -daughter of Louis XVI. and of Marie Antoinette, and had inspired such a -deep affection in that severe Princess, that she had left him a large -fortune, from which he derived an income of about one million francs. -All his family traditions were connected with those of the House of -Bourbon, and one would have thought that nothing could have made him -swerve from his allegiance to the Comte de Chambord. When he forsook his -former masters, and enlisted among the followers of the Napoleonic -dynasty, there was great rejoicing at this unhoped-for and unexpected -defection, and great bitterness at Frohsdorf. The Empress Eugénie -lavished her best and most amiable smiles on the descendant of the -famous Corisande, and very soon the Duke found himself the cherished -guest at all the festivities that took place, either at Fontainebleau or -at Compiègne, or the Tuileries. - -He was made an ambassador at Vienna, no one knew why, presumably for no -other reason than that it was necessary to make something out of him, -and to shower honours and dignities on his head. He did not make himself -liked in Austria, and the statesmen with whom he found himself thrown -into contact did not form a high opinion of his diplomatic talents. He -felt himself secretly despised, and being of an ambitious turn of mind, -he wanted to do something very striking in order to make himself -appreciated by others to the same degree as he appreciated himself. - -It was with joy he accepted the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, and the -first time he presented himself before Eugénie after his appointment he -told her rather theatrically: “Les intérêts de la France ont été remis -en de bonnes mains par l’Empereur, Madame, soyez en sûre” (“The -interests of France have been confided by the Emperor into good hands, -rest assured of that, Madame”). - -I did not know the Duc de Gramont well, and for that reason refrain from -judging him. He has been accused of being the most guilty among the many -guilty people to whom the responsibility of the unfortunate -Franco-German War may be attributed. Doctor Evans, in the very -interesting memoirs published after his death, relates that at the time -of the Duke’s appointment at the head of foreign affairs, a foreign -statesman whom he knew well used the following ominous words: “Believe -me, this nomination is the forewarning of a Franco-German war.” - -It would not be fair to go as far as that, but I will say that the Duke -was attacked more than any of his colleagues with the _folie des -grandeurs_. Moreover, he was suffering acutely from the national vanity -which felt itself thoroughly convinced that nothing could resist the -courage of the French army. It did not strike him that this courage -would be of no avail in the presence of the perfect discipline of the -foe it would have to meet. - -I must say, when I look back on this period which preceded the war, that -a general uneasiness had pervaded the public mind ever since the -constitution of the Ministry presided over by Emile Ollivier. No one -trusted it, even among the personal friends of its head, and as a very -clever woman, the Vicomtesse de Janzé, now Princesse de Lucinge, said at -the time: “Its enemies do not trust it, and its supporters do not like -it.” The words were cruel, but very true. - -The last twelve months of the Empire’s existence saw vanish from the -political, and indeed from this earthly scene, three men who had once -played a considerable part in the world, and whose names are remembered -to this day: Montalembert, Berryer, and Lamartine. I never saw -Lamartine, but had the honour to know Montalembert well, and to have -been received often by Berryer, whose great figure considerably -impressed me. It was impossible to feel for him anything else but the -deepest, the most sincere respect. He was an admirable example of -fidelity to principles, of convictions that the vicissitudes of life -cannot change, and that even the errors of those who represent them -cannot weaken. He died as he had lived, a Legitimist, believing in the -divine right of kings, and determined to uphold his ideals to the end. -Throughout his career he retained a wide sympathy in his estimates of -men and of things, and an indulgence for the imperfections of those with -whom he came into contact. Though he would permit no compromise with his -own conscience, he realised very well that other people were different, -and that he must make allowances. Though very disdainful, he was not -vindictive in his old age, whatever he might have been in his youth, and -the admirable serenity which pervaded all his judgments and opinions -reminded me very often of the beautiful sunset of a beautiful day. - -Montalembert, though broken by illness more than by old age, had, -nevertheless, kept some of that brilliant and caustic wit for which he -had been famous, and which had amused me so much when I first saw him in -the early ’sixties. He was of that school of French Catholics who had -never been able to shake off the influence of Lamennais, and to whom the -exuberance of men like Veuillot was simply insufferable. The question of -the Papal infallibility, which had been submitted by Pius IX. to the -Vatican Council just before his death, had been the last great -preoccupation of Montalembert, who could not reconcile himself to what, -in his eyes, was a disastrous measure. His religion was of the broadest, -and in his last years he looked at things with less partisan enthusiasm, -and more clearness of judgment. I believe that in his inmost heart he -regretted sometimes having violently separated himself from Lamennais, -with whom he had worked on the famous paper _L’Avenir_. He never owned -it, however; he always said that intentions were what must be considered -and thought of, and that it was by their intentions, more than by their -actions, that people ought to be judged. In his way Charles de -Montalembert was just as great a figure as Berryer, whom he only -survived by a few months. - -As for Lamartine, his death brought back to the public mind all the -events which had preceded the proclamation of the Second Empire, and -that period during which he had been at the head of the Republic, whose -triumph he was not destined to see. Cruel material losses had reduced -him almost to penury, and his only means of existence was a pension -which, unknown to many, he received from the private purse of the -Emperor, who had had the delicacy to extend it to him in such a way that -the poor poet never knew to whom he owed the gift. - -This reminds me of one of the nicest remarks that Napoleon III. ever -made in his life. When he was asked why he insisted so much on Lamartine -never learning who was his secret benefactor, the Emperor replied that -“France owed so much to M. de Lamartine, that it would be a great shame -if he was made to feel he had need to be grateful to its Sovereign.” - -The year 1869 had come to an end under a cloud, which even the Empress’s -triumphs in Egypt and at Constantinople had not brightened. Napoleon -III. was worried, not only by the political situation, but also by the -state of his health. Notwithstanding the absence of his Consort he -invited people to Compiègne as usual, and there several persons besides -myself noticed that he looked ill and tired, and that his eyes had an -anxious expression which had never been observable before. He showed -himself even more affectionate than usual towards his son, and was heard -sometimes to sigh whilst watching him. Nevertheless, no one suspected -that anything was radically wrong, and not a single man or woman among -those who were gathered in the Castle thought that it was the last time -that they would be the guests of the Sovereign who welcomed them with -such kindness and affability. Among all those who passed their hours in -amusement in the Salle des Gardes, or in the long gallery where meals -were served, not one recognised that a hand was already writing on the -wall the same fatal words that appeared during the Babylonian monarch’s -last banquet. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -BEFORE THE STORM - - -When the news of the candidature of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern to -the Spanish throne reached me, together with a letter from my Ambassador -urging my return to Paris, I was staying in a little village on the -coast of Normandy. Though I started at once for the capital, I could -hardly bring myself to believe in the possibility of a war between -France and Prussia. The thing appeared to me to be quite impossible, -especially in view of a conversation I had had with the Emperor -immediately after the results of the Plebiscite of May, 1870, had become -known. I had ventured to offer to the Sovereign my congratulations upon -the new triumph he had obtained. Napoleon III. seemed also delighted, -and though it was most unusual for him to be demonstrative, yet he did -not, on that occasion, attempt to hide what he was feeling, going so far -as to tell me that the results of the Plebiscite in his opinion “had not -only consolidated the dynasty, but also had done away with the legend -that represented him as desirous of a foreign war in order to add to his -prestige.” “No one can say so at present,” added the Emperor, “because, -after France has so positively affirmed its allegiance to the Empire, it -would be madness for me to risk losing popularity through a war which, -even if victorious, would always materially impoverish the country.” - -Napoleon III. did not seem to have noticed that M. Rouher had at once -observed that the vote of Paris had been distinctly hostile to him, and -that as things were organised, it was Paris which overthrew dynasties -and governments. - -But that wisdom which is born of attentive observation of the events of -the world, as well as of outward and sometimes insignificant -circumstances that lead on to their development, seemed to be absent -from the thoughts of the principal politicians who, at that particular -moment of her history, held in their hands the destinies of France. -Neither the Emperor nor his responsible advisers saw farther than the -victory of the moment, and they all rejoiced together at the new triumph -which they had won for themselves, as well as for the party which they -represented. - -A few days after the Plebiscite, I happened to be calling on a social -celebrity, the Countess de Castiglione, about whom so much has been -written and said. Nature had been generous to her in many ways, but she -was not destined to keep her fairness much longer than a rose its -freshness. At the time of which I am speaking, she had barely reached -her thirtieth year, and was already the ghost of her former self. I -don’t think I have ever met a woman who faded so quickly; I have often -thought about it, and come to the conclusion that her beauty was so -dazzling that it obliterated the imperfections it possessed, just as the -Neapolitan or Sicilian sun prevents us from noticing aught else but the -brilliance of the places it lights up with its rays. At the first -glance, her loveliness literally took one’s breath away, as it did mine -the first time I saw her in 1868, when already she was going down hill. -I can therefore imagine what she must have been at the time she first -startled Paris by her glorious complexion and extraordinary beauty, and -conquered the senses if not the heart of the Emperor. - -Madame de Castiglione, without being the very clever woman she has been -represented by some, nor the stupid one she has been described by -others, was possessed of an intelligence that was certainly above the -average, but completely spoiled, her severe critics said, by an -inordinate vanity, which prostrated her at the feet of her own beauty, -and made everything in her life subservient to it. She firmly believed -that she had only to show herself to conquer, and in a certain sense it -was quite true, until the numerous victims of her charms learned to know -her well. She had been sent to France by her cousin, the great Cavour, -with a mission to influence Napoleon III. in favour of the cause of -Italian independence. In a certain sense she succeeded, though much of -her success can be attributed to the personal sympathies of the Emperor -as well as to the rash promises of which had been so generous in regard -to the various secret societies and associations with which he had been -connected in his youth. But he was a master in the art of flattery, and -it pleased his fancy to allow the young and lovely woman to think that -she, and she alone, had been the means of Italy attaining her liberty. -Madame de Castiglione thereafter took herself _au sérieux_, and believed -she was a political heroine. - -Later on, however, clouds came to obscure the horizon of her successes; -the sensation caused by the lovely Italian very soon vanished, and -though she was talked about a great deal in society, though painters -still raved about her, and old men devoured her with their eyes, whilst -young ones sighed at her feet, though women grew green with envy when -they saw her enter a room, certain it is that her success was neither a -long nor a permanent one. As a dream she flitted through that brilliant, -frivolous society of the Second Empire, and as a dream she vanished into -the darkness of the night that overtook it. - -The curious thing in the career of Madame de Castiglione was the way in -which she used to come and go, the eclipses her personality underwent, -and the notoriety that, now and then, arose in regard to her. There had -been a day when she was asked to leave France altogether, but then she -very soon returned to it, more arrogant, more haughty, more than ever -ardent in resuming a political rôle. But she did not like Napoleon III., -whom, perhaps, she did not forgive for the light-heartedness with which, -after all, he had treated her. Though she would never have owned to it, -she knew in her inmost heart that he had taken her as he would have -taken any other pretty woman weak enough to have been dazzled. Madame de -Castiglione was then in the glory of her youth and beauty, and she may -well be forgiven. Principles she had few, religion and morals still -less, or she would not, upon more occasions than one, have forgotten the -great name she bore, or the high social position she enjoyed, and -accepted, for instance, the banknotes of Lord Hertford, and of many -others. - -A curious trait in that celebrated woman’s character was her pride in -what others generally hid from the eyes of the world. A characteristic -anecdote can be told on this subject. One day, as one of the very few -friends she had left was talking with her of that period of the Empire -when she had been its brightest star, suddenly Madame de Castiglione -exclaimed: “I shall take care that even after I am dead the world shall -know how great I was whilst it lasted”; and with a cynicism such as she -alone would have been capable of, she rang the bell, and turning towards -the maid who had appeared in answer to it, “Luisa,” she said, “montrez à -Monsieur, la chemise de nuit de Compiègne.” And when an elaborate -garment all batiste and lace was brought to her, she added: “I shall -leave instructions to bury it with me.” - -To come back to what I was saying at the beginning of this chapter, I -had called upon Madame de Castiglione just after the Plebiscite, and -naturally the conversation turned towards that event. The Countess -listened very seriously to all the remarks exchanged between the two or -three people who were present in the room, and at last surprised us -considerably by saying: “You are all mistaken; the Plebiscite will not -consolidate the dynasty. Up to now neither Italy nor Prussia thought -that it could maintain itself _à la longue_ in France, where it was -firmly believed that no political regime was able to last beyond a few -years. The results of the Plebiscite have proved that this conviction -was an erroneous one; and the consequences will be that both these -nations will use their best endeavours to inveigle the Emperor into a -war. It is very well known that France is unprepared. Such an event will -naturally throw her back into a state of revolution, and for a time will -wipe her off the European slate.” - -No reply was made to this extraordinary remark, but when we went out -together with Alphonse Rothschild, who had been one of those who had -heard her, he turned to me and said with the clear insight of a -financier, combined with the cleverness of a diplomat and his experience -of the world: “How that woman hates the Emperor.” - -And now as I was hastening back to Paris on that July day of the year -1870, I remembered both the remark of the Baron and the tone of -animosity with which the Countess de Castiglione had spoken on that -occasion, and something like apprehension suddenly seized me, -apprehension I did not know of what, but of a danger which I felt rather -than saw, swooping down upon this brilliant society of the Second -Empire, which I had grown to like so much and so well. - -I reached Paris late in the evening of July the 16th, twenty-four hours -after war had been declared, and was struck by the extraordinary aspect -of the people who crowded the boulevards. Much to my surprise they were -singing the forbidden Marseillaise, and altogether they presented an -excited appearance. The cafés were full, and from time to time someone -would stand up, and scream loudly: “À Berlin!” whereupon the mob took up -that cry, and vociferated in its turn, “À Berlin! À Berlin!” All Paris -seemed to have gone mad, but already, in spite of what has been said to -the contrary, remarks were heard hostile to the Emperor and to the -government, who, it was said, had not soon enough tried to avenge the -insult which France had received, but had done their best to prevent the -outbreak of a war which, as someone remarked in my presence that same -evening, “was indispensable to the dignity and the greatness of the -country.” To attempt reasoning with such folly was out of the question. -I stopped the cab which had brought me from the station, and, alighting -near one of the cafés on the boulevards, sat down under the pretext of -having something to drink, but in reality to observe the scenes that -were taking place. All the windows and balconies were full of people -looking down in the street below, and watching the movement of the -crowd, listening to its warlike cries. And later, when the theatres were -over, the boulevards seemed to fill even more than they had been before. -Women appeared wearing the national colours, and above the noise, the -shouts, the movements of that great agglomeration of human beings, -resounded again one great acclamation, one immense cry: “À Berlin! À -Berlin!” - -When at last I reached our Embassy, I found that consternation -prevailed; not at the war, though everybody agreed that anything more -foolish than the circumstances that had led to it had never been seen, -but at the weakness displayed by the government, which certainly ought -to have checked that exuberance of public opinion, and prevented -manifestations that at any moment might turn against itself. Then -surprise was expressed at the disorderly attitude displayed by the -troops when starting for the frontier, as already one or two regiments -had done that morning. No one ventured to make a prediction as to what -the future was holding in reserve, but serious apprehensions were -entertained concerning the ultimate fate of the Emperor and of his -dynasty. - -That last feeling was very general, and I found it prevailed among all -the foreigners then at Paris. Two or three days after my return to the -capital, I called upon an old friend of mine, Madame Jules Lacroix, an -extraordinary old woman, a Russian by birth, whose sister was the widow -of the novelist Balzac, and who had made her home in France ever since -her marriage with M. Lacroix, the brother of the famous novelist known -under the pseudonym of “Bibliophile Jacob.” Madame Lacroix presided over -one of the pleasantest salons of the time; within its walls one was -always sure to meet some important and interesting persons. She had been -a great friend of Morny, and though her family had been Legitimists--she -used to boast of her alliances with the Bourbons through Queen Marie -Leszczinska, her aunt many times removed--all her sympathies were with -the Napoleonic dynasty. She possessed a villa in St. Germain, where she -used to spend her summers, and was there at the time the war broke out. -I went to dine with her in the endeavour to find out something about the -events that had brought about the present crisis. - -Madame Lacroix received me with effusion, and talked of little else than -the war, and of the consequences it would have. To my great surprise, -however, I did not find her by any means so enthusiastic as I had -expected, rather she was subdued and anxious. She related to me that her -great friend General Castelnau, one of the aides-de-camp of the Emperor, -who was later on to share his captivity, did not look at the situation -with over-confident eyes, and that he had given her to understand that -he had some apprehensions as to the ability of the army to come out -victorious from the struggle it was about to enter. - -“The Emperor is more ill than one supposes,” added Madame Lacroix, “and -should his strength fail him, who can take his place at the head of the -army? Indeed, it would be far better if he did not attempt at all to -lead it, because his presence in Paris will be more necessary than at -the frontier. Suppose a revolution breaks out here, who is to confront -it? The Empress is too unpopular through her clerical leanings to -inspire confidence in a nation that has lost every respect for priests -and their protectors.” - -Several episodes were then related concerning the deliberations which -had taken place at St. Cloud during the momentous days before the solemn -question of war or peace had been decided. It seems that when the first -telegrams from Berlin announcing the candidature of Prince Leopold of -Hohenzollern for the Spanish throne had arrived in Paris, the Duke de -Gramont had immediately sent them to the Emperor, though it was in the -middle of the night, and that in a long conversation which he had -subsequently held with his Sovereign, he had insisted on the affront -such a candidature represented for France. Why it was an affront -probably the Duke himself could not have properly explained. - -On the contrary, the Empress, who was afterwards to be represented as -having done all that was in her power to decide Napoleon to declare war -against Prussia, had been far from urging him to it, if we are to -believe what I heard on that day at Madame Lacroix’s. It seems that when -it was found to be impossible to resist the public clamour for revenge -against this insolence of Prussia, as the chauvinists, who held the -upper hand at that moment, were pleased to call the Hohenzollern -candidature, the Empress was very much upset, and to General Castelnau, -who saw her come out from her room with red eyes and in great agitation, -she said that she felt very anxious and very much afraid at the -responsibility that was to become hers when she would be left as Regent -alone in Paris. The General then advised her not to allow the Prince -Imperial to accompany his father to the frontier, upon which she -exclaimed: “Oh! I can’t keep him here, he will be much safer amidst the -army than with me!” Singular remark for a mother to make. - -Altogether it seems to me, from what I had opportunity to hear, that at -this crisis of her life Eugénie entirely lost her head, and that from -its very outset allowed outward circumstances and impressions to obscure -her clear judgment. I have been told that she was extremely -superstitious, and firmly believed that what she once described in one -of her conversations with an intimate friend as “the obstinacy” of the -Emperor in not imposing the weight of his authority upon King Victor -Emmanuel, to oblige him to abandon his secret ambitions to annex to his -crown the territory of the Holy See, would prove fatal to him as well as -to the Bonaparte dynasty. She was a fervent and devout Catholic and, in -addition to her misgivings as to the future, feared the wrath of God. - -I was not present when the Emperor left St. Cloud and looked for the -last time on his home of so many happy years, but I am told that nothing -could be sadder than this departure, so very different from that other -occasion, some ten years before, when, amidst the hurrahs of the -Parisian population, he had started for the Italian frontier to take -part in a struggle the end of which had been so glorious. And yet the -present war was a great deal more popular than had been that of 1859. -Not only was it desired, but almost imposed on the Sovereign, by a -nation who would never have forgiven him had he not acceded to her -wishes. And yet, when Napoleon took leave of his wife, his Ministers, -and the members of his household, on that eventful 28th of July, though -few eyes were dry in bidding him good-bye, the country over which he had -ruled for eighteen years did not unite in wishing him God-speed. On the -eve of the greatest catastrophe of modern times, an atmosphere of -foreboding was already making itself felt in the sadness of that early -departure. - -When the Sovereign had gone, a period of anxious waiting ensued. Paris -got wilder and wilder, became more and more riotous. One of the -Empress’s familiar friends called upon her one day at St. Cloud, before -she had left that residence to return to the capital, and thought it his -duty to draw her attention to that fact, and to express to her his -apprehensions that the excitement might have serious consequences should -any reverse happen to the army. She replied with vivacity: “Oh, not only -in case of reverse, also in case of victory, the nation only wants a -pretext to get rid of us.” - -These words are remarkable, and, so far as I know, no one had voiced -such sentiments before; they reveal on the part of the Regent a state of -discouragement which explains, perhaps, her total collapse when the -dreaded crisis at last occurred; maybe it was this belief which led to -the indifference with which she submitted to a destiny which she had -accepted as foreordained, and against which she had recognised the utter -futility of rebelling. - -She was leading a feverish existence, which left her little time to -think over her difficult position, or to make plans concerning her own -future. After having tried to imbibe the enthusiasm with which she was -told the declaration of war against Prussia had been received in the -whole of France, she was now realising how little grounds there had been -for it. Before even the earliest news of the first disasters of this -deplorable campaign had been brought to her, she had prepared herself -for the worst, and believed in the worst, though when that worst came it -was to surpass all that she had most dreaded or imagined. - -Before she decided to leave St. Cloud, she went for a walk in the park -with one of her ladies in waiting. On the last evening she gave way to -the apprehensions that were torturing her soul. The sun was setting -after a glorious day, and the Imperial residence had never seemed so -beautiful, nor so peaceful; a peace in such contrast to the agitation of -the country, that the Empress could not refrain from remarking upon it. -Her companion tried to cheer her with words of hope and encouragement: -“No,” replied Eugénie, “I have no hope left, and if I could still wish -for something, it would be to stop the course of time; to have a few -more hours to look upon St. Cloud and its gardens; but see,” she added, -and pointed with her hand towards the sun that was slowly disappearing -below the horizon, “see, this is how our prosperity is also setting, and -who knows what will happen in the night that is falling upon us!” - -And covering her face with her hands, she who was still Empress of the -French sobbed bitterly. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE DISASTER - - -When the war broke out, I had just obtained a long leave which I -intended to spend in Russia, and immediately after my return to Paris -began to make preparations for my departure. The situation, however, was -getting so very interesting that I kept putting off my vacation from day -to day, especially after the first reverses had proved to every -impartial observer that the days of the Bonaparte dynasty were numbered. - -No one, however, imagined that the campaign would so very quickly decide -the momentous questions that were hanging in the balance. The government -was doing its very best to prevent news from leaking out and to hide -from Paris, as well as from the country in general, the extent of the -first reverses that the French army had encountered. This was a great -mistake in more senses than one, because it allowed the wildest rumours -to get about, which would not have been possible had the truth been made -known at once. Had she only shown frankness and decision, the Regent -might still have succeeded in rallying around her a considerable -proportion of the people desirous of maintaining public order. To secure -that, her best course would have been to appeal publicly to the whole -nation; to point out that the refusal of the Chambers to grant the -necessary military credits the government had asked for a year before -had contributed to the disaster that had overtaken France; and then to -declare that she was going to do her best to negotiate an honourable -peace. Above all things she should never have convoked the Chambers, the -more so that constitutionally she had no real right to do so. The -Emperor himself pointed this out later on, in a memorandum which he -wrote for one of his great friends, Le Comte de la Chapelle, and he very -justly remarked that by doing it a pretext was given for revolution to -break out. But the impulsive Empress only thought that the return of -Napoleon, vanquished and defeated in his capital, would expose him to -insult, and endanger the dynasty; therefore, she urged him to keep away. - -Émile Ollivier, who had judged differently, entreated her to insist on -Napoleon’s return to Paris, but Eugénie, instead of listening to his -advice, did her best to thwart it, under the mistaken idea that with -another Cabinet she had more chances to meet the difficulties of the -situation. From some strange reasoning she interfered with MacMahon’s -plan to draw his army back towards Paris in order to defend the capital, -and gave him peremptory command to join Marshal Bazaine’s army. Stranger -still, MacMahon, who, being responsible for his troops, should not have -allowed politics to interfere with his plan of campaign, acceded to her -request, and marched to his destruction in the direction of Sedan. - -That initial mistake of the Regent was the principal cause of the -revolution which followed upon the surrender of the French army to the -Prussians. I do not mean to say that this revolution might have been -averted in the long run, but certainly it might have been delayed, and -some attempts might have been made to save the dynasty. Unfortunately -the Empress thought she was acting very cleverly by seeming to give no -thought to that dynasty, and affecting indifference as to its fate. She -allowed the romantic side of her character to take the upper hand even -in that supreme disaster of her life, and refused to give the necessary -orders that might, perhaps, have averted a catastrophe not only where -the Imperial regime was concerned, but also to the country. She refused -to defend the Tuileries; she refused to defend the cause of order which -she represented; she refused to defend her throne and that of her son; -she refused to act energetically, in order to subdue the insurrection -that was already making itself heard under her windows; she refused to -meet the mob that was invading the palace; and ultimately she fled. - -It has been said that she was betrayed by those upon whose devotion she -had the right to count. It is not to be contested that the conduct of -General Trochu was cowardly, but the misfortune of Eugénie was that she -had never succeeded in inspiring any other feeling than admiration for -her beauty. - -It is extraordinary, when one remembers all that happened at that time, -to realise how each and all lost their heads. There was still a -government in Paris on the 4th of September, there was an army, a -responsible ministry that might have appealed to it, and yet no one -seemed to have thought it possible to resist the demands of the mob--and -such a mob, too. I think I may affirm that none were more surprised at -the easy way the Empire was overturned than the members of the -government that succeeded to the administration of the country. As a -proof of this, I may mention a remark made to me many years later by -Gambetta in the course of a conversation which we had on the subject: “I -did not know when I left the Hotel de Ville after the proclamation of -the new government, whether I should not find the police waiting to -arrest me when I reached my home,” was what he said. - -Had the Empress personally gone to the Corps Législatif and given orders -to sweep away the mob about to invade it, and to arrest Trochu, it is -probable that the Parisians, cowed by her personal courage, would have -acclaimed her, and cried out: “Vive l’Impératrice!” It is certain that -no one would have harmed her, but Eugénie lost her presence of mind upon -finding herself so utterly abandoned, and fled from the Tuileries, -forgetting everything in the disorder of that moment. - -Vague news concerning the disaster of Sedan had reached Paris in the -course of the evening of the 2nd of September, rumours with no official -authority to explain them, but which, nevertheless, circulated -everywhere. Later on the Empress was reproached for not acting at once -upon them by rallying around her the few partisans that were still left -to the Empire. But she was not to blame for this apparent inactivity, -because it was only the next day that she received the telegram from the -Emperor confirming the dreadful news. - -Among the diplomatic corps it had been known earlier, and commented upon -as it deserved. In the late afternoon of the 3rd of September, I went -out, and directed my steps towards the Tuileries. The palace seemed -quite peaceful. The usual sentinels that were guarding it were all at -their posts, and a crowd on the Place de la Concorde was neither -numerous nor hostile, certainly nothing that pointed to insurrection. - -Among the curious people that were standing in front of the palace I -could hear remarks and comments on the catastrophe of the day before, -but what struck me was that these remarks were not hostile to the -Empire; on the contrary, words of regret were continually expressed, and -many sympathised with the Emperor, and especially the Prince Imperial. -After having waited for some time I turned my steps towards the Cercle -de la Rue Royale, where, meeting some friends, I told them that I was -surprised to find the capital so quiet, and that I thought that the -Empress would be well advised if she took advantage of this sympathetic -attitude of the public, to attempt to negotiate a peace. Every -well-wisher of France felt that peace was indispensable in order to -avoid worse calamities. I was very much surprised when a man whom I knew -to be well informed as a rule, replied that very probably the next day -would see a proposition promulgated to depose the Emperor. He added the -remarkable news--which surely was absurd--that this would be done at the -secret instigation of the Regent, who believed the Prince Imperial’s -only chance of ascending the throne consisted in the removal of his -father from the political scene. - -I could not bring myself to believe such an unfair canard. Whatever has -been said to the contrary since, Napoleon was always popular with a -large section of people; the Parisian workmen especially liked him, and -felt grateful for the care with which he had seen to their welfare. It -is true there were some who screamed that he was responsible for the -military disasters which had overtaken the country, but these belonged -to that section of unruly spirits that take every possible opportunity -to attack every government. It must not be forgotten that in spite of -the _Lanterne_ and other revolutionary organs of the same kind, the -influence wielded by the press had not reached the power it now -possesses; after eighteen years of Imperialistic rule, the country was -disciplined and trained to obedience, and it is most probable that had -the Emperor personally been able to make an appeal to it, it would have -responded heartily. If the Regent could have obtained the liberation of -her husband, and so secured his help to conclude peace with Prussia, -such an ending to the campaign might have been possible at that -particular moment--it was certainly not the time to talk of the -sovereignty of the people and of bowing to the will of the country. - -The evening passed off quietly. I walked along the boulevards after -eleven o’clock; the night was beautiful, and the streets as animated as -usual. I could not discern much consternation among the crowds, everyone -seemed only to be more subdued than had been the case lately. And when I -left my house on the morning of the 4th there were certainly no signs -whatever of a revolution in the streets, nor any atmosphere of impending -disaster. - -I was living in the Avenue de l’Impératrice, now Avenue du Bois de -Boulogne, and as I reached the Champs Elysées, I found that everything -was as quiet as usual. The fountains were playing in front of the Palais -de l’Industrie, children were romping in the walks, and there was no -indication that anything unusual was going on. I went to breakfast at -the Cercle, and it was only after leaving that I was accosted by a -friend on the Place de la Concorde who told me that the Corps Législatif -had been invaded by the mob. Curious as I am by nature, I turned my -steps towards the Palais Bourbon, and found really an enormous crowd -assembled there; but even then, there was nothing hostile in its -attitude, it was rather good-humoured than anything else. Some leaders, -however, were shouting: “La déchéance! La déchéance,” at the top of -their voices. No one seemed to offer any resistance, and the attitude of -the deputies, when I managed to enter the gallery reserved to the Corps -Diplomatique in order to obtain a view of what was going on inside the -House, was rather one of surprise than anything else. Amidst the hum of -voices could be heard the deep tones of M. Jules Ferry urging those -present to go to the Hotel de Ville and to proclaim the Republic, but -with the exception of Jules Favre, and of M. de Kératry, no one seemed -to share his opinion. I am convinced that if, at that moment, the Regent -had occupied the Palais Bourbon with a military force, the Revolution -would never have succeeded, and to this day I fail to understand how it -was that no member of the government had the presence of mind to take -upon himself the responsibility for such a measure, which might have -changed the whole history of France. It is quite certain that even when -the three leaders of the Revolutionary movement started for the Hotel de -Ville, they did not possess the sympathy of many of their colleagues, -rather, the latter only wanted the support of the government then in -power, to get rid of them. None would have objected to the arrest of -these three men, had there been found but one person strong enough to -put such a measure into execution. - -The fact is, the majority of the members of the Corps Législatif seemed -to be quite dazed by what was happening; they did not at all understand -what was going on. I am convinced that they left the hall where the -sitting had taken place, without having realised that it was for the -last time. As soon, however, as they had done so, the mob invaded the -Palais; but the scenes of disorder that are asserted to have followed, -never took place. I remained some time unobserved at my post, and failed -to see the excesses of which some speak as occurring. Of course, shouts -were heard, a boy of about eighteen years old sat down in the -Presidential armchair, and rang the bell with all his might, but this -was done more in childish amusement than anything else. I repeat that -the slightest appearance of a military force would have restored order -at once, and this makes the subsequent events more unpardonable still. - -After having spent about an hour watching the scenes that attended the -end of the Legislature which, under Napoleon III., had ruled France for -eighteen years, I left the Palais Bourbon and turned my steps towards -the Tuileries. There the crowd was more hostile, especially the Garde -Nationale. The men had turned their rifles upside down, and some of -them were screaming aloud they would never fire against “la nation.” Now -and then a cry resounded: “La déchéance! La déchéance,” and the accents -of the Marseillaise made themselves heard; but it must be remarked that -no cries of “Vive la République!” were to be noticed, at least I did not -hear any. Another strange feature of this pacific revolution was that -the mutineers were in small bands, which were each followed by a -considerable crowd of onlookers, which probably would have dispersed at -sight of the first company of soldiers. The police had mysteriously -vanished, and the whole aspect of the crowd was good-natured in the -extreme; it was composed of as many women, children and dogs as of -_insurgés_, and seemed more on amusement bent than on anything else. -Even when the gates of the Tuileries were at last forced, and the mob -found itself in the big courtyard, it did not attempt to enter the -interior of the Palace; the people merely walked about the garden and -the inner courtyard that led from the Carrousel to the private gardens. -Had the Empress remained she would not even have noticed the invasion, -and the best proof of what I say here lies in the fact that when the -members of the new government arrived a few hours later in the -Tuileries, they found everything in the same state as usual; nothing had -been disturbed, and even the papers forgotten by the Empress on her -writing table had been left untouched, the servants were all there, but -had only taken care to take off their liveries, with the alacrity which -people of their class always display in turning against their former -masters as soon as misfortune comes in any shape or form. - -I was one of the persons who visited the Tuileries on the evening of -that memorable 4th of September, which saw the fall of Napoleon III.’s -dynasty. No one knew at that moment what had happened to the Empress, -nor where she had fled, and rumours were going about in some quarters -that she had tried to join the Emperor, and in others that she had -directed her steps towards Metz with the intention of seeking a refuge -with the army of Bazaine, and establishing there the seat of government. - -When I visited the Palace I found that no one there believed she had -gone away for ever; indeed--and this is a detail that I believe has -never been recorded elsewhere--I found one of her maids preparing her -bed just as usual! It was evident the flight had been a hurried one. In -the private rooms, letters never meant to be seen by a stranger’s eye -were scattered about; a gold locket with the portrait of a lovely woman, -the Duchesse d’Albe; another one with that of a baby in long robes, the -first picture of the Prince Imperial; one small golden crucifix; a note -just begun, and addressed no one knows now to whom, but of which the -first words ran thus: “Dans la terrible position où je me trouve, je -ne----” The writing stopped there; evidently she who had started it -had been interrupted by the bearer of some evil message, and there it -lay forgotten, in the midst of the tragedy which had put an end to so -many things and to so many hopes. - -The Revolution of the 4th of September was especially remarkable for the -inconsiderable impression it produced in Paris itself. Life went on just -as usual, and save for a few expressions of wonder, no one seemed quite -to realise the importance of it. The capital began to prepare for the -siege, rather with mirth than anything else. To tell the truth no one -seemed to believe in its possibility, and I remember one day, when -visiting a friend who was living on the Quai Malaquais, she pointed to -the Seine flowing softly under her windows, saying at the same time: -“Croyez-vous que les Prussiens arriveront devant mes fenêtres comme les -Normands jadis sont entrés à Paris?” (“Do you think that the Prussians -will arrive in front of my windows as the Normans entered Paris in days -of yore?”) - -I reproduce this remark just to show how very little those in the -capital realised either the present or the future at this particular -moment. - -Another thing which struck me, was that existence out of doors seemed to -go on much as usual, in spite of the bad news that continued to pour in. -The theatres were full, and people seemed to make the most of the late -summer days that were coming to a close. There was very little -excitement, and the feeling that predominated was one of curiosity. Some -people were departing, but not in large numbers, and it was only towards -the end of September that people began seriously to look at the -situation. By that time I had already left Paris. I went on the 15th of -September, hoping to return in January, not suspecting then that the war -would drag on as it did. I, together with many reasonable people, still -hoped that the new government would see the necessity of ending a -hopeless struggle before it was too late. - -All my suppositions turned out to be wrong, however, and it was only -towards the end of February that I was once more to find myself at my -old post, by which time the unfortunate Emperor, languishing in -captivity, seemed to be forgotten, and the Republic had grown to be an -established fact. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -LETTERS FROM PARIS DURING THE SIEGE - - -Paris was already invested when I succeeded in leaving it with the help -of a diplomatic passport, and it was in Vienna that I read in the papers -the news of the useless interview that took place between Prince, at -that time still Count, Bismarck, with M. Jules Favre at Férrières. I -never understood how the German Chancellor, who at that time had not the -slightest intention to conclude peace, consented to receive the -representative of a government which he had not acknowledged. I was told -later on, that it was at the request of the King of Prussia he had given -his assent to Favre’s arrival at the German headquarters. - -The results of this hopeless attempt are well known. Jules Favre talked -as only an advocate can talk. But he pleaded sentimental reasons where -hard facts only had to be considered. When he returned to Paris, it was -with the conviction that as the government of the Défense Nationale was -neither strong enough nor respected enough to compel the country to -accept a shameful peace, the only thing was to allow matters to drift. - -A good many of my friends, and of my colleagues, had elected to remain -in the capital, and there await the end of the war, and I must own that -I regretted later on that I had not been given the same opportunity. -That period was most interesting, and I have always felt that to -understand the genesis of the events which happened later on, one ought -to have experienced those months of anxiety, when the great capital was -abandoned to her fate, with the Prussian guns levelled against her. - -I was not, however, left entirely without news, and as regularly as was -possible received letters from besieged Paris, sent either by balloon or -by carrier pigeons. I have kept them all, and from their pages now give -extracts which will give an idea of the feelings of the Parisians during -the trial they had to undergo. - -_September 25th, 1870._ - - “MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,--You will be wondering what is happening to - us, and I do not want to let pass the present opportunity to send - you some news concerning us. We are now quite resigned to the - prospect of a siege, and the only question that is agitating the - public mind is how long it will last. The most contradictory - rumours are spread, and some of them even attribute to Jules Favre - the intention of trying to restore the Empire, after having assured - himself that he would remain its Prime Minister. Of course this is - nothing but humbug, and I only mention it to you to show you to - what extent public imagination can cajole itself. What is not - humbug, however, is the difficulty the government finds in - attempting anything in the way of peace negotiations. It begins to - see the great mistake which was made when a small minority - overthrew the Empire so unexpectedly. Had it been left standing, - all the onus of the disastrous peace, which, whether France likes - it or not, will have to be concluded, would have fallen upon its - shoulders, whilst at the present moment, it is the Défense - Nationale which will bear the brunt of anger at the dismemberment - of our France. This may sound the death knell of the Republic, and - those who are at its head know it but too well. I think that the - unlucky phrase of Jules Favre, when he said that he would never - give up ‘un pouce de notre territoire, ni une pierre de nos - forteresses,’ was more a calculated pronouncement than the result - of an enthusiasm too strong to think of the consequences its - imprudent words might have. He wanted to ward off the evil moment - when he would be called upon to do that which the Empire he had - helped to overthrow would have done had it been left in power; and - feeling this to be inevitable, had tried to keep the knowledge of - this bitter fact from the public. One begins to realise the mistake - one has made, I repeat it, but unfortunately one does not see what - ought to be done to mend it. The public feeling in the city is very - different from that which was prevailing on the 4th of this month. - The Parisians begin to realise the seriousness of the situation, - but there is no talk of a surrender, and the confidence that - victory will return to France is very dominant among the lower - classes, whilst it is recognised among the higher ones that the - deal has been irrevocably lost, and that peace ought to be - concluded, else serious disturbances may occur among the Garde - Nationale and the numerous militia. - - “The government does nothing, and when I have said this, I say - everything. They say that they can do nothing and that it is to the - Tours delegation they must look for an attempt to stop the progress - of the Prussian army. So long as Gambetta was here there was some - activity in ministerial offices; now he has gone there is absolute - stagnation. All these ministers, suddenly called upon to exercise - functions for which they were totally unprepared, seem lost, and - Jules Favre looks at the political situation with the same eye he - would look at some big criminal or civil law case--from the outlook - of an advocate, not from that of a statesman. They say he actually - cried during his conversation with Bismarck. The question arises - whether these tears were genuine ones of grief, or simply a - rhetorical incident. How much more dignity there was in the conduct - of General Wimpffen and his colleagues, when they discussed with - the German Minister and the German General Staff the conditions of - the capitulation of Sedan! No one likes Jules Favre, whom even his - partisans consider to be a demagogue of talent, but nothing more. - And certainly France does not need demagogues at the present time. - - “There are comical notes in the gravity of the situation. People - talk about never surrendering, about dying for their country, - whilst running about buying hams and butter, and as many provisions - as they can, in view of the siege. Vegetables are at a premium, - meat will soon become a luxury, bread is already looked upon in the - same light that cakes were formerly, and frivolous women are - getting excited at the thought of the many privations which they - expect they will be called upon to endure. Yet comparatively few - people have left the capital, where, after all, perhaps, one is - safer than in the provinces. News leaks out sometimes from the - outside, mostly false; for instance, it was related the other day, - that the Prince Imperial had reached Metz, and put himself under - the protection of Marshal Bazaine. All the partisans of the Empire - believed it, but serious people did not attach any faith to this - rumour. The Legitimists are full of hope that out of the present - complications a monarchical restoration may ensue; the Radicals, on - their part, are sure that, sooner or later, the government will - fall into their hands. The principal question that is agitating the - public mind, is as to who would eventually have the right to - conclude peace with Prussia. No one, to begin with the members of - the present administration (for one can hardly call it a - government), believes that the King of Prussia would consent to - treat with them. Therefore the calling together of a National - Assembly is imperative, but would this Assembly be the expression - of the will of the nation, when the elections would have to be held - under the muzzles of the enemy’s guns? In a word, we live in a - state of uncertainty such as France has never yet experienced, no - one knows what the morrow holds in reserve, and though there is a - government of the National Defence, yet there is no one to defend - the country.” - -I have reproduced this letter in its entirety, because it seems to me -that it explains very well the state of opinion in besieged Paris. Later -on, I was to receive another communication from the same correspondent, -written immediately after the insurrection of the 18th of October. This -one is more alarming even than the first. - - “We have had the other day,” he writes on November 4th, “the first - taste of that revolution which we shall not escape. It began by an - _échauffourée_ of the National Guard, and ended by an invasion of - the Hotel de Ville by the mob. It was repulsed, but for how long? - This is the question, and the population of the faubourgs is - getting so excited that at the first opportunity it will most - certainly again take the offensive, and this time with greater - chances of success. Don’t forget that, after all, we have no - regular army in Paris worthy of that name, that arms have been - distributed not only to the National Guard, but to a great part of - the population; that, consequently, it is the latter, and not the - pseudo-government, that in reality holds the power to impose its - will upon the capital. One talks a lot about patriotism, believe me - there is very little of patriotism about; all the politicians who - have tried to persuade themselves that they have the qualifications - of real statesmen, only think of their future, and of the - possibility of their own greatness rising out of the ruins of their - fatherland. They do nothing else but talk; I wish they would - work--it would be more to the point. - - “I must tell you something that will surprise you. Rumours have - been going about that the Prussian government had started some - negotiations with the Empress in England. She is still Regent in - name if not in fact, and her intervention, especially if it was - strengthened by a demonstration of the army of Metz in her favour, - might decide the King of Prussia to conclude an honourable peace, - or at least one which would be termed honourable by every - reasonable person. Well, will you believe me that a Bonapartist, - quite _au courant_ with what goes on, and who knows, moreover, the - character of the Empress, told me that in his opinion she would - always hesitate to take measures which might afterwards be - attributed to her as proceeding from a desire to save the dynasty? - She persists in that attitude which she has adopted from the - outset, of putting France before everything, and of appearing to be - careless of the interests of her family. She will not see that, at - a time of such crisis, the interests of the dynasty are inseparable - from those of the country, and that if by means of an intervention - of the army of Metz in its favour she can conclude peace under more - favourable conditions than those which Prussia would impose on a - Republican government, it is her clear duty to do all that she can - to achieve that result, no matter what reproaches might be hurled - at her in the future. The Empire still has many partisans in - France, especially among the working classes; they would most - certainly have rallied around the Regent if it had been properly - explained to them that she had saved the army of Metz from the fate - that had overtaken that of Sedan, and, in consideration of this - service, one would have forgiven her many things. Of course what I - am telling you here reposes on hearsay, and you most probably know - more about it than we can here, separated as we are from the - outside world; but I repeat it, strong rumours have been going - about, that Eugénie has been approached by Prussia, who, it seems, - is even more eager for peace than we are, and that it has been - hinted to her that every facility would be granted to her to appeal - to France, to help her out of the terrible situation in which both - find themselves at present. Among a certain circle strong hopes - were indulged at one time that these rumours would turn out to be - true, consequently the news of the capitulation of Metz, which the - Prussians took good care should reach us, came as a thunderbolt to - the Bonapartists, who openly declared that it had been brought - about through the refusal of the Empress, from mistaken dynastic - reasons, to assume the responsibility of a peace, the conditions of - which, including, as they necessarily must have done, a concession - of territory, would have excited indignation throughout France. - - “All that I am telling you is, of course, the result of my private - observations, but these may interest you, in view of your Imperial - sympathies. - - “And now you shall ask me what I am doing personally in our poor - besieged Paris. Well, I happened to be near the Hotel de Ville on - that memorable 18th of October, and I was much interested in the - motley crowd that assembled in front of it. What struck me - extremely was the large contingent of women, who were trying either - to help or to excite their husbands or friends. I did not think - that Parisian females were so revolutionary, nor that they counted - in their midst such a number of old hags worthy to rival the - witches of _Macbeth_ in appearance. I am afraid that if we see a - real revolution--which God forbid, though I am inclined to think - its advent is inevitable--the women will show themselves ten times - more ferocious than the men, and that the days of the - _tricoteuses_, who dictated to the Convention in 1793, are not by - any means over yet. - - “The remnant of society left in the capital has bravely made up its - mind not to eat, drink and be merry, but to go through all the - hardships of the siege with good humour and resignation. People - still see each other, and indeed social life has not changed, - although the menus of the dinners to which one is invited are - anything but luxurious. For instance, yesterday I was asked to - lunch by my old friend Countess Stéphanie Tascher de la Pagerre, - together with two other people, and this is what we were offered: a - potage Liebig with macaroni, roasted horseflesh, fresh beans, and - chocolate cream without cream, but made with tinned milk. With the - most charitable feelings in the world, it would be impossible to - say that it was good, or that anyone liked it. - - “Clubs, too, are just as formerly, though they present the unusual - sight of members dressed in uniform, who often come to lunch direct - from the front, and who leave a rifle instead of a stick to the - care of the hall porter, whilst they snatch a hasty and nasty meal. - The theatres play just as usual; an ambulance has been organised in - the foyer of the Comédie Française, and Mlle. Sarah Bernhardt is - just as bewitching under the white cap and apron of a nurse as she - was in her most gorgeous stage dresses. In short, the _comédie - humaine_ has become the _comédie parisienne_, notwithstanding the - tragedy of Paris and of France.” - -This letter, penned by an American who had elected to remain in Paris -during the siege, gives pretty well the idea of the spirit that -prevailed among the Bonapartists, and the one which animated the _grand -monde_, or at least those who had not fled abroad. To complete the -picture, I must give another letter, one from an old lady whose name I -have already mentioned in these pages--Madame Lacroix, who had returned -from St. Germain after the 4th of September, and, notwithstanding her -great age, had remained in Paris, where her _salon_ was the rendezvous -of her numerous friends, and just as animated as it had been formerly. - - “Our situation is always the same, just as lamentable and just as - sad. Nothing seems to change around us, save the fact that - provisions are getting scarcer and scarcer, that butter is not to - be had for love or money, and that dogs, rats, and cats appear on - the best tables in place of beef and mutton. Gas also is a thing of - the past, and one has to exercise strict economy in oil and - paraffin. I have now only one lamp burning in my drawing-room, - which we take along with us when we go to the dining-room. The - population begins to get exasperated at this heavy inaction that - weighs upon it; the absence of all reliable news also tells on the - hearts and minds. On the 29th of November we were awakened by the - sound of the cannon, and one heard that at last the government had - decided to make an effort to attack the enemy, in the endeavour to - effect a junction with the army of the Loire, which, as it seems, - was quite near to us; at least this is what our government choose - to tell us. Trochu has published another proclamation, addressed to - the population, just as devoid of common sense as all his previous - ones have been. For about three days we were left absolutely - without news, though it was rumoured that the Prussians had been - defeated by Ducrot, but at last it leaked out that the plans of - Trochu had failed, and that the effort made by the garrison of - Paris had been unsuccessful. - - “On the 5th of December we were startled by the news of the defeat - of the army of Chanzy near Orleans, and I must confess to you that - now the most sanguine hopes have been shattered, and the only - feeling left is the desire to see this nightmare under which we are - living come to an end.” - - This letter was written just before the end of that sad year 1870, - which had begun so brilliantly with a reception at the Tuileries, - now standing deserted and abandoned by its former masters. In the - first fortnight of January a curious incident occurred, which, I - believe, has not been widely known among the public, but yet, in - view of the events that happened later on, offers a certain - interest. I will relate it in the words of the friend who informed - me of it, the American whose letter I have already given: - - “I am going to tell you something which will probably appear to you - rather like a scene taken out of a comic opera, but which I am - assured really took place the other day. A friend of the Orleans - princes asked General Trochu to grant him an interview, and tried - to win his support to a proposition to ask the Duke of Aumale to - accept, if only for an intermediary period, the post of President - of the National Defence. Trochu, after having indulged in the usual - rhetoric of which he is so fond, at last pathetically replied that - he had sworn fidelity to the Republic, and that as a soldier he - could not break his oath; to this his visitor retorted that - probably that oath was sworn on something he respected more than - the one he had made to the Empress Eugénie when he told her she - could rely on his honour as a soldier, a Catholic, and a Breton. - Trochu was silent for a few minutes, and then said: ‘J’ai fait - passer la patrie avant tout lorsque----’ ‘Lorsque il s’est agi - pour vous de vous mettre à la tête du gouvernement vous-même’ (‘I - put my country first when----’ ‘When it was a question of placing - yourself at the head of its government’) interrupted the other. - - “I cannot, of course, vouch for the truth of the anecdote, but it - was told to me by a person who is generally well informed. But what - I do know, is that very few people have been or are despised to the - extent of General Trochu, for whom no one finds a good word to say, - and everyone is hoping that his colleagues will oblige him either - to sign the capitulation of Paris, which cannot be delayed much - longer, especially now that the bombardment has commenced [this - letter was written on the 25th of January], or else to resign his - functions altogether. His dispatch of the 20th only confirmed the - opinion one had as to his military ability, and certainly nothing - could be more lamentable than the sight of the troops returning - into the town after the battles of the 19th and 20th, weary, - hungry, worn out, and exasperated against their leaders. That - exasperation has again brought down from the faubourgs the - agitators that have ever since the 4th of September kept Paris in a - state of turmoil, and on the 22nd of January in the night they - invaded the prison of Mazas, and delivered several political men - detained there, among others Flourens. They also made an attempt to - occupy the mairie of the 20th arrondissement. A battle has taken - place opposite the Hôtel de Ville, and the government is entirely - discredited; even among the former most determined partisans of war - being continued at any price, the feeling prevails that peace, no - matter on what conditions, would be better than the present state - of things, which is only favourable to promoters of disorder, of - which there are but too many.” - -As is known, the capitulation of Paris took place on the 28th of -January, and I prepared myself at once to return. After a journey devoid -of serious incidents, but long and fatiguing, I reached Versailles on -the 31st of that month, having taken four days to do so. I had started -from Berlin, where I had been waiting for the first opportunity to -return to my post in Paris. At Versailles I found M. Thiers, who was -already busy negotiating the conditions of a peace that most certainly -the Empress Regent, had she only taken the responsibility of its -conclusion, would have been able to sign under more favourable clauses -than those to which France had to submit. It is possible, if not -probable, that the Imperial eagles would not have witnessed the entry of -the German troops into Paris, a humiliation which old King William did -not see the necessity to spare a Republic for which it was impossible to -feel the least respect. - -Before closing this chapter I must mention one letter among the many -which reached me at Versailles during those days from friends who were -in Paris, giving me some details concerning this crowning episode to the -many sad and disgraceful ones that will make the war of 1870 for ever -memorable. - -_March 4th_, 1871. - - “We were all waiting with anxiety for that 1st of March that was to - see the German troops enter the capital. Grave apprehensions were - entertained on the subject by many people, who declared that very - probably the excited Parisians would indulge in demonstrations of - hostility against the Prussians, which would assuredly have - terrible consequences. On the 27th of February I called at - Rothschild’s bank in the Rue Lafitte, hoping to hear some news - there, where they were generally better informed than anywhere - else. One of the principal employees, whom I knew well, told me - with tears in his eyes that no efforts of Jules Favre had availed, - and that the German army would occupy Paris on the 1st, but that, - as a last concession, that occupation would be limited to a certain - zone, and not extend itself to the whole city. Great preparations - had been made, and the shopkeepers in the streets through which the - troops of the enemy were to pass had declared that they would close - their doors and shutters ‘pour ne pas assister à cette honte,’ as - one of them told me himself; it was also tacitly understood that - private houses would pull down their blinds. Curious to see how - things would go on, and feeling convinced that, in spite of the - apprehensions entertained in certain quarters, no disturbances of - any kind would occur, Frenchmen being always cowed down whenever - they see real strength before them, I was up very early, and, - rejoicing at the splendid weather which had suddenly set in after - very dark and gloomy days, as if to welcome the triumph of Prussia, - I went down the Champs Elysées, and was present when the first - German detachments made their appearance. The sight was imposing, - and could only suggest many philosophical thoughts. The greatest - discipline prevailed, and this discipline seemed to make a great - impression on the numerous throngs that lined the streets to see - the unusual spectacle. A few women were weeping with a certain - affectation, but there were also some girls smiling and welcoming - with glances full of coquetry the Prussian officers riding in front - of their regiments. At about four o’clock everything was over, and - the soldiers settled in the cantonments which had been allotted to - them for the night. The next day the sight was stranger still. The - population of Paris, notwithstanding what may have been told to you - to the contrary, had fraternised with the enemy, and one saw the - usual _camelots_ that appear in the streets of Paris whenever there - is something new to see, offer to the Prussian soldiers cigarettes, - matches, and newspapers, whilst girls timidly extended some flowers - to them--not, however, before looking carefully around them to see - whether anyone watched them doing so. When, on the 3rd of March, - the German troops retired, I heard that typical remark, from a - woman who had been watching their going away with eager eyes: - ‘Après tout, ce sont de beaux soldats que ceux-là!’ she cried. - - “It seems that a solemn moment occurred during the review held by - the new Emperor on the Hippodrome de Longchamps, before the troops - started to enter Paris. I have been told the sight was most - imposing, and must have roused a world of remembrances in the heart - of its principal hero. What must have been his thoughts at a moment - when the history, as it were, of a whole century was suddenly - recapitulated before his eyes? His fate had made him witness the - present triumph, after the humiliations of Jena and that first - occupation of the French capital by the allied troops in 1815, when - another Napoleon had seen fortune retire from him! It seems that - after the review was over, the Emperor looked wistfully for a - considerable time at the long line of troops filing along on their - triumphal journey, and before dismounting from his horse he turned - towards the Crown Prince with the simple remark, ‘I hope that you, - too, have thanked God to-day!’” - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE COMMUNE - - -As already mentioned, I returned to Versailles during the last days of -January, and, except a short visit to Paris, whither I went to see after -my household gods which had been left to their fate during the siege, -and to inquire after the friends who had remained in the capital during -those anxious months, I stayed there until I left for Bordeaux, where -the National Assembly met in order to ratify the conditions of the peace -that was ultimately to be signed in Frankfurt. - -At Bordeaux, to my great surprise, I found that the sole topic of -popular conversation was the declaration of the overthrow of the -Bonaparte dynasty. It seemed as if that was the principal object of the -elections that had taken place, and that it was far more important than -the establishing of an understanding with Germany. The ambitions of the -different parties which divided public opinion in France had been newly -awakened at the unforeseen chances which they suddenly saw looming -before them. Orleanists, Legitimists and Republicans were all eager to -come forward with schemes to take the place of the regime that had so -recently come to a tragic close. I remember that one evening after -dinner I was sitting together with some friends in one of the most -elegant restaurants of Bordeaux, and we listened to a discussion that -was taking place at the next table, and during which the chances of the -different parties that the country had sent to represent it at the -National Assembly were enumerated. What struck me in this conversation -was that France itself was not even mentioned; it seemed as if the -catastrophes that had accompanied the war had swept it from the face of -the earth, and had only left political parties and political -convictions, the leaders of which wanted to find some personal advantage -out of the general disasters. Another thing I also observed that -appeared even then strange to me, and it seems stranger still to-day--it -is that very few people believed the Republic would be able to maintain -itself. On the contrary, they felt convinced that France was standing -upon the threshold of a Monarchist restoration. The Orleans princes had -a considerable number of adherents, and were made much of in certain -quarters, where the courage displayed by the Duc de Chartres and the -Prince de Joinville, who had joined the Republican armies as volunteers, -was extolled at every opportunity; whilst the Legitimists kept hoping -that the Comte de Chambord would seize the opportunity and rally himself -to the tricolour flag, thus to clear his path to the throne of his -ancestors. The Republicans seemed still surprised and dazed by the -unexpected events that had raised them to power, and did not believe -that their party would succeed in maintaining itself at the head of the -country. I believe that if the Orleans princes had been generous enough -to forgo the millions that had been confiscated under Napoleon III., and -which they hastened to claim from the State, they would have been able -easily to provoke a manifestation in their favour that would eventually -have led to a restoration of their dynasty. The government was -thoroughly discredited, in spite of the great influence wielded by Leon -Gambetta, in whom everyone saw the man of the future, and it was -generally felt that it would not be strong enough to compel the country -to accept the heavy peace conditions which Germany was determined to -enforce. Unfortunately, among all the representatives of the nation who -met at Bordeaux, there was not a man daring enough, and brave enough, to -suggest the recall of any of the pretenders. On the other hand, the -Bonapartes had still a considerable number of partisans, who did their -best to paralyse every effort to substitute another dynasty. They hoped -that, in spite of Sedan, France would remember the eighteen years of -prosperity which it had just gone through, and would recall the child -who had been so popular, under the name of “le petit Prince,” until the -catastrophe that had sent him together with his parents in exile on -British shores. - -The only one who appreciated rightly the intricacies of the situation -such as it presented itself, and who very cleverly played his cards, in -such a manner that he made himself indispensable, was M. Thiers. He -flattered everybody, promised everything that was required of him, gave -every pledge that he was asked for, and finally secured his own -unanimous election at Bordeaux, by the National Assembly, as chief of -the executive power--one did not dare yet to use the term President of -the French Republic. - -The new head of the government very soon made himself the master of the -situation, and his influence became in a short time paramount in -everything. He rapidly brought to a close the peace negotiations with -Germany, and on the 26th of February its preliminaries were signed at -Versailles. - -M. Thiers returned to Paris, determined to settle down to the task of -mending the many sores and wounds which the months that had just elapsed -had left behind them. Unhappily he found himself confronted by a -situation far more dangerous than he had expected, owing to the want of -foresight of Jules Favre, who had not had the courage to resist the -foolish demands of the mob, and who, obeying the orders which he had -received from the leaders of the extreme Radical party, had during the -peace negotiations with Prince Bismarck insisted upon the Parisian -population being allowed to retain their rifles, and the National Guards -not being disarmed. In a curious book called “Journal d’un Officier -d’Ordonnance,” an aide-de-camp of General Trochu, Comte d’Hérisson, -relates that Bismarck replied to these demands with the prophetic words: -“I am willing to accede to your request, but believe me you are acting -stupidly.” - -Stupidity or not, the National Guard was left in possession of its -weapons, and the first thought of M. Thiers when he reached Paris was to -take them away. But this was not so easy; the National Guard was for the -greater part composed of excitable men who dreamed only of the -sovereignty of the mob. When the hour for laying down their arms -arrived, the Guard refused to do so, and the rebellious feelings which -had been brewing ever since the revolution of the 4th of September broke -out at last into a fury that culminated in the brutal assassination of -two generals, Clément Thomas and Lecomte, who had been sent by the -government to disarm the National Guard. - -Much has been written about the day which saw the beginning of the -Commune; I will merely add a few quite personal remarks, which, perhaps, -will make the reader understand more clearly than a long narrative the -state of mind of the Parisian population at that particular moment. - -The insurrection of the 18th of March had come quite unawares upon the -authorities, who had neither foreseen it nor attempted to crush it, -which would have been easier than generally believed, but unfortunately -everybody seemed so overpowered by surprise that the simplest measures -of precaution were disregarded, and what was at first but a revolt was -soon transformed into a revolution through the negligence of the very -people who ought to have been guiltless of carelessness at this grave -juncture. - -This is not an historical book, consequently I am not going to relate -the details of the flight of M. Thiers to Versailles as soon as he heard -of the revolt of Montmartre, and of the assassination of Clément Thomas -and Lecomte, but I am going to speak of what I myself had occasion to -observe on that memorable 18th of March which marked the beginning of -the Commune. - -I had gone out of my house on the morning of that day, quite unconscious -that anything like a revolution, or even a mutiny, was in the air. As -chance would have it, I had the necessity to go to Montmartre to see an -old servant who had been in the army and was severely wounded at that -sortie which Ducrot had attempted just before Paris capitulated. The man -was living not far from the Rue des Rosiers, which was to become so -memorable. When I reached the last-mentioned street I found it invaded -by a most threatening and angry crowd, which kept howling: “Vive la -Commune! Vive la révolution sociale!” Realising that matters were -getting dangerous, I hastily retraced my steps, and hoped that I should -succeed in escaping the attention of the mob, when one of the National -Guard stopped me and asked what I was seeking and why I had come there. -He would not listen to my explanations, and suddenly said: “Toi tu me -fais l’effet d’être un Prussien, montres donc tes papiers” (“You look -like a Prussian, just show me your papers”). When I said I had not got -them about me, he took me by the arm and said: “Toi, mon garçon, tu iras -t’expliquer au poste, allons, marche en avant, ou sinon----” (“Now, my -lad, you will go and explain yourself at the guardhouse, march, or -else----”) He showed me his rifle. Seeing that things were getting -serious, I told my tormentor that if he wanted to be reassured as to my -identity, he had better take me to the mayor of the 12th arrondissement, -M. Clemenceau, who knew me personally and could vouch that I was not a -Prussian spy, which he was taking me for. The man looked at me sharply, -and then said: “Clemenceau, Clemenceau, mais avec celui là on ne sait -jamais ce qu’il va faire, ce n’est pas un pur” (“Clemenceau, Clemenceau, -one never knows what he is up to, he isn’t straight”). I have never -forgotten this remark, which perhaps explains better than anything else -the strange attitude of M. Clemenceau on that day, and the timidity -which he displayed. He has, I know but too well, been bitterly accused -of having witnessed, without trying to save them, the execution of the -two unfortunate generals. In justice to him, I must say, first of all, -that he arrived upon the scene when the executions were already over, -and secondly, that his efforts would have probably been quite useless, -as at that time he was himself held in suspicion by the leaders of the -rebellious movement. - -I do not know how my adventure would have ended if by chance one of the -National Guard gathered on the spot had not recognised me as a foreign -diplomat. Formerly he had been a butler at the Russian Embassy, and of -course had seen me there. It is to his intervention that I owed my -liberty, which without him would probably have been difficult to obtain. -He further gave me an escort, to whom he gave orders to take me safely -back to my own house, which, however, they did not do, much to my joy; -they left me in the Rue Lafayette, where probably they thought it was -not safe for them to venture, owing to their torn and dirty clothes and -the loaded rifles which they carried. I made my way on to the -boulevards and met at once some friends, to whom I expressed my -apprehensions that the revolutionary movement which had broken out would -prove much more serious than those of a like nature that had taken place -on the 31st of October and the 22nd of January preceding. We were still -talking when we were joined by General d’Abzac, one of the aides-de-camp -of Marshal MacMahon, of whom I shall have more to say by and by. He told -us that M. Thiers had either left or was leaving for Versailles, where -it was intended to remove the seat of government. - -No one understood why this decision had been taken, and especially taken -with such haste. I was afterwards assured, by a person who was in a -position to be well informed, that one of the reasons which had induced -M. Thiers’ precipitancy was that he believed he would with greater -facility be able to disarm the population of Paris if he could excuse -this measure by the dread of a revolution breaking out, if it were not -resorted to at once. - -Nevertheless the revolution did break out, and for once the government -found itself utterly unable to crush it. There was no army, and, what -was worse, there were no leaders. The troops taken captive at Sedan and -at Metz were only just returning, and it was to be dreaded that, very -justly infuriated against their former generals and commanders, they -would not feel disposed to listen to them or to follow them, especially -if they were ordered to fight against their fellow men, and this, -furthermore, in presence almost of the enemy who had not yet left -Versailles or its neighbourhood. - -I left Paris at the end of March, indeed I was one of the last of the -diplomatic corps to go away. I went to Versailles, as everybody else -did, and happened to be present at the first review held by MacMahon of -the troops that had just returned from their German captivity. This -review had been rather dreaded, because it was uncertain how the -soldiers would receive the unfortunate chief, to whose military mistakes -they owed their misfortunes. Nevertheless the ceremony went off -comparatively well, though the troops preserved an absolute silence and -did not greet their former commander either with enthusiasm or with -disapproval. Afterwards I had occasion to ask an officer how it was that -this review had taken place without the slightest manifestation of any -kind. He replied to me that the soldiers did not want to give way to -their feelings in presence, as it were, of the enemy, and that it had -been very wise to hold this first meeting between them and MacMahon -under circumstances that excluded the possibility of any attempt to make -him aware of the angry feelings which were entertained in regard to him -by the troops whom he had led to defeat and to a shameful surrender. - -During the two months which I spent in Versailles, until the end of the -Commune, I found many opportunities of talking with leading French -politicians gathered there, as to the future prospects of the country. -They were unanimous in maintaining that the Republic would not be able -to hold out very long, and that a monarchical restoration was imminent. -Some went even so far as to believe that the Empire still had many -partisans, and that, provided Napoleon III. himself consented to give up -his rights and pretensions to his son, the Bonapartes might still -reascend the throne. They had kept their popularity among the working -classes, who undoubtedly had reaped great advantages from the solicitude -concerning their welfare which the Emperor had exercised on their behalf -ever since he became the Head of the State. Whatever may be said now, -the idea of a Republic becoming permanent was not then congenial to the -mass of the nation, who felt more in unison with a Sovereign, no matter -who that Sovereign might be. The only one who saw clearly the future was -M. Thiers, who, in one of his conversations with an intimate friend, -forgot himself so far as to say that “The Republic has long years of -life before it this time.” He did not add that he thought so because he -was himself at its head. - -I do not think that any nightmare can be more awful than the last four -days which preceded the entry of the troops of Versailles into Paris. I -will only mention briefly the assassination of the Archbishop, Monsignor -Darboy, together with other victims, and the desperate resistance which -was offered on the heights of Père-la-Chaise to the army of M. Thiers by -the remaining Communards, who had fled there for safety, the interior of -Paris no longer offering asylum to them. All these things are matters of -history, but, to the stranger who had seen the capital in all its glory -during the last years of the Empire, it seemed that the effect of the -cataclysm which had taken place would never be erased, nor the gay city -ever recover the appearance of peace and prosperity it had enjoyed -before the horrors of the Commune had occurred. There was something too -sinister for words in the sight of the ruins which greeted the troops of -Versailles when at last they occupied the town. The sight of the -destroyed Tuileries and the burned streets, which testified to the -horrors which they had witnessed, appeared as things almost too terrible -to be true. - -But, even in those days of terror, the indifference of the French people -to everything that did not personally concern them, could not fail to -strike one. As soon as order was more or less restored, life began as -usual, and the only lamentations which one heard were directed towards -individual misfortunes and losses, rather than towards the misfortunes -of the nation, the prestige which had been destroyed, and the -humiliations that had been endured. Having one day the opportunity of -discussing with a tradesman in my neighbourhood the sad and terrible -events which had occurred, I asked him whether the change of government -had affected commerce and industry, and I was very much surprised to -hear him reply that it had not, because the Germans had spent so much -money that one had not been able to perceive any difference. When I -expressed my wonder that France had accepted their money with the -satisfaction which he seemed to feel, he simply remarked that “C’est -bien égal à qui nous vendons nos pommes de terre; l’important c’est de -les vendre, et nous en avons vendu bien plus pendant l’année qui vient -de s’écouler que nous ne l’avions jamais fait auparavant” (“It is quite -indifferent to whom we sell our potatoes; the only important thing is to -sell them, and we have sold ever so many more during the last year than -we had ever done before”). - -In fact, satisfaction at the profits which private people had derived -from German occupation had quite taken the upper hand of the sorrow the -nation felt at the misfortunes that had fallen upon her. - -This statement of mine will probably be questioned far and wide, but I -shall always maintain it, in spite of any denials it may meet with. -Patriotism with Frenchmen is mostly a question of words; it rarely goes -beyond phrases, full of enthusiasm but devoid of real meaning. The -country is essentially egoistical, and it is perhaps for that very -reason that it has not only survived its disasters, but has emerged from -them far more prosperous, in the material sense of the word only, than -before the Germans overran the fair land of France. - -One of the painful sights, in the days which followed immediately upon -the occupation of Paris by the troops of Versailles, was the ferocious -way in which the members of the Commune were hunted and executed. Awful -scenes, in which private vengeances played a part perhaps even more -important than public reasons, were enacted. The work of repression was -a terrible one in the worst sense of the word, and the wanton cruelty -which accompanied it will ever remain a dark page in the career of M. -Thiers and of the members of his government. It is to be questioned -whether it was indispensable, or even necessary, to exercise such -utterly ruthless cruelty. The only explanation that can be given for -such ferocious tyranny is that people in authority grew frightened and -thought that, in order to hide their fear from the public, extreme -severity was best, as it would at least have the advantage of instilling -dread into the hearts of those who otherwise might have felt tempted to -follow the example of Rossel, Raoul Rigault, and others. - -When all was over and order restored, M. Thiers, who was still residing -at Versailles, came to Paris for a few hours, just to see for himself -the damage which his house in the Rue St. Georges had suffered, and to -pay a brief visit to the Elysée, which he had left with such alacrity on -the 18th of March, as soon as he had heard of the incidents that had -taken place at Montmartre. The reason for this hurried appearance at the -palace was, so he said, to see whether some important papers he had -locked up in a safe, in his study there, had not been seized by the -members of the Commune. As luck would have it, no one had discovered -them, and the First President of the Third Republic was able to regain -possession of his property. - -A friend of his, to whom he mentioned the incident, asked him of what -nature were those papers about which he had been so anxious during the -whole of the two months the Commune had lasted. M. Thiers smiled, and -replied simply: “They were not of any particular importance, but that -was just the reason why I was afraid that the Commune should get hold of -them. I had told everybody that they were of a most compromising nature -for some of the people actually in power, and for the pretenders to the -crown of this country. Imagine how compromised _I_ would have been had -it been found out that they were merely tradesmen’s bills!” - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -M. THIERS - - -I had had many opportunities of meeting M. Thiers during the last years -of the Empire. I had known him even before I came to Paris in an -official capacity, had often seen him at the houses of some mutual -friends, and we came to know each other very well. He was one of the -cleverest, nicest little men in the world, and even among the many -interesting people who abounded in France at that time, he stood out -conspicuously as one of the pleasantest. He had many enemies, which is -not to be wondered at if one takes into consideration the vivacity which -he always displayed in his likes and dislikes, and the bitterness, or -rather the caustic tendencies, of his tongue. But friends and foes alike -were loud in their praise of his intelligence, and especially of his -wit. I am not talking of his moral character, which was discussed in -many ways and which in part justified the attacks that were levelled -against it. The Legitimists could not forgive him the part he had taken -in the arrest of the Duchesse de Berry, nor the attitude of the ministry -of which he was a member with regard to that unfortunate Princess whose -frailties were so mercilessly displayed before the public before the end -of her captivity in the fortress of Blaye. The Orleanists also did not -care for him, in spite of the pledge which he had given to their party; -but Louis Philippe personally was fond of him, perhaps because their -tastes were very much alike, and because the sternness and austerity of -Guizot, his great opponent, had never appealed to the heart of the -King, who stood rather in awe of that imposing figure in modern French -political life. The bonhomie of Thiers, his easygoing manners, were more -in accordance with the homely attitude which at that time distinguished -the Orleans family circle. As Montalembert once said very wittily: -“Thiers, c’est le ministre bourgeois d’une dynastie bourgeoise.” - -And the remark contained a great deal of truth, though it is much to be -doubted whether the brilliant Catholic leader appreciated at their real -worth the sterling qualities which M. Thiers was hiding under the -sometimes frivolous manner in which he treated serious subjects. - -As a writer he was one of the greatest of his epoch, and his work on the -Consulate and the First Empire will always rank among the classics. Few -people have understood so well as he did the gigantic figure of the -first Napoleon, and certainly his knowledge of history, the wonderful -way in which he remembered its lessons, and knew how to apply them where -it became necessary, constituted a unique thing even in France, where at -that time there was a superabundance of clever writers and great -thinkers, of whom he was one of the foremost. - -Some enemies of M. Thiers assured me that he would have done better to -confine himself to his historical studies, and that it was a mistake on -his part to throw himself into the struggles of a political career. I do -not share this opinion personally, because the very nature of Thiers -would have protested against a life spent only in thinking without the -emulation of doing. He was essentially a great patriot, far greater than -the general public supposed, and if he had personal ambitions, which -cannot be denied, it must also be admitted that in the great moments of -crisis through which his country passed during his lifetime, he never -hesitated to put all his strength, all his experience, and all his -knowledge of public affairs, as well as his influence at home and -abroad, at her service, sparing neither time nor trouble, nor energy, in -his endeavours to help her. - -During the whole reign of Louis Philippe, M. Thiers was a conspicuous -figure in Paris society, and, strange to relate, this petit bourgeois -had succeeded in entering the most exclusive circles of the Faubourg St. -Germain, and contrived to install himself in the favours of its leaders, -masculine as well as feminine. He was essentially the type of a -middle-class man, in spite of the high offices which he had held, and -never could rid himself of the habit of tying a napkin round his neck at -meals, when he was in his family circle, neither would he go out without -the umbrella that remained the distinctive sign of that epoch still -known as the “époque de Louis Philippe,” where the bourgeoisie reigned -supreme, and where the Sovereign tried by all means to win for himself -the sympathies of the mob by coming down to its level. - -M. Thiers did not care for the mob. He was of an autocratic character, -and of an imperious disposition, admitting no sovereignty apart from his -own. But, nevertheless, he remained the child of his generation and of -his class. He rose, but neither by adapting himself to circumstances, -nor to the conditions of existence around him. Original he was in mind, -in intelligence and in manners, and he did not change; he always -appeared to his friends as a man of happy disposition tempered with -affability, and tinged with familiarity; his distinctive characteristic -from the very first days he entered public life. - -Thiers was essentially “un homme d’opposition,” as one of his enemies -once remarked, but he was a statesman of a type such as is no longer -found nowadays; an active, busy, little individual, always on the look -out for his adversaries’ mistakes, and terrible in the merciless way in -which he noticed them--and, what is worse, made others notice them. He -had but little pity in his heart for the errors of mankind, but was wise -enough not to show the disdain in which he held it. He had been at a -good school, had frequented the salon of Talleyrand, and studied -politics by contact with the politicians who had ranked among the -foremost in Europe. He used to relate a funny little anecdote from his -early days, when he had been introduced to Prince Metternich, during one -of his journeys to Vienna, whither he had repaired to study certain -episodes of the history of Napoleon, and examine certain documents -deposited in the Imperial Archives of the Burg. The statesman to whose -intrigues the great Emperor had in part been indebted for his fall -received Thiers in his study, and it seems received him very badly. But -the little Frenchman, far from appearing to notice it, began at once to -talk with the Austrian Chancellor as if he had known him for years, and -did not scruple to question him on the subjects about which he desired -to learn, a thing which Metternich, who liked above all things to hear -himself speak, particularly disliked. Surprised at first, then slightly -bored, the Prince told Thiers that he had better question the Director -of the Archives about the various points he desired to clear up, to -which the historian of the Consulate and the Empire replied quite -brusquely that this personage could not tell him anything worth -listening to, and that he never took lessons in history from those who -had only read it. Metternich, more and more astonished, asked him what -he meant. “Oh, nothing very important,” was the answer; “seulement je -crois que personne ne pourrait mieux me renseigner sur Napoleon que vous -qui êtes parvenu à le tromper si complètement et si souvent” (“I merely -think no one should be better able to give me information about Napoleon -than yourself, who succeeded in deceiving him so completely and so -frequently”). When Thiers told this anecdote he never failed to add that -“Metternich ne trouva rien d’autre à me répondre que de sourire avec la -remarque: ‘Vous connaissez bien votre histoire, jeune homme’” -(“Metternich in reply could do nothing but smile, accompanying it with -the remark: ‘You are well up in your history, young man’”). - -Impudence, as one can see from the above, was not wanting in the -character of the future President of the French Republic, and this -impudence never deserted him in later years. It has been said that his -vanity was intense, and that there was some truth in this accusation -cannot be denied; but beneath this vanity there lay the latent -consciousness the man had of his own moral and intellectual worth, and -of the immense distance that existed between him and the other men of -his generation. He tried to impose his ideas on others; he was despotic -in his decisions, his judgments and his opinions, but he was not devoid -of impartiality, and he was very well aware of his own faults. He loved -France with a sincere affection, which saw through her faults, and there -was no chauvinism in his feelings. He would have liked to see his -fatherland prosperous and powerful, but he never rushed into extremes as -Frenchmen are so often inclined. Whilst he was the responsible minister -of the dynasty of July, he served it faithfully and to the best of his -ability, and though he has been often accused of opportunism, yet he -never would accept office under the Bonapartes, though, and this is -rather curious, he always was of opinion that their dynasty was the most -popular one among all those that aspired to the government of France. - -When, together with the other members of the Legislative Chamber, he was -imprisoned by the President on the day of the _coup d’état_ of the 2nd -of December, he is said to have made the following typical remark: “Le -Président nous fait enfermer, c’est son droit; espérons pour lui, qu’il -saura en profiter, et ne donnera pas dans le travers de vouloir -gouverner constitutionnellement. Il ne peut pas avoir de Constitution -pour les Bonaparte, tout au plus peuvent ils prétendre à ce que leur -règne soit celui où on parle de Constitution comme les malades parlent -des mêts que leurs médecins leur interdisent de manger” (“The President -is having us shut up, it is his right; let us hope for his own sake that -he will know how to profit by it, and will not make the mistake of -wanting to govern constitutionally. There can be no constitutional -government for the Bonapartes. The utmost they can lay claim to is that -during their reign the Constitution should be spoken of in the tone in -which invalids speak of dishes that their doctors forbid them to eat”). - -During the eighteen years that the Empire lasted, Thiers always refused -to take office, though he owned later on that he felt once or twice -sorely tempted to do so. But he realised that the regime could not last, -and reserved himself for the moment when it would be overturned, feeling -convinced in his mind that that day would be also that of his own -personal triumph, and that whether the country liked it or not it would -be compelled to turn to him for advice and for help. - -When after the first defeats which characterised the war of 1870, the -Empress Eugénie felt inclined to appeal to him to help her, and had him -sounded by one of her friends who was on terms of close intimacy with -him, M. Thiers replied that it was either too late or too early for him -to do anything, and that as matters stood, the best thing to do was to -allow events to take their course. “But the dynasty,” said his visitor; -“are you going to allow the dynasty to fall like that?” - -“If the dynasty were wise, I certainly would do my best to support it,” -was the unexpected reply; “but the dynasty will not be wise; it will -never have the common sense to bring itself to conclude peace just now, -and to enforce the conditions of that peace, even by measures of -violence against those who would undoubtedly oppose it. If I thought the -Regent was strong enough and firm enough to arrest half the members of -the Corps Législatif, and to send the other half back to their own -firesides to meditate on the wisdom of a useless opposition, if she -would make up her mind to govern for a time without the Chambers, then I -would at once accept office; but she will never have the courage to take -such a responsibility before the country, and therefore I cannot do -anything for her. There are moments in the life of nations when it is -indispensable for their welfare that those who govern them should feel -no hesitation in resorting to violence, and France just now has reached -such a moment. It is a thousand pities that the Regent or the Emperor -fails to see it is the case. Under such circumstances my help would be -useless to them, and it might compromise my own future prospects.” - -This conversation gives a very good insight into the character of M. -Thiers. It also accounts in part for the ruthlessness which he displayed -in the crushing of the Commune a few months later. - -Apropos of this, a few weeks before his death, I had the opportunity of -talking to him about it at St. Germain, whither he had repaired to spend -the summer, and where he was preparing himself for the struggle of the -coming elections, which he fondly hoped would prove fatal to the -government of Marshal MacMahon, whom he still expected to replace as -head of the State. Thiers was in a communicative mood that afternoon, -and he spoke with great vivacity of that time when he had displayed such -energy, as his friends said--such brutality, as his foes maintained--in -fighting the unruly and disorderly elements that had so very nearly -destroyed France. On that occasion he used these memorable words: “I -know that I have been severely blamed for the orders which I had given -to Galiffet, to show no mercy to the insurgents, but, frankly, what else -could I do? We had just gone through an unfortunate war; the enemy was -at our gates, we had to execute a most onerous treaty, and above all to -clear our territory from the invader, who certainly would never have -left it, had he thought that this rebellion was going to take the upper -hand. We had the whole country to reorganise, and this under the most -deplorable conditions that have ever existed in the life of a nation. We -were without an army, without any regular government, and had to fight -the many ambitions of those who thought to seek their own advantage out -of the general ruin. The first thing to do was to strike fear into the -hearts of those who already thought that they could bring their own -party to the head of affairs and thus add something to the general -confusion. Don’t forget that in order to oblige the Prussians to -recognise that we were strong enough to rule France, and to rule it -well, we had not only to assert ourselves, but also to drive out of the -minds of all our opponents, and of these there were legions, the idea -that we had not got power enough on our side. - -“You tell me that the Commune might easily have been subdued on that -eventful and fatal 18th of March. This perhaps is true, because it did -not even exist at that time, and we were face to face with a simple -insurrection, not with a revolution. But would it have been wise? I -don’t think so. Had we not acted as if we were in presence of a real and -earnest danger, had I not retired to Versailles in a hurry as I did, the -mutiny of the 18th of March would have repeated itself a few months -later, and this sort of thing would have gone on continually. The -government would have been weakened quite uselessly, and the prestige of -France fallen a little lower than was the case already. A revolution is -an incident, perhaps sad and bloody, but an incident all the same; -whereas continual rebellions mean the demoralisation of a nation. - -“I knew that France was demoralised in the sense I mean, but why need -the world come to the same conclusion? Surely, none at all. Therefore we -had to show the world that we were a strong government, that, what is -even more important, we _were_ a government, a fact which many people -doubted still; and that as such we were determined to enforce order, to -enforce it in the most determined manner possible, even at the risk of -spilling more blood than we would have cared to do at other times. Of -course I could not foresee the excesses to which the Commune would -resort, nor the murder of the hostages, or the destroying of half Paris -by fire, but I will be frank with you, I much preferred this to the -consequences which would have ensued for the future of France, in an -unsettled state of things such as would have resulted had the government -of which I was the head not had occasion to show its energy and its -decision to make itself respected. Of course, when Bismarck saw that we -could cope with the situation, that we did not require his, or anyone -else’s help, he gave up all idea of making difficulties in the execution -of the different clauses of the treaty of peace. The army also, having -just returned from its captivity in Germany, required something to -divert it from the many anxious and rebellious thoughts it had had time -to indulge in, during the long months of its imprisonment in German -fortresses. The Commune came opportunely to allow it to let its thoughts -drift into another channel. - -“To resume the main point, I do not think that more indulgence towards -the rebels would have helped us to regain the position to which even as -a defeated nation we were entitled. For these reasons I do not regret -that I enjoined severity to the troops that entered Paris. This severity -had the result that out of the moral ruins left by the Empire, and those -material ruins which resulted from the fleeting victory of the Commune, -rose a government which won for itself the respect of Europe, and the -esteem of Germany, who, seeing what it was capable of, gave up every -thought of putting difficulties in its way. No, when I remember all that -happened at that time, I cannot say I am sorry for anything I did, or -which was done under my responsibility. I may deplore it, but I cannot -regret it. One cannot be sentimental in politics.” - -I wrote down this conversation in my diary when I got home, and every -time I have the occasion to read it over again, I remember the vivacity -with which Thiers developed to me his ideas on this important subject, -ideas which I believe have never before been made known to the public. - -It is strange how, with all his penetration, and his wonderful insight -into politics, Thiers did not foresee the circumstances that brought -about his own downfall. There were lacunes in that remarkable mind, -lacunes which proceeded from his inordinate vanity. For instance, when -he had started on that journey across Europe, in order to implore her -help during the Franco-German war, he never for one moment imagined that -he would be unsuccessful, or that his entreaties would be repulsed. The -indifference with which the fate of his country was viewed beyond its -frontiers proved a terrible blow to the old man, who sadly said, or, -rather, repeated, the famous words: “Il n’y a plus d’Europe,” when his -last hope, his trust in Alexander II. of Russia, also proved elusive. -But with his usual ability he managed to mask his defeat under the -pretext that neither Italy, Austria, nor Russia would have anything to -do with the Imperial regime, and that as they hadn’t been sure it was -definitely to be classed among the past things of history, they had -thought it best and wisest to remain neutral, and not to interfere with -the course of events. Out of that circumstance Thiers made enough -capital to ensure his own election as head of the government, and once -established at Versailles in that capacity he felt sure that he would -remain at his post until his death. - -He had no real adversaries worthy of that name. With consummate skill he -had succeeded in entirely discrediting the Orleans princes by the -willingness with which he had helped them to get back their confiscated -millions, and he knew that henceforward they had made themselves -impossible. There was still the Comte de Chambord, but in his case -Thiers had at his disposal sources of information that left him no doubt -as to the attitude that the latter would eventually take, if offered the -crown of his ancestors. The only adversaries he dreaded were, therefore, -the Bonapartes; and this danger seemed, for the present, to have drifted -away by the death of Napoleon III. and the extreme youth of his son. - -Whether it was this last circumstance, or simply that his watchfulness -had relaxed, the fact remains that Thiers never noticed the storm that -was looming in the distance, and threatening him. And when an accidental -circumstance brought about his fall, in quite an unexpected manner, he -was more astonished than anyone else at the event. - -Nevertheless, he took it quite good humouredly, and with far more -philosophy than could have been expected from him. I saw him a few days -after it had occurred and was struck with his indifference. I think that -upon the whole he was glad that his fall had taken place for a neutral -cause, and that it had been his person that had been objected to rather -than his manner of conducting the government. He hoped that the future -would avenge him, and though such an old man, yet he was making plans -for the day when France would call him back to the head of affairs. He -knew that no matter what his enemies might say, he had deserved and had -earned the gratitude of his country, and won for himself a glorious page -in its annals. And if the truth be told, he was rather glad to be once -more in the ranks of the opposition, and thus able to live over again -the past days, when a word of his could overturn a government. He -devoted all his energies to the struggle which he fully intended to -initiate against President MacMahon, whom he had never liked, even when -he had employed him, and whom he never forgave for having taken his -place. Thiers had always been of opinion that the Marshal’s intellectual -capacities were of the smallest kind, and that except honesty of -purpose, he possessed none of the qualifications that are required of -the Head of a State. It was gall and wormwood to him, to find his place -had been taken by a man who would destroy some of his work, and a great -deal of his plans. So he devoted all his energies to prepare the defeat -of the Marshal after the latter’s _coup d’état_ of the 16th of May. - -Fate, however, interfered and carried off M. Thiers after an illness of -a few hours at St. Germain, where, as I have already related, he spent -the last summer of his life. In spite of his advanced age, he died in -full possession of his faculties, and with his intelligence as bright -and clear as it had ever been. The emotion provoked by his death was -considerable. The old man was, after all, more popular than one had -thought, and the nation was very well aware that in burying him, she was -also burying a great patriot, who had been true to her in the hour of -her greatest adversity. I followed in his funeral procession, and as we -were marching towards distant Père la Chaise, I heard the following -remark which left a deep impression on my mind: the more so that it was -uttered by a common workman whom certainly I wouldn’t have believed to -be capable of it: “Il avait des défauts, le petit homme, mais après tout -c’est grâce à lui que Belfort est resté français!” (“He had his faults, -the little man; but, after all, it is thanks to him that Belfort -remained French”). - -I think that Thiers would have thought, had he listened to these words, -that they constituted the best recognition that had ever been uttered of -his long life of service to the nation. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE COMTE DE CHAMBORD AND HIS PARTY - - -I had had the honour to be introduced to the Comte de Chambord in -Vienna, long before the fall of the Empire had once more put him forward -as a Pretender to the throne of France; I had even once or twice been -invited to Frohsdorf. These visits always left me a sadder if not a -wiser man. They were more like a pilgrimage to an historical monument, -than a visit to a living man. Everything seemed dead in that small, -unpretentious house, for it could hardly be called a castle, in which -the last direct descendant of Louis XIV. was ending his uneventful -existence. The walls themselves told you of something that was past and -gone, and the inhabitants of this living grave flitted like ghosts of -the great traditions that were embodied in them. Everything was -dignified, solemn, and hushed. The rooms were small, but full of great -things and mementoes, from the large equestrian portrait of Henri IV., -to the stately picture of Louis XVI., and the smiling one of unfortunate -Marie Antoinette. Lackeys in the blue livery of the House of France, met -you at the door, and ushered you into an unpretentious study, where, -sitting at a table littered with books and papers, the Comte de Chambord -was awaiting his visitors. - -He was a most charming man, with grand manners, and much stateliness, -but one on whom the many deceptions of his life had left their impress, -and aged before his time. He always questioned all those whom he was -about France, Paris, and everything that was going on there, taking the -liveliest interest in his country, but not understanding it at all, and -not realising that the France of after the Revolution was no longer the -France which the old Bourbon monarch had ruled. He had strong -principles, earnest convictions, was in the full sense of the term a -“chevalier sans peur et sans reproche,” but he harboured no illusions as -to his possibilities of playing any part in the political life of his -country. Had he had any children it is probable that he would have tried -to reconcile the traditions of his family with the requirements of -modern France, but in presence of the fact that with him the elder -branch of the House of Bourbon was coming to an end, he must have had -the feeling, though he never owned to it in public, that there was no -necessity for him to abdicate any part of the inheritance of his -ancestors, in order to benefit the Orleans dynasty who had sent his -great-uncle to the scaffold, and had tried to dishonour his own mother. -He was too much of a gentleman not to have received with politeness the -overtures of his cousins when they made up their minds to come and pay -their respects to him at Frohsdorf; but he could not, and would not, -affect in regard to them a cordiality which he did not really feel. - -The Comte de Chambord was essentially _un homme d’autrefois_; he never -shirked what he considered to be his duty, but who would never give -himself the appearance of liking what he did not, or of respecting what -did not deserve respect. He had grand manners that savoured of hauteur, -and left one in no doubt as to what he thought or believed. Life had -been one long disappointment to him, which he had accepted with a true -Christian spirit, devoid of the slightest shade of rebellion, and he had -picked up his burden, and carried it nobly to the end. He died wrapped -in the folds of the old flag which he had refused to renounce, even -when a crown would have rewarded him for its abandonment. - -At Frohsdorf he led the existence of a country gentleman; there was no -semblance of a Pretender about him. As he once said to a visitor who -very tactlessly had remarked upon it: “I am not a Pretender, and do not -need give myself the appearance of one. I am a principal for those who -see in me their King.” - -And yet there was much that was kingly in that quiet Austrian domain, to -which the Duchesse d’Angoulême had retired towards the end of her -earthly career, and which she had bequeathed to her nephew. The big -drawing-room where one assembled in the evenings after dinner had a -vague appearance of a palace, though the master of it did his best to -put his visitors at their ease; but the Comtesse de Chambord sitting in -her big arm-chair by a round table, upon which her needlework was laid, -or bending over the stitches of her tapestry, looked every inch a -sovereign, in spite of the knitted scarf which she often tied round her -head, or the extreme simplicity of her black silk dress, made quite high -to the throat and finished by a plain white linen collar. The atmosphere -of the room, too, was laden with a hush and solemnity that at once made -one feel and understand that one was not in the dwelling of a common -mortal. These evenings were anything but amusing, though the Comte did -his best to keep the ball of conversation rolling; but somehow it was -impossible to give it a frivolous turn, or to drive away an impression -that everyone in the room was waiting for something. What, of course, -was not known; but one was waiting, waiting like the son of the murdered -Duc de Berry had been waiting ever since his birth, for the call of his -country, which never came, or at least not in the way in which he would -have cared to respond to it. - -A great deal has been said concerning the attempt at a monarchical -restoration that had taken place during the presidency of Marshal -MacMahon, and the circumstances which had accompanied it have not been -commented upon in a manner favourable to the Comte de Chambord. I was in -Versailles at the time it occurred, and from what came to my knowledge I -do not think that the real reasons which influenced Henri V., as his -adherents called him, have ever been known in their entirety. One has -spoken of the flag and of the reluctance of the Pretender to accept the -tricolour, but what has never been revealed to this day is that a -compromise had been suggested by a clever French politician who had been -consulted. Gifted with a singular gift of observation, this politician -was very well _au courant_ of the feelings of the different parties -which were represented in the National Assembly, and consequently he was -in a position to give sound advice to those who had recourse to his -experience. - -His compromise was that the national flag should remain the tricolour, -whilst the King would keep for his own personal emblem the white cravat -of his ancestors, that alone would be borne before him on all State -ceremonies which were not purely military ones. Strange to say, the -Comte de Chambord had at first appeared willing to consent, -understanding well, in spite of the prejudices of his earlier education, -that he would be obliged to make some concessions to the times before he -could hope to be accepted by France as its legitimate King. But, before -giving his final adherence to this compromise, he wished to know the -opinion of his cousin, the Comte de Paris, and to learn from him whether -or not he would, when in due course he succeeded him, ratify this -arrangement, and maintain its clauses. The Comte de Paris refused to -assume the responsibility of saying yes, and replied evasively that his -uncle the Duc d’Aumale ought to be consulted. The latter, however, -declared that he could not advise his nephew, but that it would be -difficult in his opinion for an Orleans prince to forget that the fate -of his dynasty was bound up with that of the tricolour banner, and that -to renounce it even in part, was to renounce the glorious principles of -the Monarchy of July. This answer, when it became known to the Comte de -Chambord, did away with his last hesitation. Urged by the strong -dynastic feelings that swayed him, he might have made up his mind to -sacrifice some part of his principles to the welfare of his race; but -only if this sacrifice would have been of some use to it. Seeing that it -would only be interpreted as a desire on his part to put on his head a -crown he did not care for, and which in his inmost heart he did not -think he had either the strength or the ability to carry or to defend, -he gave up every idea of winning it by means of a compromise where, in -the best of cases, some of his own personal dignity would have -foundered; and after a short stay in France, he returned to his beloved -Frohsdorf, to die there a few years later, the last of the Burgraves of -his generation. - -I had occasion to see him during the short stay which he made at -Versailles under an incognito which was only discovered by a very few. -We took a walk together in the park, and along the alleys of that garden -of Trianon, where the young and frivolous Queen, so brutally murdered by -the bloody Revolution which she had neither foreseen nor understood, had -walked together with the lovely Lamballe and her train of gay courtiers. -Everything looked sad, and deserted, and abandoned; it all spoke of a -dead past, and of a departed glory. Suddenly the Comte de Chambord -stopped in his walk, and turning to me said those memorable words which -I have never forgotten: “What a pity that this place was not entirely -destroyed in 1793!” - -I looked at him with surprise. - -“You are astonished to hear me say such a thing,” he continued, “but let -me explain to you my thoughts, and you will understand me better. -Royalty, like so many other things, is a prejudice, at least for the -masses who have neither traditions nor principles. It represents, or at -least ought to represent to them, something that is strong, powerful, -entirely above them, beyond them; something sacred, that no power save -that of God may touch or may destroy. Once this feeling concerning it is -gone, half its prestige is gone too. The mob only respects what it can -neither harm nor kill. If it once sees that royalty, like everything -else, can be touched with a sacrilegious hand, that it is at the mercy -of the first boy or man in the street, then the mob not only loses every -fear, but also its veneration. It rejoices to see that it has got over -the feeling of awe which formerly inspired it with regard to that -superior thing which ruled it; it delights in pulling it down, and in -treasuring the remembrance of the day on which it smashed it to the -ground. Now nothing reminds one more of deeds done, whether good or bad, -than the spots where such deeds were committed. - -“The French people, when looking at Versailles, and walking freely -through the rooms where Kings formerly reigned, can always think, speak -and remember, with something of that low pride which a boxer feels when -he has knocked his adversary to the ground, of the time when they -destroyed the power which had ruled them, and feasted in the halls of -their former masters. That remembrance is most unwholesome, and can only -foster rebellious feelings in the breasts of those who treasure it. Had -Versailles been destroyed the Revolution of course would not have been -forgotten, but the nation would not always have had before its eyes the -sight of the monument of the fallen grandeur of its Kings. Facts are -forgotten or lose their importance far quicker than one thinks; but -places, and spots, keep their eloquence, and unfortunately keep it for -ever.” - -He stopped, and looked back towards the walls of the massive old pile, -whose many windows were blazing in the setting sun. And once more he -sighed: “Yes, I do regret that this place has not been burned down and -destroyed; it would not have witnessed then the triumph of the -victorious Prussian eagle, and after that, what real French King would -care to live in it, even if a King ever reigns again in France!” - -He sighed yet again, and we slowly retraced our steps towards the town. -As we passed the Castle gates, he stopped again: “Sic transit gloria -mundi,” he quoted; “my glory, like that of my ancestors, has passed -away; perhaps it is for the best after all, since I was not destined to -see my race continue!” - -Much has been related concerning the interview which the Comte de -Chambord had with Marshal MacMahon, when he asked him whether or not he -would feel inclined to favour a monarchical restoration. It has been -said that the old soldier, who without scruple had accepted the -succession of Napoleon III., to whom he owed his title and his dignity, -found that his conscience would not allow him to “betray,” as he -expressed himself, the Republican government, at the head of which he -had been called by a parliamentary majority who had done so only in the -hope that he would help it to reinstate its former Kings. - -There is some truth in this reproach, because certainly MacMahon had not -shown himself before, and did not show himself in the future, so very -chary of offending public opinion as represented by the Legislative -Assembly which was supposed to be the voice of the country. But in the -_non possumus_ which he opposed to the restoration of the Comte de -Chambord, - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Pierre Petit, Paris._ - -ADOLPHE THIERS] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Walery, Paris._ - -MARSHAL MACMAHON] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Pierre Petit, Paris._ - -COMTE DE CHAMBORD] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Carjal, Paris._ - -LEON GAMBETTA] - -there was something else than the desire to remain himself at the head -of the State. There was a tacit pledge which he had given to the Orleans -dynasty to support its pretensions, and also the feeling that he did not -enjoy sufficient popularity among the army to enforce a change of -government, and to bring back a dynasty which had been driven out of the -country by its own faults. MacMahon was not clever, not far-seeing, but -he knew very well what the troops thought of him, and also that at that -moment the disaster of Sedan was not sufficiently forgotten for him to -risk being punished for it under another pretext, which his lending his -hand to an attempt at a monarchical restoration would have furnished. - -The Comte de Chambord returned to Frohsdorf a sadder though not a wiser -man. He was not fortunate in his advisers; the leaders of the Legitimist -party did not understand either the feelings of France nor the strength -which they undoubtedly wielded at that particular moment. Instead of -doing their best to effect a reconciliation between the different -opinions that divided the country, they tried, on the contrary, to -exasperate them, and prevented their own triumph by the insolence with -which they proclaimed everywhere that its hour had struck. France, at -that time, was like a man recovering from a severe illness, whose whole -body is sore, and who wants to be handled with the greatest gentleness. -The Legitimists ignored this condition, and loudly boasted that the time -had come when all past grievances would be avenged, and when they should -be allowed to rule according to their own prejudices, bringing back to -power with them all the old traditions against which the saner elements -in the land had risen in revolt eighty-five years before. They wanted to -make a clean slate, and wash out the remembrance of everything that had -taken place since Louis XVI. had been murdered on the scaffold. The -feeling might have been a natural one; the utterance of it was stupid in -the extreme. - -Many have wondered at the want of initiative shown by Henri V., as he -was called by his partisans. I, who have known him well, saw nothing -extraordinary in this. As I have already hinted, he was quite willing to -be carried to the throne, but he had no desire to occupy it, and still -less to step upon it bound by promises and pledges, which would have -interfered with his liberty of action, a thing of which he had always -been extremely jealous. He had in him all the authority of the Kings his -forefathers, and would no more have submitted to the advice of his -courtiers than he would have sacrificed his principles to win back his -lost inheritance. He wanted, above all things, to keep his _libre -arbitre_, and this explains the apparent apathy with which he witnessed -the overthrow of what had been the hopes of his followers rather than -his own. - -Two years later I called upon the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, during -an absence of the Comtesse, in whose presence it was always more or less -difficult to discuss political questions, and we talked over those days. -Every hope of a monarchical restoration had faded then, and the Republic -was more or less an accomplished fact. He seemed to take it as a natural -consequence of all the mistakes committed by the different governments -that had ruled in France, and if the truth be told, I think he preferred -its having overcome all opposition, to the possibility of its being -superseded either by the Bonaparte, or the Orleans dynasty, which he -recognised, but could not accept as the successor of his own rights. The -grand seigneur that he was could not adjust himself to this hankering -after a “popularité de bas aloi,” as he described it, which had ever -distinguished the younger branch of the house of Bourbon since the days -of Philippe Egalité. He refused to profess the theory that it did not -matter with whom one shook hands, provided one washed one’s own -afterwards. On the contrary, he was of opinion that certain contacts can -never be got rid of, no matter how much soap and water one uses to -efface them. It was partly on account of that feeling that he did not -regret circumstances had interfered with the monarchical restoration, -for which so many people had hoped, and he made me understand what he -thought of it by saying, among other things, that: “A royalty that has -once come down into the street is no longer royalty such as it was -understood in the days of old, when the principle of the ‘droit Divin’ -was the foremost among those one had been taught to respect and to -worship. We Bourbons of the old stock cannot bow before the popularity -of the mob, and try to make it accept our own. We can work for the -people, act in unison with the nation in all grave questions where its -welfare is in question; we cannot accept its sovereign right to dictate -to us its laws. I know that my ideas are out of fashion, ‘que je suis -démodé,’ but whom do I hurt by clinging to my old traditions, to the -ancient glories of my house, which have also been those of France, it -must not be forgotten? If I had had children, I might have acted -differently; I might, or I might not; and perhaps God has done well in -refusing them to me, as they would have been the source of much conflict -in my mind. As it is I shall die solitary and alone, and with me shall -die the Bourbons of Louis XIV., those who have learnt nothing, and -forgotten nothing, as our enemies aver.” - -He said the last words smilingly and jestingly, and I could not help -smiling, too, though I well knew the latent sadness that was hiding -under his apparent mirth. He was still a handsome man at that time, -though far too stout, and his lameness, although not interfering with -the dignity of his manners, still took away from what otherwise would -have been an imposing figure. But the eyes had a wonderfully kind -expression, the noble, intelligent forehead revealed a grand nature and -a beautiful soul. One could not have passed him in the street without -being struck by his appearance, and without noticing him, so completely -“grand seigneur” was he, even in his most trivial gestures. Everyone who -knew him liked him, respected him, bowed down before the purity of his -life, and the earnest, simple manner in which he performed all his -duties, even the most trifling ones. He was one of those characters one -meets with but seldom, and which reconcile one with humanity. - -I never saw him again alive after that conversation, and only looked -upon him once more when he lay on his bier, having hurried to Frohsdorf -to attend his funeral. The face had an expression of great calm, and -bore but few traces of the sufferings he had endured in his last -illness. Bunches of roses were scattered on the linen sheet, that -covered him up to his chin, and over his feet was draped the white flag -that his ancestors had carried to victory; that flag over which he had -watched all his life, and which was to be buried with him in the little -chapel of Goritz near the Adriatic Sea, far away from that France he had -loved so well, from those vaults of St. Denis, whence his race had been -excluded for ever. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE ORLEANS PRINCES - - -It must be owned that the Orleans Princes, at the time of which I am -speaking, had far more adherents than the Comte de Chambord. - -Whilst the latter kept aloof from the world in his haughty attitude, his -cousins sought popularity by all means in their power, and wherever they -could hope to find it. They had in their favour, first their number, the -beauty of their women, their incontestable bravery, their unwearying -energy, and their courting of the mob. Against them was their excessive -avarice, and the eagerness with which they had hastened, as soon as the -doors of their fatherland were opened to them once more, to claim their -confiscated millions without allowing their thoughts to dwell for one -moment on the sad state in which their country was finding itself, nor -on the tremendous sacrifices it was voluntarily making in order to pay -the enormous war contribution exacted by Germany, in accordance with the -Treaty of Frankfurt. In the claim they had put forward they had been -encouraged by M. Thiers, who, shrewd politician that he was, wanted to -make them unpopular as pretenders, and to minimise the influence they -might otherwise have acquired. The fact was that this hasty step, which -would have passed unnoticed had they attempted it later on, made them -lose considerable ground among people who would otherwise have looked up -to them, because the idea of a Republic had not yet become familiar to -the public mind, and because the Orleans dynasty was essentially a -democratic and middle-class one, whose instincts did not clash with -those of the governing and intellectual classes of France after the war -that had driven the Bonapartes out of the country. The reign of Louis -Philippe had not left bad memories; many even regretted it. The King as -well as his family had known how to appeal to the mob, and France had -reached an epoch in her history, where the mob held the first place and -had to be reckoned with. The King’s sons had frequented public colleges, -associated with other young men of their age, and thus had given -satisfaction to the snobbish leanings which are perhaps more developed -in Frenchmen than in any other nation, in spite of all their outcries -for equality and the abolition of all the privileges enjoyed in former -times by the upper classes. - -The Duc d’Aumale had even made himself popular, with a low kind of -popularity of which he never succeeded in getting rid during the whole -course of his life; but still he was popular in his way. I shall talk of -him later on, as he deserves a chapter to himself, and Chantilly, too, -is worthy of a description not embodied in a few words. He was always -considered to be the clever man of his family, and was the most -respected by his numerous nephews and nieces, partly on account of his -large fortune, the inheritance of the Princess de Condé, and bequeathed -to him by the last of that name and race. He had become the master of -the old home of the Condés, made illustrious by the Connétable de -Montmorency, and the brave warrior known to his contemporaries by the -name of Monsieur le Prince, and to history under that of the Great -Condé. There was much of chivalry in the nature of the Duc d’Aumale, -more so, perhaps, than in the character of his brothers, who were less -princely in their manners and ways. - -The head of this historic family, the Comte de Paris can be described in -very few words: he was essentially an honest man, but devoid of -initiative; timid in the manifestation of his opinions; an excellent -soldier, as he proved himself to be during the American war in which he -took part as a volunteer, but a mediocre officer--one born to obedience -but not reared to command; weak in character, but firm in his -convictions; an excellent father, a devoted husband, a dutiful son; a -perfect King had he ever become one, so long as his country was -prosperous, but an incapable one had it found itself in difficulties; a -man always careful to fulfil his duties, but certainly not one who -inspired love for those duties outside his own immediate family circle. -He did not possess any of the qualities of a Pretender, except domestic -virtues, which no one asked of him, and which even his best friends did -not require. Though he was head of his house, he never could divest -himself of an excess of deference to the advice of his uncles, and could -rarely muster enough courage to speak or to act independently of them. - -The only time he allowed himself to indulge in politics was at the -period of the famous Boulangist agitation, when he made the rather naïve -remark that he had been induced to take part in that intrigue because a -great Christian like the Count de Mun, and a great lady like the -Duchesse d’Uzès, were attracted to it. This attempt to restore the -throne of Louis Philippe by the help of an adventurer with a white -feather in his cap had, as is known, ended in a ridicule that had -considerably shaken the personal position of the Comte de Paris, already -made insecure through his own and his partisans’ many mistakes. The -Comte had essentially a reasoning mind, but was always filled with -abstract ideas; he could never put things on a practical ground. He had -few illusions but a false look out, as well as a wrong point of view. -Instead of adopting one of two lines of conduct which would have been -equally dignified--submission to the Comte de Chambord, or brave -adherence to the principles of his ancestors and those of that dynasty -of July, “la monarchie de juillet,” as it was still called in France--he -had taken a middle course, that of recognising the personality but not -the rights of his cousin. This made him bow down before the universal -suffrage that had proclaimed the Republic in the kingdom of which he -would in any case have been the lawful heir. He thought that by his -attitude of absolute submission to the wishes of the nation he would -have inspired it with the desire to call him to its head. A false -reasoning if ever there was one, that was to cause him to take many -erratic and undignified steps, and which at last exiled him anew; an -exile in which he remained until his death. - -The only time that the Comte de Paris ventured openly upon a step which -could be construed as a manifestation of his pretensions to the throne -of France was on the occasion of the wedding of his eldest daughter, -Queen Amélie of Portugal, when he gave in his Paris residence, the Hotel -Galliera, a reception at which all the pomp that attended royalty in -former days was displayed. It was as ill-timed as useless, and was the -pretext for his expulsion from his country, an expulsion that had been -asked for a long time since by the Republican leaders, who did not care -for the nation to become used to the continued presence of the -descendants of its former Kings. He did not attempt to resist, though it -is said that some of his partisans begged him to allow them to make a -manifestation in his favour; he embarked for British shores with a -resignation that would have been admirable in a private person, but -which was very near akin to cowardice in the representative of the -Divine rights of Kings, those rights that Henri IV. knew how to impose, -even on such great lords as the members of that powerful house of -Lorraine, who also, at one time, aspired to the throne that belonged to -him, and which he conquered at the point of his sword. - -Philippe VII. was of a more pacific disposition than his illustrious -ancestor. He bade good-bye to his lovely castle of Eu, and settled at -Stowe House, the old residence of the Dukes of Buckingham, where he -ended his life, after cruel sufferings, borne with the patience that was -the distinctive feature of his honest, straightforward, and distinctly -middle-class character. With the Comte de Chambord had disappeared a -principle together with a man; when the Comte de Paris expired in his -turn, there died a good and virtuous person but nothing else. He -represented in the world his own estimable self, but not the royalty to -which he had been born. - -About his son, little need be said. Gifted with a more adventurous -spirit than that of his father, the Duc d’Orleans began his career by -risking imprisonment in France, when he appeared there to enrol himself -in the ranks of her army. He has never made the least attempt to secure -a crown which does not even tempt him. He has led the life of an idle -man of means, travelling about, playing at science when it suited him, -ignorant of the great aims of life; a man not even to be pitied, because -misfortune has never touched him; one who has never known what society, -his country, and the great name he bears required of him; who has -laughed at what his forefathers have always respected; who calls himself -the heir to all the Bourbons that have left their impress on history, -but who would be very sorry had he ever to follow in their footsteps; -the Republic can well afford to ignore him, because he would be the -first to be embarrassed by its fall. - -The Duc d’Orleans had no children by his marriage with an Austrian -Archduchess, from whom he parted very soon after they had been united. -His only brother, the Duke of Montpensier, is still unmarried, and at -present the grandchildren of the Duc de Chartres constitute the hope of -the partisans of the Orleans dynasty. - -The Duc de Chartres was the one brilliant figure among the descendants -of King Louis Philippe. There was something dashing about him that -appealed to the imagination of people. When the Franco-German War broke -out, he at once offered his services first to the Imperial, afterwards -to the Republican, government, and when they had both refused them, he -succeeded in entering a regiment of volunteers, under the assumed name -of Robert Le Fort, only the Comtesse de Vallon and one or two other -friends being aware of his identity. - -When the campaign was over he remained on active service, until the -proscription that fell on his brother had also an influence upon his -fate, and obliged him to retire into private life. He had been a great -favourite in Parisian society; men appreciated his wit, and women his -chivalrous devotion to them. It is not an indiscretion to say that his -love affairs with the Princesse de Sagan were at one time a general -subject of conversation. He was always a welcome guest at a dinner -table, and a conspicuous figure in the hunting field, and succeeded -better than any of his uncles and cousins in winning for himself the -sympathies even of Republicans, who secretly feared his popularity among -the army and in his own regiment. - -He was a born soldier, with all the intrepidity of the fighter who never -shirks a battlefield. People liked him and respected him, because with -all the sterling qualities of his elder brother, the Comte de Paris, he -had none of the latter’s apathy. Perhaps, if he had not been a younger -son, he might have made an effort to win back the throne for his race. -But reared in principles of absolute submission to the head of his -house, he never criticised anything his elders did, and though I have -known him intimately and well, the only time when I have heard him talk -politics was one afternoon at his little country home of St. Firmin on -the borders of the Forest of Chantilly, when the conversation turned on -the trial of Marshal Bazaine, over which the Duc d’Aumale had presided. -The Duc de Chartres happened to be in a communicative mood, and -expressed the opinion that he thought it had been a mistake on the part -of his uncle to have accepted the task of judging the unfortunate -commander-in-chief of the army of Metz. He said that a member of the -house of Bourbon ought not to have consented to appear before the public -as a kind of avenger of wrongs in which politics had had so great a -part. And he added these significant words: “We Orleans, more than even -members of other royal houses, ought to avoid showing ourselves as -arbiters of another man’s fate. It is quite enough to have to carry into -history the stigma that attaches to us ever since the trial of Louis -XVI.” - -I looked up to him rather in astonishment. - -“Yes,” he said, “I understand what you mean, and that you are surprised -to hear me talk in the way I do, but you must not think that I have not -often given a thought to that fatal act of my ancestor, when he helped -an ungrateful nation to murder its legitimate King. You see, I belong to -another generation than the one which saw all those horrors, and I -cannot consider them without deep regret and shame. I can understand a -good many things--cruelty, ambition, ingratitude, wickedness even--I -cannot admit crimes against nature, and the vote of the Duc d’Orleans -belonged to that kind of crime. Beside it, the so-called--because I -cannot look at it in that light since it was the result of the free -choice of a great nation--the so-called usurpation of my grandfather was -a small matter. It only offended and sinned against a principle, it did -not offend the natural feelings that ought always to be sacred to every -man, no matter what position he holds in life. And when I reflect on the -trial of Marshal Bazaine, I cannot help thinking that my uncle would -have been better advised if he had kept aloof, and left to others -the task of asking from that victim of his ambition or of -circumstances--which it was, it is not for me to say--an account of his -actions and an explanation of his deeds.” - -The Duc de Chartres had married his cousin, the daughter of the Prince -de Joinville and of a Brazilian Princess. His wife was a very -distinguished woman, who by her tact and her cleverness made herself -universally liked. They had several children, and their eldest daughter, -the Princess Marie, who was married to a Prince belonging to the Royal -House of Denmark, played at one time rather an important part in -European politics, thanks to the influence which she exercised over the -mind of the Emperor Alexander III. of Russia. She died young, and the -Duc did not survive her long. The Duchesse de Chartres, widowed and past -middle age, now spends her time in her little home at St. Firmin, having -sold the house in the Rue Jean Goujon, where she had lived with her -husband, and which at one time was a centre of reunion for a certain -portion of Paris society. The only members of the family of Orleans whom -one can meet in the salons of the French aristocracy are the Duc and the -Duchesse de Vendôme, who live at Neuilly, and go about a good deal. The -Comtesse de Paris comes sometimes to the capital, but never stays there -longer than for a few days, spending the rest of her time either in her -palace of Villamanrique in Spain, or in her castle of Randan, near -Vichy, where her life is entirely given up to practices of devotion and -good deeds. All her daughters are married. Tragedy has broken the life -of her eldest daughter, Queen Amélie of Portugal, but the Comtesse is -placid by nature, possessing something of the fatalism that ruled the -Comte de Paris, and that never disputes the decrees of a Providence it -has learned to bless whether it sends good or evil to mankind. - -The future of the Orleans family, that promised to become so important -on returning to France after the fall of the Empire, proved to be quite -insignificant in so far as the destiny of France was concerned. The -Orleans had neither the courage nor the energy, nor especially the -unselfishness, to try to win back for themselves the position which they -had lost. They never had enough initiative, much less determination to -brave public opinion, and eat humble pie before the Comte de Chambord. -These things alone could have put them back on the height whence they -had fallen. But the descendants of Louis Philippe never could make up -their minds to any resolution, whether grave or frivolous. They always -professed the fallacious opinion that the will of a nation ought to be -respected, no matter how or in what way expressed. France was for them a -master before whose decrees they never for one moment felt the -temptation to rebel. They accepted those decrees so well that now no one -dreams of looking upon them as pretenders to anything, be it a throne, -or simply the wish to have their word considered at times when the vital -interests of their country are at stake. They always talk, or rather -allow their followers to talk, of their duties, of their fidelity to the -principles that made their ancestors great, but in reality they have not -the slightest wish to put forward their persons in order to secure to -their race anything beyond the millions which they already possess. The -Comte de Paris was a dreamer; the Duc de Nemours a saint; the Duc de -Chartres a soldier, never looking beyond the field of a soldier’s -activity; the Duc d’Orleans a man of the world; the Duc d’Aumale a -scholar, immersed in his books and his artistic tastes. Among them all a -man was wanted, and a King could not be found. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE DUC D’AUMALE AND CHANTILLY - - -The Duc d’Aumale was certainly the one member of the Orleans family who -made the most friends for himself, and had the greatest number of -admirers. Whether this was due to his personal merits, or to the -millions which he inherited from the last Prince of Condé, it is not for -me to say. He had plenty to give to others; it is but natural that these -others praised him in the hope he would give them a little more than he -had intended. He courted popularity, made sacrifices of pride, -principles, and sometimes personal affections, in order to win it; and -he succeeded in a certain sense, at least from the point of view of -those who measure praise and blame according to the social standing of -the person to whom they deal it. He was more learned than clever, more -clever than brilliant; his wit was inferior to his intelligence, but he -had cunning, a singular way of at once finding his personal advantage -out of an entangled situation. He put his own wellbeing beyond -everything else, and cared in reality only for his comforts and being -left alone to lead an easy, indolent existence among his books, his -pictures, his flowers, his manuscripts, all the magnificences of the old -home of the Condés. This he had restored with care and a singular -artistic knowledge, and had succeeded in endowing it with some of its -past glories. - -He was a perfect host, even though, perhaps, a little dull; and one -enjoyed a first visit to Chantilly more than a second, on account of -the necessity it entailed to perform with its master what is called “le -tour du propriétaire,” to admire what he admired, to look only upon what -he showed you himself, and not to be allowed to roam at will in the -avenues of the park, or in the vast halls full of lovely things, and of -remembrances of the past. One would have liked to spend hours -contemplating the wonders of art gathered under that roof, to examine -the sword of the Great Condé, or to look through the quantity of -interesting documents, historical and otherwise, that were kept in -businesslike order in the great cupboards of the long library, whose -windows opened on the meadows, where probably the lovely Madame de -Longueville had roamed together with one or other of her numerous -admirers. - -This solitary place required silence rather than the casual remarks -which echoed through its corridors as the motley crowd generally met at -the Sunday breakfasts which the Duc liked to give. These breakfasts were -quite a feature in the life of the master of this palace, and the -queerest assemblage of people could be met at them--Academicians, -colleagues of the Duc, military men, foreigners, scientists, diplomats, -men of letters and men of the world, ladies of the highest rank and -actresses. He made no distinctions, and never cared whether he brought -together people who agreed with each other or not. There was no link -between his guests, who forgot all about those who had been their -companions of the afternoon at Chantilly after that afternoon was over; -they never chatted together, and perhaps their host did not care for -them to do so. He liked to concentrate around his own person the -attention of those who had partaken of his hospitality; he would have -felt offended had he caught them talking to each other, and not -listening exclusively to himself. He was full of attention to those whom -he guessed were admirers of his deeds or works, and took a deal of -trouble to show to self-made people that he esteemed them more than -those who were his equal in birth if not in rank. For instance, I -remember one day when having at lunch the Duchesse de Noailles and -Madame Cuvillier Fleury, the widow of his old tutor, he put the latter -on his right and the Duchesse on his left. The fact was instantly -noticed by a few Academicians, of what I would call the inferior ranks -of the Academy, and instantly it was remarked what a kind, noble and -attentive nature was Henri d’Orleans, Duc d’Aumale, who thus ignored the -high standing of one of the noblest amongst the noble Duchesses of -France in order to show gratitude to the relict of the man to whom he -owed his moral training. This action of the Duke was just one of these -things he was so fond of doing, in order to provoke admiration. He liked -to forget the exclusive traditions of his race whenever he thought that -it would ensure for him the sympathies of the mob; that mob which his -family had ever courted, to which it owed in part its fame and its -successes, and which despised it for the very facility with which it -bowed down licking the very dust. Among all the opportunist Orleans the -Duc d’Aumale was foremost. - -Since the death of his wife and children all his affections had -concentrated on his splendid Chantilly, the reconstruction of which had -entirely absorbed him from the day of his return to France after the -revolution that had overthrown the Bonaparte dynasty. In spite of all -that has been said he had no political ambitions. He knew that he had no -right to the crown of France, and that he could not pretend to it -without foregoing all the principles which he did not possess, but which -he was supposed to represent. Having been sounded as to whether he would -accept the Presidency of the Republic, he had consented to do so, -because he had been told that he had to do it, but he did not regret -that, as events turned out, the candidature of Marshal MacMahon was -preferred to his own. He returned to his country home, to his roses, his -pictures, his works of art, his horses, and his dogs, and took up again -his easy, happy, careless life as a grand seigneur of olden times, -absorbed in his books and studies, able to gather his friends round him -whenever he liked, and to do the honours of his stately domain. Fond of -hunting the stag in his vast forests, he was not above coming to Paris -whenever he wanted amusements that would have been incompatible with the -grandeur of Chantilly--to kiss the hand of a Leonide Leblanc, or to -enjoy an hour’s chat with the lovely Countess de Castiglione, whose -beauty then was on the wane. He was an amiable talker, rather dry in his -remarks, but always ready to make use of his many remembrances and his -vast erudition to add to the enjoyment of those with whom he was -conversing. He told an anecdote pleasantly, and related an historical -fact with a grand eighteenth-century manner, without offending the -Republican instincts of those who were listening to him. - -His appearance was entirely that of a grand seigneur of old, no matter -whether he was dressed in his uniform or evening clothes, with the red -ribbon of the Legion of Honour across his chest, or whether he was met -walking in his park in corduroy trousers, and gaiters rather the worse -for wear. His thin, delicate features, with the white tuft on the chin, -the long, soft, silken moustache, and eyes with a haunted look, reminded -one of a picture by Velasquez or Van Dyck. The figure was slightly bent, -but wiry and agile, and had kept much of the elasticity of its younger -days. - -He talked quickly, sometimes sharply, but always with extreme courtesy, -and even when disagreeing did so in most measured tones, and with the -utmost care not to wound the feelings of those with whom he was in -discussion. He had a sympathetic manner, but not a kingly one by any -means. There was nothing regal about him, but there was also nothing -that was not gentlemanly in the fullest sense of the word. And -sometimes, when one saw him leaning against the pedestal of the statue -of the Connétable of Montmorency, which he had had erected in front of -his palace of Chantilly, or handling with love and reverence the sword -which the Great Condé had carried at Rocroy, for one short, flitting -moment he gave one the impression that he was only the guardian of those -historical relics of which he was master. - -The Duc d’Aumale had never had the initiative to fight for the -privileges to which he had been born. In 1848, he was in command of an -important army in Algeria, with which he might have fought the -insurrectional government with advantage. He either lacked courage, or -didn’t think it worth while to risk his own personal position as a -factor in the France of the future to do so. He resigned his command, -with more alacrity than dignity, and accepting as the decision of his -country the rebellion of the few, retired to England, and with -occasional stays in his Sicilian domains, near Palermo, he awaited in -retirement and silence for the dawn of another day which would allow him -to return to the France he liked so much and to the Chantilly he loved -so well. - -When at last that moment came, his first care was to use his efforts to -avoid the possibility of a new banishment. In order to do this he opened -his doors wide to all political men and to all the literary celebrities -of the day. His hospitality was unbounded; he flattered the middle -classes, who had suddenly become the leading force in France, with -consummate skill. He tried as much as he could to make others forget -that he was a member of the ancient house of Bourbon, with whose -destinies those of their country had been inseparably associated for -centuries. He strove always to appear to those whom he welcomed under -his roof as a private gentleman, the owner of an historical place, and -as a member of that Academy to which he was so proud to belong, the -membership of which was dearer to him than all the glories of his race. -He democratised himself, if such an expression can be pardoned. He came -down from the throne, on the steps of which he had been born, into the -crowd with which he liked to mix himself, quite forgetting that this -crowd could at any minute descend to the gutter, whither they would drag -him too whether he liked it or not. - -There came, however, a day in the career of the Duc d’Aumale when he -felt constrained to assert himself, when for once the blood of Henri IV. -spoke in him. It was when he wrote to the President, Jules Grévy, that -famous letter which resulted in his being sent to join his nephew across -the frontiers of France. This letter was penned after the government had -sent the Comte de Paris into an exile whence he was never to return, and -he himself had been deprived of his rank and command. The shock was -terrible to him, and bitterly did he regret the attack of indignation -that had made him speak when he should have remained silent. As he said -himself many years later: “J’ai laissé parler mon cœeur, tandis que -j’aurais dû écouter ma raison” (“I listened to my heart when I ought -only to have heard my reason”). - -He retired to Brussels, which was nearer than England to the royal home -he had adorned with such loving care, in the hope to bequeath it to his -race, a living memento of the glories of their ancestors. When he saw -himself parted from Chantilly, especially when it became evident to him -that he would remain in exile until death released him, he took a -resolution which, better than anything else, proves that in his heart -and mind his family held but a small place. - -He made a will by which he left Chantilly, its collections, its -treasures, its library, its historical documents, its park and forests -to the French Academy. And he divulged his intention in the hope that, -as a reward for the splendid gift he was making to her, France would -once more admit him within her doors, and by restoring him to his home -thank him for having given it to her. - -This act of selfish generosity has been very differently commented upon. -Whilst many have admired it, a few old men and women, born and bred in -ideas of an age when traditions, love for one’s race, and desire to help -it to keep its high position and its inheritance were uppermost, have -bitterly reproached him for having thus transgressed traditions that -ought to have been sacred to him. - -This attack of “Christian generosity,” as someone wittily termed it, -which made him not only forgive the injury that had been done to him, -but even reward by a kingly gift the injustice of a country which had -used him so mercilessly, not only estranged him from his family, which, -though it said nothing, thought a great deal, but also made him lose the -sympathies of many former partisans of the Orleans dynasty. This -alienation of the home of the Condés, in favour of a Republican -government, made all realise that whatever were the qualities of the Duc -d’Aumale, they were obscured by his unlimited selfishness. - -France also felt the degradation of this gift, and did not hasten to -reward the donor of it as he had expected. She left him for some months -in Brussels, alone with the shame of his unworthy action, until at last -an advocate of talent, Maitre Cléry, succeeded in obtaining from -President Carnot the repeal of the decree which had banished the Duke -from France. He thereupon returned in haste to his beloved Chantilly, -where he took up again his former existence, with the difference that -when he received at his table the members of the Academy he used to tell -them: “Maintenant vous êtes ici chez vous, messieurs” (“Now you are at -home”). It was related at the time that a member of the learned Assembly -took this opportunity to entreat the Duke to change the place of a -certain picture which he thought had not been put where it ought to have -been hung. Henri d’Orleans’ eyes flashed with indignation at this -audacity, and drawing himself up very haughtily he said: “Vous vous -oubliez, monsieur” (“You forget yourself, sir”), to which, nothing -daunted, the impertinent visitor remarked: “Mais, puisque vous venez de -dire que nous sommes chez nous, monseigneur” (“But you have just said -that we are at home, sir”). - -Maitre Cléry, to whom the Prince owed his return from exile, did not -know him personally, and had never been among those whom he had invited -to his receptions. Consequently his action when he undertook to plead -the cause of the Duc d’Aumale with the President of the Republic was -absolutely disinterested. He had, however, expected a word of thanks for -his intervention in the matter. That word was a long time in coming, too -long, perhaps, in the opinion of some people. When at last the -celebrated advocate received an invitation to lunch at Chantilly, he -remarked that it came like mustard after dinner--“comme de la moutarde -après dîner.” - -The last years of the life of the Duc d’Aumale were saddened by -uncongenial family stories and incidents, in which his nephews--so -gossip said--figured in rather an unpleasant light. Angry beyond words -at these rumours, his relations with his people became more and more -distant and estranged, and the big family parties that he liked to -gather round him in former times took place no more. He kept himself -among a small circle of friends, and in the society of Madame de -Clinchamps, a former lady-in-waiting of the Duchesse d’Aumale, whom he -married secretly, and who--and this is very characteristic of him--he -left very badly off after his death, with nothing but a small pittance -out of his many millions. Madame de Clinchamps was invariably amiable. -She appeared at the lunches given at Chantilly, and visitors found her -sitting by the fire in the tapestried drawing-room, where the Duc used -to receive his guests. She did not put herself forward in any way, and -never attempted even to do the honours of the place. She must have -really loved the Duc, or else she would never have put up with the -slights he showered upon her, or accepted the false position in which he -left her, and her devotion to him never failed up to his death, after -which she retired to a small house on the edge of the Forest of -Chantilly, where, at the time I am writing, she lives in strict -retirement and in comparative poverty. - -I have met most of the celebrities of modern France at the Duc -d’Aumale’s lunches. He was very catholic as to the people whom he -invited, and only required them to be amiable and to listen well to him, -without attempting to interrupt. Among his great friends was Jules -Lemaitre, the Academician, an amusing, intelligent little man, rather -void of manners, who buzzed about in a way that would have been -aggressive had it not been so funny. He was full of wit, but sometimes -said gauche things, the value of which did not appear to strike his -otherwise critical mind. For instance, one day, whilst the Duc was -showing to his visitors a lovely collection of miniatures of the Royal -Family of France, from the end of the eighteenth century, he interrupted -him with the question: “And where, sir, do you keep the letters of M. -Cuvillier Fleury?” The late Duc de la Trémouille was standing next to -me; we looked at each other, and smiled. Evidently a member of the -French Academy of the end of the nineteenth century could not feel the -slightest interest in anything else but Cuvillier Fleury, the bourgeois -tutor of a bourgeois pupil, such as the Duc d’Aumale had proved himself -to be in the eyes of a certain number of the people whom he had made his -friends. - -Bonnat, the painter, was also a frequent visitor at Chantilly, and his -portrait of the Duc is one of the best pictures that ever came from his -brush. The Prince is represented in the uniform of a general, perhaps -the same which he wore on the day when, with a cruelty one would have -preferred not to have seen in him, he condemned Marshal Bazaine to an -ignominious death. - -It is related that the Duc d’Aumale used to say that he would like to -die at Chantilly, and that he had even left directions how his funeral -was to take place. In them he expressed a wish to lie in state in the -chapel for a day or two, near the hearts of the Princes de Condé, buried -there and respected by the Revolution of 1789. This desire was not -destined to be fulfilled. He breathed his last in Sicily, at his castle -near Palermo, and his mortal remains were brought back straight to the -family vault at Dreux. Chantilly stands empty and deserted now, save on -the days when tourists invade it, and roam in the rooms which have rung -with women’s soft laughter and listened to so many momentous and -interesting conversations. No one, even among the old servants still -left in charge of the place, ever talks of the Duc d’Aumale, and mention -is only made of the former lords of the Castle, of those illustrious and -unfortunate Princes de Condé, the souls of whom still fill the old walls -their fame has immortalised for ever. In the Gallery des Batailles, as -it is called, the sword of the hero of Rocroy still hangs, tarnished -with age, but now no reverential hand ever lifts it; only the heavy -fingers of a sleepy housemaid dusts it now and then. The pictures, the -portraits, the works of art are in the same place they occupied when an -intelligent master had arranged them with loving care. In the long -dining-room the table at which so many celebrities and high-born people -sat is still there, with chairs standing round it; in the drawing-room -the two arm-chairs the Duc and Madame de Clinchamps used to occupy are -in the same place; and in the library the inkstand has been left open -with its pen lying beside it. Everything seems a little dingy, a little -empty, a little forsaken, everything has the appearance of one of those -vast temples of old, whence, according to the words of the Russian poet, -“the idols have fled.” - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE PRESIDENCY OF MARSHAL MACMAHON - - -When a coalition of the different parties who constituted the Right in -the National Assembly overturned M. Thiers, it was felt everywhere, -though perhaps none would say it aloud, that this event was but the -first step towards the re-establishment of a monarchy, which could only -be that of the Orleans family. In fact, the Chamber was almost entirely -composed of Orleanists. The few Bonapartists were too timid to come out -openly as such after the catastrophes that had accompanied the fall of -the Empire, but they were determined nevertheless to do their best to -bring the Prince Imperial back to France as Emperor. There were but few -extreme Radicals in the Assembly. Gambetta was perhaps the most advanced -member in that direction, together with Jules Ferry and Jules Favre, and -their Radicalism would be considered Conservatism nowadays. In fact, the -Left, or what was called the Left, resembled rather an opposition as it -is understood in England, than a revolutionary party such as later on -tried to snatch the government of the country into its hands. France was -still under the influence of the eighteen years of Imperial regime it -had gone through, and respect for authority had not yet died. The -elections, which had been conducted under the eyes of the enemy, had -brought back a large monarchical majority to the Assembly. That majority -knew very well that so long as M. Thiers remained at the head of the -Republic, a restoration, either of the Comte de Chambord, the Comte de -Paris, or the Prince Imperial, was not to be thought of. The little man -would have defended his own person in defending the Republic. His manner -of crushing the Commune, indeed, had shown that he would not hesitate -before a display of force, and would be quite capable of sending to -prison the leaders of any movement to destroy the government over which -he presided. - -But when M. Thiers had been put aside, the field was free to the -Royalists, and in order to pave the way to a restoration they offered -the Presidency of the Republic to the Duc d’Aumale, in the hope that he -would see his way to resign his functions to his nephew, and be strong -enough to bring him back in triumph to the Elysée. - -The Duc d’Aumale accepted. Whether he would have fulfilled the hopes -that had been centred in him is another question. My opinion is that he -would have shown himself even more respectful of the Republic who had -called him to her head than M. Thiers or Marshal MacMahon. But we need -not go into suppositions, as his election did not take place on account -of the Bonapartists refusing to vote for him, being frightened at the -thought that he might feel tempted to accomplish another _coup d’état_, -and at all events would exclude them from the ranks of his advisers. The -Duc d’Aumale once put aside, there remained but two people whose names -could have rallied around them the different parties that constituted -the Assembly; they were Marshal Canrobert and Marshal MacMahon. - -The last mentioned was chosen partly because some believed he was more -favourable than his illustrious colleague to the idea of an Orleanist -restoration, partly because it was hoped that he would allow others to -govern in his name. They forgot that, being used to obedience in -military matters, he would insist on being listened to on political -issues, and that his very honesty would not allow him to associate -himself with intrigue in governing the country, whose welfare he would -consider it was his duty to promote above all other considerations. - -Marshal MacMahon was essentially a gentleman. Not superabundantly gifted -with intelligence, not, perhaps, possessing much strength of character, -he had, nevertheless, a keen sense of right and wrong, a horror of -anything that approached intrigue, a great respect for his duty, before -the accomplishment of which he never hesitated no matter how painful it -might be for him to perform it. He was a brave soldier, an honest man, -but he was no politician, and whenever he tried to interest himself in -politics he failed utterly in his attempts, partly through want of -experience, partly through want of knowledge, and especially because he -never knew how to find among the people who surrounded him a majority of -supporters. - -He never understood why he had been elected President of the Republic, -and always imagined that he owed it to his personal merits. This -illusion was carefully fostered by his entourage, and by ministers who -wanted to persuade him to adopt their own views. It was a great mistake -on their part, because had the Marshal been less sure of the -infallibility of his own judgments, he might not have risked the _coup -d’état_ of the 16th of May, which threw France into the arms of the -extreme Republican and Radical parties, which have ruled it ever since. - -The first ministers of MacMahon were Orleanists of the purest water, and -they did their best to bring the Orleans dynasty back to the throne, -especially after the publication of the famous letter of the Comte de -Chambord, which sealed for ever his fate as a Pretender. They were all, -too, gentlemen by birth and by education, and men of learning and -experience. Two among them, the Duc de Broglie and the Duc Decazes, have -left their impress on the history of France, and deserve its gratitude -for the services they have rendered to her. But all of them were utopian -in the sense that they believed in the triumph of the opinions they -held. They never admitted the possibility of new people coming to the -front, new ideas developing so quickly that they would have to be -reckoned with by every government no matter to what shade it belonged. -More especially did they fail to foresee the triumph of the Radical and -revolutionary elements. They considered them as of no serious -importance, perhaps because they had never troubled to study them -carefully, and so appreciate their strength. - -It is said that the Duc d’Aumale, when sounded as to whether or not he -would accept the Presidency of the Republic, and under what conditions, -had replied: “Je veux bien être une transaction; une transition jamais.” -Marshal MacMahon was to form the bridge of transition from the -government of a gentleman to that of a political man, such as the -Presidents who have succeeded him have all essentially been. He brought -with him to the Elysée traditions that are still respected, and customs -that have become a dead letter since his fall. His tenure of office was -attended with great dignity, and an amount of state that savoured a -little of real Court life such as he had known and understood how to -represent. He did not indulge in petty economies unworthy of his high -position, and kept open house for his followers and friends, dispensing -at the same time a generous and unbounded hospitality in regard to all -who came to pay their respects to him in his capacity as First -Magistrate of the French Republic. His wife, too, the Duchesse de -Magenta, was a really great lady, by birth as well as by education, and -she seconded him to the best of her ability--entertaining for him on a -grand scale, receiving foreign ambassadors with a queenly grace combined -with the affability of a true _grande dame_. La Maréchale, as she was -familiarly called by her friends, was a remarkable woman in her way, and -it is very much to be regretted that she refused the whole time that her -husband remained in office to interest herself in public affairs, from -which she kept aloof as much as she possibly could; she was exceedingly -generous, and the poor of Paris remember her to this day. - -When the Marshal had to retire into private life, it was found that he -had not only spent all the allowance that he received from the State, -but also a great deal of his own private fortune, so that when he gave -up his high office, he was a poorer man than when he had entered upon -it. The Duchesse de Magenta, when she became a widow, was left with less -than moderate means, and had to lead a simple existence, devoid of -accustomed luxuries. She was a very modest woman, and it is related that -she was often to be met in the morning riding in an omnibus, with a -basket on her arm, doing her own marketing in company with her cook or -housemaid. France did not show herself grateful for the services which, -in spite of his many political errors, Marshal MacMahon undoubtedly -rendered to her, and did not trouble itself as to the fate of his widow -or his children. The Duchesse only received the pension attached to the -military position which her late husband had occupied, and had her son, -the present Duc de Magenta, not married the daughter of the Duc de -Chartres, the Princess Marguerite of Orleans, he would have hardly had -enough to live according to the exigencies of his rank as a captain in -the French army. The example is rare, and ought not to be forgotten, -especially nowadays, when the first preoccupation of people in power is -to lay aside as much money as they can against the time when they have -to abandon office. - -During the whole time that Marshal MacMahon remained at the Elysée he -kept beside him, in the quality of private secretary, the Vicomte -Emmanuel d’Harcourt, one of the pleasantest, most amiable, and most -intelligent men in Paris society. He was perhaps the only real statesman -among the many politicians who surrounded the President, and, had he -only been listened to, it is probable that the monarchical restoration, -so much desired at that time by all the sane elements in French -political life, could have been brought about. Unfortunately, the -majority did not credit him with being in earnest, and the few who did -so were too much afraid of him not to do all that was in their power to -counteract his influence on the Duc de Magenta. It is related that one -evening when the President happened to be irritated by all these -perpetual hints he was receiving concerning Monsieur d’Harcourt, he -asked him abruptly: “Pourquoi, est-ce que vous tenez à rester auprès de -moi, et que vous ne cherchez pas à faire partie d’une combinaison -ministérielle?” (“Why do you care to stay with me, why don’t you try to -enter into a Cabinet?”) The Vicomte simply replied: “Parce que j’ai de -l’affection pour vous, Monsieur le Maréchal, et que je ne tiens pas à -vous abandonner aux mains de ceux qui n’en ont pas” (“Because I have an -affection for you, Monsieur le Maréchal, and I don’t care to abandon you -to those who haven’t”). - -MacMahon became very red, but never more after that day did he try to -wound the feelings of a man in whom he recognised a sincere friend. - -The Republican party has always accused Monsieur d’Harcourt of having -inspired the famous letter which the Marshal addressed to Jules Simon, -and which brought about what is known as “the crisis of the 16th of -May.” This reproach was partly true and partly unjust. It is quite -certain that the Vicomte encouraged the President to dismiss a Cabinet -which he considered far too advanced in its opinions, and especially -because he could not agree with the ideas of Jules Simon, its chief, -notwithstanding the great intelligence and the sincere patriotism of the -latter. But, on the other hand, it must be said, and it cannot be -repeated too loudly, that Emmanuel d’Harcourt always told the President -that he could not venture upon such a grave and important step without -every possible precaution to ensure its success. First of all he advised -the exercise of a considerable pressure on the new elections that were -bound to follow upon such a step and the imprisonment of a few leaders -whose influence might make them turn against the government. He was a -partisan of strong measures, and had that contempt for legality that all -daring statesmen have ever professed. The Marshal, on the contrary, -would never have dreamed of defying the law, and he refused to adopt any -of the measures which not only his secretary but also his -ministers--with the exception of the Duc de Broglie, whose rigid -Protestant principles, which he had inherited from his mother, prevented -him from resorting to any violent actions--recommended to him. I have -heard that on the eve of these elections, which had such an enormous -influence on the future destinies of France, the Vicomte d’Harcourt was -discussing them with M. de Fortoul, who was Minister of the Interior, -and they were both deploring the obstinacy of the President of the -Republic, who would not understand that once he had entered upon the -road of resistance to the wishes of the Chambers, represented by the -ministers whom he had dismissed, he was bound to go on and to enforce -his wishes upon the nation. Fortoul knew he had been called by the -confidence which the Duc de Magenta had in his honesty to the difficult -post which he occupied, but he was well aware that he did not possess -the latter’s sympathies, so asked the Vicomte d’Harcourt whether there -was no means by which the Chief of the State could be convinced that it -would be cowardice not to see to the bitter end the adventure in which -he had engaged himself. He got from him this characteristic reply: “No! -One cannot convince him; because he is a man who, though in a position -to command, has never forgotten how to obey.” - -Fortoul understood, and did not attempt further to shake the convictions -of the President, but prepared himself to lose the game which with a -little energy might so easily have been won. - -Emmanuel d’Harcourt was the man who best understood that honest, feeble, -and in some parts enigmatical character of Marshal MacMahon. Apart from -him it is to be doubted whether anyone save the Marquis d’Abzac, who was -attached to his person during long years, ever guessed what went on in -that narrow but well-intentioned mind. The Marquis d’Abzac was at one -time a leading figure in Paris society, and I think that no one who has -ever known him has forgotten the charming, amiable man he was, the -perfect gentleman he always showed himself, and the true friend he -remained to all those who had treated him as such. He was the leading -spirit of the little Court of the Elysée, where he organised all the -balls and receptions that gave it such brilliancy during the tenure of -office of the Duc de Magenta, when all that was illustrious in France, -even the most confirmed Royalists, considered it an honour to pay their -respects to the Head of the State and to his amiable wife. He had the -entire confidence of the President, who, perhaps, was more inclined to -give it to a soldier like the General d’Abzac than to a civilian with -whom his military soul had but little in common, and whose subtleties of -reasoning appeared too complicated for his simple mind. The Marquis had -married a Russian, Mlle. Lazareff, whose mother had been a Princess of -Courland, related to the famous Duchesse de Sagan. His wife had vast -estates in Silesia, and though he did not live with her yet he visited -there often, and always made an appearance at the German Court, where he -was essentially a _persona grata_, ever since he had accompanied Marshal -MacMahon when the latter had been sent to Berlin as an Ambassador of -Napoleon III. to represent that Sovereign at the coronation of William -I. as King of Prussia. - -Very often his visits to the German Court allowed him to clear up -misunderstandings between the French Government and the Prussian Foreign -Office; misunderstandings that were often provoked by the state of -antagonism which existed between Prince Bismarck and the French -Ambassador, the Vicomte de Gontaut Biron, about whom I shall have more -to say presently. The German Chancellor liked the Marquis d’Abzac, and -frequently took him into his confidence, well aware of his tact and -discretion. I have heard from a person very much _au courant_ of what -was going on in the Wilhelmstrasse, that Bismarck once expressed himself -to the aide-de-camp of the President of the French Republic, concerning -the monarchical intrigues that were going on in Paris. He spoke with a -mixture of contempt and regret of the woeful way they were conducted, -and of what small chances they had of being successful. D’Abzac replied -that of course it was not for him to venture an opinion on a subject -that did not enter at all into his activities, but that he had always -imagined that Prussia was very much adverse to the re-establishment of a -Monarchy in France. The Prince immediately replied: “You are entirely -mistaken, we have nothing against it, our objection is to the people -who would inevitably come into power and prominence with it. If we could -see in Paris a King without those who want at the present moment to -proclaim him, we should, on the contrary, feel far more reassured than -we do now at the immediate future both of France and of Germany. Neither -the Comte de Paris nor the Prince Imperial would, nor could, risk -position by declaring a war against us, the price of which might be the -loss of the newly recovered throne. But we greatly dread all the -councillors and advisers who would be eager to prove before the country -who had sent them to represent it, that they had been right in changing -the form of the government, because the one whom they had helped to call -into existence was ready to win back for the nation the provinces as -well as the prestige that it had lost.” - -Later on, when speaking of this remarkable conversation with one of his -intimate friends, the Marquis d’Abzac had been obliged to own that the -German Chancellor had been right in his appreciation of a situation he -understood better than did many Frenchmen. - -I have already spoken of the obstinacy that was one of the -characteristics of MacMahon. Those who induced him so unnecessarily to -assert himself in regard to Jules Simon, played on that chord when they -persuaded him that it was his duty to check the growing tide of -Radicalism, and to attempt to save the Republic from those who were -leading it into a path which would alienate from it the sympathy of -Europe, at a time when France sorely needed this support. He imagined -that by dismissing his Cabinet he was doing a great thing for his -country, but being the faithful slave of his convictions, i.e. that the -nation ought to be free to express its opinions and its wishes as to the -form of government it liked, he did not pursue what he had begun so -well, and refused to allow the Cabinet whom he had called together to -fight the battle to the bitter end. For thus he might have ensured, with -the help of some moral pressure, the triumph of the step which he had -taken more violently than wisely. The result is well known, and though -the death of M. Thiers, which happened on the very eve of the elections, -carried away one of his greatest and most powerful adversaries, yet the -Radical party secured a complete victory. One of the greatest mistakes -that Marshal MacMahon ever made in his life was in failing to resign -when the result of the elections became known. He sacrificed his -ministers, he allowed those who had borne the brunt of the battle to be -ousted out of the field and almost out of political life, which for some -of them remained fast closed after that experience, and he himself, -instead of following them in their retreat, remained still Head of the -State, and continued to occupy the Elysée, losing the esteem of those -who had considered him, until that time at any rate, a respectable -nonentity. He received the new ministers whom his own stupidity had -brought into power, he still discussed with them, and he went on trying -to push forward his own opinions and his own wishes, unobservant of all -the slights that were continually poured upon him. The only time that -his Cabinet seriously tried to assure itself of his help in a matter of -international politics--the advisability of making some advances to -Russia in view of a possible _rapprochement_ in the future--he violently -opposed the idea, invoking the remembrances of the Crimean War, which, -as someone wittily remarked, “he had gone through, but not outlived.” -After that no one attempted even to keep him in the current of the -affairs of the government, and after the elections which took place in -the Senate, and which resulted in a majority holding the same ideas as -those which already existed in the Chamber, the Marshal himself saw that -nothing was left to him but to resign, and, bereft of the prestige -which would have attached to his name had he done so after the 16th of -May had been condemned by the nation, he retired into private life, and -also into obscurity, which is far worse. - -By a strange coincidence he died just when that Russian alliance to -which he had been so opposed was very near to becoming an accomplished -fact. Also, he was followed to his grave by a deputation of Russian -sailors, headed by Admiral Avellan, who came to Paris from Toulon during -the memorable visit paid to that town by the Russian squadron which had -been sent to return the visit paid to Cronstadt by the French fleet a -few months before. It was one of those freaks of destiny which occur so -often in life, that at his funeral, too, should be represented the -nation against whom he had fought in the Crimean fields and at -Sebastopol, and whose soldiers he had never expected would, together -with those he had commanded, fire the last volleys over his grave. The -old warrior, who, in spite of his mistakes and errors, still represented -something of the glory of his country, and was one of the remnants of an -epoch and of a regime that had given to the world the illusion of a -strong and powerful France, was accompanied to his last resting-place by -the sincere regrets of all those who had loved the man, while they -distrusted and condemned the statesman, and perhaps even despised his -capacity as a politician. But his personal honesty had come out -unimpaired from the trials of his public career, his honour had never -been questioned, his courage had never been the subject of the slightest -doubt. He deserved fully the honours which were paid to him at his -death, and the homage that France rendered to him at his funeral. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -TWO GREAT MINISTERS - - -I have mentioned the Duc de Broglie and the Duc Decazes. They were the -last two ministers of the old school of which the Third French Republic -could boast. After them came mostly self-made men, who were perhaps -cleverer than they had been but who did not possess the traditions of -old France, and who brought along with them not only a change of policy -but a change in political manners and customs. After the two great -ministers of whom I am about to speak, the Republic became democratic, -far removed from the aristocratic country it had been whilst they were -ruling it. - -The Duc de Broglie was the son of remarkable parents. His father, the -old Duke Victor, had been a writer, a thinker, a politician and an -orator of no mean talent; one, moreover, who, amidst the corruption -which had prevailed at the time of the first restoration of the -Bourbons, had succeeded in keeping his hands clean from every suspicion. -He showed the great independence of his noble, straightforward character -when almost alone among his colleagues in the House of Peers he refused -to vote for the condemnation of Marshal Ney. - -The old Duc’s wife was the lovely Duchesse de Broglie, Albertine de -Stael, the daughter of the celebrated Madame de Stael, and the -granddaughter of Necker. Madame de Broglie was one of those figures who -leave their impress on posterity, and whose influence survives them for -a long time. She had, allied to considerable beauty, a noble soul, a -great intelligence, and strict Protestant principles, which had -communicated a tinge of austerity to all that she said, did or wrote. - -Her son Albert inherited much of this Calvinistic severity, which gave -him sometimes a harsh appearance and harsh manners. He was one of those -men who never will accept a compromise, or resort to diplomacy of -whatever kind, to achieve anything they have made up their minds to do. -He was unusually well read, a man of considerable erudition, who was -more at his ease at his writing-table than in a drawing-room. He had -never been frivolous, as one of his friends once said, and had but -seldom shown himself amiable. This absence of human passions made him -sometimes unjust towards those who had felt their influence, or allowed -themselves to be carried away by them. One could not imagine a time when -the Duc de Broglie had been young, nor a moment when he had not been -absorbed by his duties or his studies. He was a living encyclopædia, and -was continually improving his own mind by devoting his attention to some -serious subject or other. When he was elected a member of the Academy no -one was surprised at it, the contrary would have seemed wonderful -because he appeared to have been born an Academician, and to be out of -place anywhere else but among the ranks of that select company known as -the Institut de France. - -The Duc de Broglie possessed a high moral character. He had strong -prejudices, no indulgence for others, perhaps because he had never had -any for himself; he was narrow-minded in some things, but generous in -everything that did not touch on the question of principles. He came -from an Orleanist family, and never wavered in his allegiance to the -younger branch of the house of France, and when he accepted office, -under Marshal MacMahon, he certainly did so with the idea that he could -in time bring back Philippe VII. to Paris as King. - -In spite of his apparent coldness and austerity, he had strong political -passions, the only ones that his soul had ever known. These passions -made him sometimes lose sight of the obstacles in his way, and the -natural hauteur of a grand seigneur made him despise adversaries that he -ought either to have tried to conciliate or else to have reckoned with -more carefully than he did. He was not sympathetic, and very few liked -him, but this latter fact did not trouble him much. The only thing he -cared for was to be respected, esteemed, honoured by his foes as well as -by his friends. No man was ever more respectful of a given word than the -Duc de Broglie, and he would rather have died than have broken a promise -once made, no matter how rash that promise might have been. He was -certainly not a politician of the modern school, and both for him and -for his country it might have been better had he confined himself to the -historical studies which have made for him such a great name in modern -French literature of the graver sort. - -An amusing anecdote is related of the Duc de Broglie. He was staying -with one of his friends in the country, and one day took up a novel -which, forgotten, had been left on the table. With the attention that he -always gave to everything he did, he read it through--it was the -“Histoire de Sybille,” of Octave Feuillet--and then gravely asked his -host whether one of the heroes of it was still alive? When the latter, -more than surprised, inquired what he meant, he found out that the Duke -had thought the book treated of facts that had really occurred, and had -not imagined that the tale was just a novel. “Why waste one’s time in -writing about things that have never existed?” he remarked. “Life is too -short to afford it!” And when Feuillet was elected to the Academy he -would never consent to give him his vote, saying that through him he had -lost a few hours he might have employed in reading something more useful -than a mere romance. For he could not forgive the fact that it had -interested him in spite of his abomination for that kind of literature. - -One can imagine that a man with such strength of character could not -well understand the weakness of Marshal MacMahon, and it is not to be -wondered at that the two serious discussions during the few months that -elapsed between the birth and the fall of that Cabinet were always known -in the annals of Parliamentary France as “the Cabinet of the 16th of -May.” The Duc de Broglie would have liked to carry through the elections -under the flag of Orleanism, to which he was so very much attached, and -for whose profit, he had imagined, the Marshal had decided upon his -_coup d’état_ when he dismissed Jules Simon. When he perceived that the -Duc de Magenta had simply given way to an attack of bad temper, the -disillusion which he experienced was very great, but he did not think it -right to desert the post which he had accepted under a misapprehension, -and he and his colleagues only left office when the result of the -elections made it but too apparent that their day had come to an end. - -The Duc de Broglie never returned to political life after that effort. -He spent the rest of his existence in retirement, absorbed in his -studies, and seeking among his books an enjoyment that nothing else -could give him. One did not meet him often in society, but sometimes he -put in an appearance at the house parties given by his son, Prince -Amédée de Broglie, at his splendid castle of Chaumont sur Loire, once -the residence of Catherine de Medici. - -Prince Amédée had married an heiress, Mademoiselle Say, the daughter of -the great sugar refiner, who had brought him something like twenty -million francs as her dowry. When her marriage took place one was not -used yet in aristocratic France to these unions between the -representatives of great names and daughters of the people, and one -evening at a party given in honour of the young bride the Comte Horace -de Choiseul, well known for his caustic tongue, approached her, and -showing her a spot on her dress made by an ice that had fallen upon it, -he said: “Vous avez une tâche de sucre sur votre robe, Princesse” (“You -have a spot of sugar on your gown, Princess”). Madame de Broglie turned -round, and instantly retorted: “Je préfère une tâche de sucre à une -tâche de sang” (“I prefer a spot of sugar to a spot of blood”), thus -alluding to the murder of the Comte de Choiseul’s mother, the Duchesse -de Praslin, by her husband. - -She is an amiable woman that Princesse de Broglie, in spite of her sharp -tongue, and certainly she is one of the pleasantest in Paris society at -present. - -The Duc Decazes was a great contrast to the Duc de Broglie. Just as -clever, though perhaps not so learned as the latter, he was, moreover, a -most accomplished man of the world in the fullest sense of that -expression. He made himself friends wherever he went, even among the -ranks of his adversaries. During the seven years that he remained in -charge of the Foreign Office, in several Cabinets, he succeeded in -winning for France the respect of Europe, and in presenting the idea -that though governments might change in that country, its foreign policy -would not depart from the line it had taken. He was frank, loyal, a -cultured, gentle, and an excellent, though not a brilliant, politician. -Placed in office at a very difficult moment, just after the disasters of -the Franco-German War had entirely destroyed the prestige of his -fatherland, he contrived to raise it in the opinion of foreign -governments, and to give them a high idea of its moral resources and -dignity. - -The advent of the Republic had, of course, been received with every -feeling of apprehension and distrust, and the old Monarchists, who had -already considerably hesitated before they admitted the Bonapartes as -their equals, could not but look with distrust at the political -adventurers who had replaced them. The Duc Decazes contrived to win for -the governments of M. Thiers and of Marshal MacMahon the respect of all -those with whom they had to be in contact; he continued, also, the -tradition of the grand manners which had distinguished the Duc de Morny, -Count Walewski, the Marquis de Moustiers, and all the high-born -gentlemen to whom had been entrusted, for nearly a quarter of a century, -the task of speaking in the name of France abroad. He renewed old links, -and succeeded in forming new friendships which were to be very useful to -him as well as to his country in the future. - -The name of the Duc Decazes will always remain associated with the -so-called German aggression in 1875, when, it is still currently -believed in some quarters, the Prussian Government wanted to declare war -against France, a war that was only averted by the intervention of the -Emperor Alexander II. of Russia, to whom the French Foreign Minister had -appealed for help. The story has been related a thousand times, but what -has not been said is that with all his intelligence, his tact and his -political experience the Duc Decazes fell a victim to the intrigues of -the French Ambassador in Berlin, the Vicomte de Gontaut Biron. - -M. de Gontaut was one of those noblemen of the old school who have -forgotten nothing, and learned but very little. He had intelligence, -tact, knowledge of the world, but he was devoted to himself, and -entertained the greatest respect for and opinion of his personal -capacities. - -He had several relations at the Court of Berlin among the members of the -highest aristocracy, who, unfortunately for him, were among the enemies -and adversaries of Prince Bismarck. He listened to them, appealed to -them to carry to the ears of the Emperor William, and especially to -those of the Empress Augusta, many things he would have done better to -keep to himself, or else to communicate direct to the German Chancellor; -he persisted in carrying a personal line of policy, by which he hoped to -put spokes in the wheels of the great minister who held the destinies of -Germany in his hands, and he allowed himself to be influenced by gossip -which was purely founded on suppositions and old women’s love of -slander. - -The result of such conduct became but too soon apparent. Bismarck was -not a man to allow himself to be treated as a negligible quantity, and -he very soon began in his turn a campaign against the Vicomte de -Gontaut, making him feel by slights on every possible occasion that it -would be advisable for him to retire from the field of action, at least -in Berlin. M. de Gontaut was fond of his position as an ambassador. -Moreover, his was such an extraordinary vanity that he allowed himself -very easily to be convinced that by remaining at his post he was -rendering the greatest of services to his country, because no other man -in his place could use the resources he had at his disposal so -successfully in learning the secrets of the Berlin Court and of the -Prussian Foreign Office. - -It was M. de Gontaut who started the war scare, which existed only in -his imagination and had sprung from the importance he attributed to -himself. Bismarck replied in his memoirs to the insinuations that were -made against him at that time, and he proved that neither he nor Von -Moltke and his staff had ever had the idea of attacking France in 1875. -I do not think that any serious politician now believes that there was -the slightest foundation for the alarm that the French Ambassador had -raised. But at that time it was generally believed that European peace -had been in peril for a few days until the Emperor of Russia had put in -his word and, as it were, forbidden his Imperial uncle to fulfil -intentions the latter had never had for one single moment. - -To anyone who knew Prince Bismarck it would be needless to point out how -these manœuvres of the Vicomte de Gontaut exasperated him. He judged -them for what they were: Gontaut’s desire to make himself important, and -to give himself the appearance of having been the saviour of France. In -a conversation which he had many years later with Count Muravieff, at -that time Councillor of Embassy in Berlin, and later on Minister for -Foreign Affairs in Russia, the German Chancellor alluded to the -incidents which had then taken place and expressed his astonishment that -a shrewd politician like the Duc Decazes could have been taken in by the -nonsense, _les bêtises_, as he termed them, that M. de Gontaut was -continually writing to him. Count Muravieff, who had been in Paris at -that particular moment, could have replied had he liked, that the Duc -was not so guilty as it appeared, because he was surrounded by a group -of partisans of the Orleans family, who all pretended to be _au courant_ -of what was going on in Berlin, through their cousins who were living -there, and who did their best to corroborate all that he heard from the -Vicomte de Gontaut concerning the plans of Prince Bismarck and his -treacherous intentions in regard to France. - -At that period Orleanism was flourishing, and succeeded even in -influencing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who found it difficult to -disbelieve all that was told him on every side, and which he did not -suspect as coming from the same source. It is certain that he fell into -the snare, and that when he appealed to Alexander II., it was in the -firm belief that a new invasion of his country was about to take place. -He found an ally in the person of old Prince Gortschakov, whose vanity -seized with alacrity the opportunity that was given to him to appear -before the world in the capacity of the saviour of France. Newspapers -were put into motion. _The Times_, through its Paris correspondent, the -famous Blowitz, started the alarm, and soon it became an established -fact that it was through the intervention of Russia alone that France -had been snatched from the grip of Germany. The legend still subsists -with some people; its chief result was that we incurred the enmity of -Prince Bismarck, who might have acted differently in regard to Russia -during the Berlin Congress had it not been for this unwholesome -incident. - -Before closing with this subject I must relate the following anecdote. -When the German Foreign Office insisted on M. de Gontaut contradicting -in his dispatches to his government the alarming news he had been giving -to it, he repaired to the house of a lady to whom he was related, and -who occupied an important position at the Berlin Court, to ask her -advice as to what he was to do. A council of war, if such an expression -can be employed, was assembled, in which the old Duc de Sagan and his -wife, the clever and amiable Duchesse, took part, and discussed gravely -whether or not the desires of Prince Bismarck should be fulfilled, and -his denial telegraphed to Paris. After long discussions it was at last -decided that M. de Gontaut would write about it later on, but that it -would be wisest to allow a few days to elapse before communicating the -news to the French public, and that, consequently, it was not necessary -to telegraph anything for the present. They could not allow the legend -that the Vicomte de Gontaut had saved France from destruction to die so -soon. - -It would have been difficult for the Duc Decazes to have discerned right -from wrong in such a mass of intrigue. It is to his honour that, -notwithstanding the provocations he received, he succeeded in keeping -calm, cool and dignified, and that he tried seriously to do his best for -his country’s interest. He was a slow worker, and this, perhaps, was his -bane, because the man whom he had put at the head of his private -chancery, the Marquis de Beauvoir, who was his brother-in-law, having -married the sister of the Duchesse Decazes, was careless in the extreme, -and often allowed subordinates to do the work he ought to have kept -entirely under his own control. All these circumstances produced a -certain amount of confusion, but nevertheless in spite of these -imperfections the administration of the Duc Decazes gave great dignity -to the Foreign Office, and considerably raised the prestige of France -abroad. He was not, perhaps, a genius, but he was a great minister on -account of his honesty, his loyalty, the gentlemanly qualities that -distinguished him and that kept him aloof from every dirty intrigue -where his reputation might have foundered. When the ministry presided -over by the Duc de Broglie had to retire, the Duc Decazes followed it in -its retreat, though asked both by Marshal MacMahon and by the leaders of -the Republican party whom the elections had brought to power, to keep -his functions. He felt he had nothing in common with the men who were -henceforward to rule his country, and he persisted in his determination -to give up public life. He did not long survive the fall of his party, -and when he died no one ever dared to raise one word against him nor to -question his deep patriotism, and his devotion to the country he had -loved so well and served so faithfully. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -PARIS SOCIETY UNDER THE PRESIDENCY OF MARSHAL MACMAHON - - -A great change came over Paris society after the fall of the Empire. -Some of its most brilliant elements disappeared altogether, whilst the -Faubourg St. Germain, about which nothing had been heard for such a long -time, came suddenly to the front, partly through its associations with -the Maréchale MacMahon, who, being née de Castries, was considered as -one of the Faubourg, and partly through the certainty that prevailed in -many circles as to the imminence of a monarchical restoration, for which -everybody was prepared. It is true that the first two years which -followed upon the conclusion of peace with Germany were dull ones, so -far as public amusements were concerned, but little by little Parisian -social life began again, though somewhat on a different plane than -during the Empire. Whilst the latter had lasted, the families belonging -to the highest aristocracy, which had ruled France in olden times, had -kept aloof from the social movement that had been so very luxurious and -so very gay when the lovely Empress Eugénie had presided over it. They -had lived for the most in the country in their ancestral castles, where -they had economised, and cultivated their cabbages and potatoes. The -custom of marrying heiresses belonging to the bourgeoisie, or to -financiers, had not yet become usual, and military service, not being -compulsory as it is nowadays, had not mixed together young men belonging -to all classes, and thus thrown down the barriers of social -distinction. The noblesse had transformed itself into a set, into which -no intruders were allowed to enter, and when the Duc de Mouchy married -the Princess Anna Murat, the cousin of Napoleon III., he scandalised not -only aristocratic circles in general but his own family, the de -Noailles, who looked very much askance at the lovely bride in spite of -the large dowry she brought with her. - -After the fall of the Empire, the Faubourg St. Germain began to come out -from its seclusion, to live a little more in Paris, and a little less in -its country castles. It participated in the gaieties, such as they were, -that went on, and even appeared at the receptions of the Elysée, timidly -at first, whilst M. and Mme. Thiers presided over them, and then more -boldly after they had been replaced by Marshal MacMahon and his wife. -Then the different members of the Orleans family opened their doors to a -few select guests, and the salons of the Rothschilds became a neutral -meeting ground, where in time people belonging to different political -opinions saw each other and commingled, at least as regards social -relations. Sport, which had hitherto been absolutely unknown among the -better classes, became fashionable, and did more than anything else to -break down the barriers that had divided the different social sets and -coteries that had lived in solitary grandeur until then. The Embassies, -too, contributed to bring together representatives of the various -sections of fashionable France, because the supremacy of Paris somehow -began to be less absolute than it had been under Napoleon III. The fact, -also, that the government of the Republic had appealed to the patriotism -of some members of the old nobility of the country to help it in its -task of restoring the prestige of France abroad--as, for instance, in -sending the Duc de Bisaccia to London as Ambassador, and the Vicomte de -Gontaut Biron to Berlin in the same capacity--had done much to bring it -partisans, and to procure it more sympathy than the Empire had won for -itself at its start. People were feeling that the present state of -things was but transitory, and that the existence of that Republic, -which no one had expected or foreseen a few days, even, before it became -an accomplished fact, was bound to come to an end very quickly, -especially under the Marshal, who, it was firmly believed, would use all -his influence to bring about a return of the Bourbon dynasty to the -throne of France. - -The Legitimists were also in possession of large financial means, which -they had contrived to accumulate during all the years of their voluntary -seclusion. This gave them a distinct advantage over the Imperialists, -whose exchequer, which had largely depended on the liberality of the -Emperor, found itself in a very low state indeed after it had lost that -resource. Ladies who had presided over salons that gave the tone to -Paris society, and whose doors had been thrown widely open to all who -had cared to enter--such social leaders as the Countess Valevoska, the -Princess Pauline Metternich, or the Marquise de Chasseloup Laubat, and -the Countess Tascher de la Pagerie--had either left Paris, or retired -from the world, or lost the means to entertain with their former -splendour. Of the hostesses of olden days there remained but very few, -such as the Comtesse Edmond de Pourtalès, the Baronesses Alphonse and -Gustave de Rothschild, and the Princess de Sagan, and it was at their -houses that the first entertainments after the horrors of the war and -the Commune took place. It was under their patronage that Paris found -out it still could enjoy itself, though the wild chase after gaiety, -which had preceded them, no longer existed. And then a few salons, -hermetically closed before, suddenly started a series of entertainments, -at which the Comte and the Comtesse de Paris made frequent appearances, -especially after their eldest daughter, the Princesse Amélie d’Orléans, -who was later on to become Queen of Portugal, had begun to go out into -the world. Among them may be mentioned those of the Duchesse de Galliera -and of the Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld Bisaccia, after the latter’s -return from London, and the retirement of the Duc from public life. - -The Duchesse de Bisaccia, born Princesse Marie de Ligne, was a most -important person in Paris society, over which she exercised a real -influence owing to her husband’s enormous fortune, her beautiful house -in the Rue de Varennes, and the luxury, the pomp and the grandeur that -were displayed at her numerous receptions. A factor which also -contributed to her popularity was the fact of the alliances that united -the La Rochefoucaulds to all the oldest nobility of France, and the most -powerful members of the coterie “du Faubourg St. Germain.” The eldest -daughter of the Duc by his first wife, Mademoiselle de Polignac, was the -Duchesse de Luynes, the widow of the Duc de Luynes, who had fallen -bravely during the battle of Patay in 1870, whilst his second and third -daughters were in time to become the Princesse de Ligne and the Duchesse -d’Harcourt; his eldest son was to marry the only daughter of the Duc de -la Trémouille, one of the richest heiresses in France. - -Personally, the Duc de la Rochefoucauld Bisaccia was a pompous -individual, with the manners of a courtly gentleman, as, indeed, he was, -and with just enough wit about him to allow him to hold his own among -the people with whom he lived. He had an excellent opinion of his -personal capacities, felt himself born to great things, and destined to -greater still. He had a despotic temperament, and his way of greeting -those who called upon him, or whom he met at other people’s houses, was -decidedly haughty. He believed himself to be as much above humanity as -his worldly position and his fortune were above those of the generality -of mankind. In a word, he carried his ducal coronet everywhere, and even -when sleeping remembered that he had to take care of it, or rather that -it had to take care of him. He did not admit that anybody could forget -what was due to him, and when, long past middle age he took for his -second wife the pretty and lively Marie de Ligne, he could not for one -single instant think that he failed to represent for her an ideal -husband in every way, or that her fancy might have led her to choose a -younger and handsomer and merrier companion of her life. - -The Duchesse, however, succeeded very soon in finding diversion in other -directions than in the constant companionship of her pompous and solemn -husband. She was one of those beings who always succeed in taking for -themselves the good things of life. Secure in her position, and having -very soon come to the conclusion that the Duc’s vanity would never allow -him to think that his wife might look beyond him for the happiness to -which every woman is entitled, she managed to arrange her existence in -such a way that many roses helped her to bear its thorns. There was a -time when almost every man of note in Paris society found himself one of -the admirers of the Duchesse de Bisaccia, and also one of her friends. -She was always pleasant, always kind, always good-tempered, always ready -to make others happy. Pretty in her youth, she very quickly became -stout, but this did not prevent her from going about or attending any of -the entertainments at which it was deemed fashionable to be seen. She -was fond of dress, but yet always appeared untidy, perhaps on account of -her corpulence. She generally put on her tiara in such a way that five -minutes after it had been fastened on to her head it got crooked and -hung on one side, but though this gave her whole person an original -appearance it did not make her ridiculous, as it would have made another -woman. The Duchesse could not be ridiculous, no matter what she wore, -nor what she did. She was essentially a great lady, even when not -ladylike, which often occurred, because her manners were distinctly -unceremonious, and had a dash of Bohemianism about them such as is not -often met with in the circles in which she generally moved. I use the -word “generally” on purpose, as there were times when the Duchesse did -not object to visiting, with one or other of her numerous friends, -places and people more or less unconventional. But, somehow, whatever -she did or said no one seemed to mind, and she remained until the last -the favourite of a society over which she reigned for nearly forty -years, and by which she is missed to this very day. - -Madame de Bisaccia was exceedingly fond of entertaining, and gave -sumptuous receptions in her Hotel de la Rue de Varennes, which were -considered landmarks in the horizon of fashionable Paris. These -receptions were very stately; it would have been impossible for them to -be otherwise in the presence of the Duc. During the septenary of Marshal -MacMahon they were frequent, especially and always honoured by the -presence of a royalty or two. The Duchesse had a grand way of receiving -her guests, and when she stood on the top of her beautiful old staircase -she appeared every inch of her to be one of those great ladies of the -eighteenth century such as we see in the pictures of Latour or -Largillière--a queen without a crown, but with courtiers, and surrounded -by regal state. - -It was rumoured that at these feasts, which took place in the Hotel de -Bisaccia, many dark plots against the Republic were hatched. The Comte -de Paris used to receive some of his adherents in a remote room there -whilst his daughter was dancing in the ball-room, and the Comtesse gave -audiences to ladies who craved to be presented to her, with the dignity -she had learnt in the royal palace of Madrid, where she had been born. -It was under the auspices of the Duc that the leaders of the Legitimist -party persuaded the head of the House of Orleans that, in order to -recover the throne which his grandfather had lost, a reconciliation had -to be effected between him and the Comte de Chambord; it was also there -that a plot was conceived to persuade Marshal MacMahon to lend himself -to a restoration, which was not only desired but which had been in a -certain sense already discounted among the majority of the people who -were guests at the receptions of the Hotel de Bisaccia. - -All this is now a thing of the past. Good-natured Duchesse Marie died a -good many years since, and the pompous little Duc has followed her to -the grave; their eldest son has also disappeared from this worldly -scene, whilst his widow, Charlotte de la Trémouille, lives in -retirement, and moves in quite a different set from the one which had -frequented the salons of Madame de Bisaccia. The Hotel de la Rue de -Varennes belongs to the second son of the Duchesse, who has inherited -from an uncle the title of Duc de Doudeauville, and who has married the -granddaughter of M. Blanc, of Monaco fame--a woman with more pride than -charm, who knows the value of the millions which she brought as her -dowry to her husband, and who will never play in Parisian society the -part which her mother-in-law filled so well. - -I have already said that the eldest daughter of the Duc de Bisaccia had -been married to the Duc de Luynes. She became a widow at the age of -twenty, and never married again, preferring to keep her great name and -title, and understanding that this would not prevent her from living her -own life in the way she liked best. She was a charming creature, this -Duchesse de Luynes, gifted with great talents, and possessed of an -engaging manner that was quite peculiar to her. People who knew her well -used to say that she had an abominable temper, but of this last fact the -general public was not made aware, and it is quite certain that she was -greatly liked by nearly all those who knew her. She lived most of the -year at her castle of Dampierre, which had been left to her for life by -the Duc, and received in great state in that historical domain, made -illustrious by the remembrance of all the famous people to whom it had -previously belonged, or who had been visitors under its hospitable roof. -Ill-natured gossips pretended that during her children’s minority she -had managed to squander a good part of the fortune which they had -inherited from their father, and which had been left under her personal -control, and it is certain that her son, the present Duc, in spite of -the large dowry which his wife, the daughter of the Duchesse d’Uzès, of -Boulanger fame, had brought to him, had to exercise a rigorous economy -in order to restore something of its past glories to the house of -Luynes. But during the lifetime of the Duchesse Yolande no one dared to -make any allusion to the carelessness with which she had attended to her -children’s interests, and she exercised a despotic sway over them, and -never allowed them to question anything she decided to do. Dark things -were hinted about her, but we may be allowed to consider them as -calumnies, and to remember her as one of the pleasantest women among the -many who reigned over Paris society at the period of which I am writing. - -The La Rochefoucauld was a very numerous family, divided into ever so -many branches, and owing to the similarity of names a good deal of -trouble ensued, until the identity of all of them was discovered, -especially to persons not very well up in the mysteries of the Almanach -de Gotha. - -The Comte de la Rochefoucauld was an amusing personage, and anything -more funny than his admiration of the family to which he belonged could -scarcely be met. His whole universe consisted in the grandeur of the -origin of the La Rochefoucaulds, and the sole reason of his existence, -as well as the only object of his thoughts, was how to persuade others -to view it in the same light that he did. According to him, God came -first and the La Rochefoucaulds next, and I am not quite sure whether he -did not consider in his inmost thoughts that even in Heaven they ought -to be awarded precedence at the banquet of Eternity over the saints of -humble origin. - -It is related that one day when he was in England someone mentioned the -old saying, in relation to one of the most noble of the many noble -houses Great Britain can boast, which speaks of “all the blood of all -the Howards,” Count Aimery smiled modestly. “Yes,” he replied, “the -Howards are great people, but I have known greater ones” (“Je connais -mieux qu’eux”). - -One can imagine how this weakness of that amiable man, for he was -amiable indeed, was laughed at, but nevertheless he contrived to create -for himself a unique position in Paris society, and talked so much and -so constantly over his right to occupy the seat of honour at every -dining-table he was asked to honour with his presence, that he succeeded -in getting it,--and no one would have dreamed of denying it to him. Even -when he happened to be in the same room as a Duke whose supremacy he -deigned to recognise and to admit, one was very careful to award him the -next best seat. - -Comte Aimery was married to a charming woman, Mademoiselle de Mailly -Nesle, whose house in the Rue de l’Université was for many years -considered one of the most hospitable among the many hospitable ones in -Paris. She was most exclusive as to the people whom she invited to it, -but when once she had allowed them to cross her threshold, she never -dropped them later on, or showed any difference in the way in which she -welcomed them, even when she did not find them quite congenial or -entirely sympathetic. She was rather stiff and certainly dull, and the -parties which she used to give regularly during the spring season were -anything but lively, partly because the guests felt that they ought not -to think about anything else but the greatness of the La Rochefoucaulds, -and the honour which was conferred upon them by their admittance under -the roof of a member of that illustrious family; partly because anything -that would have borne even the most remote likeness to amusement or -mirth would have seemed out of place in those large rooms furnished in -the seventeenth century style, where on all the walls hung solemn -pictures of dead and gone ancestors of the hosts. But to be invited to -attend a social function, no matter of what kind, by Madame Aimery gave -one at once a position in Paris society, putting one immediately on the -level of the upper ten thousand who constituted its most exclusive set, -and by reason of that circumstance any new arrival or foreigner aspiring -to make a position for himself, thought it his or her duty never to miss -any of the receptions given at the hotel in the Rue de l’Université. - -Madame Aimery de La Rochefoucauld died a year or two ago, and the -hospitable gates of her house have remained closed ever since. Her only -son, Comte Gabriel, is married to Mademoiselle de Richelieu, the sister -of the present Duke of that name and the daughter of the widowed -Duchess, who later married the Prince of Monaco. The Princesse de Monaco -is a Jewess by origin, the daughter of the banker Heine, and it was a -hard pill to swallow for Count Aimery when he had to consent to this -union of his only son with a girl who, though charming in herself, still -could not boast of the thirty-two quarterings which he considered as -indispensable in such cases. He submitted, however, with better grace -than he would have done had a few millions not helped him to do so, -together with the consciousness that these millions would allow his heir -to keep up the state which befitted his station in life. Now Count -Aimery is an old man, far advanced in the sixties, if not in the -seventies, and is but little seen in society, especially since the death -of his wife. His greatest delight consists in being consulted in matters -of etiquette, or being asked to arrange seats at a dinner table. His -constant occupation is the study of the Almanach de Gotha and books of -that kind. He is as happy as a man devoid of cares can be, and probably -will live a good many years yet, being so forgetful of anything that -does not concern the glories of the La Rochefoucauld family that he will -surely even forget to die. Should he ever remember to do so, the -Faubourg St. Germain will lose its greatest authority in matters of -social etiquette and social precedence. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -A FEW PROMINENT PARISIAN HOSTESSES - - -Among the great ladies who began to receive society in their ancestral -houses during the presidency of Marshal MacMahon can be mentioned the -Duchesse de Rohan, at that time still Princesse de Léon; the Duchesse de -Galliera, of whom I have already spoken; and a crowd of hostesses of -minor standing within the social horizon, who hastened with more or less -alacrity to follow their example. The Comtesse Mélanie de Pourtalès -opened once more the doors of her hotel in the Rue Tronchet, as did the -Baroness Alphonse de Rothschild her magnificent palace in the Rue St. -Florentin, whilst Madame Edouard André very soon contrived, thanks to -her husband’s enormous fortune and her own great talent as a painter, to -introduce herself into the most select circles of Paris society, and to -have all its celebrities at her receptions given in her splendid -dwelling on the Boulevard Haussmann. - -Little by little social life began to re-establish itself, though on an -entirely different scale than formerly, and, strange to say, society -became ever so much less exclusive than when a distinct line of -separation existed between the Monde des Tuileries, as it was called, -and the other coteries which abounded in the capital. - -Madame de Galliera was one of the last representatives of the _grandes -dames_ of the time of Louis Philippe, when even great ladies got imbued -with a certain tinge of middle-class leanings, which were the -distinctive feature of that middle-class Court over which Queen Marie -Amélie presided, where it was not considered as against etiquette to -appear before the Sovereigns with an umbrella, and where the King did -not hesitate to peel a fruit with a penknife. Madame de Galliera was -polite and amiable, very correct in everything she did, and very much -convinced of the exceptional importance which her numerous millions gave -her in the world where she moved with more ease than pleasure. She -belonged to a coterie composed of widely differing elements, and where -rigid dames could be found together with some who posed as such, though -with the heavy burden of a well-filled past upon their shoulders. Such, -for instance, as the Duchesse de Dino, who in her young days had been a -friend of Madame de Galliera, though considerably older than the latter. - -At the time I am talking about, that descendant of the Genoese Doges and -daughter of the ancient house of Brignole-Sale was affecting the most -considerable devotion to the Orleans family, and had put her sumptuous -house at the disposal of the Comte de Paris, who inhabited it until the -decree of expulsion was enforced against him. He held there the -reception on the occasion of the wedding of his daughter, the Princess -Amélie, with the heir to the throne of Portugal. This reception, brought -him bad luck in general, because it was the cause of a quarrel between -him and his capricious hostess, who, instead of leaving him her vast -fortune as she had intended, willed a considerable portion of it to the -Empress Frederick of Germany, with whom she had struck up a violent -friendship at the time the Emperor was struggling with the horrors of -his last illness at San Remo. She left her house in Paris to the -Austrian Emperor, whose Embassy has been located in it ever since. - -Madame de Galliera was a very considerable personality in Paris -society, but no one liked her, and not a few stood in fear of her -because she could be terribly rude when she liked, and had a peculiar -way of entirely crushing those she did not care for, or against whom she -thought she had a grudge. Her relations with her only son were peculiar, -and for reasons it is not for me to discuss he refused to accept the -slightest portion of her enormous wealth, or to be known by any of the -numerous titles that belonged to her, calling himself plain M. Ferrari, -and preferring to earn his own living rather than enjoy millions to -which he felt he had no moral right. His strong principles rebelled -against compromises, about which no one else would have been troubled. - -The present Duchesse de Rohan, at that time still Princesse de Léon, was -a very different person from Madame de Galliera. Mademoiselle de -Verteillac by birth, she brought an immense dowry to the Prince de Léon -when she married him; it restored to the house of Rohan some of its past -splendours. With her money she rebuilt the old castle of Josselin, and -made it one of the landmarks of Brittany. The receptions she held in her -house on the Boulevard des Invalides were exceedingly sumptuous and -numerous; some of the fancy balls that took place there, indeed, are -still talked of. She was hospitable, kind, clever in her way, but rather -inclined to vulgarity, perhaps on account of her stoutness, and partly -because her whole manner was too good-natured to be distinguished. -Looking at her, one might have thought her to be anything but a Duchesse -de Rohan, but she was and is still very much liked, because she has -always shown herself generous, indulgent for others, and absolutely -devoid of snobbishness. Madame de Rohan has pretensions to be considered -a literary person, and has written a few books, which her title and -position in society have helped to make popular. She is now an old -woman, who has known the sorrows of life, having lost a charming -daughter, the Comtesse de Périgord, who was snatched away from her in -the flower of her youth and beauty; but the Duchesse has kept her -pleasant smile and kind welcome, and is decidedly a popular personage in -Parisian society. - -The years that have sat rather heavily on the Duchesse de Léon have -spared the lovely Countess Mélanie de Pourtalès, who, although a -great-grandmother at present, is just as lovely an old woman as she was -a splendid young one. The smile, the eyes, the expression, have retained -their former charm and the soft melodious voice its youthful ring. One -cannot call Madame de Pourtalès a great lady, in the sense which the -French attach to this expression of _grande dame_, which has no equal in -any other language; but she was essentially the _femme charmante_ of the -time in which she was born, pleasant, simple, with no shred of -affectation about her a thoughtful hostess, and a faithful friend to -those to whom she had attached herself; moreover, of no mean -intelligence, of perfect tact, and with a wonderful knowledge of the -world. She saw at her feet all the men of her own generation, and went -on gathering the admiration of those who belonged to a later one. Her -receptions were select, in the sense that at them one only met social -stars; they were not exclusive--bankers and financial magnates elbowed -young beauties in their prime, or authors, whether of repute or simply -fashionable for the moment. When she passes away she will not be -forgotten, and her name will always remain associated with the fate of -the Second Empire and with the Third Republic. - -I have spoken of Madame Edouard André; before her marriage she had been -known as Mademoiselle Nelly Jacquemard, a painter of wonderful talent, -whose portraits of M. Thiers and M. Dufaure will rank among the most -remarkable works of art of the end of the nineteenth century in France. -She had fascinated M. André, the son of a banker, blessed with a -considerable number of millions, who had been one of the most -fashionable men of the Société des Tuileries towards the end of the -reign of Napoleon III. M. André, already old and nearly paralysed, had -fallen in love with the artist at the time she was painting his picture, -and finding that their tastes in many things harmonised he had married -her. Mlle. Jacquemard proved herself grateful, and made an excellent -wife to the tired, weary man, who found in her what he had wished--a -companion and a nurse. When he died he left her all his riches, together -with his wonderful house and the numerous works of art that it -contained, and to which she considerably added. - -Madame André was an amusing little woman, absolutely vulgar in -appearance and manners, but who moved in the best society, and whose -entertainments, absolutely devoid of stiffness, were as amusing as large -receptions can be. She was made very much of by the Orleans family, who -flattered her in the secret hope that she would be induced to make a -will in their favour, but that hope was to prove a barren one, because -Madame André left all that she possessed to the Institut de France, with -injunctions to transform her palace into a museum. She is supposed to -have said, not without a certain malice, that in doing so she was -following the example given to her by the Duc d’Aumale, and that -consequently she believed the way she had disposed of her property would -meet the approval of the latter’s numerous nephews and nieces. - -By an extraordinary freak of her rather peculiar character Madame André, -after her marriage, entirely neglected the art to which she had owed her -former celebrity. She absolutely refused to take again a brush or a -pencil in her hand, and was even angry when anyone made an allusion to -her wonderful talent in that line. It seemed as if she was ashamed of -Nelly Jacquemard, and yet it was to Nelly Jacquemard she had owed the -conquest that she had made of M. Edouard André and his many millions. - -The Rothschild family, who perhaps had been more powerful during the -reign of Louis Philippe than later on, at least as regards the political -influence and power which they wielded, had acquired a far greater -social position during the Second Empire, and one which became even -stronger after its fall, when for one brief moment they transferred -their allegiance to the Comte de Paris and to the whole Orleans family. -The Baron Alphonse was a very great personage indeed, and one of whom -even kings and countries stood in awe. He had married one of his -cousins, the daughter of the London Rothschild, and the grace, beauty, -and intelligence of his wife won them many friends among Parisian -society. The couple entertained on a large scale, and their balls, -dinners, and shooting parties at their lovely castle of Férrières were -celebrated for the luxury displayed at them and for the discriminating -choice of the guests invited. It was at Férrières that the Princess -Amélie, the daughter of the Comte de Paris, made her début in society, -and later on, especially during the Exhibition of 1878, the Rothschilds -opened their doors widely to the best French and foreign society. The -death of their eldest daughter, Bettina, married to her cousin, Baron -Albert Rothschild of Vienna, put an end to those brilliant festivities. -The Baroness Alphonse hardly ever went out after that, and contented -herself with seeing a few intimate friends at her own house. The only -other great function at the hotel in the Rue St. Florentin was the -reception given in honour of the marriage of Edouard, the only son of -Baron and Baroness Alphonse de Rothschild, with the lovely Mademoiselle -Halphen, an event which was very shortly followed by the death of the -old Baron. - -His widow only survived him for a short time. She had grown very -eccentric towards the last, and suffered from the mania of thinking -herself poor and obliged to economise. Madame Edmond de Pourtalès was -about the only person whom she cared to see, and the latter remained -with her constantly, never leaving her bedside during her last short -illness. The hotel in the Rue St. Florentin still remains closed, as its -present owners do not seem to care much for society, and it is very much -to be doubted whether it will ever witness the sumptuous entertainments -that had won for it such fame in past times. - -Another house which has passed into other hands, being now occupied by -M. Seligmann, a merchant of curiosities, is the Hotel de Sagan, Rue St. -Dominique, where the Princesse de Sagan, the daughter of the banker -Seillères, used so frequently to entertain from the days when her -marriage brought her into the most exclusive set of Paris society. -Madame de Sagan was a tall, slight, fair woman, with pleasant manners, -who was very much liked by a good many men, but had never been able to -get on with her own husband. He was the eldest son of the Duc de -Valencay and the grandson of the famous Duchesse de Dino. He spent right -and left, and as his father either could not, or would not, give him -more, he had been obliged to seek among the daughters of financial -houses a companion of his life. He did not care in the least for his -wife, though he tried to launch her into society, and to help her in -acquiring a great position. The Princess made the best of his advice, -but very soon discovered that if she wanted to keep her prestige in the -eyes of the world, she had better remove her fortune from the control of -her husband. The couple separated after stormy quarrels, that formed -the main topic of public conversation for a long time, and the Princess -found many people willing to console her in her solitude. From time to -time an ugly scandal arose in connection with either her doings or those -of the Prince, who very often found need to have recourse to his wife’s -purse. He obliged her to pay dearly for his silence concerning things -that, if revealed, might have impaired that worldly position for which -she cared above everything else. - -It is related that once when the heir to one of the thrones of Europe -had signified his intention to be present at an entertainment given by -Madame de Sagan, some relatives had explained to her that it would be -more suitable, especially in view of the fact that the Prince’s wife -would also be present, to have a master of the house to play the host, -and to receive them together with her. She then began negotiations with -the Prince de Sagan, who first of all stipulated he should be given a -handsome cheque of not less than four figures, to ensure his presence in -his wife’s house, and who consented, after having received it, to make -an appearance in his former home, to give a look at all the arrangements -made in honour of the occasion, and after having received the royal -couple at the bottom of the staircase of the hotel in the Rue St. -Dominique, to play the host with the perfection that he always performed -his social duties. When the last guest had left, he kissed his wife’s -hand with courtly grace, and took leave of her in his turn with a -playful remark of some kind or other, and for a long time the couple did -not meet again. - -The Prince de Sagan was considered the leader of everything that was -fashionable in Paris. It was he who organised the racecourse of Auteuil, -and who helped greatly to popularise Americans among Parisian society, -where, for a handsome consideration, so at least it was rumoured, he -introduced them into his particular set, where every word he uttered was -law, which, like those of the Medes and Persians, altered not. One used -to see him often at the Opera in the box belonging to the Jockey Club, -with his inevitable eyeglass hanging on a broad black ribbon, a fashion -he was the first to introduce. He occupied two small rooms at the club -of the Union, not being possessed of enough means and having too many -creditors to be able to indulge in the luxury of a private apartment, -and it was there that he was stricken with paralysis, from which he -never recovered, and which deprived him both of his speech and of his -mental faculties. It was at this juncture that Madame de Sagan behaved -with great generosity and a singular power of forgiveness for past -injuries. As soon as she heard of the lamentable condition to which her -husband had been reduced, she drove to the club, and had him removed to -her own house, where she nursed him with the utmost devotion; thereafter -the large receptions and garden parties which she regularly gave in -spring and which constituted a feature of the Paris season, became a -thing of the past, and the hospitable gates of the hotel in the Rue St. -Dominique were closed for ever. - -The Princesse de Sagan, who in the meanwhile, through the death of her -father-in-law, had become the Duchesse de Talleyrand, was not rewarded -for her self-sacrifice. She died quite suddenly, before the Duc, who was -left alone and infirm to the mercies of his two sons and of hired -servants. The old man dragged out an existence for something like ten -years or so, and at last died in poverty and solitude, expiating his -formerly brilliant life more cruelly and more bitterly than he perhaps -deserved. - -One of his sons, the present Duc de Talleyrand, to whom I shall refer -again, is married to the American heiress, Miss Anna Gould, whose -divorce from the Comte de Castellane made such a sensation a few years -ago, but the hotel in the Rue St. Dominique has been sold, and already -half the magnificent garden in which it stood has been built upon with -huge houses, whilst the inside of the palace is turned into an -antiquary’s shop; bric-à-brac of all kinds encumbers the lofty rooms -where kings and queens moved with stately grace; it dishonours the -famous staircase at the top of which the Princesse de Sagan, dressed in -the costume of a Persian Empress covered with priceless jewels and with -a little negro boy holding a sunshade over her head, received her guests -at one of the most famous of her many famous fancy balls. - -There was one salon in Paris which was not by any means so brilliant as -that of the Comtesse de Pourtalès, the Princesse de Sagan, and the -Duchesse de Bisaccia, but which enjoyed a popularity that has never been -equalled. I am thinking of that of the Duchesse de Maillé, that stately -old lady with the many charming daughters who, without any affectation -of pomp and without the least shade of stiffness, welcomed almost every -evening her many friends with her bright smile and kind words. Madame de -Maillé was one of those women that are but seldom met with, who combine -the dignity of the _grande dame_ with the indulgence and the abandon, if -one can use such a word, of the perfect woman of the world. She was -clever, and she appreciated cleverness in others; she could talk well, -and listen even better still; she knew how to bring into evidence all -the perfections and qualities of her friends, and she always found -reasons to excuse their faults or their imperfections. She was discreet, -and never made use of the many confidences that were constantly poured -into her ear; she had always ready some good advice to give to those who -required it, and she liked to see people happy around her, to watch -young people amuse themselves, and though excessively strict in -everything that was connected with appearances, so very polite that -somehow in her presence no one dreamed of breaking the code established -by society in that respect. Madame de Maillé loved politics, and enjoyed -exceedingly the conversation of literary people. Almost all the -celebrities that Paris could boast of were the habitués of her salon. -She used to receive them seated by her fireside, in her plain black -gown, with a lace cap over her silvery hair and her everlasting knitting -in her hands. She at once put them at their ease, and found out the most -appropriate things to tell them. Her house was restful in our age of -restlessness, and though there was not the least shade of hauteur about -the old Duchesse, the last representative of the ancient family of the -Marquis d’Osmond, yet one felt at once, on seeing her, that one stood in -the presence of a really great lady. - -Now this hospitable salon is also a thing of the past. The Duchesse de -Maillé has been dead these last ten years or so, and all her children -have settled in houses of their own. Her daughters, Madame de Nadaillac, -the Marquise de Ganay, and Madame de Fleury, though all distinguished -and amiable women, perhaps because they are still too young, have not -acquired that inimitable charm, ease in their manners, and dignity in -their bearing which belonged exclusively to their charming mother. - -The Duchesse de Maillé was an exception among the old ladies of -aristocratic Paris. There was no stiffness, such as, for instance, -distinguished the old Princesse de Ligne and the Duchesse de Mirepoix, -and some others whose names I have already forgotten. I do not think -that anything more solemn than the receptions of the Princess de Ligne -have ever been invented. She was a Pole by birth, belonging to the old -family of Lubomirski, a representative of which, Prince Joseph -Lubomirski, was at one time a well-known boulevardier. Anything more -formidable in the shape of a dowager could hardly be found in the whole -world. One could not dream even of sitting in a chair in her august -presence, and generally dropped down meekly on one of the numerous -stools which adorned her drawing-room and which reminded one of a church -without an altar. She was ill-natured, too, cruel when she liked--and -she liked it often; severe in her judgments, and inexorable in her -decisions. Her numerous grandchildren were all afraid of her, and when -she decided that the head of the house of Ligne was to marry her own -granddaughter, Mlle. de La Rochefoucauld Bisaccia, neither one nor the -other, to their own future sorrow, dared to say a word in opposition, -for never was there a union more ill-assorted. When it ended in a -divorce no one felt surprised. At the time this last-mentioned fact took -place the Princess Hedwige de Ligne had long been dead. - -There were other houses in Paris which, perhaps, were less select, but -certainly more amusing and agreeable than those in the high circles I -have just mentioned. There existed salons which were truly Bohemian, but -which also exercised a considerable influence on the sayings and doings -of society. I have mentioned already old Madame Lacroix, whose house saw -purely literary receptions, and at whose hospitable hearth all the -distinguished foreigners who arrived in Paris used to meet. Then there -was the salon of Madame Aubernon de Nerville, where Academicians were -usually to be met, that of Madame de Luynes, and last, but not least, -the salon of Madame Juliette Adam, who wielded a really regal power -among a certain set, and who certainly succeeded in being considered as -a political power, especially after Gambetta began to seek her advice in -matters pertaining to the affairs of the government. But this last -house, as well as its amiable and clever mistress, deserve more than a -passing mention; they require a chapter to themselves in order to be -duly appreciated. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -MADAME JULIETTE ADAM - - -It will be hardly possible ever to write a history of the Third Republic -without mentioning Madame Juliette Adam, the beautiful, clever and -attractive woman whose influence at the end of the nineteenth century, -not only on some of the most important personalities in France but also -on many foreign notabilities, was so considerable. Her efforts and -influence had much to do with the development of the events which -ultimately led to the consolidation of the French Republic, and which, -after having been the object of her most ardent worship, ended by -finding her one of its enemies. Some people are born under a lucky star; -upon them everything smiles, and they can do nothing that fails to turn -out well. Such a being was the lovely Juliette la Messine, who, timid -and still unaware of her own personal attractions, appeared on the -horizon of Paris society at one of the parties given by the Comtesse -d’Agoult. The Countess was “Daniel Stern” in the world of letters, the -mother of Cosima Wagner and Madame Emile Ollivier, and the heroine of -the most lasting romance in the life of the composer Liszt. Madame -d’Agoult, about whom I cannot say much because I have never met her, was -in the late ’fifties a very important personage in Parisian society, -though her own circle had repudiated her since the scandal of her -adventure with Liszt. But though very few women cared to be seen at her -house, most men of note, whether in politics or in the world of letters, -considered it an honour to be asked to her house. She presided over a -salon that dictated the tone in many things, and where she succeeded in -grouping together many celebrities who, perhaps, but for her would never -have had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with each other. - -Juliette la Messine, then in the full bloom of her fair beauty, had just -written a book of philosophy and criticism called “Les Idées -anti-Proudhoniennes,” which was a reply to an attack made by Proudhon on -Georges Sand and on Madame d’Agoult herself. She sent a copy of her book -to Daniel Stern, who was very much struck by its virile, lucid -composition, and thinking it was the work of a man who, in order to -disguise his identity, had assumed a woman’s name, wrote in reply to the -author, that she felt surprised at his having taken a feminine -pseudonym, while women generally tried to pass off as men in their -writings. When she saw Mlle. la Messine she was at once attracted by her -peculiar and wonderful charm; a friendship that was only to come to an -end with the life of the Comtesse d’Agoult was at once formed between -the two women, who had a great deal in common, and who were both -enthusiastic, eager to perform noble deeds and to work for the welfare -of humanity. It was also at one of the receptions of Daniel Stern that -Juliette la Messine met for the first time Edmond Adam, whom she was to -marry later on and under whose name she was to reach celebrity. - -One of the results of their marriage was the creation of a new salon in -Paris, which very soon became a centre of political activity. It was at -the time when the Republican party, vanquished by the _coup d’état_ of -Napoleon III., by which he had definitely imposed himself and his -dynasty upon a more surprised than terrified France, was beginning to -raise its head again. Thiers, who at that particular moment thought fit -to join the ranks of the enemies of the Empire, was continually -reproaching Edmond Adam for his hesitation to throw himself into the -battle, and was inviting him to work with all his strength for the -overthrow of the Bonapartes, adding, what in fact he did not believe but -he thought it to his advantage to seem to profess, that no government -was possible in France except a Republic. Adam then said to his wife the -following memorable words which she repeats in her memoirs: “I am quite -ready to work for the Republic, more and better than I have done -hitherto, but what can abstentionists like ourselves do for her?” -Husband and wife organised their salon as a meeting place where -adherents of Republican ideas could gather together and exchange their -ideas and opinions. The parties given by Thiers in his hotel in the Rue -St. Georges were generally frequented by the older members of the party, -whilst the younger ones assembled with Laurent Pichat; both young and -old could be met in the house of Madame Adam, who, with all the charm of -her lovely face and the elegance of her graceful manners, made a most -delightful hostess. The first people who assembled around her were for -the most part literary men like Henri Martin, Legouvé, Hetzel the -editor, Gaston Paris, Bixio, Garnier-Pagès, Toussenel, Nefftzer, Texier, -Challemel-Lacour, Jules Ferry, Pelletan--all men well worthy to be -appreciated by her. Some are already forgotten, whilst others will never -be consigned to oblivion by those who follow them on the road of life. -But very soon she tried to draw towards her all the younger forces of -the Republican party, concentrating her attention specially upon -Gambetta. She did not, in the early days, know him, but Adam, who had -met him at a dinner with Laurent Pichat, had spoken to her of him with -an enthusiasm that surprised her the more because he was not generally -addicted to such expansive feelings. In this connection she relates -with humour that she spoke to Hetzel, and asked him to bring to one of -her dinners the young advocate, who had made for himself such a name -already and whose reputation at the Bar was fast becoming considerable, -especially since he had defended Delescluze against the government. -Hetzel screamed with surprise when she proposed it, declaring that she -did not know the man whom she proposed to admit at her hospitable table. -Gambetta, he told her, was a vulgar, common sort of individual, blind of -one eye, dirty and unkempt, with black nails, and walking about in -disreputable clothes which, to add to his uncouth appearance, were never -properly put on or properly fastened. Madame Adam insisted nevertheless. -Her womanly instinct had guessed that if the man in question was really -in possession of the genius attributed to him, it would be easy for him -when once admitted in the houses of civilised people to adopt their -manners and to polish his own. On the other hand, if he failed to notice -the inadequacies of his first education, he would not be the man of -value she had been led to think he could become, and in that case it -would be easy to drop him after this first attempt at drawing him from -the society with which he had hitherto associated. But she wanted to -judge for herself, she persisted with Hetzel, and at last persuaded him -to take her invitation to Gambetta. - -The young advocate was at first very much surprised. He knew Edmond -Adam, had vaguely heard he had a wife, but had never troubled to think -about her much, therefore he was rather astonished to find himself the -object of her attention; still he decided to go, saying at the same time -to one of his friends of the Café Procope, where he generally used to -spend his afternoons: “I shall accept; it will be curious to see what -kind of woman Adam’s bourgeoise may be.” - -A large and distinguished company had been asked to meet the Republican -orator. Laurent Pichat, Eugène Pelletan, Challemel-Lacour, Jules Ferry, -Hetzel, of course, and, lastly, the Marquis Jules de Lasteyrie, an -intimate friend of Thiers and an ardent Orleanist, who, moreover, was -one of the most elegant men in Paris. The latter had begged hard to be -included in that dinner, as he was excessively interested in Gambetta, -and having arrived a little in advance of the other guests, he said to -Madame Adam that he would repeat all the incidents of the dinner to -Thiers, whom he knew to be very anxious to hear his opinion about “the -young monster,” as he called him. - -Gambetta had imagined that he was going to one of those houses where an -utter absence of the conventionalities of life is the order of the day, -and that consequently he would not be required, as it were, even to wash -his hands before making his appearance at the hospitable board to which -he had been bidden. He arrived in one of those indescribable costumes -which are neither evening nor morning dress, with a waistcoat buttoned -high up to the throat and a flannel shirt. He found the whole company in -orthodox evening dress, and his hostess in a lovely velvet costume, out -of which the most beautiful pair of shoulders were looming in their -snowy whiteness. He tried to excuse himself, saying vaguely: “If I had -only guessed.” “You probably would have refused my invitation,” replied -his hostess. “It is not nice of you to say so.” - -Everybody felt more or less embarrassed. Lasteyrie, who was always -indulgent with the extravagances of mankind, could not help whispering -into Adam’s ear: “If at least he had donned the blouse of the common -workman, I could have forgiven him, but this kind of get up!” And he -made a gesture of despair. - -No woman alive had greater tact than Madame Adam. Seeing the -embarrassment of Gambetta, as well as the look of disgust with which her -other guests observed him, she went up to the Marquis de Lasteyrie, and -in a low voice told him that in order to try and mend matters she was -going to dispossess him from the seat of honour which belonged to him by -right, and to give her arm to Gambetta. “You are quite right,” replied -the Marquis. “If you did anything else, the servants might be tempted to -forget to offer him some soup. And besides, this will allow us to see -whether he understands great things and their meaning.” - -Juliette Lambert, to give her her pseudonym in literature, to her -husband’s amazement, walked up to Gambetta, and took his arm to go down -to the dining-room. When they were seated, the Radical leader bent down -towards her ear, and in very humble tones told her that he would never -forget the lesson she had given to him in such a delicate manner. He -understood the meaning of great things, and had emerged to his honour -from a very trying experience. - -It was, however, much later that Gambetta became a regular visitor at -the house of Madame Adam. Years had passed since his first introduction -to her, and poor Juliette Lambert had gone through bitter trials that -had left their everlasting impress on her ardent and enthusiastic -nature. The war with all its horrors, the Commune with all its terrors, -had shaken her bright equanimity, and in that generous soul one feeling -had taken the place of almost every other--a deep love for her poor -humiliated country; a passionate desire to see her once more occupying -the proud position from which fate and the mistakes of men had despoiled -her. Later on, when the husband she loved so fondly was snatched away -from her, and when, beside her daughter and the children of the latter, -she found herself with no one to love in the whole wide world, she -attached herself to that one idea and ambition--to revenge the -humiliations of 1870, to get back for that France, to whom all her -energies were devoted, those provinces which she had lost, and to -revenge herself on the conqueror to whom she had owed the shattering of -so many of her brightest dreams. - -She had always been the enemy of the Bonaparte dynasty; she could not, -though she was on very good terms with several members of the Orleans -family, reconcile herself to their stepping upon the throne left vacant -by Napoleon III. She had always adored liberty, that of nations as well -as that of individuals, and she imagined that that ideal Republic she -had dreamt of could be brought into existence and would be able to give -back to France her glory and prestige. - -This one idea dominated all her actions and inspired all her writings. -She used all the resources of her wonderful intelligence, all the -activity of her remarkable mind, and all her knowledge and her -experience of the world to realise it. She opened once more the doors of -her salon, which had remained closed after the death of Edmond Adam, and -though at the bottom of her heart an inconsolable widow, she forced -herself to present to the glances of others the appearance of a woman -without heartache. Everybody who approached her, even those who did not -share her opinions either in politics or in intellectual and moral -matters, fell under the influence of her charm, and were subjugated by -her enthusiasm and her earnest, ardent words. One could see at a glance -that she was sincere, true--a friend on whom one could always rely, and -an enemy who would always fight loyally. Moreover, her clear mind had -the faculty of looking into the future with an extraordinary -perspicacity, and she seldom was mistaken in her judgments of men or -facts. She it was who for the first time suggested to her friends the -possibility of an alliance with Russia, by which French prestige might -be strengthened. She it was who began working for it at a time when even -wise political men in both countries only smiled when such a thing was -mentioned in their presence. - -It has been said that she was an irreconcilable enemy of Germany. In a -certain sense this was true, but there was no preconceived hatred in her -feelings. She detested Germans because she had seen them trampling her -unfortunate country under their feet, because she had owed to them some -of the bitterest hours she had had to go through in her life. Yet she -had no aversion to German culture, and could recognise the great -qualities of the German race, qualities which, perhaps, gave her even -more reasons to detest it. She was above everything else just. Her -character had too much real greatness about it ever to give way to any -mean or petty feeling, even where an enemy was concerned. - -When I lived in Paris I used to see her daily. She was then at the -height of her beauty and fame, and political men of all shades used to -crowd to her receptions, and to bow down before her splendid grace and -proud demeanour. She was considered as the real Queen of the Third -Republic, and no important political measure was undertaken by any -member of the government of that day without her having been consulted -about its opportuneness. No one ever regretted having asked her advice -or trusted to the clearness of her judgments; nor could any say that she -had revealed the slightest fraction of all the secrets of state which -had been confided to her. - -I do not believe a more discreet person ever lived, and it is a great -deal to that immense and so rare quality that she owed the influence she -managed to acquire with all, without exception, who came into contact -with her. I can talk about it the more easily because on several -different occasions I had the opportunity to convince myself personally -of her discretion. Most certainly among her many qualities I believe it -was the latter that her friends, and among them Gambetta, appreciated -the most in her. The great orator had never forgotten that first dinner -to which she had asked him, and later on, when the fall of the Empire -had drawn them more together, he began, with discretion at first and -with impetuosity at last, to consult her and to confide in her all his -dreams of glory. She grew not only to like him, but to feel for him a -great, deep, true affection, one of those that a woman can only -experience when she has reached middle life, known what the storms of -the heart mean, and, greatest joy of all, felt what it is to be -everything and yet nothing in another man’s life. One can boldly affirm -that it was she who made Gambetta what he became in the later years of -his life, that it was to her he owed the great development of his -fighting qualities, as well as the great dignity of which he gave proofs -in so many important questions, a dignity that in those long bygone -days, when he had appeared with a flannel shirt at the first dinner -given in his honour by Juliette Lambert, no one supposed he could ever -attain. Gambetta, who also could very quickly discover the good and the -bad sides of the people with whom he was thrown into contact, -experienced in time for her a reverence such as he had never imagined he -could feel for any woman in the wide world. He not only admired her -mind, but he also recognised the great superiority which her culture, -apart from everything else, gave her over him, and he soon turned to her -to solve all his doubts, and to be advised as to all that he was to do -to successfully reach the eminence to which he had aspired from the -first day he arrived in Paris, a poor student, with hardly enough money -in his pocket to be able to dine every day. - -But, strange to say, when one thinks of the exceptional physical -advantages and charm of Madame Adam, he never for one single moment -allowed himself to pay any banal attentions to her; she perhaps was not -quite so devoid of a nearer feeling of attraction towards him. - -In truth, Gambetta placed her so high in his thoughts that it had never -occurred to him to discover that underneath the adviser and counsellor, -to whom he turned for comfort and encouragement at almost every instant -of his life, there could exist a fair, beautiful woman with a womanly -heart and womanly feelings. He did not realise that, in associating -herself with his dreams and his ambitions, she also associated with -them, perhaps even unknown to herself, her own future and her own -existence. Perhaps this misunderstanding, which circumstances and not -their own will had created between them, influenced their relations -towards the end of the life of Gambetta, but, let it be said to the -honour of Madame Adam, she never allowed the ignorance of her charms in -which her friend indulged to influence her friendship for him, and, with -a strength of character such as very few women would have been capable -of, she sacrificed herself to his future and only thought of his -successes. She tried to persuade herself of the fact she had contrived -long ago to impress upon others, i.e. that she was living only for her -child and for her country, and that she was above everything a great -patriot, “une grande française,” and nothing else. - -She still believed in the Republic at that period of life when I first -met her. She still hoped that it would bring to her beloved France the -peace and the prosperity she so passionately desired for it. Later on, -however, she was destined to experience in that hope, too, some of the -greatest disappointments of her whole life. For a woman with high ideals -and a great moral aim, as was the case with her, nothing could be -harder to bear than the slow realisation that she had nursed a false -ideal, the conviction that she had worshipped at a wrong altar. And yet -this great trial was not spared to her who had already suffered so much. -Little by little the scales had fallen from her eyes, and she discovered -that personal ambitions, personal greed, and personal intrigues flourish -just as much and just as well, and perhaps even more, under a republic -than under a monarchy. She saw that humanity remains unchangeable, -whilst things undergo many transformations, that bad passions never die, -and that good and virtuous people are always the victims of those who -are their inferiors in moral worth. - -I remember one evening that I happened to be alone with Gambetta, at -about the time that he became Prime Minister, we discussed together -Madame Adam. He spoke of her with feelings not only of reverence, but -also with an admiration the more remarkably expressed in that it was -done without the usual enthusiasm which he generally displayed when -talking about things or people who were near to his heart. He told me -that but for her he would certainly never have reached to the political -eminence on which he found himself. We were old friends, and I could -allow myself to touch upon delicate subjects with him; so I ventured to -ask him whether the beauty of Juliette Lambert had ever made an -impression on him. He replied without the slightest hesitation that he -had never thought about it, so perfectly superior she had appeared to -him, intellectually, and so entirely he had put her upon a pedestal -whence he had never once thought that she could come down. I asked him -then brutally why the thought of the great things he could have achieved -together with her, had he made of her the companion of his life, had -never struck him. Gambetta looked at me very closely, then after a few -moments of silence softly said: “I would never have dared to allow my -thoughts to rest upon that idea, I know myself but too well, and I would -not have had the courage to make her unhappy. Believe me, that woman -would never suffer more from anything than from the loss of her -illusions, and she sees in me the man she has created, not the man that -in reality I am.” - -I have often thought of these words, of the great Republican leader, -especially when in later years, long after he had entered into eternal -rest, I saw Madame Adam once again on my return to Paris after a long -absence. A great transformation had taken place in her. She had -witnessed that loss of her illusions to which her friend had referred, -and suffered from it just as he had foreshadowed. She had seen her -beloved France not able to come out of the mesh of intrigues and -miseries into which the man who by the force of events had become ruler -had entangled France, and she had realised that her conception of a -Republic, such as she had dreamt of, was an impossibility; that it is -not by changing its form of government a nation rises to greatness and -glory. She had been obliged to assist, powerless to avert it, the -destruction of all the plans which she had made together with those men -who had been her friends, and among whom so many had become her -adversaries, according as the gulf of the opinions that had come to -divide them had grown broader and broader. She had experienced that -grief which is so very acute to a warm, womanly heart such as hers, of -finding that she had no longer the power to influence those who formerly -had cherished the same high ideals that in that beautiful world her -imagination had conjured she had placed before everything else. - -Death, too, had robbed her of much that she had leaned upon, both in -France and abroad; she had undergone those fiery trials out of which -noble souls emerge greater, nobler, more valiant and splendid than -before, but under the weight of which vulgar natures are destroyed. -After all these moral struggles and inward battles she had acquired even -more courage, more indulgence, more charity, and more faith in the -Infinite, and in an Eternity to which perhaps she had not given much -attention in the days of her youth, when the world was at her feet and -sovereigns bowed before her inimitable grace. To these consolations her -tired, weary soul turned when everything else had failed her. The -transformation that has taken place in the personality of Juliette -Lambert is one of those phenomena that, when met with, remains always -the subject of the deepest admiration on the part of those who have -watched the change come about, and have followed its various phases. - -Politics, that used to be the all-engrossing subject in the life of -Madame Adam, have now dropped to the second plane, and purely -intellectual subjects engross her more. Her affection for her beloved -France, though it remains still the one absorbing passion of her life, -is no longer expressed by the old wild desire to see France revenged -upon her enemies. Her patriotism has assumed proportions that give it -more earnestness, more steadfastness, and thus it makes the greater -impression on others, and carries an authority that passion, when -expressed violently, can never attain. She has obliged strangers to -respect her patriotism, and to see her in that graver, sober light which -alone is worthy of the great patriot that she has always been, of the -woman who in success as well as in disaster has never despaired of the -resources of her country, nor of its power to arise, stronger and more -powerful than it was before, out of disaster and ruin, and, worse evil -than any other, out of the intrigues of unscrupulous men who want to use -her, in order to further their own greed or their own gain. - -With that difference Juliette Lambert in her old age has remained what -she was in her youth, a noble, charming woman, kind and affectionate, -with the warmest of hearts and the most generous character. She lives -mostly in the country, in a dear old house, formerly a cloister in those -olden times when a king reigned over France. L’Abbaye du Val de Gyf, as -it is called, is one of those lovely dwellings where everything speaks -of peace and rest, and of the high soul and earnest mind of its owner. -There, among her books and her roses, and her dogs and her birds, she -lives in quietness, and spends her days thinking of the past, and -writing her wonderful reminiscences. There her friends come and see her, -as often as she allows them to do so, there one of her best loved -friends, the unfortunate Queen Amélie of Portugal, has often fled for -consolation, because the closest intimacy unites the fiery Republican -and the daughter of the Bourbons. There Madame Adam forgets her -disillusions, and thinks only of the good things which life has left -her. - -The last time I saw her in her beautiful home at Gyf we talked about old -times, and all those hopes of the great things which we both had -expected out of the Franco-Russian alliance. She frankly owned to me -that it had not realised the great hopes that she had trusted it would, -and rather bitterly remarked that “things we yearn after very much never -turn out quite like we have expected they will when they come to be -realised. But then,” she added with a shade of malice, “how very seldom -do we see what we wish for realised in general?” - -And thus I take leave of her, after an acquaintance that stretches over -more than a quarter of a century, the same loving, delightful, clever -and kind woman that she has always been, with her serene smile, and -grave, serious eyes that have always looked upon humanity through the -windows of her soul, and never through the spectacles of envy, hatred, -or any of those bad feelings that most human beings indulge in. An -exception she has always stood amongst women, and an exception she will -remain for all those who later on, even when she too has disappeared -from this mortal scene, will read about her, and think what a noble, -beautiful creature she has always proved herself to be. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -A FEW LITERARY MEN - - -During the many years which I spent in Paris I had numerous -opportunities of meeting the majority of the remarkable literary men who -abounded in France towards the end of last century. Since then their -number has considerably decreased, indeed it is very much to be doubted -whether the great thinkers, such as Taine, Renan, Guizot, or Thiers, -have ever been replaced. - -I knew Renan intimately, and wish I could describe him as he deserves. -To hear certain people speak of the author of the “Origines du -Christianisme” one would think that he was a ferocious hater, not only -of religion, but also of everything that approached it. In reality Renan -was intensely religious. Few people have understood so fully the -beauties of the moral preached by Christ, and few people have had more -reverence for the sacred individuality of the Saviour of mankind. He -tried to imitate Him in all the actions of his life, to be, like Him, -kind and indulgent and compassionate for the woes of the world. From his -sojourn in the seminary of St. Sulpice, he had kept the demeanour and -the manners of a Catholic priest, and do what he could, that atmosphere -clung to him. - -But he had a quality which many clericals fail to possess, a very clear -insight into religious matters, and the faculty of being able to set -aside what was superstition, and retaining what could be kept of the -poetry that attaches to the teachings of the different churches that -divide the world. He always sought truth, and never rested until he -thought he had found it, but he never gave out his own ideas as perfect -ones, nor tried to impose them upon others. His was essentially an -impartial and a tolerant mind. Indeed his thoughts were so constantly -directed towards those regions where it is to be hoped eternal truth -exists, that he did not believe it worth while to assume an intolerance -which I do not think he could ever have felt, no matter in what -circumstances nor under what provocation. I have never met a man more -indifferent to criticisms directed against his person or his works, and -I remember once when a very bitter article concerning his book, “La Vie -de Jésus,” had been brought to his notice, he merely smiled and quietly -said: “Why do you think I must be angry at this? Isn’t every one -entitled to have an opinion of his own?” - -This book, so wonderful in its simplicity, among all those which he had -written, was the one he cared for the most, partly because he had -composed it in collaboration with his sister, Henriette Renan, who had -such a singular influence over his life, and who was as remarkable a -personality as himself. During the journey which they had undertaken -together in the Holy Land, they had thought about the book which they -wanted to write. In his “Souvenirs d’Enfance et de Jeunesse,” Renan -recognises that the person who had had the greatest influence over his -mind had been his sister, and he walked in the road her footsteps had -trodden until he also saw the great Light after which they had both -longed so much. In speaking about him, one could use with justice the -words he applied to his sister when he wrote that “though noble lives -haven’t the need to be remembered by anyone else than God, one must -nevertheless try to fix their image in the minds of the generations that -come after them.” - -I am thinking about these words as I am now remembering all the -conversations we had together, and the patience with which he explained -to me all the various points I asked him to develop. He was patience -personified; he never regarded anything trouble when, by inconvenience -to himself, he could be useful to others. His conversations were always -instructive, always attractive, and always worth listening to, even when -they strayed on to frivolous subjects, which he often liked to touch. It -must not be supposed that Renan was a grave philosopher who did not care -for the congenial or the pleasant, or the amusing things which happen in -life. He could enjoy mirth like, and with the frankness of, a child. - -His works have been discussed more perhaps than those of most writers of -his time, and though they have left a deep impress upon the minds of -serious people, no one who has read them can say that their influence -has been anything else but to good. The image that he has drawn for us -of the person of Christ is so pure, so noble, so entirely religious, -that even those who object to the way in which he has presented it -cannot but be attracted by the image that his pen has evoked. - -However strange it may seem to say so, Renan himself was more surprised -than anyone else to find he had written a work which evoked so many -criticisms. He had been so entirely absorbed by his subject that he had -never given a thought to anything else but the picture of the Redeemer, -such as it had presented itself to him, in the spot which had seen Him -work and die. He had never intended publishing a book of controversy, -and in presence of the storm which it provoked he was even more -astounded than sorry. It was not in his nature to be angry, and regret -was impossible for a soul like his, which only performed what it -thought and firmly believed to be right. - -Contrary to the feeling some express about him, Renan had never indulged -in atheistic opinions, and he strongly condemned and opposed those who -supported them. His belief and faith in a Supreme Being were as firm as -they were sincere, and he only deplored that his convictions had not -allowed him to remain a son of the Catholic Church, in which in his -youth he had hoped to become a priest. Her teachings had left their -impress upon his soul, and directed it towards the deeper studies in -which he became absorbed. - -Renan had married a woman well worthy of him, and who made him a -wonderful helpmate. She knew how to smooth all difficulties from his -path, and proved well fitted for her difficult position as the wife of -one of the greatest thinkers of modern times. She was an accomplished -hostess. To the evening parties which saw their friends assembled in -their little home in the Rue de l’Observatoire, she gave the impress of -her own charming personality, and presided over the conversations with -immense tact and dignity. Their daughter, who married a professor at the -Sorbonne, M. Psichari, a Greek by origin, continued the traditions left -to her by her parents, and until lately had a literary salon, which was -well known in Paris. I do not know whether it still exists or not. - -Renan was extremely ugly; this has been repeated too often for anyone -not to be aware of it. But a more attractive face than he possessed is -not easily to be found. There was such kindness in his smile, in the -look of his eyes, and such intelligence in that large head with its -noble brow, that one could not help being struck by it, and admiring it -far more than if it had indeed been a beautiful face. The painter Bonnat -has made a portrait of him that is, I think, the best one that has ever -come from his brush. It shows Renan as he really was; one has only got -to look at it, and the original appears as we, who knew him well, saw -him sitting in his deep arm-chair, with his head slightly bent down on -his chest, and the expressive countenance that used to brighten up -whenever he met a friend, or heard about some noble deed such as he -himself would have liked to perform. It was impossible to know him and -not to admire the man in him, even more, perhaps, than the great thinker -or the great writer, because, after all, intellect or genius can be met -sooner than real virtue or real goodness--and Renan was essentially -good. - -From Renan to Taine is not a far step, and somehow it seems to me that -the latter’s name is the only one worthy to be pronounced immediately -after that of my old friend and master. I have also known Taine well, -met him often, and always been struck by his large, wide mind, so -utterly devoid of prejudices, and at the same time so absolute in the -judgments which he thought he had the right to formulate. I must -emphasise the words, “which he thought he had the right,” because those -judgments assume the intelligence as well as the moral personality of -Hippolyte Taine. He was an historian before everything else, perhaps -even before he was a critic, though he counts among the greatest that -French literature has seen; but his inclinations led him before -everything else towards the study of the past, and of the causes that -had brought about the great transformations that the world has -witnessed, ever since society in the sense we understand it to-day began -to exist; and whilst trying to fathom these causes he slowly came to -convictions, which he never would renounce when once he thought them -justified. Nothing would move him to change one line in the writings -which, after due consideration, he decided to publish, and even his long -friendship with the Princesse Mathilde did not influence him in -describing Napoleon in any other sense than the one in which he had -understood that colossal figure. The story goes that after having read -the study which he first gave to the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, she sent -him her card with “p.p.c.” written on it, a hint which he took, and as -is known everywhere, their intercourse of many years came to an end. - -Taine used to spend the greater part of the year at Menthon, in Savoy, -on the borders of the Lake of Annecy, and it was during a visit which I -paid to him there, from Aix-les-Bains where I was undergoing a cure, -that I had with him the longest and perhaps the most interesting -conversation in the whole time of our intercourse with each other. We -discussed many subjects, and among others his great work, the “Origines -de la France Contemporaine.” He told me how he had begun it with the -intention of stopping after the first two volumes devoted to the _Ancien -Régime_, and how gradually the subject had taken hold of him and he had -come to the conclusion that he must develop it, and bring it to the -point which he considered to be the only right one for properly -understanding the immense and terrible drama of the Revolution. He hated -anarchy, he thought it his duty to show it up in all its vivid horror, -and he tried to write the story of that tragedy with the same -impartiality he would have brought to bear on the description of it in -any other country than his own. As he told me on that day: “C’est un -pauvre patriotisme que celui qui s’imagine que l’on doit excuser les -crimes de son pays, simplement par ce qu’on en est un citoyen (“It is a -poor kind of patriotism which imagines that it must excuse the crimes of -its own country, simply because one is born a citizen”). - -With this direction of mind it is not to be wondered that, though -admired by many, Taine was merely liked by the few. He could not be -complaisant to the illusions or the false idols of the crowd, and he -repudiated all that he called in his expressive language, “les -exagérations d’ignorants qui se croient instruits” (“the exaggerations -of ignoramuses who believe themselves learned”). He was a philosopher in -his way, though it was entirely a personal philosophy which was founded -on his own experience rather than on the teachings of those who had -preceded him on the road of life and knowledge. Living most of his time -far away from Paris, he was, according to the words of Balzac, one of -those great minds “which solitude had preserved from all worldly -meannesses.” Left face to face with the magnificences of Nature, he had -acquired some of its impassivity before the woes of mankind, and in his -judgments of events he often forgot the tears and the sorrows, and the -blood out of which they had developed. - -Renan was a soft and kind moralist, Taine was an inexorable thinker, -Dumas Fils was the type of the sceptical worldly philosopher who hastens -to follow the advice of Figaro, that it is better to laugh at some -things for fear of being obliged to cry over them. Anything more -sparkling than his conversation it would be difficult to describe, -anything more amusing than the paradoxes which he loved to develop has -never been met with. But with it all there was also about that charming, -delightful man a strong leaning towards the tendency to moralise, and to -pose as a moralist. Indeed he might, perhaps, have become a moralist in -fact, had his rambling, sharp mind allowed him to think about moral -problems otherwise than in associating them with his “bons mots.” These -constitute the great attraction of his plays, and give to some of them -that bitter flavour which, in spite of all the wit displayed in the -dialogue, hangs about their whole construction. - -In his sadly truthful comedy, “La Visite de Noces,” the analysis which -he makes there of the great fact, which especially in France has -absorbed so much of public attention, the fact of love outside marriage, -is certainly full of ingenious reasonings. But though it strikes the -mind, it does not appeal to the heart of those who listen to it, because -it is not with witty phrases that a social evil can be mended. However, -this last fact did not disturb the equanimity of Alexandre Dumas. He did -not pose as an apostle, and he knew very well that principles fall down -very easily before the strength of passion aroused. He had no hopes of -curing the evils of mankind, but it amused him to satirise them, and to -laugh at them, and to talk of them, and he did perhaps more than any -other writer of his generation to acclimatise society to the fact of the -existence of many things, which until he made them popular had never -been mentioned--in the society of ladies at least. - -Alexandre Dumas was married to a Russian, a very intelligent and, in her -youth, a very attractive woman, but who, towards the end of her life, -developed slatternly habits. Those who called upon her unawares found -her with her hair wrapped up in curl-papers, her face seldom washed, and -in an untidy dressing-gown, the garment she most affected. I remember -one morning at Dieppe, where the clever dramatist had a villa, I found -her sitting in her garden overlooking the sea, in a kind of white -wrapper, none too fresh, and without any stockings on her feet. When -lunch was announced Dumas turned to his wife and asked her whether she -would not tidy herself up a bit, to which she replied with indifference: -“Why, I am all right.” To watch her husband shrug his shoulders was a -sight in itself. - -Two daughters were born to M. and Mme. Dumas. The eldest married a -banker, Maurice Lippmann, with whom she - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: H. Manuel, Paris._ - -MADAME JULIETTE ADAM] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Pierre Petit, Paris._ - -ALEX. DUMAS (Père)] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: H. Manuel, Paris._ - -ANATOLE FRANCE] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Gerschel, Paris._ - -OCTAVE MIRBEAU] - -could not agree, and a divorce soon followed. Colette Dumas was a -pretty, wild kind of creature, gifted with a charm quite her own, and -absolutely devoid of what is commonly called moral sense. She had never -been baptised, and she was never brought up, but simply grew as she -liked, mostly in her father’s study, where she heard expounded the whole -time the theories after which she tried later on to shape her own life. -There was no harm about her, but, alas, no principles ever ruled her -conduct, and a more lovely little animal never existed. The poor girl -discovered later on that life was not the comedy she had been led to -think it, and before she died a few years ago she must have often -regretted the false education that she had received, and lamented the -views which she had taken of existence, which to her youthful eyes had -appeared in the light of one great enjoyment. - -Her sister Jeannine was quite a different character, as sedate as -Colette was hasty, and with strong common sense instead of passionate -cravings after the impossible. She was married to an officer belonging -to the old aristocracy, and she knew very well how to adapt herself to -her new existence in the provincial town where she settled, and where, -like all happy people, she had no history. - -At the time I am writing the description, the Goncourts were talked -about a great deal in French literary circles. I have attended -receptions at their house, but I never could share the enthusiasm that -some of their writings excited among the general public. They were both -clever, Jules the more so of the two, but though they showed themselves -very hard workers, one can well question the use their work has proved -to the development of the intellectual capacities of their -contemporaries. It is very much to be doubted whether their books will -survive them for any considerable time. One thing is certain, they were -the first to start the school of self-admiration that now reigns so -completely over French modern literature. - -Of quite a different type was the Comte de Falloux, a member of the -Academy, and a writer of no mean talent. The Comte was just as well -known for his political as for his literary activity, and he represented -in the Chamber of Deputies, and afterwards in the Senate, the Legitimist -party, of which he was one of the leaders, and where his opinion carried -much weight. M. de Falloux was an Ultramontane of the purest water, who -always looked towards Rome for his inspirations, and who saw nothing -good outside the Pope and the Jesuits. He was a great favourite among a -certain coterie of the Faubourg St. Germain, and though a great friend -of Mgr. Dupanloup, the famous Bishop of Orleans, used always to quarrel -with him, and thought him far too liberal and too leniently inclined -towards compromise, his own stern, obstinate nature never accepting any. -He was extremely well read, but he was not an amiable man, and certainly -was not sympathetic. He was a man of letters belonging to that school of -grand seigneurs of which the Duc de Broglie and the Duc d’Audiffret -Pasquier were such brilliant examples. - -Though I shall speak later on about M. Zola when discussing the Dreyfus -case, which is so entirely associated with his name, yet I must also -here say a few words concerning him. In the ’eighties--the period to -which I am referring--he had already made a great name for himself as -the father of the new Naturalistic school. Whether he had directed his -attention that way because he really believed that fictional literature, -such as it had been understood until he arrived to transform it, was -based on false principles I cannot say. Perhaps he simply wanted to make -more money in trying to offer to the public something that hitherto it -had not seen, and which was bound to interest it by its unexpectedness -if by nothing else. But what I can certify through personal knowledge of -the man is that he had enough vanity to prefer being hissed than passed -by in silence. That he had considerable talent no one can deny, but that -he might have used it in a different direction is also not to be -questioned. One effect of his style was to turn the heads of would-be -authors, who, not having the necessary capabilities to write a good -book, imagined that by imitating Zola, and scribbling plots of -questionable taste, they would likewise rise to fame, and, what was -still better, earn fortune, forgetting entirely that talent such as Zola -possessed could allow itself a latitude which people with fewer -capabilities were better advised not to attempt. - -M. Zola married a very superior and most intelligent woman, who was -gifted with most remarkable qualities of heart and mind. She showed -extraordinary dignity, and most uncommon forbearance in regard to her -husband, whose memory to this day she tries to defend against any -possible attack. When he died she took to her heart two children of -which he was the father, and brought them up, and established them in -the world with a total abnegation of her own personal feelings. Indeed, -Madame Zola’s conduct in life, even under the most trying circumstances, -must always be admired. She certainly was far superior to her husband in -regard to moral character, and she is liked and esteemed by all those -who have had the privilege of meeting and knowing her. - -In thus recounting the literary men I have met with in Paris I find I -have forgotten to mention Alphonse Daudet, with his leonine countenance -and his black locks. And yet I knew him better than I did Zola, was a -frequent visitor at his house, and a great admirer of his amiable and -clever wife, who has since also made a name for herself in the world of -letters. Daudet was an extremely capricious man, and one whose temper -was of the same character, but his abilities were incontestable, and -some of his books will very probably outlive those of Zola. When he -happened to be entirely in good health, which unfortunately was not -often the case in the last years of his life, Daudet was a most pleasant -companion, full of conversation, and possessing the French spirit of “le -mot pour rire.” I remember he made us roar one afternoon by relating to -us how once he had received an anonymous letter, in which he was asked, -in case he was “tall, fair, with blue eyes, and wore a pink tie,” to -come to a rendezvous in the garden of the Tuileries. The writer -obligingly added that unless he fulfilled these conditions in his -personal appearance, and consented to put on a pink tie, he had better -not waste his time by coming, as the lady who wanted to make his -acquaintance was determined to do so only if he fulfilled the ideal she -had nursed for long years. It seemed that the ideal in question depended -for a great part on the pink tie. - -Alphonse Daudet left two sons and a daughter. Leon Daudet, his eldest -boy, has also written psychological books, but they evince none of his -father’s wit. He also has made himself conspicuous by his political -vagaries, and his divorce from the granddaughter of Victor Hugo, which, -owing to certain rather strange circumstances connected with it, caused -considerable scandal. He is a fervent Catholic, but having, out of -consideration to the feelings of the Hugo family, consented to be -married only at the mairie, without the help of the Church, he had the -bad taste to say publicly, when he married again, that his first -marriage had not been legal, which, of course, was severely commented -upon even by his best friends. His brother, Lucien Daudet, is a mild -young man, who has also literary ambitions, and whose principal -occupation consists in attendance on the Empress Eugénie, whom he has -attempted to describe in a little volume that could not have been -pleasant reading for the Empress, because nobody gifted with common -sense likes to be turned into a perfection and a genius rolled into one, -or whilst still alive to be subjected to such extravagant praise. The -youngest brother of Alphonse Daudet, Ernest Daudet, is also a writer, -who has given his attention principally to historic subjects. His books -are all worth reading, if a little dull, and he is a great favourite in -the salons of the Faubourg St. Germain, where his monarchical opinions -have won him an entrance. - -I wish I had more space at my disposal to mention otherwise than in -passing Jules Claretie, the late Director of the Comédie Française, and -the author of so many charming novels, which mostly can be put into -everybody’s hands. Many people did not like him, but those who knew him -well have always felt great sympathy for him. He wrote the French -language as no one else perhaps, with a light, pleasant, vivid style -that at once conveyed to the reader the author’s thoughts and his way of -looking upon things. For years before his death in 1914 he wrote a -delightful weekly chronicle for the _Temps_, called “La vie à Paris,” -which will certainly be consulted later on by all who wish to learn the -social history of Paris of the period. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE 16TH OF MAY AND THE FALL OF MARSHAL MACMAHON - - -When, after the fall of M. Thiers, the Duc de Magenta was elected second -President of the Third Republic, it was generally understood, as I have -mentioned already, that he would only be the representative of a -transitional government, and that, accepting the tacit conditions under -which he had been appointed, he would contribute all the weight of his -authority to secure the return of France to the flag of the old -Monarchy. - -But Marshal MacMahon, when he became Head of the State, did not show the -slightest disposition to enter into that scheme. Not only did he -disappoint the party which had voted for him, because it had believed -that he would be an instrument in its hands, but he showed strong -sympathies for the Left side of that Assembly which had overthrown the -previous President more out of pique than anything else. He took -ministers holding opinions directly in contradiction to those which he -himself had been supposed to profess, and when at last, in November, -1873, the Comte de Chambord arrived secretly at Versailles, as I have -already related, and asked the Marshal to grant him a secret interview -during which the political situation was to be discussed, the latter -refused, with the hypocritical words that, though he was quite ready to -sacrifice his life for the Prince, he could not do the dishonourable -thing that was asked of him. - -It was that word “dishonourable” that upset the Comte de Chambord. -Himself the soul of honour, he could not but be affronted by the -supposition that he could have had the intention to ask from the Duc de -Magenta anything that could have compromised his loyalty as a man or as -a soldier. I believe this had more than any other thing to do with the -discouragement that made him seize the pretext of his white flag in -order to renounce his pretensions to the throne of his ancestors. A good -many years later, talking about Marshal MacMahon at Frohsdorf, he told -me that “C’est un imbécile, et ce qui est pire, c’est un ambitieux, qui -ne veut pas se l’avouer, et qui cherche à dissimuler ce sentiment sous -le grand mot de son honneur” (“He is an imbecile, and what is worse, he -has ambition, which he doesn’t want to own, and tries to hide under -those great words, ‘his honour’”). - -I don’t think anyone ever made a more scathing and more true -appreciation of the character of the Marshal than the last descendant of -the Bourbons when he voiced that judgment. - -Once the possibility of a monarchical restoration was put aside, and -especially after the Prince Imperial had fallen in Zululand, by which -the Bonapartists were reduced to impotence, it seemed as if the Republic -was to be the only possible government in France. - -I was in Paris when the heir of the Napoleons ended his short existence -so gloriously and so tragically, and I do not think that I heard one -single person doubt that this Republican regime was certain to last. - -Until then great hopes had existed, even among the former enemies of the -Empire, that the young Prince would be able, by one of those freaks of -political life which occur so often in the existence of nations, to step -once more upon the throne from which his father had been overthrown. He -was supposed to possess courage, cleverness, great steadfastness of -character, strong principles, and an ardent love for his country. That -alone constituted certain guarantees for the future. - -The Orleanists knew very well that until the country had altogether -forgotten the incident of their claiming back their confiscated millions -at a moment when the country was smarting under the unparalleled -disaster of 1870, they had no chance of being called back to power. The -Comte de Chambord had made himself impossible; the Republic was -acceptable to but very few; the Prince Imperial had therefore the -possibility if not the probability of returning to France as its -Emperor, and this solution was wished for even by people who, before the -war and the changes which it had brought about, would have recoiled with -horror at the idea of being thought supporters of the Bonapartes. But -when fate intervened, and the tragedy which was enacted in Africa put an -end to all hopes and calculations that had been made, it became evident -that the country must resign itself to a Republican government. And I am -persuaded that apart from the ardent Monarchists, who fought for a -principle more than for a dynasty, every reasonable person in France -thought so. - -The whole situation rested on the fact that in the opinion of many, the -Republic ought to be essentially Conservative, whilst in that of others, -who were gradually to increase in number, its first duty was to show -itself distinctly Radical, and determined to follow the glorious -principles, as they were qualified, of 1789. - -The Duc de Magenta, who found himself in a certain sense called upon to -decide between these two currents, did not very well know what to do. -His own leanings were distinctly Conservative, and he was no admirer of -the Radical programme, scarcely even of the moderate Republican one. -Nevertheless he imagined that he could have the necessary authority to -appoint ministers of moderate views. There were still men of great -valour in their midst, like M. Buffet and M. Dufaure, not to speak of -the Duc d’Audiffret Pasquier, who had made a name for himself by his -famous speech against Napoleon III. in the first National Assembly, nor -of the Duc de Broglie, to whose help the Marshal was to have recourse -later on. There were soldiers like General Changarnier and General -Chanzy, who had fought so valiantly whilst in command of that army of -the Loire which had made the last effort to free France from the -victorious Prussians; politicians like M. Ribot, whose austerity and -loyalty of principles have never to this day been doubted. There were -also, even in the ranks of the Left, men like Leon Say, whose presence -in a ministry was in itself a guarantee that it would never yield to the -demands of the extreme Socialists, or like Gambetta, who, whatever can -be said against him, was a great patriot, incapable of imperilling the -existence of his country by an alliance with anarchism. Any man blessed -with the slightest common sense, and possessed of frankness in his -dealings with his colleagues, which unfortunately for him Marshal -MacMahon never showed, might have consolidated the Republic by making -use of these various elements. He was unable to do so, however, and went -on from blunder to blunder, from concession to concession, reminding one -of no one so much as Louis XVI., who also accepted everything and -reconciled himself to nothing. - -When the vote of the Chamber had made Jules Simon President of the -Cabinet, Marshal MacMahon might easily have found in him an ally and a -supporter in his wish to establish the Republic upon bases which would -have strengthened the position of France in the eyes of Europe. - -Jules Simon was a man of high principles, unsullied honour, a thinker, a -writer, a philosopher, of austere life and strong convictions--one who -was not guilty of meanness nor permitted himself anything base. He was a -staunch Republican, a sincere Liberal, a true follower of whatever was -good and great in the Revolution of 1789; he abhorred excesses and -extravagances, no matter in what shape or under what colours they -presented themselves. - -When he became Prime Minister he tried earnestly and sincerely, as his -duty, to convert the President of the Republic to his views. These he -was convinced would conciliate the different parties that divided the -Chamber of Deputies, as well as the Senate, and if he had found the help -he sought from the Head of the State, it is probable that the whole tide -of events in France would have taken a different turn. But that help -failed him, and after having on the 15th of May parted from Marshal -MacMahon on the best of terms, and received from him the assurance that -he would do his best to co-operate with him in the direction which he -wanted to give to the government of the country, Jules Simon was -startled by receiving the next morning the famous letter from the -President of the Republic, refusing to lend himself to his plans. He -replied by handing in his resignation. - -It is to the honour of Jules Simon that whenever he discussed the event -in later years he always refused to accuse the Duc de Magenta of -duplicity, as many in his place would have done. When the electoral -campaign began, he, of course, took an important part in it, but even -then his attitude in regard to the Marshal was most correct, and he -never allowed himself to say a word that might have been construed in -the light of personal animosity. He was a real philosopher, and a -political man to whom no suspicion had ever been attached. In France -such are rare, and the example he gave must not be forgotten. - -The Marshal called to his help men belonging to the Extreme Right, such -as the Duc de Broglie and M. de Fourtoul. He could hardly have done -anything else, because it is not likely that even a moderate Republican -would have cared to risk the unpopularity that was bound to follow all -those who had taken part in this mad venture. They accepted office only -because they imagined that by dissolving the Chambers the elections -might give them a majority which would have called back the Orleans to -the throne and restored the Monarchy. - -People who knew the Duc de Broglie well affirm that he put the condition -quite clearly to the Duc de Magenta, and told him that he would enter -the ministry only if he were given a free hand as regards the future in -case the country supported him by sending his followers to represent it -in the new Chamber. - -Whether this is true or not I have not had the means of discovering, but -long after the death of Marshal MacMahon, his widow one day allowed a -word to escape her which might have been taken as a tacit acknowledgment -of the fact. She was conversing with a friend about the events that had -accompanied and followed the _coup d’état_ of the 16th of May, and -replying to a remark that friend made to the effect that very probably -had it succeeded the Duc de Magenta would have remained President of the -Republic until his death, she exclaimed: “Oh no, my dear, the 16th of -May, even if it had been successful, would not have kept us at the -Elysée.” - -Had MacMahon possessed a scrap of dignity he would have resigned after -the country had pronounced itself against him, and the obstinacy with -which he clung to his place after his defeat is one of the most -extraordinary happenings in the history of modern France. I have often -wondered, and have not been the only one to do so, what he had hoped to -gain by staying discredited and despised at a post which could hardly -have been a bed of roses. Duty had nothing to do with it. It might have -been his duty to listen to Jules Simon, at least his constitutional -duty; it certainly was not to his advantage that after having -ignominiously failed in carrying through his attempt to create a -Monarchical Republic, he remained the head of a Radical one. - -Gambetta, whose verdict was nearly always right and just, when he -troubled to utter it seriously respecting men and things, once defined -the Marshal, and did so perhaps even better than the Comte de Chambord -had done. When asked to what motive he attributed his having remained at -his post “envers et contre tous,” he replied simply: “Il est resté, -parce qu’il n’a pas compris qu’il devait s’en aller” (“He remained -because he did not understand that he ought to go”). - -But when the Senatorial elections took place, and sent to the Upper -Chamber the same majority that already existed in the Lower Chamber, -even an intelligence as obtuse as that of Marshal MacMahon understood -that he had better leave to others the task of governing the Republic. -He retired much too late for his personal dignity, and with him the last -hopes of a Conservative Republic disappeared for ever. After some -discussions, M. Jules Grévy was elected his successor. Some other names -had been put forward, amongst them M. de Freycinet. M. Jules Ferry was -also mentioned, who was to go down to posterity as the author, later, of -that famous Article 7, which was so strongly opposed by the clergy and -all the parties in the Chamber, with the exception of the Radical and -extreme Republican parties. He was certainly a statesman of broad views. -Moreover he was honest and sincere, and his personality was highly -respected; but he did not care to become an automaton as was desirable -in a President of a constitutional Republic. On the other hand, he was -so intensely disliked by all those whom he had contrived to wound by -his political attitude that he was very soon eliminated from the list. -As for M. de Freycinet, a clever, quiet, resolute individual, his -opponents dreaded his great abilities, and perhaps also the subtlety of -his reasonings. He had just enough friends to praise and to propose him, -but not a sufficient number to ensure his election. After a few hours’ -discussion the general choice fell on M. Jules Grévy as Chief Magistrate -of France. - -M. Grévy was an advocate of Besançon, who had signally distinguished -himself by more or less violent attacks against the Empire. He was not a -brilliant man, but one gifted with strong common sense, an orator of no -mean value, but whose eloquence was cold and quiet, like his whole -character. He disdained to appeal to the passions of the crowd. He had -the reputation of being an honest man in the full sense of the word, one -who would never have consented to any indelicacy, and who represented -the perfect type of the French bourgeois of the time of Louis Philippe, -when the lust for luxury and the hunt after notoriety had not yet -invaded public life. - -When the first National Assembly gathered together at Bordeaux after the -war, he was unanimously elected President, and in the delicate functions -of that position he showed great dignity, singular impartiality, and -firmness combined with extreme politeness. His task was excessively -difficult, and no one did anything to lighten it, so that, after an -incident of a personal nature by which he thought himself wounded, he -sent in his resignation. It was accepted with alacrity by the Right, -which feared that he would be an obstacle to its plans and intentions, -and which, dreaming already of the fall of M. Thiers, was desirous of -having a President after its own heart, which it found in M. Buffet, the -irreconcilable enemy of Grévy. - -But when Marshal MacMahon had at last made up his mind to retire, and -when the various candidates had been eliminated for one reason or -another, the name of M. Jules Grévy immediately met with sympathy, and -he was elected by common consent. He made a good chief of a Democratic -State--dignified, calm, gifted with tact, and animated by the most -sincere desire to govern according to the wishes of the majority that -had elected him. He brought with him to the Elysée the manners of the -bourgeoisie to which he belonged, proved hostile to everything that -savoured of ostentation and luxury, and went on living the same life he -had led at Besançon, when, as a young advocate, he had had to fight his -way in the world. Madame Grévy was also an excellent woman, a good -mother and an exemplary wife, who mended her husband’s socks and never -attempted to meddle in matters that did not concern her. Under her rule -festivities were but rare at the Elysée, but charity was practised on a -large scale. M. Grévy did not show himself the nonentity he was later on -represented to be, and several of his ministers, with whom I had an -opportunity of discussing the President, told me that his advice always -proved most valuable to them, and that, whenever serious matters came to -the front, his strong common sense and clear judgment generally found -the best way to put an end to the difficulties which had arisen. He was -not a genius, but he had statesmanlike views, and these, more than once, -proved useful to France. - -Unfortunately, M. Grévy survived himself, politically speaking. Had he -retired at the end of his first seven years he would have been -remembered with gratitude by his country as well as by his family. But -several untoward events and scandals gave a sad celebrity to his term of -office. - -One was the affair of the Union Générale; the first and the last -attempt of French aristocracy to meddle with finance. Since that time it -has grown wiser, and has had nothing more to do with banks, except -marrying bankers’ daughters. But under the Presidency of M. Grévy it -hoped to make up for its defeat in the field of politics by securing a -great triumph in the field of finance. In M. Bontoux it thought it had -found the man capable of retrieving its fallen fortunes, and almost all -the proudest names of France co-operated in the enterprise which he -started, and which he fondly hoped would rival the power of the -Rothschilds and of Jewish finance in general. For some little time -everything went well, and the shares of the Union Générale rose out of -all proportion. Then one fine day the end came suddenly and crushingly, -M. Bontoux was imprisoned, and all the numerous enterprises of which he -had been the promoter suffered disaster. - -Later on somehow, in other hands, the venture proved prosperous, and his -creditors recovered something like ninety per cent. of their money. But -at the moment that the catastrophe occurred half France was ruined by -it, and as of course the Jews were accused of having brought it about, I -think I am not much mistaken in saying that it is from that period that -anti-Semitism began to flourish in the country, and that people like -Drumont became popular. - -The crash of the Union Générale and the Panama scandal, which began to -ooze out among the public, would have been enough to throw a shadow on -the Presidency of M. Grévy, but the drama which closed it stamped it -with a shame that he himself did not deserve, and which, whatever has -been said about it by his enemies, he felt acutely. - -As everybody knows, Mademoiselle Grévy, the President’s only daughter, -had married Daniel Wilson, the son of a very rich sugar refiner, who in -the merry days of the Empire had formed part of that _jeunesse dorée_, -whom the Café Anglais still remembers. He had grown bald, and he had -become poorer since those halcyon days; but he had a sister, Madame -Pelouze, the owner of the lovely château of Chenonceaux, in the valley -of the Loire, who had considerable influence over him, and who imagined -that by arranging a marriage between him and the daughter of the -President of the Republic he would retrieve his fallen fortunes. Daniel -Wilson listened to her, and soon found himself installed at the Elysée. - -Once there, the rest was easy for a man of his intelligence, and this is -a quality that his most bitter adversaries concede to him. He soon -acquired unbounded influence on the mind of his father-in-law, and M. -Grévy, grown old and perhaps even lazy, was very glad to find in his -son-in-law a person capable of helping him and of bringing to his notice -many things which he might perhaps have otherwise forgotten, as well as -to give him good advice when he needed it. Very soon M. Wilson became a -political power, and this brought him many friends, even more -flatterers, and a host of demands. At first he was careful, then he grew -bolder, at last he quite forgot that he was at the mercy of the least -indiscretion, and finally, when it became known that he had accepted -monetary considerations in return for promotions in the Order of the -Legion of Honour, the scandal became so immense that poor M. Grévy, who -had known nothing at all about it, was peremptorily asked to resign his -functions as Head of the State. - -To those who read of this now, the whole affair cannot but appear -strange, especially if they have followed the course of events in France -since that day, and they can but wonder at the sensitiveness of public -feeling then. To-day, when almost everything from the great Cross of the -Legion of Honour down to a modest _bureau de tabac_ is to be had for -money in France--and quite recently rumour spreads to the other side of -the channel--one can only grieve for poor M. Grévy that he had been born -too soon, and had not become President of the Republic some fifteen -years later. - -In the scandal that accompanied his fall the real services which he had -rendered to the State, and his sincere attempts to restrain the great -development of Radicalism in the country, were quite forgotten. He had -been weak in many things, blind in some others, but he had always been -honest, even when his son-in-law was doing questionable things in his -name. And certainly at the time of the Schnaebele incident it had only -been by his intervention and his wisdom that a war with Germany had been -avoided. He had, in that dangerous moment, shown both dignity and -firmness, and succeeded in settling with honour difficulties which but -for him might have led to the most serious consequences. France, when -thinking of him or talking about him, should never forget this. - -When he resigned, there was again a question raised as to who should be -asked to become his successor, and the name of Jules Ferry was once more -put forward. But Jules Ferry was considered as far too Conservative by -the Paris Municipal Council, which sent delegates to the National -Assembly to warn it that, should he be chosen, the population of the -faubourgs would come down to Versailles in order to signify its veto. To -tell the truth, Ferry’s energy was feared, and it was dreaded that he -would prove himself a master rather than a President. M. de Freycinet -was out of the question, when suddenly M. Carnot’s candidature was put -forward by M. Clemenceau, who was beginning already to assume the -leadership of the Radical party, and to make himself respected by all -the others. - -At that moment Sadi Carnot was Minister of Finance. He had quite -recently been the object of an ovation in the Chamber of Deputies when -he had refused to exonerate M. Wilson from the payment of certain taxes -which he owed to the State, and from which he had attempted to escape, -thanks to his relationship with President Grévy. Carnot was the -personification of that caste which is called in all the old memoirs of -the eighteenth century, “les grands bourgeois de Paris.” His past career -had been irreproachable, he had perhaps few friends, not being at all -pliant, but he had a remarkable absence of enemies. His personal -appearance was grave and solemn, not to say dull; he did not speak much, -and his manners were always cold and distant. He made an excellent -President, and had he not come to such a tragic end, it is probable that -no one would ever have given him a thought after he had left office. - -When he was murdered the Radical party had already secured a very large -majority in the Chamber as well as in the Senate, and all thoughts as to -the possibility of a Republic governed according to Conservative -principles had long ago vanished. For a few brief months his successor, -Casimir Périer, tried to fight against the tide of anarchism which was -slowly rising, but after him no one attempted it, and the Republic fell -entirely into the hands of M. Clemenceau and his friends. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -LEON GAMBETTA - - -Without being an intimate friend of Leon Gambetta, I used nevertheless -to see him very often, and there existed between us one of those close -relationships which sometimes draw together people whose opinions are -totally different. I had first met him before the war, when he had not -reached the fame which ultimately became his. I admired him more than I -liked him, and to tell the truth he never was fully in sympathy with me, -but it was impossible to see him often and not to be struck by his -immense intelligence, and especially by the extraordinary powers of -assimilation which distinguished him. - -I have already mentioned that at the beginning of his political career -he had little idea of social requirements, yet as soon as he found out -his mistake he speedily made it his aim to acquire knowledge of the -customs and manners current in the higher classes of society, and to -make a special study of its code of etiquette. He realised quite well -that sometimes trivial details bring about tremendous results, and that -if a man wants to lead his country he must not begin by giving the -public occasion to ridicule him. Besides, there lay at the bottom of the -character of this extraordinary man a thirst for luxury, for power, for -riches, for all the good things of the world, which alone would have -been sufficient to make him study the refinements without which they -become useless. Gambetta was an epicure in the fullest sense of that -word, and the apparent carelessness which he had affected in outward -appearance when he entered political life proceeded more from the desire -to attract notice to himself than from anything else. - -He wanted to impose his personality upon others, and not knowing how to -do so, he tried to attain it by an apparent indifference to those -outward things that rule the actions of ordinary men. - -When once he was thrown into contact with good society, and especially -after he had fallen under the influence of Madame Edmond Adam, or -Juliette Adam as earlier I referred to her, his views of life changed -considerably. He very soon became more refined in his tastes and habits, -the equal in social deportment of those men and women whose judgments -and opinions he had affected to despise in the days when he was a street -orator who frequented the Café Procope and other meeting-places of the -young Radical party who made it its business to attack the Empire at -every opportunity. - -The war sobered him, and his short sojourn in the responsible position -of member of a government, such as it was, considerably changed his -ideas. He at once perceived that it was easier to criticise men in power -than to do their work. He was a great patriot in the sense that he put -his country before anything else in the world, and that he was ready to -sacrifice all that he held dear for its welfare, but he was no -chauvinist, though so often accused of fomenting chauvinism in France. -He had a very clear comprehension of every political situation, and also -of the different ways in which it could be explained to the crowd, who -generally see only the externals of questions without ever going into -their details. - -He wanted his country to regain its former power and fame, and he knew -that this would be difficult if the idea of the humiliation it had -endured was always put before its eyes, and if the wounds it had -received were always made to smart. In a certain sense he was right, in -another he was wrong, because France might have been more quiet now, and -more prosperous even in the material sense of the word, if that idea of -a _revanche_ had not always been fostered, and had she been taught to -reconcile herself to accomplished facts. In saying this I know that many -among my readers will scream outright, but not being a Frenchman I may -be allowed to express my opinion, that it would be to the advantage of a -country for which I have always had the greatest sympathy if she began -thinking more about herself and less about another war with Germany. - -Gambetta exercised an unbounded influence on many people, and was the -object of hatred to many others, but no one who met him could pass him -by with indifference. If he had not been of a lazy disposition he might -easily have become Prime Minister long before he did, and in this -connection I must relate a story which probably will surprise more than -one person. Gambetta, though he led his party, and though he was at one -moment the most powerful man in France, showed always some reluctance -when the question of his forming a government was raised. I ventured one -day to ask him why. He replied to me that, now he understood the -responsibility of the head of a Cabinet, and had studied European -politics, he did not think himself up to the task, and also did not -think that his presence in a ministry would be to the advantage of -France, because his name had become synonymous with the principle of a -war with Germany, for which he was but too well aware that his country -was not prepared. “Later on,” he added, “my day may come, but I feel -that now, though I may have a great deal more intelligence than some of -the foreign ministers who lead the destinies of other countries, I -haven’t their experience of affairs, nor their perfect knowledge of -saying pretty things which they do not mean. This would make me appear -inferior to them, and France must not be represented by a man to whom -this reproach applies. France must hold her own, and something more, in -the presence of Europe.” - -I made a gesture of surprise, which he noticed. - -“You are astonished at what I tell you,” he remarked, “but do you think -me such a poor patriot to put my own personal advantage or ambitions -before her welfare? This would be very miserable indeed, and I know of -no meaner thing than accepting office when one is aware that it is not -for the good of one’s fatherland. I know very well what is thought about -me in Europe, and especially in Germany, and I do not wish to give the -latter country the slightest excuse to say that she has been provoked, -or that we are following a policy of aggression. Such policy is unworthy -of a great nation, and we are a great nation, in spite of our reverses, -and we must remain one, though some people would like us to come down -from that height. We must work to consolidate our position, to become -powerful enough and strong enough to be able to strike when the day -comes, not only with the chance, but with the certitude, of success. -What is the good of wasting one’s time in petty strifes or petty -recriminations? Yes, I think about revenge, I think of nothing else, but -I should be ashamed to be thought eager for it at once, and at any -price; above all I would not like to risk losing it by such a miserable -circumstance as my becoming head of the government at a time when the -hour for it had not yet struck.” - -I relate this conversation in its entirety as it shows the real -patriotism which animated Gambetta, as well as his great foresight and -intuition in politics in general. Very few statesmen would have viewed -a situation with such entire self-abnegation. In France especially, -where the thirst after power and official positions was so great, he -constituted a solitary and noble exception. I think that the happiest -time in Gambetta’s life was when he was President of the Chamber, and -inhabited the Palais Bourbon. There he felt in his element, and also at -the height, not of his ambitions, but of his wishes--a totally different -matter. In the old home of the Duc de Morny he did not consider himself -inferior to that clever councillor of Napoleon III., and reflected with -some satisfaction on the circumstances that had brought him there, and -placed him in the chair occupied with such authority by the illegitimate -son of Queen Hortense. In his new position also he could give way to the -luxurious tastes which he had always nursed and only appeared to scorn, -because he had not been able to believe he would ever be in a position -to gratify them. - -Leon Gambetta also felt that in the capacity of leader of the -representatives of the nation he would have more opportunities of -learning the real wants of that nation, and thus, when the day came that -he could do so, would be able to work for its welfare with better -chances of success than he had had hitherto. His rare tact served him -well, and his knowledge of mankind, something quite different from -knowledge of the world, made him avoid many of the mistakes another -placed in his position would inevitably have fallen victim to. He made -an excellent President of the Chamber, just as he made an admirable host -in the Palais Bourbon, where he displayed his epicurean tastes in a way -that drew upon him the censure of the newspapers, which tried to -ridicule the former Socialist leader, whose first care had been to get -as his cook the most famous chef in Paris. - -Madame Adam used sometimes to smile at the change which her influence, -more than anything else, had brought about in Gambetta. But when he -became President of the Chamber their intimacy slackened, for a very -short time it is true, but slackened all the same. Gambetta, it must be -owned, was very sensible to feminine charms and feminine blandishments. -Strange as it may seem when one takes into consideration his extreme -ugliness, the fact that he had but one eye, and was enormously fat, he -yet exercised a great fascination on women in general, and he liked to -use it, and to spend part of his spare time in the society of the fair -ladies who worshipped at his shrine. This partly was the cause of his -death. But about this we shall speak later on. - -When at last circumstances arose which obliged Gambetta to accept the -task of forming a Cabinet, it was with the utmost reluctance, in spite -of all that has been said concerning this subject, that he undertook it. -He had no faith in the possibility of being a long time at the head of -affairs, and as he told one of his friends: “Why take such trouble when -one is assured beforehand it is for nothing?” Nevertheless he started -earnestly to work to give to the government the direction he thought the -best for the interests of the country. But the composition of the -Chambers was not congenial to him; he felt himself far superior to all -those men upon the vote of whom his fate depended, and this made him -impatient as to the control which they pretended to exercise over him. -He despised them, if the truth must be said, and involuntarily he -allowed this feeling to appear in the manner in which he handled them, a -fact that had much to do with the short time he remained in power. - -His advent as Prime Minister had excited considerable sensation abroad; -even in France it was the signal for the retirement from public life of -many people who felt that they could not remain in office under such a -thoroughly Radical government as the one he was supposed to lead. Among -those who resigned was the Comte de St. Vallier, at that time French -Ambassador in Berlin. - -When his resignation was accepted he thought himself obliged, -nevertheless, to call on the Prime Minister when he returned to Paris, -in order to express to him his regrets that the opinions which he held -prevented him from working harmoniously with him. Gambetta received him -with great affability and courteousness, and at once said: “You are -wrong to go away, I shall not remain for long where I am now, and you -would have rendered a greater service to France by remaining at your -post than by a retreat which, as you will see, will prove to have been -useless. Je ne suis qu’un bouche-trou (‘I am only a stop-gap’), and very -probably the President of the Republic in entrusting to me the task of -forming a government wanted to prove to France how impossible it is for -a Radical ministry ever to maintain itself. The sad part of this is -that, though I am a Republican, I have no Radical sympathies. I assure -you that this is the fact, and that you would have found me far more -inclined to sympathise with your opinions than with those of the people -who are supposed to be my followers. The great mistake that we are -constantly making in France is to mix up opinions with the way in which -the country must be governed. We ought to have neither a Conservative, -nor a Radical, nor even a Republican government; we ought to have a -French one. This would be quite enough. I am sorry you have resigned; -very sorry, indeed.” - -But Gambetta did not convince M. de St. Vallier, and he insisted on -retiring from the diplomatic service, a fact which I have reasons to -believe he regretted later on. - -The great dream of Gambetta was to establish a _modus vivendi_ and a -kind of understanding with Germany. He knew very well how useless it is -in life to go back on things which are already accomplished, and to cry -over spilt milk. And he did not care for France to go on living in the -state of _qui vive_ which had been hers ever since the disasters which -had accompanied the war of 1870. He knew also that he had far greater -chances to take into his hands the reins of government, and to keep them -if once he had succeeded in doing away with this fear of a German -aggression, which haunted the public mind. He was no partisan of -compulsory service, and did not approve of too great military expenses, -entered into by fear of an imaginary danger. That it was imaginary he -was convinced, because he knew very well that Germany was in the same -position in which Napoleon III. had found himself: that of risking the -loss of everything and gaining nothing from a new campaign. But this -conviction which was his alone he could not persuade others to share, -and for this reason he tried to arrange an interview between himself and -Prince von Bismarck. - -A great deal has been written about this episode, and several of -Gambetta’s friends have done their best to try to induce the public to -forget it. I don’t know why they believed that it was not to his honour. -Nor why, either, Gambetta could not have met the German Chancellor when -other French political men had done so without anyone saying a single -word against it. By every sensible person the idea of this interview -could only have been hailed with pleasure. Two great minds like those -could not but have found together the solution of many difficulties -which divided the two nations, and it would have been doing the greatest -injustice to Leon Gambetta to imagine that he would not have borne -himself with the dignity necessary to the representative of a great -country. - -It was Count Henckel von Donnersmarck, the husband of Madame de Paiva, -whose fame still lives in Paris, who was sounded by Gambetta as to the -possibility of a meeting between himself and Bismarck, and he did his -very best to arrange it in such a manner that it might not become known -to the public, at least not until after it had actually taken place. -Unfortunately outward circumstances interfered with this plan, and -Gambetta had to forgo his intention, partly because his great friend -Ranc told him that if he ventured on such a thing he would entirely lose -the confidence of the Radical party. Whether it was this consideration -or another one, the fact remains that he felt afraid at the last minute, -in view of the hostility of his constituents, to incur the -responsibility of a step which his intelligence and his intuition told -him was the best for the interests of the France he loved so dearly. - -Much has been written, and much surmised, concerning the death of -Gambetta. It is now pretty certain that the wound which he received was -not its immediate cause, which must be looked for elsewhere, and can be -attributed partly to his general constitution, which was considerably -impaired, and partly to the treatment which had been applied to him. But -upon this point it must not be forgotten that at that time operations -were not the usual thing that they have become since, and surgical -intervention was generally dreaded, and resorted to only as a last -resource. - -As to the pistol shot, about which so many suppositions have been made, -I think that in spite of Gambetta’s own denials there can be hardly a -matter of doubt that it was a lady who, in a fit of fury, had inflicted -the wound that disabled him. It is no secret now, that Gambetta was on -the point of marrying a lady of high social standing, the Marchioness -Arconati-Visconti, the daughter of the Senator Peyrat, and the widow of -a Milanese nobleman. That union was to put the seal to his career, and -to open for him many new vistas. As the husband of a beautiful, -accomplished woman of the world, he could in time aspire to anything -and, who knows, become President of the Republic for life, which was his -dearest secret wish. - -But in order to accomplish his desire, he had first to end a situation -that did not date from yesterday, to cut off an intimacy of twenty years -with a noble woman who had been his friend in the bad as well as in the -good days, and who had given him innumerable proofs of her devotion. -Gambetta was well aware of the difficulties which such a step presented, -and for a long time he had not the courage to tackle the subject, hoping -that she would hear something about his new plans, and herself begin the -conversation on this delicate matter. The lady, however, kept silent, -perhaps because she did not believe in the rumours which had reached -her, and partly because she would not give her friend the opportunity he -was seeking. At last Gambetta asked his old comrade Spuller to see her -and to try to persuade her to have the courage to sacrifice herself to -his welfare. He reasoned like a man, and an ungrateful man into the -bargain, and she refused to accept the solution which was offered to -her, and which might have soothed the pride of a person more devoid of -feelings of attachment for her lover of long years than was the case -with her. She dismissed Spuller with scorn, and rushed to Ville d’Avray, -where Gambetta was residing, in order to seek an interview that could -only be a stormy one. - -It was during this interview that Gambetta was wounded. And those who -were made aware of all the circumstances attending this drama of -feminine jealousy, knew who it was that fired the fatal shot which -lodged itself in the right hand of the French statesman. When he himself -was questioned as to the accident, he always said that he had wounded -himself in trying to clean a revolver, a circumstance that was the more -unlikely because he was seldom in possession of such a weapon. Moreover, -to some of his friends, like Spuller and Paul Bert, he only remarked -that he had got nothing but what he had deserved. - -Perhaps it was this consciousness which made him so patient during his -illness, and also so shy of seeing anyone, even his friends, whilst it -lasted. He used to lie quietly, with closed eyes, and avoid any -conversations that could have touched upon the subject of the accident -which had occurred to him. And when later on other symptoms made their -appearance, he begged the people who surrounded him to say everywhere -that these symptoms had nothing to do with his wound. - -If, in his dying moments, he was conscious, he must have regretted -deeply his ingratitude in regard to the woman who had loved him with -such true affection, and who had been tempted to an act of despair when -she learned that she was about to be forsaken for one who certainly did -not have for Gambetta the same passionate affection. It was after all -the sweet lady who had for so long had him in her affections who watched -over his deathbed, and who closed his eyes for ever, whilst the proud -lady for whose sake he had been about to sacrifice her never even made -an appearance at Ville d’Avray. She went on living her former life as if -no tragedy had crossed it, after death had removed from this worldly -scene the great politician to whom ambition had very nearly united her. - -And now that years have passed over this drama, since the removal from -the scene of political France of the great patriot who was called Leon -Gambetta, it is still very difficult to form a true judgment about him. -He died before he had given the full measure of his qualities, or shown -the real stuff he was made of. He was for too short a time in a -responsible position to allow us to say whether he would have proved as -able a leader of a government as he had shown himself to be a powerful -leader of men. The two things are very different, and the man who can -master one is found sometimes to be lacking in the other. What, however, -cannot be taken away from him is his true, earnest patriotism, the -absence of all vanity that distinguished him, his readiness to sacrifice -everything in his power at the shrine of his fatherland, and his desire -to serve it, according to what he considered to be its interests. He was -fearless in his devotion, and worked for his country without paying any -attention to the reproaches of the crowd. - -The man was colossal in his way, and there was nothing mean about him. -His conceptions were as great as his soul. Of course he was often -mistaken, like every human being, but he was always sincere even in his -errors, and he never hesitated to acknowledge the latter when they were -shown to him. - -Reared in different circumstances, and able to show his value otherwise -than by starting on the road of revolution, which bordered very closely -on anarchy, he might have become truly a great man. He had all the -instincts of one--and all the imperfections. He was authoritative and -could be very firm, but he tried always to be just, and avoided wounding -others, even his adversaries, as much as it was possible for him to do -so. He was invariably courteous, even in his exhibitions of rage, and -essentially kind, a faithful friend, and a gallant enemy. Hated by those -who had never known him, or met him personally, he contrived to -fascinate all those who had done so; they always went away from him -liking the man, even when condemning the politician. He had a careless -manner in talking about his foes, which was superb in its way, and -though he seldom spoke about himself, yet he liked to find that he was -respected, feared, or even abused. - -The one thing he never could have reconciled himself to would have been -to be ignored, and this indignity was spared him. Perhaps it was better -for his memory that he died in the full force of his talent, and before -he had reached the maturity of his years--perhaps it was a pity. Who -knows? - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -THE ADVENTURE OF GENERAL BOULANGER - - -One of the most curious episodes in the life of the Third Republic was -certainly the adventure of General Boulanger, with all its attendant -circumstances, many of which have not yet seen the light of day. It -illustrates the taste of the Frenchman for what is vulgarly called, in -the _argot_ of the boulevards, “le panache.” - -The “Brave Général,” to give him the name used in the romances sung by -Paulus, was anything but a superior being. I doubt if he was a -strikingly intelligent one. He had neither the qualities nor the -aptitudes which constitute a hero. He never understood his own power, -nor realised the influence which, at a certain moment, he wielded over -the masses; he was almost without ambition; he seldom knew what was -required of him; and no one was more surprised than himself when -suddenly he found that he had become the most popular man in all France. - -His rise as well as his fall prove very forcibly that the time is past, -and past for ever, when adventurers, by the glamour which they exercise -over the crowd, can become masters as well as leaders. - -To those who were in Paris at that period, it is more than difficult to -account for the sudden blossoming of this very inferior plant in the -garden of French political life, whilst those who have never lived in -the French capital will utterly fail to realise the circumstances that -brought it into evidence. The fact is that Boulangism was the product -of the private ambitions of a considerable number of people who, strange -as it may seem, had nothing to do with each other, and who did not work -together to ensure triumph. On the other hand, each individual directed -his effort to securing for himself alone all the benefit arising from -the movement, and in this General Boulanger played no part at all, -though he appeared to be the leading spirit of the whole intrigue -associated with his name. - -The rise into popularity of General Boulanger took place some little -time after the election of M. Sadi Carnot to the Presidency of the -Republic. Carnot was a perfect type of the bourgeoisie of Paris of the -olden days--always cool and methodical, severe in his principles, strong -in his convictions, rather narrow-minded in his views; an austere -figure, the embodiment of honesty, self-respect personified. His very -possessions he looked upon merely as a means for commanding an added -respect, and throughout his life he was also a strict observer of the -law. To these sterling qualities, however, he added nothing that -appealed to the hearts of his countrymen. He did not excite public -enthusiasm, and scarcely succeeded in winning for himself public -sympathies. He was too correct, and perhaps this extreme observance of -his duties, whether political, social, or private, interfered with his -popularity; nations, as well as individuals, do not care to be always -confronted by perfection; they are apt to think it rather dull. - -Under such circumstances it is little wonder that people began to look -beyond the President of the Republic for the hero which they had yearned -after ever since the disasters of the Franco-German War had awakened in -them the desire for revenge on the victors. Further, there were certain -ambitious politicians who wanted to come into the limelight, and who -felt that the steady determination of M. Carnot to govern according to -strictly constitutional principles left no room for them or for their -plans. - -The Republic, at that distant time of which I am writing, was not yet -established so firmly in the heart of the people that its overthrow -could not be admitted within the range of possibilities. Is it therefore -to be wondered that those who longed for change should have looked -around them for the man strong enough to lead such an adventure? - -Boulanger, beyond looking well on his black horse, had but little to -recommend him as a possible destroyer of the Republic. Still, he was a -general, a position which has always possessed great prestige in the -eyes of a certain section of French society. He was not shrewd enough to -observe where his so-called friends were trying to lead him. As a -consequence he allowed himself to be carried away by the tide that at -last threw him against the rocks of Jersey, where his political career -ended even before his life came to a sudden close in the little -churchyard of Uxelles, near Brussels. - -There is no denying that Boulangism was engineered by the Royalist party -on the one side, and by some enterprising journalists on the other. -Either of these two circumstances would have been enough in itself -ultimately to wreck the cause, but at the beginning it appeared in the -light of a movement which appealed so well to the sympathies and to the -feelings of the whole nation that it seemed even more formidable from a -distance than when in its midst. - -Everything conspired to transform it into a vast conspiracy. When, after -the fall of the Goblet ministry, in which he held the portfolio of the -War Office, Boulanger found himself obliged to retire from political -life, and was transferred to the command of an army corps at Clermont -Ferrand, he could not reconcile himself to his exile, but used to come -back - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Gerschel, Paris._ - -CAPTAIN DREYFUS] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Petit, Paris._ - -GENERAL BOULANGER] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Gerschel, Paris._ - -EMILE ZOLA] - -[Illustration: - - _Photo: Gerschel, Paris._ - -M. DE LESSEPS] - -secretly and disguised to Paris, to see Madame de Bonnemains, who had -sacrificed for him her social position in a most select circle of -Parisian society. Once or twice people met him in disguise, and -recognised him, in spite of a pair of blue spectacles behind which he -fondly hoped he would remain unknown. Thereupon he was immediately -invested with mystery and romance by those who hoped to find in him a -docile instrument to further their personal ambitions; and so, in order -to compel those in power to deprive him of his command, he was accused -of conspiring against the safety of the Republic. Thus, by restoring him -to private life, he had thrust upon him by these intriguers the -opportunity to aspire to the supreme functions of Head of the State. - -For some time even staunch Republicans looked at him with dread. The -next step was taken by an unknown journalist, who came forth suddenly as -the apostle of this new messiah, and who conceived the idea of -distributing, in several departments, bulletins of votes bearing the -name of General Boulanger. - -In a few days, therefore, France heard with amazement that a multitude -of voters had expressed their willingness to send Boulanger as a deputy -to the Chamber, a thing undreamt of but for M. George Thiebaud’s -adventurous experiment. It was M. Thiebaud who had created Boulangism. -He was not the only factor in fostering the movement. Another -journalist, one who was well known on the boulevards, M. Arthur Meyer, -the proprietor of the _Gaulois_, Count Dillon, and the private secretary -of the Comte de Paris, the Marquis de Beauvoir--all played a part. All -three were men of no mean intelligence, who saw possibilities in this -man to whom the attention of France had been attracted for bringing back -to the throne of their ancestors those Orleans Princes who had failed to -secure for themselves the help of Marshal MacMahon during the time he -reigned at the Elysée. - -These three men were credited, in the estimation of those behind the -scenes, with starting this extraordinary adventure which ended so -piteously for its principal character. They furthermore drew into the -enterprise three other strong elements--Henri Rochefort, Count Albert de -Mun, and the Duchesse d’Uzés, while through their influence also became -champions, though in lesser degree, such men as Paul Déroulède and -George Laguerre--an advocate of great talent, who nevertheless is -forgotten to-day--and Lucien Millevoye, who was given charge of one of -the most important missions that those who played with the name of -Boulanger ever entrusted to their adherents. - -Strange to say, each one of these persons, down to Madame Adam, who, -almost unknown to herself, was also drawn into the many dark intrigues -to which Boulangism gave rise, worked for a different aim. The Duchess -d’Uzés, when asked to contribute financially to the success of the -enterprise, was actuated by the secret desire to become the Egeria of -the new hero whose star was rising in the firmament of her country’s -existence, and to rule that country under his name. Albert de Mun -thought only of the restoration of the Monarchy. The Marquis de Beauvoir -saw himself so firmly established in the confidence of the Comte de -Paris that the latter would feel himself in honour bound to stand by him -whenever one of those financial catastrophes, which were periodical -events with him, should once again occur. Henri Rochefort was actuated -by his everlasting mania of opposing every existing government, a mania -to which he owed his success as a journalist and as a politician, and to -which he would only have given way with more virulence than before had -some freak of fortune really brought to the pinnacle Boulanger and his -black horse. Arthur Meyer saw in the emprise the opportunity to present -himself before the world as the statesman he firmly believed himself to -be. Others, such as Déroulède, imagined that the General would conquer -at the point of his sword those provinces which had been snatched from -France; or Laguerre, who hoped for a substantial financial reward, and -Millevoye, who aspired to become the Prime Minister of a President of -Republic after his own heart--all these men worked with the same tools -for different purposes. They were interested in the cause they were -supporting, but they did not believe in it otherwise than as a means to -an end. - -Whether they would have gone on fighting under the same flag had that -cause triumphed is another question. Very probably not; but while the -struggle lasted, they threw themselves into it with all the faculties -for good or for evil with which nature had endowed them. And when the -battle was lost, the disillusion was equally bitter for each of them. - -Any attempt to analyse the different phases through which Boulangism had -to pass can only result in wonder that it could have maintained its -popularity for such a relatively considerable time, and also that it -aroused the serious apprehensions which permeated the ranks of the -Republican supporters of the government. The party had no leader except -the irresolute General whom it had adopted. - -Madame d’Uzés, who was in possession of a considerable fortune through -her mother, was a woman who had never been handsome. She was -intelligent, like all the Mortemart family to which she belonged, -ambitious, rather tyrannical in character, and violent in her temper -when she was opposed or annoyed. She had been left a widow while still -young, and enjoyed a foremost position in the Faubourg St. Germain owing -to her great name and immense riches. One of her daughters had married -the Duc de Brissac, the second one was the Duchesse de Luynes. She was -allied to the bluest blood of France, and had Court precedence been in -vogue, she would have held first rank. She had nothing to gain and -everything to lose by throwing herself into the arms of the “Brave -Général,” and the cause which led her to join the ranks of Boulangism -must have been that she had imagined that when once the “King” had -entered again into his inheritance, the part she had played in that -restoration would win for her a foremost place in his confidence, would -ensure for her an exclusive position among the ranks of his advisers. -Then, too, if the truth must be told, like so many women before her, she -had also been fascinated by the personal charm of Boulanger, and when in -his presence her heart, old though it was already, would beat just a -little faster than usual. Her desire to rescue her idol from the -fascinations of the woman who held him tied to her apron strings may -also have had something to do with the facility with which she opened -her purse to him as well as the doors of her house. - -Not only did she become his friend, but also the confidante of his -ambitions; of his deceptions; of his ever-increasing bitterness at the -daily insults and the calumnies which were showered upon him by some of -his former friends who accused him of treason against their party; of -his doubts concerning the so-called virtues of the Republicans as well -as of the Republic itself. She used to comfort him, turn his thoughts -away from such vexatious matters, and try to win him over almost -imperceptibly to her own political ideas. At last she thought she had -succeeded; but she had not sufficient perspicacity to judge of the true -character of Boulanger, who had never understood anything in the way of -politics except the old saying: “Otes toi de là, que je m’y mette!” -(“Get out from there in order that I may step into your place!”) - -Count Albert de Mun was the only really strong man who had joined the -ranks of the Boulangists--I mean strong in the sense of principles and -opinions. He was the son of the charming Eugénie de la Forronays, one of -the most delightful among the gallery of delightful women who adorn that -so widely read book, the “Récit d’une Sœur,” by Mrs. Augustus Craven. He -had been singularly blessed by Providence with all the qualities, -physical, moral, and intellectual, that help to make a man attractive. -He had talent, moreover, and remarkable eloquence, and he believed in -monarchy as a system and as a tradition to which all his past as well as -that of his race enjoined him to remain faithful. He had earnestly hoped -that through Boulanger the cause to which he had devoted his life would -triumph, and he did not hesitate to lend to the General the prestige of -his personal influence over his own followers. - -The Duchesse d’Uzés and the Count Albert de Mun were the most sincere in -this most insincere adventure. It could add nothing to what they already -possessed, and might, on the contrary, considerably endanger their -position among their former friends in case of failure. All honour to -them. They at least pursued no other aims than the gratification of -their patriotic feelings. They may have been childish in their loyalty, -but there was nothing of sordidness or of petty feelings of revenge or -of worldly triumph in its composition. - -One can hardly say the same concerning others whom I have already -mentioned. Laguerre was of a type of _condottieri_ met with in the pages -of the history of the Italian republics, ready to do anything except -turn back on the enterprise once begun, whose hands were always open to -receive but not to give, whose ambitions were great, but unselfishness -limited, who looked toward the enjoyments of the present hour and toward -the gratification of the fancies of the moment, but never ahead; who -could not see the consequences of their actions, because they knew that -these would fall on other heads than their own. A brilliant man was -Laguerre, but a character that did not inspire confidence and sacrifice, -one of those tools which are indispensable to every conspiracy. His -eloquence was unrivalled, his wit something marvellous, his way of -handling irony as a weapon, quite indescribable; but though he was a -politician, he was not a political man, and even less a statesman. - -Déroulède was a patriot, if patriotism is synonymous with rabidness. He -could influence the masses by the torrent of his words. Whether he could -lead them is a question which has remained unanswered to this day, and -one may be excused if one entertains doubts concerning his capacities in -that respect. He had made a name for himself by his anti-German -feelings; he gave it even more importance by his attitude in the -Boulanger conspiracy; but when he put his undoubted popularity at the -service of the General he did so with the intention of working for the -welfare of the Republic, and he would have become his most bitter foe -had he found out that Boulanger was but the instrument of the Orleanist -party. - -As for Millevoye, it was another thing. He was the only one among all -these passengers in the same ship who had something akin to political -penetration, and who could understand that, when one aspires to -overthrow the government of a country, it is necessary to secure for -oneself strong sympathies abroad in order not to find obstacles in the -way later on. He also had patriotic feelings akin to those of Déroulède, -but he had more shrewdness, and he it was who deceived himself that he -could procure for General Boulanger the support of no less a personage -than the Tsar of all the Russias. - -When the events which I am about to relate occurred, the Franco-Russian -_rapprochement_ had not yet taken place. In 1888 the idea of a French -alliance was not popular in Russia, and especially was its Foreign -Office strongly German in its leanings. Nevertheless, Millevoye -determined to see for himself whether it would not be possible to -triumph over a certain mistrust which existed in Russian official -spheres in regard to the French Republic. He resolved to offer in -exchange a mute acquiescence to the election for life of General -Boulanger as its President, a defensive alliance against Germany and -Austria, as well as the support of France in case Russia wanted to -settle to her advantage the long-pending question of the Straits and the -Bosphorus. - -In this episode lies the only attempt at seriousness of the Boulanger -conspiracy, and it would be a pity that it should remain in the darkness -which hitherto has enshrouded it. Millevoye, in order to execute the -plan that he had elaborated, addressed himself to Madame Adam (Juliette -Lambert), and asked her for her advice. Juliette Lambert, who still -dreamed of an ideal Republic, put at the service of Millevoye all her -genius and all her heart. She gave him a letter of introduction to a -friend she had in St. Petersburg, a lady well known in Court circles; -and, in order to ensure the success of Millevoye, who had been very -careful to hide from her the fact that he wanted to enlist the -sympathies of Russia in favour of General Boulanger--rather, telling her -that his aim was to propose, in the name of the Republican party, an -alliance against Germany--she had given him certain political documents -calculated to help him in his perilous adventure. - -Millevoye first sent to St. Petersburg his friend, Miss Maud Gonne, a -lovely Irish girl, who since that time made herself widely known owing -to her advocacy of Fenianism. - -Miss Maud Gonne duly arrived in Russia, and, thanks to her efforts and -those of the Russian lady to whom I have already referred, Millevoye was -introduced into the presence of M. Pobedonostseff, then Procurator of -the Holy Synod and personal friend of Alexander III., who promised he -would himself submit to the Sovereign the documents which Millevoye left -in his charge. - -During this interview which the Russian statesman granted to the French -politician the latter broached at once the question of General -Boulanger, but this met with no response. The Tsar was far too shrewd a -man to allow himself to be drawn into an adventure which, besides -everything else, had against it a shade of ridicule. Millevoye was -discouraged in his dreams, but the seeds sown by his journey were to -bring fruit in quite an unexpected fashion much later on. - -Madame Adam was furious when she heard that Millevoye, instead of -pleading the cause of the Republic, had tried to put forward that of -General Boulanger. She not only turned her back upon him when he -returned crestfallen from his journey, but joined the ranks of the -adversaries of the pseudo hero, becoming one of the advisers of M. -Constant in the campaign that the latter led with such success against -Boulangism and its chief leaders. - -M. Arthur Meyer, to whom already I have made a passing reference, is -more in his proper place among journalists than in the ranks of -political men. He is a curious figure in the kaleidoscopic picture that -Parisian society represents to-day, and though he has no aristocratic -ancestry behind him, he is ever a welcome and much-desired guest in the -select salons of the city. - -It can, therefore, hardly be wondered that with such elements the -Boulangist party was doomed to failure. It was born by accident out of -the imagination of a man who had nothing better to do than to try to -raise tiny storms in a teacup. It wanted a leader, and it required -soldiers to push it forward. Unfortunately, it attracted politicians, -each of whom wanted to exploit it for the furtherance of his own cause, -and was led by a man in love, who preferred the caresses of Madame de -Bonnemains to the chances of being imprisoned, and who afterwards was -carried to the Elysée by the enthusiasm of an intoxicated nation, who -would have risen like one man to deliver him had the government tried to -capture him. - -M. Constant, one of the ablest Prime Ministers France has ever had, -judged the acute situation with perfect accuracy. General Boulanger in -prison was a danger to the safety of the Republic; General Boulanger in -a voluntary exile ceased to be a subject of dread to anyone. In France, -more than in any other country, cowardice is fatal. She turned her head -away from her favourite of the day before when she found out that he had -not the courage to take a single risk in order to ensure his future -triumph. When M. Constant caused to be conveyed secretly to the “Brave -Général” the fact that he was to be arrested during the night, and also -managed to procure for himself the alliance of Madame de Bonnemains in -her fear of losing her lover, the fate of Boulangism was sealed. -Deprived of its chief, and of his prestige--which was far more -important, because it was on that prestige the leaders of the party had -reckoned far more than on the man himself--the forlorn cause he had -embodied was bound to fall with a crash and bury everything under its -debris. - -As for the heroine of this semi-burlesque and semi-dramatic adventure, -she died shortly after its dénouement. When Boulanger had fled from -France at her earnest request, she was already doomed, and what is -worse, she knew it. She was selfish enough to wish to keep for herself -during the few days which were left to her on earth the love of the man -she adored, and, seriously, who can blame her for it? Certainly had -Boulanger been of the material from which conspirators are made he -would have sacrificed her on the altar of his future glory. It would -have been masculine selfishness, and though his partisans may regret he -did not display it, others may be forgiven if they see a redeeming -feature to all the follies which will ever remain inseparable from the -name of Boulanger, in the weakness which made him lose and destroy a -political party, because he could not bear to see a woman weep. It is -certain that he truly loved Madame de Bonnemains; his suicide is proof. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -THE PANAMA SCANDAL - - -One of the saddest of the many sad scandals that have damaged the fair -fame of the Third Republic has certainly been the lamentable adventure -connected with the Panama Canal. It gave rise to such despicable -intrigues, brought to light such demeaning cupidities, provoked such -bitter animosities, that the only wonder is that the Republic itself did -not perish in the resulting sea of mud which was showered upon it as -well as upon its leading men. - -It would be difficult to relate all the intricacies of this memorable -affair, but an effort can be made to describe its various phases so far -as they have become known. It is next to impossible to determine the -limit where truth ends and fabrication begins in this inextricable -embroglio, which arose out of the fear of some, the avarice of others, -the general corruption everywhere. This struck home the more because it -occurred in a country where the establishment of a Republican government -had been hailed with joy by those who accused the Empire of having -brought along with it the system of _pots de vin_, to use the typical -French expression, about which fierce Radicals, like Ranc, for instance, -spoke always with such disdain and contempt. - -Whatever occurred later on, the Panama enterprise was a perfectly honest -one at its beginning. The high honour of Ferdinand de Lesseps would -alone have been a perfect guarantee as to the intentions of its -promoters, even if these had been unknown men, and such was not the -case. But the difficulties which the whole affair presented had never -been properly appreciated, and the brilliant success of the Suez Canal -had blinded the eyes of those who aspired to emulate it under different -conditions, and without the moral help of powerful people such as the -Emperor Napoleon III., and the Khedive Ismail. Without this even the -genius of Lesseps might have proved insufficient, in presence of the -opposition which England made to the construction of the canal. - -Lesseps himself had grown old, and, thanks to the atmosphere of flattery -with which he was surrounded, had come to believe that nothing would be -impossible once he was associated with it. At the same time he naively -acknowledged that he had not the slightest idea either of the country, -or of the local conditions with which the builders of the new canal -would find themselves confronted in actual working. - -The first difficulty which arose was, of course, the want of money. It -was soon discovered that the funds first subscribed would prove totally -insufficient. Then someone suggested the unfortunate idea of an appeal -to the government for permission to organise a public lottery, the -proceeds of which would be devoted to the construction of the canal. - -It was the issue of these so-called Panama bonds which was to end in a -disaster quite unprecedented in the annals of French finance, and which -struck the country to its heart, because its principal victims belonged -to the poorer classes who had been fascinated by the magical name of -Ferdinand de Lesseps. - -The lottery, however, was not so easy to organise, and at first met with -considerable opposition in political circles. Lotteries were not looked -upon with favour; one which had for object the continuation of an -enterprise that after all was not French, and which offered no -guarantee that it would remain in French hands, did not inspire -sympathy, indeed, several leading politicians openly declared that they -would do their very best to discredit the scheme. On the other hand -money was wanted, and, what is still more important, courage was wanting -also on the part of the directors of the new company to declare openly -that, the result of the subscriptions not having answered their -expectations, the best thing to do would be to go into voluntary -liquidation. - -But by adopting such a course, one would have proclaimed defeat openly, -and even an honest man like Charles de Lesseps recoiled before such a -course, well realising the storm of abuse which it would provoke on all -sides. The directors therefore looked around them for means of -salvation, and the issue of lottery bonds appeared as the best solution. - -From that moment the sad story began, and the imprudent course which -ended by bringing the grey hairs of the great Ferdinand de Lesseps to -the grave in sorrow and shame was started. The permission of the -government had to be obtained, either by fair means or by foul, and the -necessity to save a work upon which so many hopes had been centred, and -which had already cost so much money, persuaded the administrators of -the Panama Company to listen to the tempting advice given to them by men -like Cornelius Herz, or Arton, and to have recourse to the persuasion of -cheques offered with the necessary discretion in order to win over to -them a few rebellious consciences that hitherto had refused to be -convinced of the necessity of issuing Panama lottery bonds. - -This fact alone was sad enough. Unfortunately it was aggravated by -political passion, and all the enemies of the government who afterwards -were the first to cry out that this scandal ought to have been -prevented at all costs, that the services rendered to his country by the -man known everywhere by the name of the “Grand Français” ought to have -guaranteed him from such vile attacks which began from all sides to be -made against his honour, were at that time the most rabid in their -outcries against him and against the light-heartedness with which he had -allowed himself to be drawn into the adventure which was ultimately to -land him in the criminal dock. - -The fact is that the scandal connected with the Panama enterprise could -never have reached the proportions it attained had it not been for the -passions of the Royalist party, which thought the situation might, if -properly engineered, bring down the Republic, and allow them to instal a -Monarchy in its place. They wanted to discredit the ministry then in -power, to discredit the two Legislative Chambers--to discredit France, -in short; but then it was of France that they thought the least. - -I find a proof of this assertion in the book published a few years ago -by Arthur Meyer, in which he mentions the Panama affair among other -things, and relates how he called upon Charles de Lesseps at the time -the truth was just beginning to ooze out in public, and told him that in -order to save his skin, he ought to transform the private scandal into a -public demonstration of the corruption prevailing in French political -circles. - -Charles de Lesseps, let it be said to his honour, was incapable of -lending himself to such a proposal, and his reply deserves to be quoted -in its entirety, for it illustrates his native honesty better than a -thousand panegyrics would do: - -“My conscience forbids me to reply to you,” he said to Arthur Meyer when -the latter implored him to name the individuals to whom the Panama -company had distributed cheques with a lavish hand. “Supposing even, -which I deny, that the directors or the friends of the Panama Company, -in order to serve its interests, had had recourse to measures which for -my part I would always blame, do you think that I have the right to -denounce people who have had confidence in my loyalty and in my -discretion? No, I shall say nothing; and more than that, I have nothing -to say. Our honesty will come out victoriously in all this campaign -which has been started against us, and which I deplore far more for my -father’s sake than for our own. And then, I must add it, and I am -talking now to you in perfect frankness, I care for the Republic. I will -not go so far as to say that my Republican ideal has been attained at -the present moment, but my wish is to spare to the Republic the shame of -being plunged into that torrent of mud which you do not hesitate to -throw upon her. You belong to a party which has particular opinions as -to that subject; this is your private affair whether you accept its -methods or not, but I certainly won’t help you.” - -Meyer had to content himself with this proud reply, which is the more to -be admired in that at the moment when he was so generously refusing to -buy his own safety by denouncing those who had trusted to his honour, -Charles de Lesseps was perfectly well aware that the very people whom he -was trying to shield were themselves preparing to throw him overboard in -order to save their already shattered reputations. When, however, the -editor of the _Gaulois_ pressed him to say whether it was true or not -that Baron Jacques Reinach had been deputed to smooth down the timorous -consciences of certain deputies and political men, and whether his name -did not figure on the books of the Panama Company as the recipient of -huge sums of money, he was obliged to own that as to this point, the -accounts of the Panama Company being open to inspection by its -shareholders, he could not hide the fact that the Baron’s name figured -upon its books as having touched the sum of five million francs. - -It was not much, but for a man endowed with the journalistic qualities -of Arthur Meyer, it was enough. He forthwith proceeded to inquire as to -what Baron Reinach had done with these millions which had been so -liberally put at his disposal, and he very soon discovered that the said -five millions had been transferred to a banking house called Thierrie, -the owner of which had for sleeping partner the same Jacques Reinach. - -Once this fact was established the rest was but child’s play. Meyer very -quickly secured the necessary proofs that a considerable number of -deputies had received important bribes in order to vote for the issue of -the Panama lottery bonds. He also discovered something else, and that -was that this corruption had given birth to a huge system of blackmail, -which had drained all the resources of the Panama Company. It had -cruelly expiated its initial error, and had been made to pay for it -dearly, in the literal sense of that word. A host of adventurers had -threatened it with revelations, the divulging of which it could not -risk, and the ball, once set rolling, had very soon been transformed -into an avalanche which had carried away with it not only the money of -the unfortunate shareholders, but also the honour and the reputation of -the directors of this doomed concern. - -Meyer, after holding a consultation with his faithful lieutenant, -Cornély, of _Figaro_ fame, did not hesitate one single moment as to what -he had to do. He firmly believed that by raising the formidable scandal, -the proofs of which in such an unexpected manner had been put within his -reach, he would bring about the fall of the Republic, and thus pave the -way towards the restoration of the Monarchy. Events showed that he was -totally mistaken, because the Panama scandal did not kill the Republic, -it only overthrew a few political men and several Cabinets, and the -shame of it fell more, perhaps, upon those who had made it public than -upon the miserable beings who had been responsible for it without -realising the abyss into which their light-heartedness would plunge -them. - -The man who set the ball rolling was a deputy belonging to the Extreme -Right, M. Jules Delahaye, member for the department of Maine-et-Loire. -He did not hesitate to brand with disgrace many of his colleagues, whose -hands he had pressed perhaps a few hours before he consigned them to -ignominy. He threw as a challenge to France, and also to Europe, the -names of 104 deputies whose consciences had not hesitated before -submitting to the fascination of the all-powerful cheque. - -I have met M. Delahaye, and in justice to him I must say that he always -maintained that he had never thought his speech would have the terrible -consequences which followed upon it. Not in the least had he expected -that that list of 104 deputies constituted but a fraction of the people -who had, under one pretext or another, received money from the coffers -of the Panama Company. He had never admitted, nor even believed -possible, that the directors of that company would have so entirely lost -their heads as to listen to every threat, submit to every extortion, and -pay, pay, without discrimination and without hesitation, the enormous -sums of hush money that had been drained out of them, half of the time -by people who could not have harmed them in the least degree. - -The fact is that this whole disaster had fear for its foundation, and -political intrigue to thank for the unexpected development that overtook -it. The few officials of the Panama Company administering its affairs -after they had consented to offer their first bribe, and had seen it -accepted, immediately fell into the clutches of a band of blackmailers -who had speculated on the impossibility of such a thing becoming public, -and on the natural desire to prevent it getting to the knowledge not -only of the shareholders of that unfortunate concern, but also of the -venerable Ferdinand de Lesseps himself. - -This last event was one which his son Charles most dreaded. He not only -loved, but also respected his father, whose grey hairs he would have -liked to go down honoured to the grave. He remembered the days when with -the name Ferdinand de Lesseps one could attempt any kind of enterprise, -could always find people ready to back it up, and to believe in it. He -had not yet forgotten the praise bestowed on the “Grand Français,” not -only in his own fatherland, but also everywhere in Europe, and wherever -he had shown himself. He was but too well aware of the honesty of -purpose that had always distinguished the brave old man who was being -pilloried by the same public that had cheered him a few months before, -and he would have given much to be able to take upon his own shoulders -the weight of the responsibilities that were crushing his father. He -directed all his efforts towards that one aim, and he partly succeeded, -because Providence turned out more merciful than men; she struck old -Lesseps in his advanced age, and threw the veil of oblivion on his once -powerful brain. - -He never knew that he had been sentenced to imprisonment, he never -understood anything of the tragedy of which he was the miserable hero. -He died in blissful unconsciousness of all the evil attached to his -name, of all the scandal that surrounded his last hours. His wife -heroically defended him against the intrusion of any stranger who might -by an unguarded word have aroused his suspicions. His son remained -always vigilant near his arm-chair, and spoke to him of hope and of -future glories coming to pile themselves on those he had already -achieved. In his affection, his filial devotion to his father, Charles -de Lesseps was a hero, and even his worst detractors have bowed down -before the courage with which he exposed himself to every reproach, and -accepted every blame, in order to spare the old man who remained sitting -in his arm-chair beside the fire, thinking of the successes of the past, -and ignorant of the tragedy of the present. - -One day I met Charles de Lesseps coming out of the Palais de Justice in -Paris with his advocate. He shook hands, and when I asked him how things -were going he smiled sadly and replied that he had lost every hope of -avoiding a public trial of the directors of the Panama Company, but he -hastened to add, and one could see how very much relieved he felt at the -mere idea: “I have been given the assurance that my father will not in -any case be implicated in the prosecution that is impending.” - -He was mistaken, his father was also dragged into the dock, and also -sentenced to several years’ imprisonment. Unfortunately for France her -political men have not yet understood the necessity which ought to -impose itself upon every nation without anyone trying to explain it to -her--the duty of respecting its national glories, and shielding them -from desecration. - -One of the curious features of this lamentable Panama affair lies in the -fact that the company’s money went into the coffers of people who -absolutely could do nothing for it, and who got into the habit of -turning to it whenever they found themselves in want of ready cash for -their necessities or even for their pleasures. It has been sweepingly -asserted that scarcely one politician in the whole of France, no matter -to what party he belonged, but had had recourse to it in order to -replenish his exchequer. There were found some deputies who, whenever -they required money, managed to whisper in the ear of one or other of -the many intermediaries through whom the business of corruption was -going on that they were forced to make an interpellation in the Chamber -concerning the management of the concern, which, of course, might bring -along unpleasant consequences or revelations as to certain facts. Such -an one was sure the next day of finding a cheque in one of his morning -letters. Or it was a friend of some influential personage who declared -that he had heard that such and such a measure was under consideration, -which might prove harmful to the development of the company, or put some -stumbling-block or other in its way, and that this had to be prevented -at all costs. Of course _he_ would not take anything for this, but he -had to have recourse to a friend able to ward off the impending blow, -and naturally that friend required to be remunerated for his work. Or -again there was some necessary expense to be incurred in regard to the -national defence, or to pay for some secret political services which the -government in its incapacity and carelessness as to what were the real -interests of France refused to undertake, partly also because it could -not, without imperilling national safety, give to the Chambers the -necessary explanations as to the reasons which rendered such expenses -indispensable. The self-sacrifice of the company in taking upon itself -such an outlay would entitle it to any reward it might care to ask in -exchange, and so forth. Looking backward, it is difficult to understand -the extreme _naïveté_ which presided over every aspect of this singular -adventure, and the credulity with which serious people like Charles de -Lesseps, and his colleagues of the board, believed and were intimidated -by all the old women’s tales that were constantly being brought to them. - -It would be hard to find a name among all those which were prominent in -political life at that particular moment of French history which was not -mixed up somehow in the Panama scandal. At least one President and a -foreign Ambassador were contaminated by the general infection that -prevailed everywhere. - -M. Rouvier, too, that strong character, was not free from suspicions of -having looked into the coffers of the Panama Company. And what gives, to -a certain extent, a shade of likelihood to the reproach which was hurled -at him is the following fact, which I believe has never before been made -public. - -M. Rouvier had amongst his many enemies M. Flourens, then Minister for -Foreign Affairs, an able, intelligent, and highly cultured man. M. -Flourens did not care at all for M. Rouvier, in whom he saw a future -rival, and recognised a powerful opponent. When some rumours reached his -ears that things detrimental to the latter might be put forward in -connection with the dealings of the Panama Company, he declared to a few -personal friends that if such was the case he would not hesitate to make -use of the knowledge, and to do his best to bring the delinquent to -justice. The words were repeated to Rouvier, who smiled and said -nothing. But somehow, a few days later, during a conversation with the -same friend, to whom he had expressed his determination of being -merciless in regard to his enemy, M. Flourens changed his attitude, and -merely remarked that it was a great pity that sometimes outward -circumstances, over which man had no control, obliged him to tolerate -things that were repugnant to him, and to look through his fingers on -facts which he could not disclose without harming superior interests. He -then added that he had received a letter from M. Rouvier. When further -questioned as to what its contents might be, he shrugged his shoulders, -and replied: “C’est une lettre qui m’a désarmé, et qui aurait désarmé -bien d’autres que moi.” Months later, General Tchérévine, head of the -Tsar’s secret police, received anonymously the original of this very -letter, and never could discover, in spite of strenuous efforts, who had -sent it to him. It was a short but expressive missive, and merely -declared that in case Flourens did not hush up the rumours which accused -M. Rouvier of having profited by the circumstances in which the Panama -Company had found itself involved, he would speak publicly concerning -the bribes that had been offered to and accepted by a certain Ambassador -in Paris, and state their amount. - -I have reason to believe that this letter was subsequently put under the -eyes of Alexander III. by Count Voronzov, at that time Minister of the -Imperial Household. - -This mere fact that it became possible for the Ambassador of a Foreign -Power to find himself mixed up in the sordid intrigues which gave such a -special colouring to the Panama affair proves how wide were its -ramifications, and how it had entwined itself around every element that -constituted modern France. But though many had allowed themselves to be -compromised in one way or another in this disgraceful story, it would -never have attained the proportions to which it ultimately rose had not -the Extreme Right party done its best to fan the general indignation, -and to draw public attention to every incident even of the smallest kind -connected with it. The leaders of this party did not hesitate an instant -before the grave responsibility of exhibiting their national disgrace in -the presence of an attentive and disgusted Europe, so great was their -desire of ruining their opponents and overthrowing the Republic. But in -the end the Panama scandal brought more disgrace to the people who had -done their best to expose it than to those who had been its immediate -cause. - -I was talking about it some years later with a friend of mine, a -Frenchman of remarkable acuteness and singular clearness of judgment, -who had been in Paris during the whole time the affair lasted, and had -followed it very carefully, though not a politician himself. I asked him -what impression it had really produced upon the saner elements of the -French nation, who had looked upon it from the distance. - -“It has consolidated the Republic,” was his prompt reply. - -“How is that possible?” I inquired. - -“It is easy enough to understand,” he explained to me. “Popular sympathy -generally goes to the victims of a cause rather than to those who have -brought them to the scaffold, be it that of public opinion or any other. -In this case it was the Republic which happened to be the victim, and -the so-called Monarchist or Right party who were the denouncers. They -both benefited in their respective positions, but the people, who -generally judge of things according to their own standards, asked -themselves what was the object that was sought by the disclosures. - -“Corruption has existed everywhere and always. We find it written upon -almost every page of the world’s history, and it is nothing new to see -politicians allowing themselves to be influenced by the golden calf. -Why, even Moses’s priests bent their knee before it in the desert. But -the fact that they have done so does not mean that the whole nation to -which they belong has followed them in their errors. - -“The great mistake in this Panama affair has been that we have tried to -make France and the Republic responsible. It is but seldom that a -government is corrupt, and it is not guilty of the faults of those who -lead it. A government is a principle; men, even though ministers, are -apt to fall and to commit reprovable and even criminal acts. But why -accuse a régime of the actions of a few among those who represent it, -why especially shut one’s eyes to the fact that this Panama comedy or -drama, call it what you like, was nothing else but one of the -innumerable political intrigues of this or that party against the -existing order of things? We have often discussed Boulangism; well, the -Panama scandal was simply another Boulangist conspiracy under a -different name. It may have disgraced some individuals, it has not taken -anything away from the grandeur of France or from the merits, such as -they are, of the Republic. Believe me, my friend, it is not by singing -the ballad of Madame Angot that a King will re-establish himself at the -Elysée. In order to do this, something more than a ‘collet noir’ and a -‘perruque blonde’ is needed. A man is required, and so far I have -neither met nor seen him.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -TWO PRESIDENTS - - -From a constitutionally Republican point of view, M. Sadi Carnot, about -whom already I have said a few words, made an admirable Head of the -State--honest, dignified, strictly observant of his duties; of unfailing -tact, and with neither slur nor blemish either in his political or in -his private life. He knew how to hold himself in public, was moreover a -fair speaker and a very well-read man. But he had nothing about him -capable of provoking enthusiasm among the masses. His cold attitude, -indeed, which drew on him the nickname of “the President with a wooden -head,” did not appeal to the nation. He was generally respected and -esteemed, he was even liked, but he never became popular, and the -impression he produced on outsiders, and those who only saw him -performing his functions, otherwise never being brought into contact -with him, can be summed up in the remark made by a little schoolgirl -who, on one of his provincial _tournées_, had presented him with a -bouquet of flowers, and whom he had kissed: “Il ressemble à la poupée de -cire du Musée Grévin, que l’on m’a montrée à Paris, seulement il est -moins joli” (“He is like the wax doll of the Grévin Museum I was taken -to see in Paris, only he is not so handsome”) - -In spite of this drawback M. Carnot would very probably have been -re-elected had his career not been cut short by the knife of Caserio. By -a strange irony of fate, this Republican, whose ancestors had helped to -overthrow royalty in France, died the death of a King. The odiousness -of this crime is still remembered. It was a crime for which even the -most rabid anarchists could not find excuse. With the murder of the -Empress Elizabeth of Austria, it remains one of the most inexplicable -crimes of modern times, and even political hatreds cannot justify it. M. -Carnot was universally regretted, even by those who did not sympathise -with him. - -His sudden death left the field open for a race to the Presidential -chair, which probably would not have been so fierce had the election of -the Head of the State taken place under normal conditions, or had he -even succumbed to illness or natural causes. No one had any thought of -the possibility of a Presidential election, and neither Radical, nor -Republican, nor the Monarchist parties had a candidate ready to step -into the place left so suddenly vacant. When the Congress assembled at -Versailles no one had the least idea who, among the eligible politicians -of the moment, held most chances to succeed the murdered President, and -the election of M. Casimir Périer was due, perhaps, more to the lack of -any suitable competitors than to his own merits. - -M. Casimir Périer was a remarkable man in his way. He came from a good -bourgeois stock, such as had played an important part in political life -at the beginning of the great revolution of 1789. It was in the castle -of his grandfather, Vizille, near Grenoble, that the first revolutionary -assembly of provincial states had taken place. Later on, his grandfather -had been head of the Cabinet under Louis Philippe, and for more than a -century the Périers had been conspicuous in France. Casimir, moreover, -was extremely rich, which fact gave him an independence such as very few -political men of his generation could boast. He had been born and bred -in a most refined atmosphere, and always moved in the very best -society, so that he found himself at his ease when he entered the -Elysée. - -His wife also was a most distinguished woman, who bore herself like a -queen, and who had dispensed not only a semi-regal hospitality in her -own house, long before she was called upon to continue doing so as the -first lady in the land, but who, all her life, had also understood the -duties towards the disinherited of this earth which a great fortune -carries along with it. She was universally respected on account of her -private virtues and blameless life, and she brought to the Elysée an -atmosphere of elegance and refinement greater even than existed during -the days when the Duchesse de Magenta had presided over its destinies. - -The advent of the Casimir Périers did away with the reputation for -meanness and dullness that had clung to the receptions of the Head of -the State ever since the days of M. Grévy and his estimable but -commonplace wife. Once more people belonging to the upper classes -returned to the Presidency. M. and Mme. Casimir Périer visited a great -deal, accepted invitations to Embassies and to the houses of members of -the Cabinet; they received frequently too, and made themselves extremely -well liked in fashionable Paris. - -In spite of this, however, the new President did not find his position -pleasant or easy. He had an authoritative character, and liked to have -his own way, and also to discuss with his ministers the decisions which -they submitted to his signature. He had been reared under strictly -constitutional principles, but he was also very well aware of his rights -under the Constitution of France, and had not the least intention of -forgoing them, or of abandoning one single iota of his prerogatives. He -was determined from the outset not to allow himself to become a mere -figurehead in the government, but to make use of his privilege to be put -_au courant_ of everything that was being done around him. His was -essentially a fighting temperament, and it was bound to bring him into -conflict with his ministers, who had been accustomed to the resignation -with which both M. Jules Grévy and M. Sadi Carnot had acquiesced in -everything that had been proposed to them. - -Much has been said concerning the resignation of M. Casimir Périer, and -for a long time it was believed even among people who ought to have -known better that he had retired owing to threats which the German -Ambassador, Count Munster, had uttered at the time of the first Dreyfus -affair. I have strong reasons to believe that it was nothing of the kind -which influenced him. The legend of Captain Dreyfus having been a German -spy exploded long ago, and Count Munster never found himself under the -least necessity of resorting to threats, though with a certain amount of -justice he may have felt disgusted at the way the person of his -Sovereign was dragged into the disreputable affair. - -The sole reason of M. Casimir Périer’s retirement lay in the sincere -conviction that very soon got hold of him, that he would not be allowed -to do what he liked, or even to attempt to resist the rising tide of -Radicalism which he would have preferred to keep down. He was rich, -independent, and of an easy and lazy temperament, which made him -impatient of the resistance which his best intentions met from the very -people who ought to have appreciated them. - -He soon realised that if he clung to position he would be overturned as -were his predecessors, Marshal MacMahon and M. Thiers, and rather than -be told to go away he preferred to take leave of uncongenial colleagues, -and to retire with all the honours of war. He had made many friends -during his short tenure of office, but had also contrived to acquire -many enemies, and somehow the fact of the existence of these last -jarred upon his nerves, influencing him perhaps more than it should, -because those in high places have no right to be too sensitive. One -cannot change one’s character, however, and that of M. Casimir Périer -could not brook the thorns which were entwined with the roses that -strewed his path. He showed, on his retirement, an obstinacy with which -he has been very bitterly reproached by his personal friends, for he did -so in spite of the supplications of all who composed his immediate -entourage. He declared he should go away, and go away he did. - -He had been on very good terms with all the foreign Ambassadors and -diplomats accredited at the Elysée, and these, one and all, bitterly -regretted his departure. M. Casimir Périer had tact and great knowledge -of the world, a quality that his predecessors more or less lacked. -Perhaps it was from this cause that during the few short months of his -Presidency the relations of the French Government with the German -Embassy had become more cordial than had been the case since the war. - -Talking of the German Embassy, I have already mentioned Count Munster. -He was a great friend of mine, and perhaps one of the ablest men, under -his lazy indolent manner, that the German diplomatic service has ever -possessed. His wife having been English, he liked England better than -any other nation, not excepting his own, in certain cases. He looked -like an Englishman, too, and nothing pleased him more than to be taken -for one. Essentially a grand seigneur of the old school, he was -incapable of meanness, and even in his diplomatic relations he always -avoided saying anything that he did not really think or believe to be -the truth. Placed in a very delicate position in Paris, where German -diplomats were strenuously avoided by all those who were not obliged to -receive them, he contrived even there to make a position for himself, -still better, perhaps, than Prince Hohenlohe, notwithstanding the fact -that the latter had relatives among the society of the Faubourg St. -Germain, where he had been warmly welcomed before the war, but which -gave him the cold shoulder when he returned to Paris in an official -capacity after the disasters of 1870. And yet Prince Hohenlohe had far -more conciliatory manners than Count Munster, and was a far pleasanter -man in social relations; also, perhaps, he had more shrewdness than the -latter, and certainly was more amenable to compromise if the necessity -for such occurred. But the Count made himself respected wherever he -appeared, I mean respected in the sense that he conveyed the impression -that he would never allow himself to be trifled with, whilst always -ready to meet his opponents in everything except in yielding to them. - -This digression has led me far away from M. Casimir Périer and his -retirement from public life, and I must return in order to relate the -circumstances which followed upon his resignation. To say the least of -it, his action considerably embarrassed not only his ministers, but also -the leaders of the different parties in both Chambers. - -For the second time within one year the country was called upon to elect -a President of the Republic, and for the second time the event came as a -total surprise upon France and upon its politicians. Once more -candidates made themselves heard, and once again, in presence of those -who pretended that they had the best right not to be passed by in this -political Derby, an outsider won the prize, and M. Félix Faure, about -whom no one had thought, was elected to the Presidency of the French -Republic. - -M. Félix Faure was chiefly known because he had been vice-president of -the famous Ligue des Patriotes, the president of which was then, and -till his death in the early months of 1914, the ardent Paul Déroulède. -This fact alone would have been sufficient to excite the apprehensions -of Germany, and M. Faure understood this so well that he at once made up -his mind to pose outright as a partisan of the Russian alliance, that -dream of all French political men ever since the establishment of the -Third Republic. - -M. Félix Faure was far from being a stupid man: he had his points of -ridicule which perhaps did him more harm than real defects would have -done. He had vanity to an inordinate degree, loved luxury and splendour, -and enjoyed the external advantages of his new position with an almost -childish joy. He fondly imagined that he had been born to the purple -which had been thrown upon his shoulders, and without the instincts of a -parvenu he yet behaved like one. - -He had, however, a far greater knowledge of politics than he has ever -been given credit for, and he was a sincere patriot, though his -patriotism was an essentially selfish one. It is to be doubted whether -he ever would have reconciled himself to a return to the life of an -ordinary citizen, and perhaps the greatest luck of a life which was very -lucky, when all is said and done, was his death when still in the -enjoyment of the privileges of a position he had grown to love. - -But I repeat it again, he was no mean politician. It was under his -tenure of office that the Russian alliance was established, and he -certainly showed keen perspicacity in the way in which he contrived to -bring it about, as well as by the perseverance he displayed on this -occasion. - -It was M. Faure who first thought of sending the French fleet to -Cronstadt, and it was he who insisted on the great reception that was -awarded to the Russians when their fleet came to Toulon. It was he, -also, who first tried to win over the Russian Ambassador, M. de -Mohrenheim, to his views on the subject, and who did not hesitate to -resort to all kinds of diplomatic arguments in order to win his -interest. - -Later on M. Mohrenheim gave himself all the credit for the result of the -conferences which took place at that particular time between him and M. -Faure, conferences about which the world heard nothing, and suspected -even less. But though Russian diplomacy prided herself upon having hit -on this brilliant idea of a _rapprochement_ with France, as a safeguard -against the ambitions of the Triple Alliance, the fact remains, and is -well known to all those who have been behind the scenes of what was -going on in Europe at that particular time, that it was in France that -the idea originated, and that this idea had been carefully entertained -and impressed upon the French nation by none other than M. Félix Faure. - -Apart from any statesmanlike leanings and aspirations which did exist in -him, he was drawn towards it by his own personal vanity, and the desire -to be able to welcome in Paris as his guests, first the representatives -of the most autocratic Sovereign in the world, and later on that -Sovereign himself, by whom he, the son of a Havre tanner, would be -treated as an equal. That would be a triumph indeed, and in order to -obtain it he used every effort to break through all the barriers which -existed between the realisation of his dream and the hard reality. - -Huge sums of money were spent at that time both in France and in Russia -in order to prepare the public mind, through the press, for this -extraordinary turn in the politics of both countries. The campaign was -engineered with consummate skill, and very few people saw through it. It -very quickly brought about the wished-for results, and might have done -so even more quickly had it not been for various indiscretions committed -by M. Mohrenheim, whose personal wants were sometimes ahead of the march -of events, and who allowed himself upon one or two occasions to let his -impatience take the upper hand of his prudence, and in order to satisfy -those for whom he worked to attack with violence certain French -politicians whom he feared might prove rebellious against the efforts -which were being made. He tried, therefore, to oblige them to walk in -the path mapped out for them. - -One of these two occasions arose when M. Clemenceau, who already at that -time had made for himself an eminent position in the ranks of the -Radical party, whose leader he was supposed to be, uttered some doubts -as to whether the French Government was not going too far in its -advances to Russia, and was compromising the dignity of France without -feeling sure that its conduct would be reciprocated on the banks of the -Neva. Alexander III. was reigning still, and it was very well known he -had no sympathies for Republics in general, and many people believed, -together with Clemenceau, that though the Marseillaise had been played -at the State dinner which was given at Peterhof in honour of the French -naval squadron anchored at Cronstadt, things would not go further, and -the Tsar would hesitate a very long time before he would condescend to -admit Marianne in his intimacy, and to walk hand in hand with her, -amidst the crowned heads of Europe, whilst they stood aghast at the -unexpected spectacle. - -Furious to discover that the doubts uttered by M. Clemenceau had found -an echo among many prudent French political circles, Baron Mohrenheim, -in his impatience, unburdened his outraged feelings to the Marquis de -Morès, that fierce adversary of everything that had to do with the -Republic and its partisans. Morès did not hesitate to say openly that it -was the Radical party in France that was doing its best to prevent an -alliance with Russia, for which the latter country was yearning. Upon -this Clemenceau, indignant and never behindhand on occasions when he -could attack someone, took up his best Toledo pen and wrote to the -Russian Ambassador the following letter, which certainly deserves not to -fall into oblivion, where it has remained these long years: - -“_Paris, September 7th, 1892._ - - “MONSIEUR L’AMBASSADEUR,--In a letter that has been made public, - the Marquis de Morès declares quite positively that you have - exchanged with him the following remarks: ‘We do not know in Russia - with whom we can treat here. The greater number of public - functionaries and officials and the whole of the press is in the - hands of the Jews, or of England. I have not sufficient money to be - able to fight them, whilst England is prodigal with hers. - Clemenceau is openly attacking, in the corridors of the Chamber, - the alliance with Russia; I am getting very uneasy, the more so - that I do not see upon whom I could eventually lean in case of - necessity.’ - - “I only desire to notice in these words of yours the part which - refers to myself. - - “I cannot allow you, by reason of your official position as - Ambassador, to attribute to me publicly language of that kind - without declaring to you that you have been misinformed. - - “When the Tsar stood up to listen to the Marseillaise, I was, as - all Frenchmen were too, justly proud at this public homage rendered - to my country. Before the whole of Europe, looking attentively at - what was taking place on that day, the French nation put her hand - loyally into the hand that had stretched itself towards her. - - “It is not my place to discuss with you, Monsieur l’Ambassadeur, - the consequences of the events which have taken place at Cronstadt; - all that I can say is that no one desires more ardently than I do - that these might prove beneficial for both nations, and also for - the whole of Europe. - - “Any excesses of zeal connected with such a noble cause find most - certainly their excuse in that cause itself. It is only to be - regretted that they also might harm it. It is for that very reason, - I do not doubt, that by thinking the thing over you have already - convinced yourself that the ancient precept of ‘_Ne quid nimis_,’ - especially when such important interests are at stake, is an - excellent safeguard. - - “As concerns myself, I put it into practice to-day. You are our - honoured guest, Monsieur l’Ambassadeur; allow me not to forget it, - and to beg of you to accept the assurance of my most respectful - feelings. - -RIGHT -“(Signed) GEORGES CLEMENCEAU.” - - - -This letter considerably embarrassed Baron Mohrenheim, the more so -because he did not reply to it immediately: after it had been published -by the Agence Havas, the papers took it up, and different reporters -called upon the Russian Ambassador to ask him for explanations. He gave -them but lamely, thus making himself more ridiculous. For instance, he -declared that he had been away from Paris when it had been brought to -his secretary, Baron Korff, and that the latter had forgotten to deliver -it to him immediately upon his return, so that he had only learned its -contents through the press. In fact, he made many groundless excuses and -only added to the embarrassment of the position. At last on the 12th of -September the Agence Havas published the following reply from the -Russian Ambassador to the leader of the Radical party in the Chamber: - -“_Paris, September 12th, 1892._ - - “MONSIEUR LE DÉPUTÉ,--The Agence Havas publishes a letter which you - have been kind enough to address to me on the seventh of the - present month. On that day I was at Aix-les-Bains, which I left on - the next day, Thursday, to return to Paris only yesterday, Sunday. - - “I hasten to inform you that your letter has not yet reached me - to-day, otherwise you may rest assured that I would have eagerly - taken this opportunity to express to you my most sincere thanks for - it. - - “Nothing could have afforded me greater satisfaction than to be - able to convince myself thus of the real and frank feelings of - sympathy which you express to me for my country, and to read about - the good wishes which you add in it towards the prosperity of a - cause common to us both and dear to us both, thus doing away with - misunderstandings, and making them henceforward impossible. As you - express yourself, Monsieur le Député, ‘_Ne quid nimis_’ ought to be - the motto of us both, and as you may well believe, I have had more - than one opportunity to remember it in many circumstances which I - have witnessed during the long years of my public life, a life that - has always been devoted to the different tasks I have been - entrusted with. - - “Will you kindly receive, Monsieur le Député, the assurance of my - distinguished and devoted consideration. - -RIGHT -“(Signed) BARON DE MOHRENHEIM.” - - - -In publishing this reply of the Russian Ambassador, the Agence Havas -added that M. Clemenceau had hastened to inform it that his letter had -been handed over to the secretary of the Baron, M. de Korff, on -September 8th, who had given an undertaking that he should deliver it -personally to the Ambassador immediately upon the latter’s return to -Paris. In spite of the frantic efforts made by the Russian and French -Governments to minimise the impression produced by this correspondence, -the prestige of M. de Mohrenheim suffered considerably from its -publication, and he had perforce to become more careful in the future. - -But he was not removed from his post. Indeed, it very rarely happens -that a Russian official is obliged to retire into private life by reason -of his public mistakes. The Russians are an enduring people. The Baron -was to witness many other triumphs, especially that of being able to -welcome Nicholas II. and his consort in Paris, which event considerably -added to his personal prestige, and also to his personal advantages. - -To return to M. Félix Faure, he went on quietly pursuing the course he -had embarked upon, and preparing the ground for the great things which -he felt himself called upon to perform in the near future. He was so -sure of the ultimate success of his plans that he began to make ready -the Elysée for the glories that awaited it. He drew largely on the -credits put at his disposal for the upkeep of the palace, he tried to -give to his household the appearance of a real Court in miniature, to -train not only the officers and civilians attached to his person to -perform their duties according to the old etiquette that had prevailed -during the Monarchy, but also to put his servants, his stables, his -kitchens, and the maintenance of the state with which he liked to -surround himself on the footing he considered to be necessary to the -Chief Magistrate of the Republic. He also--and this effort is perhaps -the most meritorious of all those he made at the time--did his best to -assimilate the habits and customs prevailing in the higher classes of -society, and he succeeded admirably in doing so, helped as he was by the -numerous fair ladies at whose shrine he worshipped. - -But where he showed the greatest tact was in avoiding incidents like the -one which we have just related concerning M. de Mohrenheim. Had he been -President of the Republic at the time it occurred, he would certainly -have been made aware of the possibility, or rather the likelihood of its -happening, and taken measures to avoid its reaching public knowledge. -The alliance with Russia, which was in the air when he was elected to -the Presidency, and which during the term of M. Carnot had been started -in a preliminary manner by certain influential people, was in part his -personal work. I have said that it was he who had first thought of -sending the French fleet to Cronstadt. He was at that time only a -minister, and did not dream of ever becoming Head of the State, but he -saw already looming in the distance the great things which were bound to -follow for France in the event of the public recognition of its -Republican Government by the most powerful Monarch of Europe, and he -felt that something of the glory of such an event was bound to cling to -his own humble person, which might, thanks to this circumstance, come -forward more brilliantly than he could have hoped for when he first -entered public life. - -He was to reap his reward, and he must have realised it on that lovely -autumn day when he went to receive Nicholas II. and his Consort at the -railway station of the Bois de Boulogne in Paris. As he drove along, -sitting opposite to them in the Daumont with outriders, in which they -made their State entry into the French capital, he may well be pardoned -if he forgot the beginnings of his political career, and the modest -villa where his early days had been spent at Havre. Can one wonder if he -lost his head a little, in the presence of that unhoped for success, and -that, having such an opportunity to be on equal footing with a real -Sovereign, he forgot sometimes that he was not one himself? - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -IMPERIAL AND PRESIDENTIAL VISITS - - -M. Félix Faure had been but a short time President when the Emperor -Alexander III. died in such an unexpected manner. This untoward event -interfered with the advances France had in contemplation; indeed, -already in Paris there had been talk of Russia as _la nation amie et -alliée_. But, on the other hand, the obsequies of the Emperor gave the -French Government an opportunity of manifesting its sympathies with -Russia. A special military mission, headed by General Boisdeffre, at -that time head of the General Staff, was sent to St. Petersburg, where -it remained until the marriage of the new Tsar. It was not only made -much of by those who favoured a _rapprochement_ with France, of whom -there were a considerable number in Russian society, but thanks to the -ability of the French Ambassador, Comte de Montebello, was also brought -into contact with leading Russian politicians. - -It was then that the conditions of a defensive alliance between both -countries came under serious discussion. The new Emperor showed himself -unusually gracious to all the members of the mission, and when General -Boisdeffre timidly remarked that the President of the Republic would be -envious of the honour he had experienced of being brought into personal -contact with His Majesty, Nicholas replied, half jokingly and half -earnestly, that perhaps he would pay a visit to the President in Paris, -which city he had a great desire to see. - -These words raised roseate anticipations at the time, and later on were -seized upon by the French Government and construed into a promise made -by the Emperor Nicholas II. to visit M. Félix Faure, then President of -France. Nor was the Emperor allowed to forget. General Boisdeffre -returned to Russia some sixteen months later for the Coronation of the -Tsar, and there, together with Comte de Montebello, had many serious -conversations with Prince Lobanoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign -Affairs, and with General Obroutscheff, then head of the Russian General -Staff, who, being married to a Frenchwoman, was one of the staunchest -supporters of an alliance with France. At a direct result of these -interviews, Nicholas II. was induced to promise that his visits to -European Courts on the occasion of his accession to the throne would -include one to Paris. - -When the news became official, the enthusiasm it excited among all -classes in France was absolutely indescribable. I remember that one -morning, as I was walking down the Champs Elysées, I saw two workmen, -who were mending one of the lanterns of the Avenue, eagerly scanning a -newspaper with a portrait of the Tsar, and heard one say to the other, -“C’est celui-là qui va nous débarrasser des Prussiens” (“He is the man -who will rid us of the Prussians”). The whole nation saw itself once -more in possession of Alsace and Lorraine, and never thought about the -impending Imperial visit as anything else than the first step towards -that consummation. - -In Russia, however, we did not care for it at all. It seemed humiliating -to our national pride that our Sovereign should make the first advances -to a country the government of which represented everything that was -antipathetic to an autocracy like ours. When I say “we,” I am talking of -the saner elements of our country. In Russia, as well as in France, the -anti-German elements hailed the situation with joy, and hoped great -things from a closer union of the two nations. - -The Emperor on his side could not but feel flattered at the shower of -praise and compliments that fell from the French nation and the French -press. It tickled his fancy to be received in triumph in the capital of -a Republican country, and to find prostrate at his feet its most rabid -Radicals. He did not see, or did not care to see, the undercurrents that -actuated this enthusiasm; besides, Russia wanted a loan, and wanted it -under favourable conditions. The presence of the Tsar in Paris ensured -the success of such an operation, and, as Henri IV. said, “Paris vaut -bien une messe.” - -It is to be questioned which of the two countries indulged most in -platitudes on this memorable occasion. France, at least, was actuated by -the legitimate desire to recover her lost provinces, and she may well be -forgiven if she allowed herself to be carried away beyond the limits of -that courtesy which a great nation is bound to show to any foreign -Sovereign who honours it with a visit. But Russia---- Was it worthy of -her, was it dignified on the part of the Monarch so to stoop in order to -get the money she wanted without the least intention to hold to the -other side of the bargain, or to run into a war with Germany in order to -gratify the feelings of revenge which animated the French nation? - -Paris had turned out _en masse_ to see the royal entry. It was a little -after ten o’clock when the report of the guns of Mont Valérien announced -the arrival of the Imperial train at the Ranelagh station. Immediately -the crowd began to cheer, long before they caught sight of the troops -which escorted the carriage in which the Emperor and Empress, with the -President, were driving. The French Government had chosen these troops -with great care, and given the preference to the Spahis and Arabs from -Algeria, whose picturesque costumes and white burnouses added to the -general splendour of the brilliant scene. - -It was an event without precedent, this recognition by the only -autocratic Monarch left in Europe, of a Republic from which hitherto -foreign Sovereigns had more or less held aloof. It was bound to create a -deep sensation, not only in France, but throughout the world; and its -consequences promised at that moment to become stupendous. In reality -they were absolutely insignificant, and France certainly played the part -of the dupe in this queer comedy. - -But it was not of this that Paris was thinking as it welcomed its -Russian ally. When the mob saw the Empress, pale and lovely, in her -white dress, with an immense bouquet of flowers reposing in her lap, as -she sat beside her Consort, who wore the dark green tunic of the -Preobragensky Regiment, with the red ribbon of the Legion of Honour -across his breast, its joy overstepped all bounds; it was more like a -delirium of mad enthusiasm than anything else. But it was in the Place -de la Concorde that the manifestations became quite grandiose. And I -must say that of all the popular demonstrations I have ever witnessed it -was the most imposing. Row upon row of human beings were massed like -shots in a cartridge, which seemed suddenly on the passage of the -Imperial carriage to explode into one single shout, whilst opposite, -under the waving flags and banners on the terrace of the Tuileries, long -lines of officers in uniform stood looking on the scene over the heads -of the crowd. The statues were covered with human beings, boys and men -who had climbed upon them to have a better view of the procession. - -Only one, that of the town of Strasburg, was undecorated, and its -bareness seemed more than suggestive to the impartial spectator. When M. -Félix Faure pointed it out to the Emperor the acclamations of the mob -became deafening. It was a triumph indeed, and if you had asked any one -of these people why they were howling away their enthusiasm and joy, -they would each and all have replied that it meant “Une Alsace -Française,” and that by his visit to Paris Nicholas II. was tacitly -promising it to the French people. - -The only one who appeared unconscious of the significance attributed to -his visit was the Emperor himself. Perhaps he knew that whatever people -might think, he was not going to risk the life of even one of his -soldiers in order to gratify the wild hatred of France against his -German neighbours; perhaps, also, he was merely amused by the bright -scene that stretched itself before his eyes; or, maybe, he was thinking -that it would have been a good thing had his own subjects showed such -demonstrative joy whenever he showed himself in the streets of his own -capital. It was something new to him to see the whole population of a -great city let loose without police surveillance--at least, none that -was apparent; a vast multitude who seemed only eager to catch one of his -smiles. - -Later on, however, a few discordant notes were heard, even before the -Tsar had left Paris. For one thing, the most rabid Radicals reproached -Nicholas with having called personally on M. Loubet, President of the -Senate, and M. Brisson, President of the Chamber of Deputies. These -visits were not in the programme of the journey, and people said that by -making them the Emperor was identifying himself with the political -opinions of these personages, which were held in suspicion by the -Socialists, who had already become very powerful at that time. - -On the other hand, the Conservatives were quite indignant to hear that -at the reception given in his honour at the Hotel de Ville, Nicholas II. -had cordially shaken by the hand a municipal councillor, who in long -bygone days had made himself conspicuous by sending an address of -congratulation to Hartmann, one of the assassins of Alexander II. - -Then, to crown all, the leaders of French society and of the Faubourg -St. Germain, who had been invited to meet the Russian Sovereigns at a -lunch given by Baron and Baroness de Mohrenheim, felt sadly chagrined -that neither the Emperor nor the Empress had thought fit to address a -single word to any of them, though there were present such great ladies -as the Duchesse d’Uzès, the Duchesse de Luynes, and Madame Aimery de la -Rochefoucauld. - -But all these criticisms proceeded from the few. The many and the masses -felt more than gratified at the unexpected honour which had fallen upon -France. The enthusiasm was especially great after the toasts exchanged -at Chalons between the Tsar and the French President, and to give an -idea of the illusions which at that particular moment seized the whole -French nation, with but very few exceptions, I will reproduce here a -letter which I received one or two days after the departure of the -Russian visitors from a political man who, by virtue of his official -position, ought to have been able to judge of the consequences which -this effervescence of the French public mind might have in the future, -and which proves under what strange misconceptions some people were -labouring: - -“I am not at all of your opinion when you tell me that you deplore the -facility with which the French nation has prostrated itself at the feet -of the Cossack. What wind coming from the perfidious shores of Albion -could have made you say such a thing? First of all, he is not a Cossack, -this young Emperor of yours. On the contrary, he produces, together with -his fair Egeria, an immense impression of greatness, seen, as he has -been here, in the full sunlight of our intensive French civilisation, -with his little girl in the background. As for the French crowds, they -haven’t, believe me, prostrated themselves before him; they have only -exchanged a long and passionate embrace with Russia; that is, with a -Europe independent of the Prussian Empire. In this triumphal march of an -Imperator towards our pseudo-Republican capital, the oldest and most -experienced crowned foxes the world has ever seen have found their -Tarpeian rock. Your young Imperial ephebe has emerged out of it -admirably. Nothing that he has done has been out of place; he has shown -simplicity, cordiality, good taste, tact, and everything, in short, that -he ought to have done, without one single false note to mar the concert. -In his place, William II. would only have shown the weight of his sword -and invited us to test it. Nicholas II. is above all this, and has -proved himself of stronger stuff. It is because, in the present case, -the comedians, who generally act in presence of Her Majesty Humanity, -are put to shame by another and newer spectacle, which is far more -powerful than the old scene upon which they had been used to play since -time immemorial. - -“In spite of everything, real life will overthrow the false limits into -which one has tried to confine it, and the Treaty of Frankfurt will -share the fate of those of Paris in 1815 and of Westphalia. It was only -real life that could have been strong enough to accomplish this superb -effort, and to set itself up on the ruins of that old mischievous -diplomacy which has produced that snake with three heads called the -Triple Alliance. - -“Only two nations could possibly have performed this miracle, and could -have risen against the slavery in which, until now, Europe has been held -in the bondage of the infernal policy of Prince Bismarck. He is the only -real Cossack in the sense we generally attribute to that word, the -Cossack before whom France, even when he vanquished her, has refused to -prostrate herself, and against whom she has risen with sufficient -courage and sufficient strength to deliver from his yoke both Russia and -the dynasty of Romanoff, and to snatch it from the sphere of Prussian -influence. Our two nations have married each other without the help of -any notary, and without the need for any written treaty, and their union -means peace, real peace, against general war which Bismarck wanted to -transform into a _status quo_. This is civilisation in the highest -sense, and Europe owes it not to the fact that France has prostrated -herself before Russia, but to the energetic manner in which the former -has tried and succeeded in establishing its military strength, and -redeeming its lost military prestige.” - -I have transcribed this curious letter in its entirety, as it can give, -better than anything else, an idea as to the state of feeling which was -prevailing in Paris in the autumn of the year 1896, when, for the first -time since the fall of the Empire of the Napoleons, a foreign monarch -was officially received with enthusiastic welcome within the doors of -the capital. The enthusiasm was as false as the visit itself, but it -cannot be denied that it gave greater stability to the Republic and -considerably discouraged its enemies. - -Nevertheless, nearly a whole year passed before M. Faure returned this -memorable visit, and accomplished his passionate desire by being -welcomed on Russian shores in his capacity of head of the French -Republic. He arrived at Peterhof on a French man-of-war, escorted by a -numerous and powerful squadron, and was received with a cordiality that -must have considerably increased any illusions he may have had -concerning the sincerity of the Russian alliance. St. Petersburg showed -unusual enthusiasm, and the Imperial family treated him with a -familiarity that must have ravished his parvenu heart. As he wrote to -one of his friends in Paris, he held on his knees the little Grand -Duchess Olga, to whom he had brought the most splendid present of dolls -any Imperial child ever received, and the fact of having thus nursed in -his arms the youngest member of the Romanoff family evidently appealed -to his feelings. He began to think himself equal to all these crowned -heads with whom he found himself so unexpectedly thrown into contact, -and to believe himself the real Sovereign of France. - -It was dating from this famous visit that M. Faure assumed the -semi-royal manners which considerably displeased many of his former -friends, and caused him to be ridiculed more than he deserved in the -popular cafés chantants of Paris. And, strange though it may appear, the -real popularity which M. Faure had enjoyed until the period of his -return from Russia began to wane. The public reproached him for not -having made the most of his opportunities and for having forgotten, in -his childish joy at the grandeur and magnificence of the reception -awarded to him, the real object of his visit. Disappointment at the -failure to convince Nicholas II. of the necessity of immediately -declaring war on Germany began to make itself felt among the French -nation, and, little by little, both the influence of M. Faure and the -sympathy for Russia began to disappear among the public, which realised -that all the fuss proceeded from the simple desire on the part of Russia -to get the money she wanted at a cheap rate. - -I had been away on leave for a few months when I returned to France, and -on the very day I reached Paris I happened to meet the person from whom -I had received a year before the letter which I have reproduced. I could -not help asking him whether he still was of the opinion which he had -professed when he had written to me that enthusiastic anticipation of -the establishment of a solid alliance between France and Russia for the -special purpose of a joint attack against Germany. - -I found him furious against M. Faure, to whom he attributed the delay. -Another President, he asserted, would have laid down positive conditions -before he had consented to pay a visit to Peterhof, and made it -subservient to a promise of immediately beginning hostilities against -Germany. When I objected that, in common courtesy, M. Faure could not -have excused himself from accepting the invitation that he had received -personally from the Russian Emperor, my friend replied in those -characteristic words: “Je ne vois pas la nécessité de cela, au -contraire, M. Faure aurait souligné la dignité de la France, en prouvant -qu’elle ne se dérange pas pour rien” (“I do not see the necessity for -it; on the contrary, M. Faure would have given a proof of the dignity -which prevails in France if he had shown that she does not put herself -out for nothing”). - -This phrase, coming as it did from a man who was at the period playing -an important part in French politics, will give an idea as to the -opinions which began to prevail against M. Faure. - -The Dreyfus affair, which began at that period, intensified it. He did -not, however, live to realise this. He seriously believed himself to be -the right man in the right place, which, in a certain sense, he was, -because of all the Presidents who have held office during the forty odd -years of the existence of the Third Republic in France, he was, perhaps, -the only one that contrived to give it the illusion of a monarchy. - -A great deal has been written concerning the sudden death of M. Félix -Faure. It is unfortunately certain that it took place under much to be -deplored circumstances. It is also certain that the manner of his death -has thrown upon his memory an unpleasant shade. - -Alas! alas! poor Yorick. In a Republican country the abuses of monarchy -can but too often be met with, and in the case of M. Félix Faure these -came very prominently to the front. He played at being a small King, -even so far as to allow, in a Republican country, the establishment of -the old custom of there being always “une favorite de roi” at his side. - -But I must say once I am touching on that subject that I do not believe -for a moment the assertions of the lady in question, that M. Faure used -to consult her in political matters, and that she had great influence -over him in that respect. M. Faure was an exceedingly shrewd politician, -and knew perfectly well what he was about. He was also perfectly aware -that he had numerous enemies who, if they had been able once to prove -that he was confiding gravest matters of State to the discretion of -another, would not have hesitated to make use of this fact to overthrow -him, or at least to put him in such a position that he would have been -obliged to send in his resignation. And M. Faure cared for his position -as President of the French Republic, and would not have jeopardised it -for anything in the world, least of all for a woman. - -Perhaps it was as well for his own sake that death removed him from the -political scene, before the curtain fell on the final act in the Dreyfus -drama. What he would have done had he seen all that ensued after the -discovery of the forgery of Colonel Henry, the knowledge of which made -him so unhappy, and after the second condemnation of Captain Dreyfus at -Rennes, it is difficult to say. Those who have known him well, told me -that he had been very much troubled at the development this miserable -business took so unexpectedly, and that he often regretted that he had -not interfered and pardoned Dreyfus at the time of this first -condemnation. - -It seems that he had been very much tempted to do so, having always had -some doubts in his own mind as to the Captain’s culpability, but the -President was also aware that his own popularity was on the wane, and -that voices had already accused him of trying to make up to the German -Emperor. - -This last fact deserves a few words of explanation. Some enemies of M. -Faure had spread the gossip that his St. Petersburg laurels had not been -sufficient for his inordinate vanity, and that as, in spite of all his -conversations with Nicholas II. he had not succeeded in inducing the -latter to consent to the adoption by Russia of an aggressive policy -against Germany, he had tried to bring about some kind of arrangement -with the German Emperor, and to persuade him to grant autonomy to Alsace -and Lorraine. He knew that such a measure would have largely satisfied a -certain section of public opinion in France. Serious politicians, -however, knew very well that it was useless to hope that Germany would -return without another war, and perhaps not even then, the provinces she -had conquered at the cost of such stupendous sacrifices. - -Whether M. Félix Faure ever nursed such a dream, it is difficult to say, -but it was attributed to him, and for an excitable people like the -French such a rumour was sufficient to set the tide against the -President. Had he at that juncture pardoned Captain Dreyfus the outcry -would have been immense, and the word traitor would undoubtedly have -been applied to him. He knew it well, and perhaps this made him keep -more aloof than he ought to have done from the net of intrigues which -surrounded the tragedy of the Hebrew officer who was to draw on his -person the attention of the whole world. But it is also to be regretted, -perhaps, that the President found himself with his hands tied on this -memorable occasion, and that in his dread of losing his position he -forgot his constitutional prerogatives. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -THE FRENCH PRESS - - -In the visit of Nicholas II. to Paris the press played a considerable -part. Indeed in no country of the world do newspapers wield such an -influence as they do in France, where the bourgeois, the workman, and -the peasant believe implicitly in what the papers say, especially if his -particular news-sheet has the chauvinistic opinions which he himself -espouses. It would hardly have been possible to organise the magnificent -reception which was awarded to the Emperor of Russia, if newspapers of -all shades had not contributed to it their long articles written in -praise of the future visitor and in general of the Russian nation and -the Russian army. These were material factors in securing the popular -demonstration that took place. Thanks to them the Russian loans were -covered several times over, and Russian policy, be it in the East or -elsewhere, was warmly supported by the powers that ruled at the Quai -d’Orsay. - -The Minister for Foreign Affairs at that time was M. Gabriel Hanotaux, -himself a writer of no mean talent, and a journalist in his spare -moments. A few years later he was to be elected to the Academy for his -fine work on the life of Cardinal Richelieu. M. Hanotaux was an -excessively shrewd man, and moreover one who had a vast knowledge of the -world; he understood better than anyone else the use to which the press, -and especially the daily press, can be put. He organised a special -service which kept the whole of France informed as to the doings and -sayings of the Russian Sovereigns, and was clever enough to give a -spontaneous character to the vast manifestation of sympathy which threw -France into the arms of Russia. - -I don’t remember now who said, very wittily one must admit, that “each -country and each epoch has the press which it deserves.” That phrase is -far from being the paradox it seems, because it is an undeniable fact, -and particularly so in France, that though the press leads public -opinion, yet it is public opinion which leads the press into the road -where its instincts--political or financial--tell it to go. And in the -last twenty-five years the French, and especially the Parisian, press -has undergone a total transformation. It is no longer what it was in the -time of the Second Empire, when the restraining hand of the government -was always more or less over its head. At present independence reigns -among the papers that rule the boulevards, though this does not prevent -the principal among them from accepting the inspirations which come -either from the Quai d’Orsay or from the Place Beauveau. In the latter -place, journalists had a good time of it during the few months when M. -Clemenceau, the most brilliant among them, reigned as its master, and -did not disdain to communicate to the press his views and his opinions -on one or other of the questions of the day. The _Matin_, the _Journal_, -the _Débats_, and especially the _Temps_, like to entertain their -readers in an atmosphere favourable to the ministry which happens to be -in power. The last-named paper has upon its staff men of the rarest -literary merit, among others M. Tardieu, who writes the leaders on -foreign affairs and of whom Prince von Bülow once said jokingly that -there “existed in Europe three great Powers and--M. Tardieu.” - -That opinion had been endorsed long before it was uttered by M. Adrien -Hébrard, the greatest journalist that France can boast, and of whom she -can justly be proud. M. Hébrard, if he had only wished it, might have -become an important political personage, a minister, a member of the -French Academy, but to all these glories he preferred the editorship of -the _Temps_. - -The paper is Republican in its opinions, with sometimes a leaning -towards Radicalism, and stronger leanings still towards -anti-Clericalism. At the same time, it has constantly displayed coolness -in its judgments, and has always abstained from exaggerations either in -one sense or the other. It has never failed in courtesy towards its -antagonists, and has made itself respected, even when it has caused -itself to be disliked. Everyone in political or social circles reads it -with interest, and very often the news which it gives _en dernière -heure_, as it is called, has a European importance, and is cabled all -over the world. Its chronicles also are something more than those of -other papers, and its dramatic weekly letter decides the success or -failure of every new theatrical piece which sees the footlights of the -principal Paris theatres. - -Another serious paper, whose importance is almost as great as that of -the _Temps_, is the old _Journal des Débats_, which is considered the -organ of the Academy, and which certainly has always the last word to -say concerning its elections. - -In the _Débats_ correct polished French is always to be found. It is -grave, pompous, essentially bourgeois in its opinions, and is not read -by the multitude. - -The three great organs that have acquired front-rank importance are -certainly the _Matin_, the _Journal_, its rival in everything, even in -impudence, and the _Petit Parisien_. You will find many people in Paris -who do not know the _Temps_, except that they have seen it in the -newspaper kiosks, you will find a great many more who do not know even -that much about the _Débats_, but you will never come across any man or -woman, to begin with your concierge, and to end with the foremost -politician in the Chamber, who does not know the _Matin_ and its chief -editor and proprietor, M. Alfred Edwards, of Lanthelme fame. In the -opinion of many the _Matin_ is not a credit to French journalism. - -More popular even than the _Matin_ are the _Journal_ and the _Petit -Parisien_, whose proprietor, M. Jean Dupuy, has already been several -times entrusted with a ministerial portfolio, and is a member of the -Senate, where his opinion is always listened to with attention. The -_Petit Parisien_ has many editions, and is extensively read in the -provinces. It instils into millions of people the Radical opinions which -it professes. - -One of the reasons why everybody who can wield a pen in France turns to -journalism nowadays lies in this knowledge that it leads to anything one -likes--and principally to politics, after which every Frenchman craves. -In olden times every young man wanted to become a member of the Bar, -persuaded that the Bar alone could lead him to the Chamber and thence to -become a member of the government. At present journalists have it all -their own way. I won’t pretend to say that the change is by any means to -advantage. - -The general tone of the press lacks sadly of sympathy. Journalists like -M. Hébrard become rarer and rarer every day. The press is no longer a -tribune, it is something like the servants’ hall of political life, and -though its successes are greater than they have ever been they are not -lasting, and they are forgotten the very next hour after they have -reached their culminating height. - -Politics, thanks to this degeneration, have become a hurried, feverish -occupation, are more talked about than discussed, more felt than acted -upon. Ministries, too, change far too often for France to work out her -regeneration with anything like stability, and at present she is obliged -to lean upon Russia, because only in so doing can she have any hope of -remaining a Great Power. - -There are, however, a few great journalists left on the banks of the -Seine, and I am sure that no one will contradict me when I say that one -of the first places among the few is occupied by that remarkable man, -Arthur Meyer, the son of a Jewish tailor and the grandson of a rabbi, -who by a strange freak of destiny has become the most fervent supporter -of both Monarchy and Catholicism. He was associated with Boulanger and -also with that most ardent of anti-Semites, Edouard Drumont, and, after -having become the friend, adviser, and counsellor of the Comte de Paris, -who had replaced Napoleon III. in his affections, succeeded in being -admitted into the intimacy of the Duchesse d’Uzès and the noblest great -ladies of the noble Faubourg, where at last he found himself a wife in -the person of the charming but dowerless daughter of the Comte and -Comtesse de Turenne. - -Such a career is one of the most curious products of our times, and -stranger still than its success is the fact that no one, save a few bad -tempered people whose opinions do not count and to whom no one listens, -has ever expressed the least astonishment at its development. Paris has -accepted M. Arthur Meyer just as it accepted the Republic and the -institution of the Concours Hippique; and Parisian society has acquired -the habit of turning to him not only for news but also for the manner in -which it ought to be received. He has become an oracle among certain -circles, and his whiskers, his ties, and the shape and cut of his -clothes are copied not only by fashionable men but also by fashionable -tailors. The morning coat of M. Meyer has replaced the frock coat of the -Prince de Sagan, and the dinner-jacket of King Edward VII. - -I quoted at the beginning the remark that every country has the press -which it deserves. I can complete it by saying that every society has -the leader that it merits. And Parisian fashionable circles can boast of -having kept M. Arthur Meyer, though circumstances compelled it to lose -Count Boni de Castellane. - -I have mentioned the marriage of this favourite of the gods. People -wondered at it excessively, but it would be extremely unfair to M. Meyer -not to maintain that he decided to ask for the hand of Mademoiselle de -Turenne under circumstances that were entirely to his honour. The young -girl belonged to a family just as illustrious as it was poor, and though -she had very rich relations, none of them attempted to do anything in -her favour nor even to try to marry her in her own sphere. Arthur Meyer -was a frequent visitor at the house of her parents, and had many -opportunities of watching the revolts of a youthful mind disgusted at -what it perceived of the injustices of the world. One day she told him -that she did not know what she could do to escape the misery of her -existence, adding that she knew that only two roads were open to her, -either a convent or the free life of a woman who had put aside all -prejudices and the principles in which she had been reared. “And,” she -added, “I don’t want to become a nun, I have not got the courage to -leave the society to which I belong, and I would never commit suicide. I -have often wondered what I could do.” - -Meyer was above all chivalrous, and the despair of that young and lovely -woman touched him deeply. He did not love her, and he knew very well -that she could feel no love for him, but he asked her to become his -wife, and, after some hesitation, she accepted his offer. Of course -society rose up in arms when it heard about it, but nevertheless neither -her uncle, Count Louis de Turenne, nor her aunt, the Marquise de -Nicolai, whose wealth could be counted by millions, ever tried by making -her a small dowry to give her the chance of marrying within her own -sphere. - -And so, one fine autumn day, the son of a little Jewish tailor became -the husband of a girl whose ancestry had helped in the making of some of -the most glorious pages in the history of France. Verily, life holds -strange surprises in reserve for those who care to watch it. - -Arthur Meyer is altogether a curious type both as a man and as a -journalist. One cannot help liking him even when one does not sympathise -with his opinions, or with his person. He is an anomaly in everything, -and no one would ever feel surprised at anything he might do or say. He -has certainly forsaken his race and his creed, yet so thoroughly has he -succeeded in impressing those who know him with his good qualities that -he has never been repulsed for the light-heartedness with which he has -burned the boats of his faith. - -M. Arthur Meyer is the proprietor of the _Gaulois_, the fashionable -organ of fashionable Paris, of the upper ten thousand who constitute -Parisian society, that motley crowd in which unfortunately money is the -only passport needed to ensure an entrance. It has one rival, the -_Figaro_. The _Figaro_ is extremely well informed, has contributors of -great talent, and is as eminently respectable as that kind of paper can -be which devotes a large part to gossip more or less good-natured. But -it is no longer what that king among journalists, Villemessant, had made -it. - -Of papers in which popular passions are constantly appealed to, and in -which one only seeks the criticism of the existing government, only one, -the _Presse_, deserves more than a passing mention, and that only -because its editor was M. Henri Rochefort, who up to his death in 1913 -always wrote the leading article which figures at the head of the paper. -M. Rochefort was one of the most extraordinary productions of modern -journalism, to which he gave a direction that had been unknown until he -initiated it. His talent, which was essentially critical, bordering on -satire when it did not frankly take that tinge, procured for him a -celebrity which spread far and wide beyond the frontiers of France. - -No one ever succeeded as he did in finding words that appealed to the -mob, and which in a few words expressed so much. His _Lanterne_ -contributed more than anything else to the fall of the Empire, and -Napoleon III., who knew humanity perhaps better than anyone else, did -not despise him as an adversary, although his importance was denied by -Napoleon’s ministers and entourage, who advised him to pay no notice to -the weekly attacks of the _Lanterne_ against his person and his -government. One day M. Rouher tried to minimise the influence of that -sheet, saying that though people read it, its attacks were despised. The -Emperor replied that he knew it, but, he added, “I am also aware that -there exist women whom we despise but to whom, nevertheless, we pay -attention.” - -There was a deep meaning in this simple phrase. Certain it was that all -reasonable and well-thinking people despised the attacks against -everything that others held sacred in which the Marquis de Rochefort -Luçay continually indulged, but nevertheless the seeds blossomed in -time; indeed, no one more than himself contributed to discredit -authority. By this Rochefort became the idol of the Parisian masses, and -remained its favourite until his death. - -I was very fond of M. Rochefort, and used to find great pleasure in -spending a few hours in his company whenever I found an opportunity. -Nothing could be more amusing than his conversation; the mixture of -cynicism and irony that now and then came out in brilliant paradoxes -full of wit if devoid of common sense, constituted something quite -unique, which was bound to appeal to the imagination of his listeners, -and make them smile even when they felt a sense of distaste. - -He believed in nothing, not even in himself; respected nothing, loved -nothing, but liked many things--his collections, his pictures, his work, -the influence which he imagined that he wielded around him, and which in -reality was not so considerable as he thought. And he never hesitated -before uttering one of his bon mots, or writing one of his bitter -scathing articles, even when he was perfectly aware that by doing so he -was hurting innocent people--people who had done no wrong, and who had -only incurred his displeasure by being either related or connected with -those who had become the subject of his criticism. - -The best description that one can make of M. Rochefort would be that he -was “perfectly unscrupulous,” and if he were still living I do not think -he would deny that this was so. Rather, he would glory in it, because, -as he once told me, “Dans ce monde il faut toujours mordre, ne fut ce -que pour ôter aux autres la possibilité d’en faire autant avec vous” -(“In this world one must always bite, if only to prevent others doing -the same to you”). One could have replied to this remark that there are -some mortal and some insignificant bites, and that it was not always the -latter that he indulged in. - -A curious peculiarity of M. Rochefort was that, fierce Republican though -he pretended to be, yet he was inordinately fond of his name and of his -title, and a servant who would forget to call him Monsieur le Marquis -would be dismissed instantly. Bereft of his parents, and so without -experience of the affection of home life, his earliest days were most -difficult. - -Until he attempted journalism he had been a subordinate clerk at the -Hotel de Ville, earning barely enough to keep body and soul together. He -never forgot this period of his existence, and, whenever he allowed -himself to speak about it, a bitterness showed itself which he could not -keep within bounds. - -One day, alluding to those dark and hopeless times, when he had spent -many hours scribbling at some wearisome task, he said to me: “It is -impossible for anyone who has not undergone it to imagine what it feels -like to see the spring and not be able to get out of doors.” The remark -appeared to me almost too poetic to be the expression of a real feeling, -but when I told him so, he replied quite earnestly: “Evidently you have -never experienced what it is to know that you are a drudge, although -possessing the inner feeling that you are born to better things.” I -could not help then inquiring what his feelings had been when he was in -prison, to which he exclaimed: “Oh, that was very different, one always -comes out of prison, but sometimes one never escapes from the necessity -of earning one’s bread and butter by copying the stupidities which other -people have written.” - -Before he died in July, 1913, the Marquis de Rochefort Luçay was a -quasi-millionaire, the owner of one of the handsomest houses in all -Paris, received everywhere that he cared to go, a desired guest, and an -envied journalist. Even in his later days his pen was as sharp as ever, -though perhaps it was no longer appreciated as was the case in the later -days of the Empire. - -He was often to be seen at the Hotel Drouot, attending the principal art -sales of the year, where his knowledge of pictures and bibelots was -highly appreciated. His life was like a fairy tale in many things, and -in others like a dark nightmare. He made many foes, and kept few -friends. Appearing to be everlastingly dissatisfied, he was yet one of -the happiest men in the world--perhaps because he was one of the most -selfish. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -THE PRESIDENCY OF M. LOUBET - - -The death of M. Félix Faure took France greatly by surprise; the -appointment of his successor astonished it even more. M. Loubet was -President of the Senate, it is true, but his name had figured among -those who had been mentioned in connection with the Panama scandal. This -last fact was put forward by some people when the question arose of the -candidature of M. Rouvier for the Presidency of the Republic, and caused -it to be rejected. No one imagined, therefore, that it would be -disregarded in the case of M. Loubet. He had many rivals, among them M. -Brisson, M. de Freycinet, whose name came forward regularly whenever a -Presidential election was about to take place, and the above-mentioned -M. Rouvier. This candidate possessed a powerful personality and wielded -an immense influence; his experience had been varied, and his -intelligence was certainly one of the foremost in France. Had he been -elected to the Presidency his appointment would have been received with -great favour in Europe. On the other hand, M. Loubet was more or less an -unknown person, supposed to be inoffensive and retiring, but possessed -of a most violent anti-Clericalism, of which he had given every possible -proof, in the hope that by these means he would make himself a _persona -grata_ with the Radical party, through whom he had secured the -Presidency of the Senate, an office which hitherto had constituted the -_summum bonum_ of his ambitions. - -He had no wish to become President of the Republic, and it was with -great reluctance he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate. -But he was under the influence of, or, what is even truer, dependent -upon, M. Clemenceau. M. Clemenceau had lately come forward with -considerable energy, especially since the Dreyfus affair once more was -in the public mind, and he was such a considerable personage among the -Radical party that they could not afford to disregard his orders or even -his personal wishes. - -M. Clemenceau was the Henri Rochefort of political life, with far more -intelligence and almost as much wit as the director of the _Lanterne_, -with an extraordinary force of character, very determined ideas, and -about as few convictions as were indispensable to a man who had risen to -the leadership of a powerful party. Moreover, he had real statesmanlike -qualities. - -He had no great sympathy for the Russian alliance, which his ever-ready -wit had quickly discerned, when all was said and done, to be a very -one-sided affair. - -His sympathies were entirely English, and as such it was but natural he -should not look with enchanted eyes upon a policy that was bound, by its -close association with the diplomacy pursued on the banks of the Neva, -to become antagonistic to that of the Court of St. James’s. Perhaps it -was for this very reason that he pushed forward the candidature of M. -Loubet. - -He felt, or rather he knew, that M. Loubet had had nothing to do with -the visit of the Tsar to Paris beyond receiving him when he called at -the Luxembourg in defiance of etiquette and precedent. - -With a friend of his at the Elysée, the position of M. Clemenceau was -perhaps even stronger than if he himself had been established within its -walls. He had always admired the personality of Père Joseph, so well -known in the history of France as the adviser and counsellor of -Richelieu. He intended playing the same part; to govern under M. -Loubet’s name as far as the constitution allowed him, to govern the -Republic which he secretly despised, but to which he clung, because he -knew that it was the only government under which he could do absolutely -what he liked. - -M. Clemenceau had taken a sincere liking to a very attractive and very -beautiful lady. He is still on terms of great friendship with her, -notwithstanding the fact that she is no longer young, and that white -locks have taken the place of her golden curls. She is an American, the -daughter of that Colonel Burdan who invented the rifle which still bears -his name. She had married a French diplomat, the Comte d’Aunay, and was -noted in her youth for her extraordinary loveliness. Mme. d’Aunay was -ambitious above everything, and her great dream was to see her husband -become an Ambassador. She imagined that M. Clemenceau could help her to -realise her one ambition, and she then set herself to win his friendship -for herself and for her husband. The task was easy enough for a woman -gifted with such beauty and such remarkable intelligence, and though the -world chatted not a little--as so often it does without -foundation--concerning this friendship, yet secretly it envied her for -her cleverness in having won him as a well-wisher. Then one day came the -crash and the blighting of the fair Countess’s hopes. The French -Ministry for Foreign Affairs became alarmed at the marvellous way in -which M. Clemenceau was kept informed of what was going on in diplomatic -circles at Copenhagen, where Count d’Aunay was accredited as French -Minister, and wondered how he could be in possession of the most secret -information before even it became known at the Quai d’Orsay. Inquiries - -[Illustration: M. M. F. SADI-CARNOT - -(President 1887-1894)] - -[Illustration: M. J. P. P. CASIMIR PÉRIER - -(President 1894-1895)] - -[Illustration: M. F. F. FAURE - -(President 1895-1899)] - -[Illustration: M. E. LOUBET - -(President 1899-1906)] - -_All photos, Petit, Paris._ - -were instituted which resulted in the resignation of certain parties. - -It was partly Mme. d’Aunay who was responsible for the English -sympathies of M. Clemenceau; she had lived in London for a long time, -had made many good friends, and also won still more admirers. She was -ambitious to have her husband appointed to the British capital as -Ambassador for the French Republic, and she did her best to persuade M. -Clemenceau to set his back against the Russian alliance. - -The great Radical leader did not ask anything else, but he was very well -aware that to go against the popular feeling was quite useless and -hopeless, and might even cause his own patriotism to be suspected. But -he knew also that French people are apt to lose their illusions as -quickly as they come under their influence, and so he quietly waited for -the course of events to justify the words of warning he had uttered to -the few friends before whom he could talk quite openly. - -When he favoured the candidature of M. Loubet to the Chief Magistracy of -the Republic, he had his plan quite ready, together with a programme -which included an alliance with England and a rupture with the Vatican. -Papal influence he dreaded the more in that he knew that in Pope Leo -XIII. he had an opponent just as shrewd as he was himself, one who would -consent to the greatest sacrifices in order to keep upon good terms with -the Republic. To this last the Radical party was not at all agreeable, -and consequently it was indispensable that he should assure himself of -the sympathies of the President, whoever he might be, in order not to be -thwarted secretly in his designs as earlier he had been by M. Félix -Faure, whose policy had been far more personal than the world was -permitted to guess. - -I happened to be at Versailles on the day of the election of M. Loubet. -An hour before the result became known bets were still being taken -concerning the chances he had to be elected. M. Rouvier was distinctly -favoured, and probabilities pointed to M. Brisson making a close run. I -was lunching at the Hotel des Réservoirs with some friends, of whom -Henri Rochefort was one, when suddenly M. Clemenceau came by. He was -instantly surrounded by a group of journalists eager to hear his opinion -as to who would win. He laughingly parried their questions, saying that -the only thing he was sure of was that Clemenceau would not be President -of the Republic, to which Rochefort remarked in an undertone that he -would not need to be, as it would be his candidate who would occupy that -post. - -M. Loubet was elected, and at once the Dreyfus affair took a new turn. -After a struggle, in which the government yielded almost without -fighting, the unfortunate captain was brought back to France, and his -re-trial took place at Rennes, with the result known to everybody, and -for which M. Clemenceau deserves the thanks of his compatriots as well -as of posterity, because anything more iniquitous than this affair has -never disgraced a country. - -Most emphatically of all the politicians who were prominent in France at -the time of the election of M. Loubet, M. Clemenceau was the shrewdest -and also the most far-seeing. He had perceived that even had Captain -Dreyfus been guilty, it would be to the advantage of France for him to -be declared innocent, and also that so long as that bone of contention -was left to the enemies of the Republic, they would expend all their -efforts in using it as a weapon to discredit not only the form of -government they disliked, but also to shame France herself. - -One cannot say that the Elysée improved as regarded its inner life under -the Presidency of M. Loubet. The pomp and grandeur introduced by M. -Félix Faure were reduced to a minimum, and existence began to resemble -the one led by M. and Mme. Jules Grévy, with perhaps a shade more -elegance, but without any luxury, save what was absolutely necessary. -Madame Loubet rarely went out in anything else but a modest brougham -drawn by one horse, and she avoided everything that could be construed -as love of ostentation or luxury. On the other hand, she was extremely -charitable, and, with the exception of the Maréchale MacMahon, no wife -of a President of the Republic did more for the welfare of the poor of -Paris, and by them she was literally worshipped. She was totally devoid -of affectation, and never tried to pose for what she was not, or to play -at being the great lady by birth as well as by position. Everyone liked -and respected her. Such was not the case with M. Loubet, in whom some -people saw a nonentity and others merely a puppet in the hands of M. -Clemenceau and his friends. - -During his tenure of office the new President paid several visits -abroad, among others to St. Petersburg, London, and Rome. With the -exception of the one to London, it cannot be said that his journeys were -successful. In Russia people were getting just a little tired of the -perpetual ovations which had been allowed to take place in favour of -France and the French alliance. The Japanese question was already -engrossing the public mind, and it was vaguely felt in the country, -whatever one may have thought at the Foreign Office, that somehow France -had failed in her friendship for her ally of the other day in the Far -East, and had not sufficiently upheld her pretensions in the many -entangled questions which had sprung up in consequence of the fatal -policy of Admiral Alexieff and his friends. - -The entire misunderstanding which had prevailed at the demonstrative -Franco-Russian alliance was becoming more apparent every day; -essentially it had been based on the desire of each of the signatories -to get as much as possible out of the other. France had fully expected -that she would be given the opportunity of recovering Alsace and -Lorraine, and Russia had only seen the possibility of borrowing, under -favourable conditions, the money she wanted. As time had gone by Russia -had found out that French bankers were just as exacting as were German -bankers, while France had discovered that her interests were dear to -Russia only insomuch as they did not clash or interfere with her own. A -certain coolness had sprung up between them, though in Paris as well as -in St. Petersburg politicians and journalists were eagerly seizing every -opportunity to declare that the alliance was stronger than ever. - -Under those circumstances the journey of M. Loubet to St. Petersburg -might have been pleasant, but could not have been very useful. In London -it was different. He found there many sympathisers and well-wishers who -were only too desirous of accentuating the good relations of France with -Great Britain. To begin with King Edward and to end with the man in the -street, they all vied with each other to show the greatest cordiality to -the President and to make him welcome in the fullest sense of the word. -When M. Loubet returned to Paris he could say with pride and -satisfaction that the old rivalries which had divided the two countries -had been buried under the flowers which had ornamented the dining-table -in the Waterloo Hall of Windsor Castle. - -The Roman trip of the President, though conducted on simpler lines than -those of his English journey, was perhaps the most important event of M. -Loubet’s septenary. It distinctly proclaimed the attitude which the -French Government meant to adopt in regard to the religious question and -to its relations with the Vatican. The guest of the Italian King at the -Quirinal, M. Loubet did not think it necessary to follow the example set -by all the other foreign monarchs who visited Rome by going from the -house of the Ambassador to the Holy See, as a neutral place, to visit -the Pope at the Vatican. The courtesy paid to the head of the Roman -Catholic Church by the German Crown Prince, and later on by the German -Emperor, was deemed to be beneath the dignity of the President of the -French Republic; and when the government was asked in the Chamber what -M. Loubet meant to do in regard to this question of a visit to the Pope, -it replied that it had been decided that the President should refrain. - -Soon after this relations were entirely suspended between the Holy See -and the French Republic, and the separation between Church and State -became an accomplished fact. M. Loubet had not failed in the confidence -which M. Clemenceau and the Radical party had reposed in him. - -The principal feature of this septenary of a gentle and yielding little -bourgeois was the establishing of the regular and automatic change of -Presidents--a rule which gave to the Republic a stability which hitherto -it had been wanting. M. Thiers had been overturned; Marshal MacMahon and -M. Grévy had been obliged to resign; M. Carnot had been murdered, and M. -Faure had died suddenly, whilst M. Casimir Périer had grown impatient at -the restraint to which he found his faculties subjected. It was only -dating from M. Loubet that the transmission of the supreme power became -an accomplished fact, and that at last the Republic, as well as a -Monarchy, had its Sovereigns whose reign was followed by that of their -duly elected successors. - -During his Presidency, too, the components of Paris society changed -considerably. New salons sprang up which aspired to replace the older -ones, and in a certain sense they succeeded in doing so. The bourgeoisie -which Loubet represented so well came to the front, and the newspapers, -which hitherto had carefully noted the sayings and doings of the Duchess -of So-and-So and the Countess of So-and-So, began to chronicle those of -Madame Ménard Dorian or of Madame Alphonse Daudet, or of the wives and -daughters of members and supporters of the government. Thus a new -society began to play its part in Parisian social life, and soon -entirely pervaded it. Financial houses, too, opened wide their doors to -all who cared to enter, and whilst formerly the Rothschilds had been -almost the only bankers with whom the old French nobility had cared to -associate, dozens of Jews now invaded Parisian society. The distinction -which used to exist formerly between the _noblesse_ and what it had -called disdainfully “les roturiers” had entirely disappeared under the -glamour which millions always exert over the imagination of the crowds. -It was felt that money was the principal thing required, and under this -influence the Hebrew and the American element had a fine time of it. - -It is impossible to write anything about Parisian society nowadays -without saying something concerning M. de Castellane. For a few brief -years he incarnated in his person the acme of French elegance, and was -the _fleur des pois_ of all the smart clubs of Paris. He was a terrible -little fop who aspired only to one thing: to be the most talked-about -man of his generation. When he married Miss Gould, he fondly imagined -that this marriage gave him the right to do everything he liked, down to -ill-treating his wife. He began buying right and left everything that -caught his fancy, and built for himself a palace after the model of the -Petit Trianon; he made Paris ring with his extravagances, and pretended -to assume the part of the one supreme leader of society. Even the many -millions which his wife had brought to him proved insufficient; and very -soon his horses, his vagaries, his losses at cards, and his general -behaviour brought about a financial catastrophe, which was the prelude -to a conjugal one. Mme. de Castellane became tired of being outraged at -every step, and sued for a divorce, which was easily awarded to her. - -Anyone in de Castellane’s place would have resigned himself to the -inevitable, but instead, he threatened to take the children from her. -Madame de Castellane behaved nobly on this trying occasion. She might -easily have retaliated, and she had got plenty of proofs which she could -have produced that would have for ever compromised the Comte de -Castellane and other people with him. She never made use of that power, -and as her advocate, M. Albert Clemenceau--the brother of M. Georges -Clemenceau--eloquently said: “My client has her hands full, but she -disdains to open them in order to harm the man who, after all, is the -father of her children!” - -The Countess came out of this painful ordeal with flying colours. Her -children were left in her charge, notwithstanding all the efforts of M. -de Castellane. Soon after her divorce was pronounced she married a -cousin of her former husband, the Duc de Talleyrand, the son of the -famous Prince de Sagan. The couple lead a very quiet life in the palace -erected by Count Boni, and at the Château de Marais, a splendid property -which they possess not far from Paris. The Faubourg St. Germain, not -approving of divorces, has turned the cold shoulder upon them, which -fact does not trouble them much. They are happy in themselves, and the -Duchess must often congratulate herself on her moral courage, of which -she gave proof when she decided to seek her freedom from an ill-assorted -union which had brought to her nothing but unhappiness and sorrow. As -for M. de Castellane, he vegetates in an obscurity which must be doubly -painful to him when he remembers the luxury in which he spent a few -short years, and which he lost through his own vanity and stupidity. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -THE DREYFUS AFFAIR - - -When Paris at first began talking about the high treason of Captain -Dreyfus, people did not take much notice; it seemed to be but one of -many such. The public was more or less used to events of the kind, and -did not give them more than a passing thought. I happened, however, to -know some friends of the Dreyfus family, and, calling on one of them, I -was not very much surprised to hear him declare that the Captain was -innocent--the victim of an intrigue. Such language was perfectly natural -on the part of relatives of the accused man, but these denials were also -accompanied by several details which gave them more importance than, -under different conditions, would have been legitimate. - -For the first time I heard the name of Colonel Esterhazy as one who -could have said a lot concerning this intricate affair had he cared to -do so, and the impression left upon my mind by the conversation which I -had on that day was strong enough to inspire me with the desire to be -present at the coming trial. Consequently, I requested and, after -difficulty, obtained from the War Office permission to be present. - -I had never seen Captain Dreyfus before the day when I beheld him -sitting in the dock listening to the evidence on the strength of which -he was to be sent to the Devil’s Island for five long years. I must say -that his appearance did not draw out the sympathy of any onlooker who -did not give himself the trouble to watch his countenance attentively. -Indeed, had his appearance been more prepossessing, he would perhaps -have met with more indulgence than was the case. But in the whole of my -long life I have never seen a man with more strength of character and -more power to keep his personal emotions under control. Not a muscle of -his face moved during the time that witness after witness spoke of his -presumed guilt; his eyes never fired up, even when he heard himself -accused of a crime that he had never committed. The only words he spoke -were uttered in a low tone, in which weariness more than anything else -was apparent, and he never said anything else but the phrase, “Je suis -innocent.” - -And yet it was impossible to look at him and not to realise that this -indifferent man, whom nothing seemed to move, who had not even the -strength to protest indignantly against the accusation hurled at him, -was enduring a perfect martyrdom; that his apparent calmness was the -calmness of despair. He knew too well that he could not prove his -innocence, that he had been made the victim of other people’s guilt, and -that he was being crushed by the wheels of a Juggernaut, moved along by -ah inexorable fate. Once he started, and that was when sentence was -pronounced against him, and when the words, “dégradation militaire,” -resounded in the room. A feeling of revolt appeared to shake him, and he -made a gesture as if he wanted to rush forward; but it lasted only a -second, and then he lapsed into his usual apathy, as if he had -understood that his protest would only have added to the bitter feelings -of revenge which the public manifested against him. - -After judgment had been pronounced I had the opportunity of speaking to -one of those who had given the verdict. I asked him whether he really -believed in the Captain’s guilt. The officer shrugged his shoulders and -replied: “It is difficult to say. Treason has taken place; and, after -all, it is better to assert that a Jew has been guilty than to fix it on -a Frenchman.” - -It seemed to me that these words gave the key to the undercurrents of -_l’affaire Dreyfus_. Some people, whether sincerely or otherwise, -believed that treason had been committed, and finding that it became -incumbent to fix it on someone, preferred to take a Jew as a victim than -one of their own brethren in race and faith. - -At the time the affair began anti-Semitism was already very powerful in -France. - -Drumont had published his famous books, each rendered so stupid in one -sense by the pertinacity with which he called a Jew every person whom he -thought he had a reason for disliking; and so dangerous in another -sense, by the way in which he appealed to all the evil instincts of the -mob, and urged it to rise against people whose only guilt consisted in -being rich. - -The Clerical party especially did all that was in its power to fan the -hatred against Jews, which had always existed in a greater or lesser -degree. It accused them of inspiring all the anti-Clerical measures -adopted by the various governments which had succeeded one another in -the country. Also, it was foolish enough to seize the pretext of the -Dreyfus affair to associate anti-Semitism with the question of the -Captain’s guilt or innocence, and thereby to excite public opinion -against the Jews in general, more even than against the Captain himself. - -On the other hand, the Radical party, which was gaining adherents every -day, was delighted to be able to secure the support of the Jews in its -struggle against Clericalism. They, therefore, hastened to accuse the -Clericals of trying to prove the Captain guilty in order to be able to -trace some association between his supposed guilt and the actions of -the numerous rich Hebrews in France. - -It has been said that at the beginning of the campaign which was started -in favour of Dreyfus, when someone asked M. Clemenceau what he thought -about the whole affair, the Radical leader replied that he did not know -yet what there was in it, but that he saw it could become an admirable -weapon in the hands of the different political parties which existed in -France. - -That weapon no one better understood how to use than he did. His great -ambition had always been to become Prime Minister, if not President, of -France, but so far he had not seen any possibility of realising his -dream. The Dreyfus affair gave him the opportunity he sought, and he was -not the man to allow it to slip. - -He engineered the whole campaign begun by M. Scheurer Kestner, when he -proclaimed aloud that he had obtained the proofs of the innocence of -Captain Alfred Dreyfus; he encouraged M. Zola to write his famous -letter, “I accuse”; he gave all the benefit of his experience to those -whom he sent fighting for the cause which he considered to be more his -than anyone else’s, and in the end he reaped the reward of his -unremitting zeal. To the Dreyfus case he owed finally the Premiership of -France, a post which he had coveted all his life, and on the wave of -this affair he would have been elected President of the Republic had he -not found an adversary of importance in M. Briand, whom he himself had -helped to come to the front without suspecting that he could become his -rival. - -A curious feature in the Dreyfus campaign was the celerity with which it -became a personal matter with those who took part in it. One and all -sought in its intricacies their own advantage, more than anything else, -and the Captain was very soon forgotten. Having been the pretext for -furthering innumerable personal ambitions, he was scarcely remembered -whilst the fight for his rehabilitation lasted. - -As an instance of what I have just said, I will relate an amusing -incident. After the trial at Rennes, and when it became known that -President Loubet had pardoned Dreyfus, I was dining one evening with a -lady, Madame de----, whose salon had been one of the strongholds of the -Dreyfusards. Of course, the affair was discussed. Someone remarked that -it was a pity that the accused man had not been acquitted, as it would -have put an end to the whole sad and, in many points, sordid business, -whereon our hostess exclaimed, “Oh, no, it is not a pity; fancy how sad -it would be if we had not a pretext for carrying it farther!” - -This hasty retort, which I am sure Madame de ---- regretted later on, -represented the opinion of most of the partisans of Dreyfus; they forgot -entirely the personal feelings of the victim of this injustice of -political passion, and only sought in the agitation the furtherance of -their own schemes and intrigues. - -This Dreyfus campaign completely hypnotised every person who was drawn -into its intricacies. Towards its close, I do not think that even among -the principal actors of the drama one could have found one man or woman -who really understood it, or who could speak of it without allowing -their personal interest to interfere with the opinions held. - -As for the real circumstances attending this curious episode in the -history of modern France, I do not think that they will ever be known. -It is certain that among some of the adversaries of Dreyfus there were -several sincere people who believed that he was guilty. There were also -others, quite as earnest, who professed the erroneous conviction, that -once a mistake had been made this mistake ought not, for the honour of -the army and for that of its generals, to be admitted. Of course, this -was a point of view which could never be accepted by anyone calling -himself honest, but, in a certain sense, it can be understood though -never excused. - -Only the severest condemnation can be given to the means by which it was -endeavoured to prove Dreyfus guilty, the hideous way in which each one -among all those upon whom his fate depended not only refused to -acknowledge error, but, on the contrary, tried everything that could be -thought of in order to uphold the false theories as to his guilt. - -During the time that the agitation for the new trial lasted, I had more -than one opportunity of discussing the innocence of Dreyfus with several -officers holding high commands, and I was horrified to observe the -cynical way in which they tried to explain to me that it was -indispensable that the decision of the Paris court-martial should be -confirmed. When I asked them why, they always replied the same thing: -“Les arrêts d’un conseil de guerre, ne peuvent être critiqués, cela leur -enleverait toute autorité sur l’armée dans l’avenir.” (“The decisions of -a court-martial can never be criticised; it would deprive them of all -their authority over the army in the future.”) - -I have never been able to make them understand that, however important -the evidence, a court-martial can be mistaken just as well as other -people. - -Another remarkable side of the Dreyfus agitation is the rapid way in -which it subsided and was forgotten, as soon as the Captain was -rehabilitated, and granted the Cross of the Legion of Honour as a reward -for his long sufferings. With the exception of a few people, such as -Madame Zola and her immediate friends, all those who had taken a leading -part in the struggle did everything that they could to induce the world -to forget. M. Clemenceau himself was the prime mover in the general -desire to consign to oblivion this episode in the political life of the -day. The latter, when he became Prime Minister, buried Zola in the -Panthéon. The event was the occasion of a new misfortune for the -ill-starred Captain Dreyfus, inasmuch as a Royalist and Clerical -partisan seized this opportunity to fire at him a shot which slightly -wounded him. The incident nearly gave rise to a panic among the -assistants, who thought that a bomb had been thrown at President -Fallières and the members of the government who were present at the -ceremony. - -Having paid this last homage to the writer who had lent the help of his -powerful pen to the cause which he had so ardently championed, M. -Clemenceau hastened to hide in the tomb of Zola every remembrance of the -Dreyfus affair, although by it he had realised his every ambition. It -had given him a popularity among French politicians of his generation -which earlier he had been unable to obtain; it had posed him before the -world as something more than a clever man (which reputation he bore)--as -a real statesman, able to treat on a footing of equality the statesmen -of Europe--and it had paved his way to the Presidency of the Republic, -that goal of his ambitions. Now all his desire was to drive away from -the mind of the public the memory of the political campaign in which he -had taken such a prominent part. - -After burying in the Panthéon the mortal remains of the great author -whom he had succeeded in persuading that it was his duty to protest in -the name of France against the iniquity that had sent Captain Dreyfus in -exile to Devil’s Island, M. Clemenceau considered himself free from -further obligations toward those who had been associated with him in the -task of bringing Captain Dreyfus back to France, and restoring him to -his family. He saw no reason to continue to meet them, and when Emile -Zola’s daughter married one of his former secretaries, he refrained from -assisting at the ceremony under the plea of ill-health, an excuse which -appeared to be the more out of place seeing that it was announced in the -papers that on that very day he had gone into the country for the -shooting. The Prime Minister did not care that the world should think he -remained faithful to those associations which had had for their only -excuse the political necessities of the moment. - -M. Clemenceau was one of many persons who had seen in the Dreyfus affair -the possibility of becoming either famous or powerful through the energy -with which they defended his cause. Many of the minor satellites had -looked to it in order to emerge from the obscurity in which they would -otherwise have remained to the end of their days. There was hardly a -journalist in Paris who did not try to pose either as a Dreyfusard or -the reverse; they became ferocious in their attacks according as their -professed opinions differed. Everything which until that time had been -considered sacred in France was dragged in the mire and became dirtier -every day. Priests forgot their sacred character; soldiers did not -remember the honour of their flag; politicians renounced the creeds in -which they had believed; respect disappeared from the hearts of men and -from the actions of the nation. One can say that France came out of this -tragedy dishonoured before the world--diminished in her own eyes. - -But Radicalism grew stronger during the struggle which waged between the -friends and the adversaries of Dreyfus, and certainly it was owing to -this struggle that anti-militarism became so prominent in France. It was -this episode which taught the nation to despise the army and to rise -against its discipline. From this point of view the campaign in favour -of Captain Dreyfus did much harm to France, but from the moral viewpoint -it is impossible not to admire the feeling of indignation which roused -so many people against the injustice of a few. It is only a pity that -this indignation was so often but the mask under which lurked ambitions -that had nothing to do with the desire to see Captain Dreyfus righted. - -Among all the people who were the actors in this drama, there are some -whom it is impossible to pass by. One of them is Colonel Esterhazy, that -dark figure who from accuser became the defender of his colleague, who -certainly knew more about the hidden currents of the whole affair than -anyone else, and who never spoke the truth about it, even when he turned -upon his former superiors, perhaps because this truth would have been -even more shameful for him than for those who had employed him. - -I had occasion to meet Esterhazy before the disgrace which overwhelmed -him after the Dreyfus trial. There was a time when he had been a dashing -cavalry officer, much sought after in the most elegant of the many -elegant salons of Paris. I had seen him at the Tuileries, dancing -_vis-à-vis_ with the fair Empress who reigned there, and later on I had -the opportunity of watching him in several houses where we were both -frequent visitors. He was an amiable man, full of wit, and exceedingly -amusing in his conversation. As for his moral worth, no one troubled -about it at that period, and though from time to time scandal of some -sort became associated with his name, no one could have believed him -capable of the dark deeds which later on stamped him with such a stigma -of shame and unscrupulousness. - -And yet, a man who certainly was one of the most observant of his -generation; Jules Ferry, who was not destined to see all the episodes -which have rendered the Dreyfus affair so memorable, meeting Esterhazy -one evening, expressed to me, as we were going out together from the -hospitable house where we had dined, the profound distrust with which -the brilliant officer inspired him. “C’est un homme capable de tout,” -he told me, and when I asked him what reasons he had for proffering such -a severe judgment on a man he did not know except superficially--“Look -at his hands,” he said, “ce sont les mains d’un brigand.” Later, when I -saw Esterhazy during the Zola trial, I remembered these words, and -glanced at the hands of the Colonel as he was giving evidence at the -bar; they were repulsive in their shape, and certainly gave one the -impression of being the hands of a brigand. - -Esterhazy was the saddest of all the sad heroes of the Dreyfus affair, -because the other sad actor in the drama, Colonel Henry, had at least -the courage to seek in death the expiation of his crime. There has been -much talk about his suicide, and some people have expressed a doubt -concerning it, suggesting that it had been simulated, and that the -Colonel had simply been put out of the way, as he might have become -rather an embarrassing witness. I hasten to say that I do not believe in -this version. Colonel Henry was a soldier, more imbued with military -discipline than Esterhazy; he would not have been able to face the shame -of a public trial, and his soldier’s soul would not have found the -courage to accuse those who had had the right to order him to do the -deed for which he was to lose his life, and his honour after death. - -When I say so, it is on the authority of another soldier who also had -had to do with the question of the guilt or innocence of Captain -Dreyfus, General de Pellieux. It was he who had read during the debates -of the Zola trial, when the great writer had been sent before a jury to -answer to the accusation of having published his famous letter, “I -accuse,” the false document manufactured by Henry. It is impossible to -deny that the General had done so in the full conviction that it was -decisive and would make the whole world share his own persuasion as to -the guilt of Dreyfus. When, later on, M. Cavaignac, who presided at the -War Office, had the loyalty to declare publicly that this document was -nothing but a forgery, made for the purpose of preventing the revision -of the trial of the unfortunate prisoner on Devil’s Island, General de -Pellieux was inconsolable. His grief was that anyone could believe he -had wanted to crush Dreyfus with the weight of an accusation which he -had known to be false, and it was whilst discussing with me later on all -the details of this unfortunate episode in his life that he told me his -opinion about Colonel Henry, adding that he had not the slightest doubt -as to the suicide of the unfortunate officer. - -Another rather strange feature of the Dreyfus affair was the advantages -which it procured to all the enemies of the Clerical party. -Unfortunately for the Catholics and Legitimists in France, they took up -the most intransigent attitude in the question. They identified it with -the Catholic Church, and with its interests, and they thought to find in -it the pretext for a crusade against the Jews and the Republicans, -declaring publicly that it was only under a Radical government, -protecting the Israelites, that such an event as the so-called treason -of Captain Dreyfus could have taken place. And among all the enemies of -Dreyfus, none was more ardent than Père du Lac, the famous Jesuit, in -whom the Republicans found their greatest and one of their most powerful -adversaries. Another thing which must never be lost sight of when -talking about the Dreyfus affair is that no one among all his defenders -ever gave a thought to Dreyfus himself. The feelings and sufferings of -the unfortunate man were always talked of, but those who continually -harped upon them would have been extremely sorry had the government -decided to treat him well, or to forgive him for his supposed crime. And -one cannot understand how among all the ministers who were in power in -France during the years which he spent in disgrace, not one tried to -put an end to the agitation by inaugurating the re-trial which was to -prove his innocence. - -I make no excuse for again calling attention to this fact, for I -perceive that I am doing exactly the same thing myself; that, by talking -about the Dreyfus affair, I forget entirely its hero, who deserves -certainly more than a passing mention. I learned to know the Captain -well after his return to France, and I learned, also, to respect and -esteem him. Any man in his place would have harboured feelings of the -most bitter resentment against those to whom he had owed such terrible -sufferings. Dreyfus never once allowed an expression of anger to escape -his lips. He did not care to talk about the years of his trial, but when -he was forced to do so it was always in most measured terms, and without -the slightest shade of a revengeful spirit. He once told me that, as a -soldier, he could understand the feelings of those other soldiers who -had believed him capable of betraying his country, but he thought that -had he been in the place of his accusers, he would have taken greater -care to verify the accusation against a brother in arms than had been -done in his case. But whilst eager to see justice done to himself, he -never approved of the means that some people used in order to bring this -about. Dreyfus aspired only to one thing, and that was to be left in -peace. He accepted the rehabilitation which was granted to him, but in -his innermost heart he regretted rather than otherwise that he had to -occupy once more the attention of the world. Captain Dreyfus was always -modest and retiring in his disposition and character; it was just as -painful to him to be praised as to be blamed. - -To tell the truth, he returned from his exile a man of broken physique -with shattered nerve, and had he been able to do what he liked, he would -have retired somewhere in the country, far from the madding crowd, which -had in turns hissed and applauded him. He felt deeply grateful to all -those who had worked for his release, but it was painful to him to have -to see them, to mingle once more among the world whose injustice he had -never forgotten. - -Captain Dreyfus had an admirable wife, whose devotion has not been -sufficiently appreciated by the public. She behaved heroically towards -him, the more so that she was not very happy with him before the -catastrophe that separated them for a while. - -Just before the Captain was arrested, his wife had applied for a divorce -from him; but when she heard him accused, she immediately put an end to -the proceedings and devoted herself entirely to the task of his -rehabilitation, sparing neither her health, nor her efforts, nor her -money in order to obtain it. - -When he arrived at Rennes, she had only one thought, and that was to -throw herself into his arms. Now the couple live a most happy life, but -though Madame Dreyfus has entirely forgotten that in regard to her -husband she performed more than her duty, he always remembers it, and -nothing could be more touching than to witness the reverence with which -he approaches her, or speaks about her. For once the absolute devotion -and sacrifice of a noble woman met with gratitude, and was not in vain. - -In general all the family of Captain Dreyfus has stood by him, with a -loyalty beyond praise. Mathieu Dreyfus, his brother, did not allow the -slightest opportunity to escape by which he could defend the accused -man. He worked at it with a patience and an energy worthy of the highest -commendation, and never allowed himself to be discouraged in his -efforts. It was he, also, who uttered the best definition of his -brother’s case. When asked once whether he did not feel happy in the -knowledge that such a powerful party (to which belonged the most -distinguished men in France) had taken up the cause of Captain Dreyfus, -he replied that, of course, he could not but feel flattered by it, but -that perhaps his brother would have obtained the justice which was due -to him sooner, if it had not been to the interest of so many people to -drag his case out as long as possible, in order to reap personal -advantages from it which they would never have obtained without the -opportunity which he had given to them, at the cost of so much suffering -and so much unnecessarily borne shame. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -PARISIAN SALONS UNDER THE THIRD REPUBLIC - - -Madame de Caillavet’s salon was certainly one of the most influential -among political and literary men of the Third Republic. She was one of -the leading women of that period, was moreover an excellent hostess, -and, thanks to the continual presence of Anatole France in her house, -she succeeded in attracting many notables to her salon. Journalists -composed the majority of her visitors, and diplomats occasionally came -to hear the last news of the day, especially whilst the Dreyfus -agitation lasted. Dramatists were always to be found at her receptions, -colleagues of her son Gaston de Caillavet, the author of so many amusing -comedies, whose collaborator, the Marquis de Flers, the husband of -Sardou’s daughter, was also among the number of people who seldom missed -these friendly gatherings. But in spite of this, and notwithstanding the -number of clever men and pretty and amiable women who clustered around -her, to the eyes of a keen observer there was always something Bohemian -about her receptions. It was not the salon of a _grande dame_, and it -was no longer that of a bourgeoise of olden times: it was essentially -modern, like the Republic itself. - -Far different from it was the house of Madame Ménard Dorian, also one of -the feminine stars of the Republic. Madame Dorian was a charming woman, -who had received an excellent education, and who, coming as she did from -an old bourgeois stock, never pretended to be aught else than what she -was by birth. She was extremely intelligent, very broad in her opinions, -and with many advanced ideas in regard to religion and politics; above -everything else, she was a lady in her manners, her general behaviour, -and her tastes. Very rich, she possessed a lovely house in the Rue de la -Faisanderie, which she had furnished with extreme taste and where she -used to give receptions as sumptuous as they were pleasant. - -There one could meet, together with some of those who frequented the -salon of Madame de Caillavet and other Republican hostesses of the same -kind, persons belonging to other classes, and forming part of the -aristocratic circle of Paris. Academicians frequented it, and -diplomatists were generally eager to be introduced to Madame Ménard -Dorian, where they ran no risk of meeting people they would not have -cared to become acquainted with, and where they could, on the other -hand, get an idea as to what was going on in Republican circles. Madame -Dorian had been a Dreyfusard, but she had been so moderately and in a -ladylike way. Her salon was something like the one of Madame Geoffrin in -the eighteenth century, with the exception that no one would have dared -to say about it what the Marquise du Deffand had told of the former, -that it was “une omelette au lard.” One gossiped in it, in a mild way, -and became interested in the literary movement of the day, perhaps even -more than in the political one. - -M. Ménard Dorian used to put in an appearance at his wife’s receptions -now and then, when he was not too busy to do so. He was a quiet, -pleasant little man, liked by everybody, and especially by ladies, who -always found him most polite and amiable to them. An evening party or -dinner given in the Hotel de la Rue de la Faisanderie was always sure to -be a meeting place for intelligent and clever people, and no one who had -once been asked ever regretted it, but on the contrary was always most -eager for the invitation to be repeated. - -M. Ménard Dorian is now dead, and his widow only sees her friends -occasionally, and in a quiet fashion, having refrained from opening -again the hospitable doors of her house so freely as in former years. -But she has remained the same amiable woman she always was, and -certainly among the Republican ladies of the present day she deserves to -rank first. She would have graced the Court of any European monarch. - -Madame Dorian had one daughter who had been married to Georges Hugo, the -grandson of Victor Hugo. That marriage ended in a catastrophe and a -divorce, after which the young Hugo married the first cousin of -Mademoiselle Dorian, who had attracted his fancy one morning when he had -met her at his mother-in-law’s, together with her husband, the sculptor -Ajalbert. - -The daughter of the charming Madame Dorian had a curious personality; -she seemed to take a vicious pleasure in thwarting her parents, and -making herself disagreeable to them whenever she found the opportunity. -She occupied a flat in their house, the Hotel de la Rue de la -Faisanderie, and on the evenings when her father and mother gave -receptions at which the partisans of Captain Dreyfus, such as Colonel, -later on General, Picquart, the Zolas, and their circle of friends were -honoured guests, Madame Hugo used to invite people such as Drumont and -the strongest anti-Semites of Paris, so that several times queer -situations arose, and the staunchest Dreyfusards entered by mistake the -apartment of one of their worst enemies, whilst one evening Henri -Rochefort himself, who for the world would not be seen at Madame Ménard -Dorian’s, was ushered into her drawing-room by a footman who did not -know him by sight. - -That sort of thing, however, could not go on for any length of time, and -when Pauline Hugo left the house of her parents, her departure was a -relief to them. But even after her marriage to Herman Paul, after her -divorce and Paul’s, she did not become reconciled to her father and -mother. - -Georges Hugo’s sister, Jeanne, was also a strange kind of person. She -married when quite young, Leon Daudet, the son of Alphonse Daudet, and -very soon ran away from him with the explorer Charcot. It was said that -Daudet was delighted when he divorced her, as they had scarcely been a -single day without quarrelling since they married, and, although a -fervent Catholic, he hastened to take to himself another wife. - -The mother of Leon Daudet, Madame Alphonse Daudet, is also a celebrity -in her way, and gives receptions at which the best society of Paris can -be met. She has entirely renounced her bourgeois origin, and only talks -of Dukes and Duchesses. She labels herself a Clerical by conviction and -a Royalist by sympathy, and frequents the houses of great ladies, such -as the Duchesse de Rohan or the Comtesse Mathieu de Noailles. Her second -son, Lucien Daudet is a devoted admirer of the Empress Eugénie. Among -Republican hostesses I haven’t yet mentioned Madame Psichari, the -daughter of Ernest Renan. She has inherited the intelligence and the art -of conversation of her father, and is one of the most distinguished -women of modern France. At her house can be met most of the members of -the French Academy, and nearly all the prominent literary men in Paris. -Her receptions are perhaps a shade dull, and more or less solemn, but -always instructive and always interesting. Her personality was always -singularly attractive, and inspired great respect, because her errors of -judgment when they occurred were always sincere. - -Madame Psichari was one of the victims of the divorce mania that has -lately taken hold of Parisian society, and, to the great astonishment of -her numerous friends, after more than thirty years’ matrimony she -applied for a decree. She had one son, who occupied for a few days the -attention of Paris, when at twenty years old he married the daughter of -Anatole France, nearly seventeen years his senior, to the chagrin of -both their families. - -Madame Zola, also, used to receive her friends on Saturdays in her -little flat in the Rue de Rome. At her house could be met all the -principal actors in the Dreyfus drama, including its hero. I must here -mention one fact that is very little known, that Zola, far from making -money out of the Dreyfus affair, as it was said everywhere that he had -done, lost a great deal by his attitude in regard to it. His novels, -instead of being read more than had been the case formerly, were on the -contrary boycotted, and several important papers for which he wrote -articles, and which published his works before they came out in volume -form, closed their doors to him after the letter “J’accuse,” for which -he was sent before a jury at first and to exile afterwards. - -Emile Zola died, relatively, a poor man, and his widow found herself -reduced to almost embarrassed circumstances after his death. She sold a -great deal of the furniture which he had collected, gave up to the State -in return for a modest remuneration the villa of Médan, where he had -lived for so many years, and arranged her existence on quite a different -scale from that which had been her custom before her widowhood. Zola, as -well as Captain Dreyfus himself, were the only two people who did not -profit by the clamour which arose around them and around their actions. - -Talking about Dreyfus reminds me of an incident in his story which, so -far, I believe, has never been told. When he was languishing on the -barren rock called the Devil’s Island, a Russian who had had occasion to -approach the Tsar spoke to Mathieu Dreyfus, the Captain’s brother, and -advised him to appeal to the Russian Sovereign to intercede in favour of -the Captain. Mathieu Dreyfus said that he would consult his -sister-in-law, and reply in a few days. When these days had elapsed, he -came back and told the man who had made the proposition that neither -Madame Dreyfus, nor himself, thought that they had the moral right to -apply to a foreign Monarch, or to ask his intervention in a case that -was too important for France not to allow her to dispose of it herself. -In general the dignity displayed by the whole Dreyfus family cannot -sufficiently be praised; they all unanimously showed themselves superior -to the misfortunes which assailed them. - -So far all the hostesses of whom I have spoken were long past middle -age, but there was another lady, young and beautiful, with a shade of -eccentricity in her manners, who also aspired to have a salon, and to be -able to dictate to those who visited it, or at least to suggest to them -the opinions they ought to have. It was the Comtesse Mathieu de -Noailles, a Roumanian by birth, coming from the family of the Princes of -Brancovan, whose mother had been very well known in London, where her -father, Musurus Pasha, had occupied for long the post of Turkish -Ambassador. The Princesse de Brancovan was one of the best musicians of -her generation, and her wonderful talent for the piano was famous among -her acquaintances. She had been handsome, and her daughters had -inherited her loveliness as well as her intellectual gifts. The eldest -one, whose large dowry secured her an entrance into the ancient -aristocratic family of the Ducs de Noailles, has made for herself a name -among the poets of modern France Her books have been widely read, and -have had a great success, which they deserved, because there was some -really genuine poetic inspiration in them. Madame de Noailles has -succumbed to the vogue of eccentricity; she wears long floating white -garments which trail out behind and give her the appearance of a fairy -from the children’s tales. She speaks languidly, as if sick of a world -she would really be very sorry to leave, and looks disdainfully at -humanity in general. - -The Comtesse de Noailles used to give parties, during which she recited -some of her own poetry, and allowed her great friend and admirer, the -Comte Robert de Montesquieu, to read his. She did not trouble much about -her guests, merely smiled on them when they arrived, and softly sighed -when she saw them going away. She glided about her lovely rooms, as the -ghost of something too beautiful to be real, and she seemed to be -interested in nothing that did not concern her personally, or that had -no association with her books or poems. - -Her receptions were singularly eclectic. Apart from the family, friends -and relations of the Noailles, one met people who belonged to an -entirely different grade--journalists, artists, politicians, even those -of an advanced shade; members of the Republican government, and -diplomats or foreigners happening to be in Paris. She received them all -with the utmost grace, and liked to see them surround her, like the -satellites of her fame and of her high social position. In its way her -vanity was as remarkable as it was charming. - -Madame de Noailles composed poems, the Comtesse de Greffuhle wrote -operas and sonatas with decided talent. Madame de Greffuhle has played, -and is playing still, a very important part in Parisian society. She was -by birth a Princess de Chimay, and had married, without dower, the Count -Greffuhle, whose fortune was supposed to be one of the largest in -France, and had at once begun to exercise a considerable influence in -the circles in which she moved. She was beautiful, intelligent, had -great tact, and a considerable knowledge of the world, liked to surround -herself with artists and musicians, to organise exhibitions of works of -art, and to help her neighbour as much as she could. - -Her salon was not the meeting-place of the pure Faubourg St. Germain, -neither was it, on the other hand, exclusively Republican. But it -afforded a neutral ground to men belonging to both parties, and her -receptions were never dull nor banal, but on the contrary always -interesting and pleasant. She possessed a lovely country place near -Paris, called Bois Boudran, where she entertained most sumptuously, and -where she often welcomed foreign Sovereigns or members of Royal houses, -when they happened to come to France. Madame de Greffuhle was a woman -essentially made for society, who could never have lived outside it. She -described herself better than anyone else could have done one day when -she was asked to write her name on the visitors’ book of the Phare -d’Ailly, near Dieppe, where some friends had taken her. She signed -“Chimay Greffuhle, dame de qualité,” thus admitting that she had no -pretensions to be considered a _grande dame_. - -The Baron Henri de Rothschild was also “un écrivain amateur,” with more -pretensions to literary talent than perhaps that talent deserved. He had -married Mlle. Weiswiller, who is supposed to be one of the best-dressed -women in Paris, and whose name appears prominently in all the chronicles -of the _Figaro_ or the _Gaulois_. The couple entertain with the -hospitality for which their family has always been famous, and the Baron -has made for himself a name among the benefactors of the Paris poor, for -whom he does a great deal. He has studied medicine and even practised it -with all the zeal of a millionaire who believes himself to have a -vocation for some kind of science. - -Baron Henri is an exceedingly pleasant man, cultured, and well read, -capable of most entertaining conversation on a variety of topics. The -receptions which he gives, and of which his wife helps him to do the -honours with an exquisite grace, are the meeting-place of almost all the -distinguished men of scientific and literary Paris. Members of the -government can be met at them, but though his salon is known to be -Liberal in its opinions, it is yet one at which politics have never -played a part or been discussed. The guests succeeded in avoiding them -even at the time of the Dreyfus affair, during which the Rothschilds -adopted an entirely passive and impartial attitude. - -Talking of politics makes me think of a house where they were always -very prominent, and almost the only subject of conversation. It was the -house of M. Rouvier, one of the ablest politicians whom France has seen -in recent times, who had occupied, more than once, important State -positions, and who was always spoken of, among his friends, as a -possible President of the Republic. M. Rouvier’s was a most complicated -mind. He had considerable capacity, an intelligence far above the -average, great ambition, and absolutely no vanity, perhaps because he -had a full consciousness of his strength and of his worth, in presence -of the lesser intelligences with which he was surrounded. - -He had made his way with the help of a good deal of luck, and perhaps -more determination than is generally met with. There was one moment in -his life when he nearly became one of the victims of the Panama scandal, -but he succeeded in emerging quite unharmed. As a financier, he very -nearly approached genius, and when he left office almost all the large -banks in France entreated him to join their board. He became director of -a large financial establishment, which he managed with the intelligence -and knowledge that he brought into everything which he attempted. But -although he had many partisans and more friends than could have been -expected in a man who had held the difficult posts which he had -successfully occupied; though he was in a certain sense a sort of small -king, feared by most of the politicians who ruled France or aspired to -do so, he always regretted that he had been obliged to retire from the -government of his country. When he died, he was about to put forward his -candidature to the Presidency of the Republic, in opposition to that of -M. Poincaré or any other of the probable successors of M. Fallières at -the end of the latter’s septenary. - -M. Rouvier had been twice married. His first wife was the famous -sculptor known as Claude Vignon, whose first husband was l’Abbé -Constant, an unfrocked priest, who was later on to be so well known by -the name of Eliphas Lévy, and who was considered to be the greatest -master in occult sciences that the world possessed. I met Eliphas Lévy -more than once, and I was always extremely interested in him. He had a -most venerable appearance, with his long white beard, and of all the -indulgent men I have ever met he was the one who practised that virtue -to the largest extent. He lived absorbed in his studies of high magic, -but would always carefully avoid talking on the subject, save with his -most intimate friends. He was called uncanny, I don’t know why, because -he certainly had the most peaceful countenance possible, but a certain -prejudice used to cling to him or rather existed against him at the time -I knew him; probably because the fact of a priest having given up his -profession appeared still to be something quite dreadful in France. - -Madame Constant, or Claude Vignon as she was generally called, had -greatly contributed to the unfrocking of her husband, but though he had -loved her passionately, she had very soon tired of him, and the couple -separated, never to meet again so long as they lived. She married -Rouvier, to whom she brought the very large fortune she possessed, but -died not long after, leaving one son, with whom his father never could -get along, and whom one never met at his house. - -The second Madame Rouvier was a small, slight woman, with golden curls, -a most pleasant manner, and a charming conversationalist. She aided her -husband quite admirably, interested herself in his political career and -successes, and was perhaps even more ambitious than he. The couple lived -in a splendid establishment which they possessed at Neuilly, on the -outskirts of the Bois de Boulogne, where they often entertained, and -where generally the latest news of the day was to be heard. No political -man would have dared to ignore M. Rouvier and his wife, and their salon -has been more than once called the “succursale du Sénat,” of which he -was a member. Diplomats also were to be met in their house; and it was, -indeed, frequented by almost everybody of note in Paris. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -THE PRESENT TONE OF PARIS SOCIETY - - -I have seen many changes take place in Paris during the twenty-five -years of my sojourn in the gay city. I cannot say that all these changes -have been congenial; the good manners for which Frenchmen were famous, -certainly disappeared simultaneously with the crinoline. A _laisser -aller_ has replaced the stiffness which at one time made the select -Parisian houses so difficult of access to the foreigner. At present the -American and Jewish elements have entirely invaded French society, and -imported into it not only their easy ways but also an independence of -speech and action which would have horrified dowagers of olden times. -Sport also, which was formerly unknown, has absorbed the thoughts of -people who would not have dreamed of it a few years ago. Life in hotels -has done away with the intimacy of the home, and whereas formerly one -only invited to dine at a restaurant people one would not have cared to -entertain in one’s own house, now it is the reverse, and those whom it -is desired to honour are asked to lunch or to supper at the Ritz or the -Meurice, or some other fashionable place of the same kind. The -refinement that was so essentially a French characteristic has entirely -disappeared. Women have grown loud, and men have become coarse, girls -have lost their modesty, and boys are impertinent. An altogether new -world has superseded that of the Second Empire. - -The advent of American millionaires has aroused the desire to be able -to emulate their luxury, and the introduction of Jews into the best -French society, in spite of all the efforts of Drumont and other -anti-Semites, has done away with the prejudice which existed against -them. Indeed, Jewish heiresses are sought as wives by bearers of some of -the oldest and most aristocratic names in France; Mlle. Ephrussi has -become Princess de Lucinge; the Marquise de la Ferté Meun was Mlle. -Porgès; the Princess Murat, the wife of the head of that house, is the -granddaughter of old Madame Heine, herself the only child of the banker -Furtado; and the present Princesse de Monaco, whose first husband was -the Duc de Richelieu, is the daughter of another Heine, also a banker, -whose many millions she inherited. - -These new elements entering society have necessarily transformed it. -Paris is now a vast hotel where are met all kinds of people, and no one -feels the necessity to observe etiquette or restraint. It is a place -where the man who pays can obtain everything he wants. Excepting in a -few houses, as of old was that of Madame Aimery de la Rochefoucauld, one -can meet everywhere the representatives of Hebrew banking houses, or -great tradesmen, whom Parisian hostesses are but too eager to invite to -their balls or receptions, feeling sure that it will bring them some -profit in one shape or another. Money is the only thing that counts -nowadays. It is so everywhere unfortunately, but in France it seems to -be more potent than anywhere else. - -In consequence, society is perhaps smarter than it has ever been, but it -is a great question whether it is so distinguished, and it is certain -that it is no longer so good-mannered. - -If one examines things carefully, one cannot wonder at it. When the -first heiresses to great fortunes, but to nothing else, were admitted -into the Faubourg St. Germain dowagers looked at them askance, and even -their husbands seemed half ashamed to have been obliged to marry them. -It was but natural that, repulsed as it were by the people who ought to -have opened their arms to them, they should have turned towards those -who belonged to their own sphere. The _nouveaux_ were invited to their -parties, at which the old aristocratic representatives of monarchical -France were at first rather shy about putting in an appearance. But very -soon the _noblesse_ began to feel at home, and there met other heiresses -whom in their turn they were to take to their bosoms. - -The leading hostesses in Paris at that time were the Duchesse de -Grammont, née Rothschild; the Duchesse de Doudeauville, whose -grandmother was Madame Blanc of Monaco fame; the Comtesse Bernard de -Gontaut Biron, whose father, M. Cabibel, had not been one of Lyons’ best -citizens, though he had lived in that town all his life and made all his -money there; the Comtesse de Trédern, who had been Mademoiselle Say, and -so on. - -Money did away with all the differences which formerly existed between -the various classes of society, and newspapers which began to make or to -mar social reputations mentioned, as the most fashionable women in -fashionable Paris, Madame Schneider of Creusot fame, Madame Pierre -Lebaudy, Madame Deutsch de la Meurthe, and the wives and daughters of -every banker or industrial whose millions had opened the doors of the -social Eden into which a hundred years ago no one who was not an -aristocrat could ever have hoped to enter. Society became a haunt of -millionaires, even Monsieur Chauchard, the owner of the Grands Magasins -du Louvre, would have been admitted into it easily had he only lived -long enough. - -Automobilism, which gave to so many representatives of the oldest names -in France the opportunity to make money by fostering its popularity, and -lending the support of their family connections to the numerous -shareholders’ companies which sprang into existence at a minute’s -notice, contributed considerably also to what I would call the -demoralisation of good manners. Many people, in order to make money -through this new kind of sport, associated with persons of a very low -social and moral standard, or even simple mechanicians were admitted at -first to the Automobile Club, and at last into the drawing-rooms of its -members. Much had to be forgiven these parvenus of sport, many errors of -etiquette overlooked, but very soon all were forgetting themselves, and -instead of raising these people to its own level, society came down to -theirs. Ladies, who could more easily dispose of the tickets of the many -charitable lotteries, or theatre performances, which they patronised -among these _nouveaux venus_ than in their own circle of acquaintances, -and who, in case of necessity, could also apply to them for a small loan -or the settlement of an angry dressmaker’s bill, were but too glad to -invite them to their receptions. So, little by little, the salons of the -noble ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain became a kind of succursale of -the “haute banque and haute finance” not only of Paris, but also of -France and of New York. - -There were some exceptions to this rule, but these were not frequent. I -must mention as one of these exceptions the Comtesse Jean de Montebello, -one of the loveliest, most charming, and most intelligent women that -Paris could boast. She was the daughter-in-law of that amiable Comtesse -Gustave de Montebello, who had been one of the favourite ladies in -waiting of the Empress Eugénie. She lived in the private hotel, which -the former had built for herself in the Rue Barbet de Jouiy, preserving -all the old traditions that were associated with it, and maintaining the -grave, serious tone for which it had been famous during the Second -Empire. - -Madame Jean de Montebello is a true type of the great lady; her affable -manners, the perfect distinction which she shows in conversation, the -inimitable grace and ease that accompanies every one of her movements, -makes her a delightful creature. Beautiful as a dream in her youth, in -her old age she has kept the straight, classic features, the soft eyes, -and the kind, joyous expression for which she has always been famous. -Her wit is bright, without the least shade of ill-nature, and she is one -of the very few Frenchwomen of the higher classes whose conversation and -culture constitute an attraction strong enough to make one forget even -her beauty and her other charms. She is learned without being a pedant, -and no one meeting her for the first time would guess that under her -pleasant way of greeting you is hidden a knowledge and a love of art and -literature such as unfortunately is but seldom found among the many fair -women who throng the drawing-rooms of brilliant Paris. - -Madame Jean de Montebello had a cousin, the Marquise de Montebello, -whose husband occupied for something like ten years the post of French -Ambassador in St. Petersburg, and who was the subject of many -discussions in the world in which she had literally been thrust, but to -which she did not belong either by birth or by education. The Marquise -de Montebello was the granddaughter of Madame Chevreux Aubertot, the -proprietress of the big shop, called the Gagne-Petit, in the Avenue de -l’Opéra, in Paris. She was a bright, intelligent, dashing, intriguing -woman, full of ambition, and of desire to play a part in European -politics. Amusing, and utterly regardless of what people might say or -think about her, she was enormously rich, and knew how to spend her -money. - -When she arrived in St. Petersburg she threw wide open the doors of the -Embassy, and entertained all who expressed the desire to enjoy her -hospitality. She soon made friends with the Grand Dukes, the brothers of -Alexander III., who always gave their affections and their preferences -to the people who amused them, and, indeed, it was impossible not to be -amused in the company of Madame de Montebello. She was essentially a -person who liked to see the utmost liberty both of language and of -manners reign around her, and who did not hesitate to put her feet on -the table, or do anything _outré_, provided she could in that way -attract to her house the company she sought. Under her rule the French -Embassy became a sort of Liberty Hall, where one could do anything one -liked. She gave to her friends and acquaintances the run of her house, -of her kitchen and of her cellar, and she would have given them the run -of her bedroom had they only dared to ask for it. - -When she left Russia she was extremely regretted there, even by those -who did not care for her, because with her disappeared a bright element -that always brought along with it some gaiety, even in the dullest -circles. Whilst she was Ambassadress, the French alliance was extremely -popular, it became less so after she was gone. - -The Marquis de Montebello was a diplomat of the old school, pompous, -solemn, not esteemed clever, but with a ripened experience. He had -traditions, knowledge of the world, and understood perfectly well that -his enormous wealth would help his country to win for herself the -friendship of Russia. He fulfilled all his duties with tact, and his -manners were essentially those of a gentleman--quiet, reserved, and with -a shade of self-sufficiency which became him. He made himself just as -popular as his brilliant wife, and cared immensely for his position as -an Ambassador. It broke his heart when he had to abandon it; he never -could get reconciled to the fact, the more so that he was not the -favourite in Paris he had been in St. Petersburg, and though the -Marquise tried to give receptions and dinners to all those who cared to -come to them, she did not succeed in making either herself or her -husband popular in Paris society, though they contrived to be admitted -in several select houses, such as the one of the Comtesse Mélanie de -Pourtalès. - -Madame de Montebello had a great friend who tried hard to launch her -into the society of the Faubourg St. Germain. It was the Comte Joseph de -Gontaut Biron, the son of the former French Ambassador in Berlin, the -Vicomte de Gontaut Biron, and one of the most popular men in the whole -of Paris, who usually did the honours of the city when Russian Grand -Dukes visited it. The Comte de Gontaut was the only handsome member of a -very ugly family which had redeemed its want of beauty by unusual -cleverness. He had been married to a Princesse de Polignac, whose heart -he had very soon broken, and whose fortune he had quite as soon -squandered. The Gontauts occupied a privileged position in the Faubourg -St. Germain, thanks to their numerous alliances and to their many -relatives. The elder members of the family, such as the Comtesse Armand, -or the Princesse de Beauvau, tried to maintain the traditions of their -race, and could be classified among the _hautes et puissantes dames_ of -their generation, but the younger members had mixed freely with the -other elements of Paris society, and had assimilated their -characteristics as well as those of their own circle. - -I have spoken of the Comte Boni de Castellane, the former husband of -Miss Anna Gould. His father, the Marquis de Castellane, had at one time -played a part in French politics, when he had been a member of the first -Assemblée Nationale, which had elected M. Thiers as President of the -Republic, or rather the Executive power as it was called at that time. -Unpleasant incidents of a private nature had obliged him to leave public -life, and also to retire from several clubs of which he had been a -member. But he had contrived to keep afloat in the Faubourg, and was -rather feared there on account of the sharpness of his tongue and the -ill-nature with which he repeated all the gossip which he spent his time -in collecting. He was extremely intelligent, and had none of the foppery -which made his son so thoroughly disagreeable; he would certainly have -been a man who could have made his way in the world had he only tried to -conform to the tenets of society. - -His second son married the widow of Prince Furstenberg, who was a cousin -of his, being the daughter of the old Duc de Sagan and of his second -wife, Mademoiselle Pauline de Castellane, and considerably older than -himself. The Comtesse Jean de Castellane is at the present moment one of -the leading hostesses in Paris. She is clever, with excellent manners, -with tendencies to pose as a woman of culture, and not disdaining to -write now and then little articles in the daily papers, which are always -accepted with pleasure on account of the signature which accompanies -them. She could never be taken for anything else but a lady, but I doubt -whether one would at once call her a _grande dame_ in the sense in which -this word was understood formerly. - -I think I have mentioned the name of the Comtesse de Trédern. That lady -certainly deserves more than a passing mention. She was a Mlle. Say, the -sister of the Princesse Amedée de Broglie, and she had married when -quite young the Marquis de Brissac, the eldest son of the Duc de -Brissac, who was killed during the Franco-German War. Left a widow with -two children, she began first to restore the castle of Brissac in Anjou, -which is considered one of the finest private residences in France, and -which she bought from her father-in-law. Then she married the Comte de -Trédern, from whom she parted after a few years of troublous union. -Since then she has queened it at Brissac, or in her beautiful house of -the Place Vendôme, where she regularly gives sumptuous entertainments. - -Among other hostesses I must say a word concerning the Duchesse de -Gramont, a Jewess and the daughter of Baron Amschel de Rothschild of -Frankfurt. She was one of the few really _grandes dames_ of Paris. -Clever, full of tact, and kind and good, as few women have been kind and -good, she was essentially a great lady, and made for herself friends -wherever she went. Her husband is now married to an Italian Princess, -whom he took to his heart a few months after the death of the Duchesse -Marguerite, but the latter is not forgotten by the world which she -graced and adorned, and where her early death caused more sincere sorrow -than is generally expressed in the circle to which she belonged. - -Madame de Gramont had a sister who became the Princesse de Wagram, and -who was also a favourite in Parisian society, where she won for herself -a great position. Unfortunately she also died young, and with her -disappeared one of the last great ladies in France. - -Foreigners form an important contingent in Paris society. The gay town -has always attracted wandering souls eager to find in strange places -what they cannot get at home, and who have succumbed so well to its -charms that they lack the courage to leave it. A numerous company of -Americans and Russians met in society live in the new district about the -Arc de Triomphe, and they visit all the houses where entertainments are -going on. Polish emigrants and Polish aristocracy have found their -headquarters in the Ile St. Louis at the Hotel Lambert, where Prince -Ladislas Tsartoryski, the husband of Princess Marguerite of Orleans, -opened the doors of his magnificent residence to them with unbounded -hospitality. - -Several members of the Radziwill family also settled by the Seine, after -the marriage of one of them with the daughter of M. Blanc, the owner of -the Monaco gambling house. He was the father of the present Duchesse de -Doudeauville. The Counts Branicki and their connections bought -themselves houses in the neighbourhood of the Rue de Penthièvre, where -the chief of the race had settled. There hostility to the Russian -Government was fanned by every possible device, and there hatred against -Russia was preached with an energy worthy of a better cause. - -The Russian colony was also an important one. It lacked, however, a -rendezvous, and it had to submit to constant rebuffs on the part of its -own Embassy and Consulate, where it is the fashion to repulse all the -compatriots who call there unless they belong to the ultra-smart set -which is in possession of influence in St. Petersburg official circles. -Several Russian Grand Dukes, who had become constant inhabitants of the -French capital, gave their colony an appearance of splendour which other -foreign quarters lacked. Foremost among these scions of the Russian -Imperial house was the Grand Duke Paul, who, after his marriage with the -divorced wife of one of the officers of his own regiment, had left his -fatherland and settled in Paris permanently. He goes about a great deal -in society, where his wife, who has been created Countess of Hohenfelsen -by the Prince Regent of Bavaria, is treated like a Grand Duchess, and in -society given the precedence of one. - -Life in smart Paris to-day is totally different from life as it was in -the time of the Second Empire. Sport has entered into it, and is now one -of its principal functions. Everyone who can, or who cannot, afford it -possesses an automobile, and thinks himself obliged to make a show of it -in the morning in the Bois de Boulogne, which is also invaded before -lunch by a bevy of fair ladies who pretend they come there to do some -walking, but who in reality want only to show themselves and to see -others. It is there that all the gossip, which later on in the afternoon -is spread at many tables, finds its origin, and where reputations are -marred and lost. It is there that “accidental” meetings take place -either at polo or at some exhibition, or at one of the numerous -tea-houses that have sprung up on all sides lately, where the Parisienne -comes to eat cakes, and not to drink tea, with which she is not yet -sufficiently familiar. From ten to twelve o’clock everybody worth -knowing is to be met in the Bois, where it is fashionable to be seen at -that hour, and where no one would care to go later or earlier. - -The afternoon offers other kinds of pleasures, and fashionable society, -after a pause at the aforementioned tea-houses, repairs either to the -races or to some exhibition, or more often in summer time to the polo -ground at Bagatelle, where it likes to watch the game. The players -belong to the most elegant men about town, and think that the fact of -taking part in polo confers on them the reputation of being real -sportsmen. The evenings are spent either at a ball or at a reception, -but late hours are not now the custom in Paris, and midnight generally -sees the fashionable birds in their beds. - -There is no serious interest in that kind of existence, no conversations -worthy of being so called, except now and then by the greatest of -chances. The witty, clever French society, the salons which had such a -universal reputation in olden times, have all disappeared with the snows -of the many winters that have elapsed since the days when they ruled -public opinion, and when their influence was felt everywhere, often in -politics and always in literature, which had to conform more or less to -their rules, and which would not have cared to offend their good taste. -Parisian society has degenerated, it is impossible to deny it, -degenerated on account of the many foreign elements that have invaded -it, and also on account of the importance which money has acquired, an -importance that has taken the place occupied formerly by intelligence, -beauty, virtue--all the things which ought to be respected, but which we -are apt, now, to forget when we find them associated with that money -which is the only god whose supremacy is acknowledged in that Paris -which thinks itself the capital of the world, but which is only the -purveyor of most of its evil pleasures. - -Not only in society as a whole is this laxity of demeanour and conduct -discernible, but there is a perceptible loosening of the laws which used -to govern legislators and officials. What men would formerly consider as -impinging upon their honour is no longer looked at askance, and so -things happen which leave an unpleasant memory. This has been observed -in certain activities in the financial world. - -In an earlier part of these reflections I have spoken of the Panama -affair, and in the present chapter I have made some reference to the -money-fever that pervades Paris to-day. It is therefore only necessary -here to be very brief. - -There was a great outcry and a wealth of righteous indignation at the -Panama disclosures, but it is difficult to perceive any improvement. -There have been scandals of recent date, the echoes of which reverberate -even in 1914, and in which just as many people were implicated whose -names and social position ought to have put them above sordid intrigues. -Paris has always offered an excellent ground for financiers of doubtful -moral standing. Every paper has advertisements offering to the innocent -public every kind of facility to enable it to lose its money. With the -help of a press willing to print anything provided it is paid for at a -sufficiently high rate, shares not worth the paper they are printed upon -are thrown upon the market, and are eagerly bought by credulous -creatures who believe blindly in what their papers tell them, and who -look forward to large benefits out of the promised rise of the said -shares. That rise never comes, and then sometimes an angry dupe inquires -of the police, generally without success, as to the reason why no -redress can be obtained. The man in the street holds and expresses -emphatic opinions, which if people believed were true would mean that -the corruption of Republican government surpasses everything of the kind -that ever flourished at the time of the Second Empire, about the -venality of which so much has been written and spoken. - -Whatever may be said of present-day finance, it is enough to remind the -reader of the gigantic frauds which Madame Humbert was able to -perpetrate for so many years, of the ease with which Cornelius Herz and -Arton were able to escape from the grip of the law, and of the facility -which the famous Rochette, the hero of the last financial scandal that -France can boast, found in avoiding being imprisoned or obliged to give -up any portion of his ill-gotten gains. Rochette succeeded in avoiding -every pursuit for a long time, though numerous complaints had been made -against him. It was said that the complaints had always been left -unexamined under the pretence that they proceeded from people who simply -wanted blackmail. It is no secret that several deputies were great -friends with that successful financier, during whose reign their stock -exchange operations were always profitable. - -Rochette is a curious example of the ease with which any man gifted with -sufficient impudence can become an important personage. He began his -career by being a waiter in a small hotel at Melun, soon tired of it, -and went to Paris, where he obtained a situation as office assistant in -one of those financial establishments which flourish for a few months -and disappear together with their directors into the unknown after a -brief and brilliant existence. His experience there helped him -considerably in his future life. He learned to avoid mistakes into which -a novice in finance would be apt to fall. It is said that he profited by -the whispered advice that “in order to be a lucky financier, one must -before everything have a deputy in one’s pocket.” - -When he became a banker and a director of several large concerns, he -frequented the Chamber of Deputies, and even honoured with his attention -the Senate. He affected great modesty, but took care to be kept well -informed as to the private means of several important personages whose -protection he thought might be of use to him in the future, and he -managed in an unobtrusive way to make himself indispensable to them. - -When the end came it was rumoured in Paris that most scandalous facts -were about to come to light, and that the Panama affair would be -eclipsed by them. Names were mentioned, at first secretly then quite -loudly, until at last they found their way into the newspapers. But, -somehow, the inquiry which had been begun dragged on until the public -got tired of hearing nothing about it, and made up its mind not to think -any more about the affair. In the meantime in prison Rochette was -leading the best kind of life possible under the circumstances, had all -the comforts which money allowed him to procure for himself, received -visits from his numerous friends, and when at last he was released on -bail pending his trial, he declared to all those who cared to hear it, -that he would not only prove his innocence, but find people willing to -trust him with their money again, in spite of his recent misadventures. - -And when he was sentenced to several years’ imprisonment, Rochette -quietly took a railway ticket and disappeared into an unknown land, -which probably is not very far from the scene of his former exploits; -sure that no one is going to discover him in the refuge which he had -chosen, he is awaiting with the greatest confidence and calm the -expiration of the time when proscription will allow him to reappear in -Paris, and to begin again the financial career which he was obliged to -interrupt for a short period. - -How was it possible for Rochette to escape whilst Charles de Lesseps and -his father were obliged to drink to the dregs the cup of their -humiliation? The reply is very simple, perhaps obvious, and I hesitate -to doubt the reader’s perception by uttering it. - -When the great Lesseps was accused of having tried to buy the support of -some members of the Parliament, everyone cried out that it was a scandal -which ought to be punished as severely as possible; but when it was -proved that Rochette had succeeded in buying or winning over to his side -some of the most influential political people in France, that he had -even secured the indulgence of judges who ought to have been at least -impartial, the public only shrugged its shoulders, and some persons were -even found to say that after all he had been _un homme très fort_, and -that it was better to be his friend than his enemy. When Rochette was -arrested, excuses without number were found for him, and he was -represented to be the victim of private vengeances and private -blackmail. Times are changed indeed, and not only the opinions of men, -but also their ideas as to right and wrong. - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -M. FALLIÈRES AS PRESIDENT - - -The septenary of M. Loubet had come to an end. No one had ever given a -thought to the possibility of his presenting himself for re-election, -and he himself was but too glad to relinquish the burden of office. M. -Loubet, in spite of all that has been said about him, was not the -insignificant personage some had tried to represent him. He had been -elected through the influence of the Radical party, but he had -nevertheless the strength of character to resist the desires or even the -orders of that same party on several occasions when he thought they -wanted to go too far. - -Popular opinion has it that this was sufficient to arouse the ire of M. -Clemenceau, who, faithful to his tactics of holding in hand the leading -strings of the government, furious to see his intentions frustrated, -declared war against M. Loubet. - -The latter was clever enough to appear to ignore it, and arranged -matters so as to retire from the Presidency with all the honours of war, -leaving to his successor the task of coping with the difficulties which -the Radical party seemed determined to put in the way of every President -of the Republic. - -His successor, M. Fallières, was elected largely through the influence -of M. Clemenceau. M. Fallières was essentially a peaceful man. He had -accepted the position of President of the Republic, partly because he -did not like to disobey the orders of his superiors, and partly because -he was a careful man, an excellent father, and saw in his septenary the -opportunity to improve the material prospects of his children. - -It was during his tenure of office that the Dreyfus affair came to a -close, and that the Captain was not only rehabilitated but also rewarded -for his sufferings with the Legion of Honour, in spite of the outcries -which this decision raised among the Clericals and the anti-Semites. It -was also he who signed the decree granting burial in the Panthéon to the -ashes of Zola, and it was during his septenary, moreover, that relations -were definitely broken with the Vatican. The last event produced a great -sensation, especially when the representative of the Papal Nuncio, Mgr. -Montagnini, was expelled from Paris by the police in about as brutal a -way as it was possible to conceive. - -Much has been written concerning that last measure, of which, let it be -said _en passant_, neither M. Fallières nor the French Government had -any reason to be proud. It was one of those acts of violence which only -tend to exasperate the public mind against those who render themselves -guilty of the indiscretion, but which is of no importance in reality. Of -course Mgr. Montagnini had not behaved with the necessary tact in the -delicate position wherein he found himself placed, but if he had had to -do with gentlemen they would have asked him to go away of his own -accord, which he would probably have been but too glad to do, and they -would not have expelled him _mania militari_. M. Fallières, in spite of -his middle-class education, felt this, and it is said that he vainly -tried to avoid this scandal. The Radical party, however, had laid down -its conditions not only to him, but also to M. Clemenceau, and the -latter with all his cleverness and his energy was not strong enough to -refuse it this satisfaction, which was craved with persistence and in -such imperative terms. - -I knew Mgr. Montagnini very well, and I happened to call on him on the -eve of the day which saw him thrown out of France with such unnecessary -brutality. He had been warned of the measures about to be taken against -him, but would not believe in its possibility. When I asked him why he -had not telegraphed to Mgr. Merry del Val, then Secretary of State of -the Holy See, asking permission to leave of his own accord, he replied -to me that it would have been useless, because that permission would -never have been granted to him. As I expressed my astonishment he -explained to me at length that Rome wanted the French Government to -resort to violence against its representative because it would only -raise the prestige of the Church and provoke general indignation against -its persecutors. - -“All this will pass,” he added; “many months will not go by before the -very government which does not hesitate to insult a priest and the -official representative of the Pope will find itself obliged to renew -relations with the Holy See. So many questions will arise in connection -with this separation of the Church and State, of which the French -Radicals are so proud, that they will very soon see the mistake they -have made.” - -Though Mgr. Montagnini was not a prophet by any means, he proved in this -particular case to be right, because in spite of the open rupture of the -French Republic with the Vatican, relations were never entirely -interrupted between Rome and Paris. Indeed it would have been -impossible, because in spite of the hatred for the Catholic Church which -the leading politicians in France affected, they had on different -occasions to turn to the representatives of the clergy for help, and -they did not disdain even to ask them to use their influence whenever -they wanted a candidate to be elected either in the Senate or in the -Chamber of Deputies, who under the mask of being a moderate Liberal, was -in reality a Radical of the purest water, and a fervent partisan of M. -Clemenceau and his group. - -It was at that time that the star of M. Clemenceau began to ascend -higher in the heavens than it had ever been. Until the election of M. -Fallières, he had more or less ruled in the dark, and as it were _en -cachette_. When his candidate had been given the first position in the -State the hour of his triumph sounded. - -M. Clemenceau, in spite of all that has been said, had never been a -partisan of the Russian alliance. His sympathies were entirely English. -He had been the object of the special attention of King Edward, and his -political plans comprised a strong Franco-English friendship, which -would prove to be a shield in case of a new war with Germany. - -M. Clemenceau would not have been sorry to see war. He was far too -shrewd not to notice that in spite of the violent attacks of a certain -portion of the press against Germany, the majority of the nation did not -any longer harbour such feelings of hatred against their eastern -neighbour as formerly existed. More than that, a good many people -thought that it would be better to reconcile oneself to facts, and, by -an understanding with the German Government, to avoid the heavy taxes -which the increased armaments imposed on the country. These armaments -were not popular among the greater number of Frenchmen. Forty years had -gone by since the war of 1870, and a new generation had succeeded to the -one that had witnessed the unexampled disasters which had brought about -the fall of the Second Empire. That younger generation could not feel in -the same way as its fathers had done; it only saw that France was -prosperous, and that a war, even if it turned out to be successful, -could but increase the military burdens of the country. This appealed to -no one, and consequently a renewal of hostilities with Germany was not -desired. M. Clemenceau, on the contrary, had rabid anti-German feelings, -and he encouraged what chauvinist tendencies still existed in France, -and tried to persuade the leading men in England that the conclusion of -an understanding with France would prove of infinite advantage to both -countries. - -Unfortunately Russia could not be left out of this understanding, and M. -Clemenceau had perforce to submit to the fact, but he did his best, -nevertheless, to destroy the Russian sympathies which existed in his -fatherland by urging the newspapers which were at his disposal to say -that in signing the famous Franco-Russian alliance, which had been the -cause of so much joy, France had been the dupe--France who had given her -money, and France who had thrown herself into the arms of Russia, whilst -the latter had taken all that she had been offered, without giving -anything in return for the gifts freely showered on her with a more than -generous hand. - -Nevertheless, M. Fallières started for St. Petersburg, as in duty bound, -almost immediately after his election, conforming himself thus to the -tradition which had been handed over by M. Félix Faure to his -successors. He was warmly welcomed on the banks of the Neva, but -welcomed only by the government and officials who followed the lead -given to them by the Sovereign. The country itself remained very -indifferent during his visit, and the attitude of the public was not at -all what it had been when Félix Faure had arrived at Peterhof to return -the memorable visit of Nicholas II. in Paris. Somehow the alliance was -more accepted as an accomplished fact than as an advantage. In Russia, -too, the hour of disillusion had struck. - -M. Fallières, in spite of what had been said of him, was very far from -being the nonentity he was reported to be. On the contrary, he had an -unusual amount of common sense, and was not slow to notice the change in -the political atmosphere of the day. Nevertheless, he did his best to -disguise from the public the fact of the coolness which had begun to -replace the mutual enthusiasm of France and Russia for each other, but -when he returned home he began to listen more than he had done formerly -to the advice of M. Clemenceau, and to look towards England as a -possible ally, having learnt much by his visit to Peterhof. - -Although it has been reported otherwise, M. Fallières was fond of M. -Clemenceau, and they got on very well together the whole time the latter -remained Prime Minister. Together they worked for the benefit of M. -Briand, the new star that suddenly arose in the heaven of the Third -Republic, and which began to shine in great part through their efforts -to assure themselves of its help and co-operation towards the final -triumph of the Radical party. - -I shall talk of M. Briand in the next chapter. Some people saw in him a -successor of M. Fallières as President of the Republic, a conviction -which personally I did not share at all, and events proved the truth of -my conviction. M. Briand was far too clever to retire at that moment -from political life, which still has many triumphs in store for him, and -a man who has once occupied the position of Head of the State has no -future after his term of office is over; he can only end his days in -peace, with the broad red ribbon of the Legion of Honour across his -breast as a remembrance of happy days never to return. - -The reign of M. Fallières had its share of scandals. I have already -spoken of M. Rochette. There were others besides, among them that -provoked by the tragic adventures of Madame Steinheil, whose trial and -subsequent acquittal occupied Parisian society for long months. - -Several episodes of the same kind have lately occupied public attention. -They have all left M. Fallières more or less indifferent, and have not -ruffled his equanimity. He fulfilled his duties in an unostentatious -fashion, and tried to impart as much simplicity as possible to the -Presidential household. He travelled about, distributed all the -handshakes required of him and all the medals and decorations that his -ministers had awarded to their adherents. He partook of the regular -number of official dinners, opened exhibitions and charitable -institutions, in a word he was a model President, and it is quite -possible that M. Clemenceau viewed the end of his Presidency with -regret. - -Madame Fallières has been the subject of all kinds of absurd stories. -Notwithstanding these, she did not show herself as unfit for the part -she had been called upon to play as her enemies would have us believe. -She was polite with everybody, reserved in her manners, and avoided -mistakes. She has done much good, and if she was not so generous as some -of her predecessors had shown themselves, she never refused to give -money for the cause of charity, when it was necessary, but on the -contrary tried to alleviate the distresses which were brought to her -notice. She did not pose for what she was not, and she always declared -that when she would have to leave the Elysée, she would do so with -regret at having to give up such a sumptuous home, but that at the same -time she would not be sorry to return to private life and its -simplicity. - -M. and Mme. Fallières had several children born to them. Their only -daughter was married a few years ago to M. Jean Lannes, who had been, -until the day when he accompanied to the altar the daughter of his -chief, the private secretary of the President of the Republic. His -marriage caused a certain sensation in Republican circles, because it -was celebrated in the Church of the Madeleine, in spite of the fact that -M. Fallières was supposed to be a freethinker, which in reality he was -not by any means. But Madame Fallières was a fervent Catholic, and she -never would have allowed her child to be married simply at the _mairie_, -as it was suggested to her by some zealous friends. Madame Fallières had -always the courage of her opinions, and she has showed it during her -reign as the first lady of the French Republic. - -Her son, André Fallières, was the subject of much talk at the time of -the Steinheil affair, and some people affirmed--well, it does not matter -what; it is needless to say that there was not the slightest foundation -for such a story. - -When M. Fallières’ term of office was over, there were but three -candidates possible for the position: one of them was M. Clemenceau -himself; M. Pamm, a very wealthy manufacturer possessed of the vast -influence which unlimited means always allow one to wield; and M. -Poincaré, advocate and Academician, a man gifted with singular strength -of will, strong Conservative principles, who endeavours to govern -personally the country entrusted officially to his care, who has a holy -horror of Radicals, and who is cordially disliked by M. Clemenceau. - -This last was perhaps the very reason why M. Poincaré was elected--the -Chamber and the Senate have become just a little tired of the autocracy -exercised over them by the _tombeur de ministères_. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -M. BRIAND AND THE SOCIALISTS - - -I have mentioned M. Briand; he is certainly the most remarkable -politician that France can boast at the present moment, and one who will -probably rise to greater things even than those he has so far achieved. -He began life as a workman in a factory, and soon made himself known by -eloquent speeches, which he delivered at Socialist meetings in Lyons, -St. Etienne, and other working centres in France. He had more education -than people belonging to his class generally boast, and he was wise -enough to understand that it was imperative that he should complete it, -if he desired to play an important part in the historical development of -his country--perhaps one day to rule it. Accordingly, he devoted all his -spare time to that object, and refused offers to accept a seat in the -Chamber of Deputies. Only when he felt sure that he could hold his own -in that assembly of politicians did he entertain the idea. - -M. Briand is one of the most ambitious men of his generation, and he -distinguishes himself from most of his colleagues by the knowledge which -he possesses of his own power, and by the extreme prudence with which he -shows it in public. It is true that he likes to rule, but he does not -care for people to know that he rules them. In this he differs from -others in power, who are not guiltless of displaying the influence which -they exercise over their political friends and disciples. - -When M. Briand entered the Chamber of Deputies, he spent the first years -initiating himself into the secrets of social life, being very well -aware of the importance of such things; with an energy of which very few -people would have been capable he set himself to learn. He ended by -becoming one of the best-groomed men in Paris. His former friends -stared; at first they felt tempted to be angry. They very soon realised, -however, that a deep political purpose was hidden behind this apparent -flattery of society, and they began to respect him, and to talk about -him as of a man born to great things. When at last he became a power in -his party, and in France, and joined M. Clemenceau’s ministry, they -understood that he would prove a leader such as very few political -parties could boast. - -His ambition is defined by those who are watching his career as aiming -to grasp the reins of France, and to hold them fast, until the day when -he can show himself to the whole world as the strong man of France. - -M. Briand has an exceptional nature. He has no illusions, either about -himself or about those who surround him. He knows very well that the man -who allows sentimentality to interfere with politics is lost long before -he has begun to fight. He early hastened therefore to put a barrier -between himself and everything that could be called by that name. - -He gained his place in his party; won the votes of the electors who had -sent him to the Chamber to defend their interests, without having -recourse to underhand tricks; he fought his adversaries with clean -hands. He won the admiration of his partners in the game he played by -the audacity with which he always put himself forward when danger was -ahead. He exercised influence over his colleagues in the ministry by the -energy with which he defended his personal opinions, and the -independence which he showed in questions where his principles found -themselves involved. And he gained the attention of his country by the -strength of his personality, the calm which never forsook him in the -gravest circumstances of life, and the cold determination which he -brought to bear upon everything he did, and every blow which he dealt. - -Enemies he had in plenty, detractors very few. Many hated him, but they -did not despise him. Years ago he realised that he had succeeded in -winning the respect of France, and he meant to keep it. - -Too far-seeing to fail to understand that the theories by which he had -been able to attain his position were utopian and would not carry him -very far, M. Briand had no sympathy with the programme of destruction -which the Labour party of his early days had brought forward; indeed, it -looked as if he meant to sweep away that party as soon as he succeeded -in gaining power and in inspiring confidence in his personality and his -political principles. He had patience, a thing so rarely met with in -politicians, who are always eager to see their opinions triumph without -waiting for the moment when they become acceptable to the nation. He -felt, moreover, that he was the only man capable of saving France from -the hands of the anarchists who at that time were determined to destroy -her. - -He had been a workman, and had learned to appreciate the evil passions -and the thirst for unreasoning destruction which not infrequently -animates the mob. He knew but too well that the spread of Socialist -theories would lead to nothing but the desire to overthrow everything -without the possibility of putting anything else in the place of what -had been trampled under foot, and he made up his mind not to lend -himself to the ambitions of those who aimed at annihilation. - -It is yet too early to judge whether M. Briand’s plans will ever be -realised, but for those who know him as well as I do, it is pretty -certain that sooner or later he will try to constitute a moderate -Republican party, determined to put a stop to the progress of anarchism, -and to rally around the new party the sound forces of the nation. He -will then be the object of the denunciation and hatred of his friends of -yesterday, who will see in him a traitor, and who will fight him with -all the energy of which they are capable. They will endeavour to -overthrow him as they have other idols that they have worshipped in the -past. - -It is probable, however, that M. Briand will not lose prestige by this -cry of revenge which will certainly be raised, and that he will continue -in the path which he has marked out. He is essentially an opportunist, -and moreover has enough common sense not to attach himself to the -success of the moment; rather he looks to the future for his ultimate -triumph, a triumph he will not miss, and which will not miss him. At -present the only hope France can have of the establishment of a strong, -moderate Republican government, able to exist without having recourse to -the votes of the Socialists, lies in M. Briand. He alone is able to stop -the torrent that is threatening to carry away the existing order of -things. - -In M. Briand, M. Clemenceau finds a strong man with strong political -opinions, but it is not likely, so long as the latter is alive, that his -former pupil will come out openly against him. - -M. Briand was for a short time considered the real leader of the -Socialist party. This did not last very long, and perhaps he was not -sorry to give up that position, and to have the opportunity of -disagreeing openly with M. Jaurès, the great oracle and prophet of -Socialism. - -M. Jaurès is a curious personality. He is extremely rich, and yet -preaches a general division of all wealth--save his own. He is gifted -with singular and powerful eloquence, and knows how to appeal to the -hearts and especially to the imagination of his hearers, using a torrent -of words which leaves such a deep impression on those who listen to him -that they lose sight of all that is false and untrue in them. M. Jaurès -is worshipped by the more fiery Socialists, who consider even Radicalism -as something associated with Conservatism, and whose only creed is the -destruction of everything that existed before their time. - -He is ambitious of influencing others, but has no desire to rule his -country, perhaps because he knows very well that the moment he would -consent to enter or to form a ministry half his prestige would be gone. -He is too intelligent not to understand that the moment that one has -power one is bound to defend those who have given it to you as well as -the principles to which one owes it. And M. Jaurès with all his -eloquence is unable to defend anything; he can only attack, a thing -which is easier and nine times out of ten more successful--at least in -politics. - -He is the type of a tribune of Roman times; he can win the masses over -to his view, and knows very well how to incense them against those whom -they consider to be their enemies; it is a question whether he would be -able to stop these masses, should he ever desire to do so. - -Very often the question has been asked whether M. Jaurès is a sincere -Socialist, or whether he has declared himself to be one simply because -he wanted to attract the attention of the world to his person, his -opinions and his speeches. To this question it is most difficult to -reply. Certainly M. Jaurès has a great deal that is theatrical in his -nature, he is an actor by temperament as well as a fighter, and this has -perhaps contributed more than anything else to the attitude - -[Illustration: THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES SITTING] - -which he has taken in politics. Nothing gives him more pleasure than by -scathing phrases to disarm his adversaries or inspire them with terror. - -Strange to say, the Socialists have never reproached him for his large -fortune, which he has always steadfastly refused to share with them. M. -Jaurès is in their eyes a privileged person whom they allow not to -practise the virtues which he preaches. They know but too well that they -possess in him a strength they cannot well spare. - -France, it seems to me, is a country where Socialism is rampant, and yet -one where it has the least chances to seize control of the country. The -explanation lies in the fact that the working classes are far from -possessing the intellectual development which we find among them in -Germany, or even England. Men like Virchow, Liebneckt, or Bebel are not -to be found in France, where if they existed they would at once embrace -the political convictions of the bourgeois class, which after all has -the upper hand in that country. Frenchmen are very practical; it suits -them to scream against all those who are in possession of riches, but -the moment they have earned the francs which they envied in their -opponents they immediately become disdainful of their former friends. -All the French workmen are Socialists until they get rich, but the -country itself is essentially bourgeois, and we all know that the French -bourgeois is not the most unselfish of beings. - -From this fact I draw the conclusion that, so long as the present love -of money lasts, there is little danger of a purely Socialist government -ever ruling France. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -A FEW LITERARY MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY - - -If one decides to forget the past and the great thinkers who had made -the middle of last century so interesting in France, one can find great -pleasure in knowing some of the literary men of the present day in -Paris. They are always amusing, and perhaps the art of small talk is -practised by them more brilliantly than among their predecessors. -Anatole France, Octave Mirbeau, and Pierre Loti are among the foremost -novelists, and for those who have given themselves over to historical -studies the Marquis de Ségur is the most acceptable name. I must also -give grateful mention to such as Guy de Maupassant and Flaubert--the -great Flaubert, whom so many have tried to imitate, but whom few could -approach either as regards his talent or his thorough knowledge of the -French language. - -The well known Octave Mirbeau began his literary career as the secretary -of Arthur Meyer, the director and present owner of the _Gaulois_. He has -a profound belief in his own work, and with some justice. He certainly -is clever, and the talent with which he describes in his novels what he -has not felt is such as one but seldom meets nowadays. His books are -remarkable, and they awake passionate interest in their readers, even -though they are so strong with realism that they repel many. They are -highly imaginative, and provoke not only curiosity but also the desire -to read them over again as soon as one has finished them. - -From being quite unknown Octave Mirbeau has risen high in the literary -firmament of his country and his generation. He soon made his name, -gossip saying that he kept himself before his contemporaries by his -sharp criticisms of everybody and everything he did not like, or he -thought did not like him. He spared no one. Nevertheless he became -famous in Paris and throughout France. He succeeded, therefore, in -making his books popular. - -M. Mirbeau began as a poor man; quickly, however, he earned for himself -a large fortune, partly through his books, partly through successful -operations on the Stock Exchange, and partly by marriage. M. Mirbeau -lives in clover in one of the finest apartments of the Avenue du Bois, -and on the lovely property which he possesses at Cormeilles-en-Vexin, -near Paris. He gives dinners now and then, and has always been upon -excellent terms with the wife to whom he owes so much of his worldly -goods. He likes to see at his hospitable hearth the people of whose -admiration he feels sure, and honoured me once with an invitation to -lunch when I least expected it, for we had never been very friendly -towards each other. - -I shall never forget that lunch. There were only four of us, the host -and hostess, Rodin the sculptor, and myself. When I arrived I was -introduced in the study, where the first thing which struck my eyes was -the bust of Mirbeau himself on the mantelpiece. As I looked at it, after -having exchanged the first greetings with the people in the room, Madame -Mirbeau turned to me, and said in her softest accents--and she has a -delightfully soft voice: “You are looking at my husband’s bust; it is -the work of our great master here,” and she turned towards Rodin. - -The latter raised himself slightly from the depths of the large -arm-chair in which he was ensconced beside the fire, and looking at me, -murmured dreamily: “Ah, it is not everybody’s bust I care to do, but -when one meets with a remarkable personality like our great writer here, -it is a pleasure for an artist to reproduce his features.” - -He sighed as he spoke, and Mirbeau’s face lighted up as he said in his -turn: “I never hoped for such a reward for all my work as to be thought -worthy of the attention of our great master.” - -And then Madame Mirbeau began again: “Ah, it is not often that two great -souls like our two great masters here present meet and think together.” - -Lunch was announced, and Rodin rose, and directed his steps towards the -dining-room. Fearing that I might step before him, Mirbeau stopped me by -laying his hand upon my arm, saying as he did so: “Laissez passer le -maître, notre maître à tous!” - -And this kind of thing went on during the whole meal. Rodin praised -Mirbeau, Mirbeau praised Rodin, and Madame Mirbeau praised both of them. -One heard nothing but “cher maître,” and “ce grand maître,” and “notre -grand maître”--I began to think that I had been invited to assist at the -canonisation of Rodin by Mirbeau, and of Mirbeau by Rodin, or of both by -Mirbeau’s wife. - -Anatole France has a fluent and correct French diction, but whilst -admiring him, I cannot forget that there have been other great thinkers, -writers, and philosophers, not only in France but also in Europe. And -this is what his worshippers won’t admit. St. Simon will always provide -enjoyment for the people who wade through his pages; Renan’s works will -always remain a model of fine language, and of noble thoughts nobly -expressed; Thiers’s history of the Consulate and the Empire will always -be consulted by those who care for the past and all it has seen and -witnessed. I doubt very much whether the life of Jeanne d’Arc will ever -become a classic work. - -Apart from this liking for the congenial atmosphere of praise, Anatole -France is a charming man, full of humour, amusing in the extreme, his -conversation sparkling with witty anecdotes and _bons mots_, which he -utters now and then when one least expects them. He has a wonderful -memory, and when all is said and done possesses a great deal of kindness -in his judgments, with a considerable indulgence towards his neighbours. -He has none of the sharpness of language of Mirbeau, and is more a -gentleman. His manner with women is a model of its kind; he treats them -with a chivalry which savours of the days of old, when men still died -for the ladies of their heart. M. Anatole France, taken on the whole, is -certainly a person worth knowing, and is one of the most charming men in -Paris at the present day. - -I don’t think that I met Flaubert more than a couple of times, but he -left on my mind an impression that probably nothing will ever efface. -There was real genius in his face, and, in spite of a certain tendency -to grumble at everything and at everybody, he could be a charming -companion. He was the inventor of the Naturalistic school, and -unfortunately others tried to copy him, with the appalling result which -we who live in France have seen. But nothing could be more amusing than -to witness his rage when shown the distasteful manuscript of some -talentless young man, and being told that it was supposed to be an -imitation of his style. He used to burst into real fury, and declare -that if this was going to be the result of his arduous work, he would -rather throw in the fire all that he had ever written. Flaubert was not -devoid of ideals, and though he believed that novels ought to describe -life, he did not think that they must depict every phase of the -material side of it. He was a great genius, and what was allowed to him -would not be tolerated in others. - -Pierre Loti is another genius in his way. In his charming, lovely books -each line breathes with a deep, real talent. Some of his descriptions -show us certain spots and places with such vividness that it is almost -possible to think one has seen them too. There are passages in “Mon -Frère Yves,” in “Désanchantées,” in “Le Pélerin d’Angkok,” and -especially in that delightful and profound work, “Le Livre de la Pitié -et de la Mort,” the like of which have perhaps never been written before -in the French language. But the man himself is anything but sympathetic. -He thinks far too much of his own genius, and his affectation jars on -the nerves. I have never been able to understand why the people who -write clever books should consider themselves as made of superior clay -to other mortals, and I feel inclined to laugh always whenever I see an -author affect habits, language, and general demeanour different from -those of common humanity simply on account of the tales which he has -composed, thanks to the intelligence and cleverness that Providence has -given to him, and which it might just as well have given to someone -else. - -A man who did not think himself something extraordinary, and who, -perhaps, had more genius in his little finger than others in their whole -body, was Guy de Maupassant, that cruel observer of the human heart who -understood so well the feelings of his generation, and who was to die so -miserably, first losing that intellect which had made him such a strong -man and such a remarkable writer. There was a time when I often saw him, -and his death grieved me very much more than I could even have supposed. - -Emile Augier and Jules Claretie belonged still to a generation where -self-praise was absent. The last-mentioned writer was perhaps one of the -greatest workers of his time. I often wondered at the activity which -allowed him to fulfil his duties as director of the Comédie Française, -to write the charming _feuilletons_ which the _Temps_ publish every -week, and to do all this apart from innumerable other things, among -which the composition of novels holds a place. - -There have been many who grumbled in public at the manner in which -Claretie administered the Comédie Française, perhaps they would have -grumbled just as much if someone else had been in his place. The post -was not an easy one, for it required an amount of tact such as is not to -be found everywhere. But what cannot be denied is that he filled it like -the gentleman he was, and that he insisted on his staff behaving like -gentlemen and ladies so long as they remained under his control. He gave -to his theatre an air of dignity and of correctness which put it high -above any other in Paris. - -Another man who could be classed in the same category as Jules Claretie -was the Vicomte de Vogué, also a member of the Academy, and a writer -imbued with the grand traditions of the seventeenth century when La -Rochefoucauld wrote his maxims and La Bruyère his philosophical -meditations on the foibles of mankind. M. de Vogué can be classed among -the best authors of the latter part of the nineteenth century, and his -books will always be read with pleasure when those of other authors will -be entirely forgotten. - -There are just a few writers of the same style left among the ranks of -the French Academy, such as the Marquis de Ségur, whom I have already -mentioned, but unfortunately that learned assembly has deteriorated, and -has welcomed to its bosom literary men of a very inferior rank. - -I will not put among them M. Paul Bourget, who, though his books have -sadly gone out of fashion, is an active, charming writer full of the -spirit of observation. I find myself thinking of him, however, as an -author who wanted to imitate Balzac, and who imagined that he had -written a sequel to the “Comédie Humaine,” whilst in reality he had only -described the comedy of a certain small circle of Parisian smart -society, which has already changed so much that one cannot recognise a -single known person among those he tried to describe so faithfully. - -Marcel Prévost is also among the men I have often met, and I liked him -very much. He was modest; he did not always speak of his personal -perfections, and did not think that the fact of his having been elected -a member of the French Academy relieved him from study or from honest -hard work. He was also a delightful companion. Few men are living to-day -who are better informed as to the virtues or the vices of his -generation; he has a thorough knowledge of the human heart, he realises -the artificiality of the society among which he lives, and also its -follies, for which his indulgence is seldom lacking. - -There is much earnestness in the talent of M. Marcel Prévost, far more -than in the sketches, for one can hardly call them anything else, of -Abel Hermant, who poses for the satirist of his time and of his -generation, and who forgets that one could often find much about himself -to satirise. - -I will not do more than mention the modern playwrights such as Henri -Bataille, Alfred Capus, Henri Bernstein, Francis du Croisset, and so on. -They write in order to make money, and of course must compose dramatic -pieces which can bring it to them. They are more or less _cabotins_ -themselves, owing to the influence of the many actors with whom their -whole life is spent, and they often mistake life for a comedy, which -unfortunately it is not, introducing drama when it is not needed. Still, -I hardly see how they could avoid it, living, as everybody does, in an -artificial atmosphere. The greatest actors in Paris indeed are those who -do not appear on the stage. - -It is impossible to pass actresses by in silence; they rule Paris with a -rod of iron, and are given far more importance than the highest born. -Artists like Madame Sarah Bernhardt, Réjane, Jane Hading, or the -“divine” Bartet, as she is called, of the Comédie Française, without -mentioning Cecile Sorel, who is something else besides an actress of -unrivalled talent, are all the objects of far more attention than a -queen would be should she appear in the circles in which these ladies -live. One looks up to them not only as clever, talented artists, but -also the supreme mistresses of fashion; as examples to be imitated by -all those who can do so; as the most fascinating, interesting women in -Paris. Their dresses, their hats, their jewels, carriages, and sumptuous -apartments are described in all the newspapers; their movements are -chronicled as if they were empresses. - -Among all these fair, charming creatures, Madame Bartet is certainly the -most ladylike, not only in her person, but also in her tastes and quiet -refinement. She has been lucky enough to keep her youth at an age when -most other women have long ago forgotten that they ever had such a -possession, and her slight figure, her lovely complexion, despite her -more than fifty years, make her look always young and altogether -charming. Sarah Bernhardt is a great-grandmother, yet she also can play -the Dame aux Camélias without appearing ridiculous in the eyes of her -old admirers. She is perhaps the greatest actress that France has -produced since Rachel, but I cannot say that I ever found her -sympathetic. To my mind she screams far too much, and is not natural in -her conception of the many heroines which she represents. But she is so -charming as a woman of the world, so interesting in her intercourse, -that I am quite ready to say that it is I who have bad taste, and that -all she does is perfection itself. - -Réjane is something quite different; there is more real passion in her -acting, though much less refinement. She is vulgar, and the heaviness of -her whole person adds to that first impression; but she knows how to -represent the different feelings of joy, despair, sorrow, anger and rage -that can shake a human creature. She is life itself whenever she appears -on the stage, not life seen through rose-coloured spectacles, but life -as we have unfortunately to live and to bear it. - -Jeanne Granier is still a favourite with the Parisian public, though her -lovely voice has become worn, and her increasing stoutness has done away -with her former grace. - -Jane Hading was also at one moment the rage, but she did not remain a -long time the fashion, though we still see her name on the programmes of -different theatres. She certainly played well, but tried too much to -imitate Sarah, which did not always agree with her style of beauty, to -which, let it be said _en passant_, she owed most of her successes -rather than to her talent, which was not that of a tragedienne by any -means. - -As for Cecile Sorel, she is an exception among actresses, just as much -as she is an exception among women. She has often reminded me of the -Duchesse de Longueville and those other ladies of the time of the Fronde -who led men to victory or to death. Her beauty is something quite -extraordinary, more by its originality than by its perfection. She is -the incarnation of feminine charm, and clever in mind as well as -cultured and well-bred. Her whole demeanour is that of a _grande dame_. - -And actors, you will ask me, actors such as Guitry, or Le Bargy or -Mounet Sully, what do you think of them? I think nothing, because I do -not know them. In my time one kissed the pretty fingers of a lovely -actress, but one did not invite actors to one’s house. I have kept to -this tradition, and do not regret it. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -A FEW FOREIGN DIPLOMATS - - -During the quarter of a century that I lived in Paris I was fated to see -many changes among the Diplomatic Corps, first at the Court of Napoleon -III., and afterwards at the Elysée. I must say that in all the -diplomatic circle I seldom found unpleasant or rude colleagues, but -that, on the contrary, I have met most charming men and women whom it -was a privilege and an honour to know. It is impossible to speak of them -all, but there are a few figures which have left such a vivid -remembrance in my mind that I must mention them. - -I think I have spoken of Prince and Princess Metternich; they were great -favourites with the Empress Eugénie, and another Ambassador who shared -her affections was Count Nigra, one of the ablest diplomats Italy could -ever boast. A faithful servant and pupil of the great Cavour, he watched -on his behalf everything that was going on in France, and helped the -unfortunate Empress in her flight, or rather did not help her, because -his intervention, together with that of his Austrian colleague, -consisted in advising her to run away, and perhaps even in obliging her -to do so, from a feeling that later on it would be easier to get a -revolutionary government to shut its eyes to the advance of the Italian -troops on Rome, and their conquest of the Eternal City. - -Count Nigra was a charming man. It was said that one could never believe -anything he said, or rely upon anything he promised. But apart from this -he was the pleasantest colleague one could have, and contrived to -remain on good terms with all those he knew, even when in diplomacy he -had cheated them of something or other. After he left Paris, I met him -in Vienna and in St. Petersburg, and was always delighted to have those -opportunities. - -Lord Lyons spent long years in Paris, and represented the government of -Queen Victoria with great dignity. He was a gentleman and also a most -able diplomat, and whilst he stayed at the Faubourg St. Honoré, -Anglo-French relations remained excellent in spite of the many attempts -made to spoil them. His successors also left excellent memories behind -them when their term of office came to an end; and Lord Lytton -especially had contrived to make for himself many friends among French -society, which at that time did not look upon foreigners with the same -enthusiasm it professes to-day. Lord Lytton was a scholar, a writer and -also a statesman, a combination one does not meet frequently in our age -of mediocrities. He was a great friend, and, I think, also a distant -relation, of Lord Salisbury, who had firm confidence in his abilities; -he enjoyed greater latitude than other Ambassadors had done or did later -on. - -I will say nothing about Count Arnim. We were never intimate or even on -friendly terms with each other. He was extremely stiff, and had a -considerable amount of the _morgue prussienne_ in his ways, so that very -few people sympathised with him or with his opinions. Nevertheless, his -trial, and the long war which Prince Bismarck waged against him, aroused -an interest in his fate which would not have existed under different -circumstances. But, all the same, one was not sorry when Prince -Hohenlohe succeeded him. The Prince was received with a certain amount -of kind feeling such as could not have been expected under ordinary -conditions. - -Prince Hohenlohe was one of the greatest among the grand seigneurs in -Germany. He was related to the Royal Family of Prussia and to almost all -the crowned heads in Europe. He had been President of the Bavarian -ministry, and as such had shown great devotion to the cause of German -unity. His character had always been above reproach, his tact was -exquisite, and his straightforwardness was recognised even among the -enemies of his political ideas and opinions. He was essentially a man of -duty, and he never failed in its fulfilment, no matter how painful this -might be. All those who knew him respected him, and when he was sent to -Paris as Ambassador, it was felt among the diplomatic circles of Europe -that his presence there would help to do away with many prejudices and -misunderstandings. - -I was a frequent visitor at the house of Prince Clovis, as we called him -familiarly, and whenever I left him it was with admiration for his -shrewd intelligence and the logic displayed in all his reasonings and -appreciations of men and of events. He had very few illusions, but at -the same time an excessive kindness in all his judgments of other -people. Ill-nature was unknown to him, and he was always ready to find -excuses for the mistakes he could not help noticing in his neighbours. -Prince Hohenlohe was infinitely above all his contemporaries in -everything, both as a private and as a public man, and in all the high -offices which he held he won for himself the esteem and the affection of -all who had to do with him. - -He made himself liked, too, in Paris in those first years which followed -upon the war, in spite of the natural prejudice which existed against -everything German. He had some relatives in the Faubourg St. Germain, -where both he and his wife were received with more cordiality than in -official circles, and he felt more or less at home among them. This -fact made him cling to his Paris mission, where it was felt at the time -that it would be difficult to replace him, and where, later on, his -appointment as Chancellor of the German Empire was received with a -certain amount of sympathy. - -Princess Hohenlohe was a fitting wife for that distinguished man. She -was also a _grande dame_, highly born and highly connected, with some of -the bluest blood in Europe flowing in her veins. She admirably filled -her position as Ambassadress, and she made for herself in France, as -everywhere else, a considerable number of friends. - -Prince Hohenlohe’s successor, Count Munster, as I think I have already -remarked, was in appearance more an Englishman than a German. His wife -had been English, and he affected great sympathies for everything that -was British, loving London, where he always declared he spent the -happiest time of his life, and crossing the Channel whenever he found it -possible to do so. He was in Paris at the time of the Dreyfus affair, -and contrived not to make for himself too many enemies, in spite of the -difficult position and circumstances in which he found himself during -that anxious period. Among diplomats he was liked, his advice being -always appreciated and mostly followed. I cannot say the same thing -about his successor, Prince Radolin, formerly Count Radolinski, who, in -spite of the many years he remained in Paris, did not succeed in -attaining the great position which had belonged to Prince Hohenlohe or -to Count Munster. - -During the latter’s tenure of the German Embassy, the present Prince von -Bülow was one of his secretaries. Intelligent, clever in noticing what -ought to be noticed, and in not seeing the things which apparently did -not concern him, he contrived to keep himself exceedingly well _au -courant_ of all that was going on around him, and of the intentions and -designs of French diplomacy. He was a man singularly unprejudiced, for -whom the end always justified the means. He may perhaps have had too -high an opinion of his own merits, and too much confidence in his power -to do always what he liked and wanted. He could make himself very -charming when he saw a personal advantage, and he was constantly on the -look out for the things that others did not see or did not care to -notice. His admiration for Prince Bismarck was unbounded, and he fondly -nursed an ambition to replace him as Chancellor of the German Empire. -Even at the time when he was a simple secretary at the Paris Embassy, he -told a friend of his that he would probably never become an ambassador, -but might, if circumstances favoured him, come to be at the head of -Germany’s foreign policy. - -Prince Bülow, who fell from his high position because he had not -understood the character of the Emperor William II., and imagined that -the latter would not notice or would forgive him for trying to keep him -in leading-strings, married one of the most distinguished women in -Europe, an Italian by birth, and the daughter of the Princesse de -Camporeale. Madame Bülow was the wife of another German diplomat, Count -Donhoff, when she made the acquaintance of the future Chancellor. No one -can doubt his love for the beautiful and intelligent woman who at -present is his wife. - -The first Ambassador whom Russia sent to Paris after the signature of -peace with Germany was Prince Orloff, one of her greatest noblemen. His -exalted position and high moral character put him above any suspicion of -playing a double game between France and Prussia, and he had, moreover, -the advantage of being a personal friend of President Thiers. He -remained at his post for something like ten years, and when he was -removed to Berlin, at the express desire of Prince Bismarck, his -departure was mourned by all those who knew him. - -Of his successor, Baron Mohrenheim, I shall say no more than that he had -a very complex personality. He was not liked in France nor in Russia; it -is said that he only kept his post because he enjoyed the protection of -the Empress Marie Feodorovna, the Consort of Alexander III. - -It was M. Nelidoff who replaced him, and who remained in possession of -the Russian Embassy in Paris until his death. M. Nelidoff was a diplomat -of the old school, who had spent almost his whole career in the East, -and who had served under Count Ignatieff in Constantinople, accompanying -him to San Stefano, where his signature figures on the famous treaty -which was signed there, and which Europe did not consent to accept. He -was not a man who would shrink with horror when seeing something dirty -under his feet, but rather one who would try not to step into it. No one -knew better than he did how to get over a difficulty, or how to avoid a -mistake. He can certainly be considered as an able diplomat, and -certainly also he cut a better figure in Paris than his successor, M. -Izvolski, whom wicked tongues in St. Petersburg nicknamed Izvostchik, -which means a cabdriver. - -Prince Orloff had had for private secretary during his stay in Paris -Count Mouravieff, whom he took with him to Berlin, and who was -ultimately to be put in possession of the Russian Foreign Office after -the unexpected death of Prince Labanoff. Count Mouravieff was one of the -most charmingly amiable men that Russian diplomacy ever possessed. His -tact was something surpassing, and his cleverness, which had no shade of -pedantry mixed with it, made him delightful. He has been accused of many -things, including that of not being either a good or a faithful friend. -I have had occasion to see that this was a most unjust and untrue -reproach, because Count Muravieff, far from deserting those who had been -his companions, when their worldly star did not shine any longer as -brightly as it had done, was, on the contrary, always eager to oblige -them in anything that he could possibly do for them, and kept up his -relations with them sometimes even at the cost of some personal -sacrifices. He was not liked by those who saw in him a possible rival, -his quick career interfering with their own, but the few who knew him -well esteemed him as much as they appreciated his intelligence and his -pleasant conversation. - -I must, before ending with these few words of remembrance that I have -given of my former colleagues, say something about the Italian -Ambassador, Count Tornielli, or rather about his wife, who was a Russian -by birth, a Countess Rostopschine, the granddaughter of that Count -Rostopschine who burned Moscow rather than give it up to Napoleon. She -was an amiable woman, whose house was always open to her compatriots; -one who had kept a great attachment for the land of her birth, and whose -salon was a favourite resort for those who cared more for clever -conversation than for polo or for tennis. She had a sister, the Countess -Lydie Rostopschine, who has written several books full of interest, -among them one called “Rastaquèropolis,” which is the best description -that has ever been published of Nice society and in general of the life -and the people of the French Riviera. - - - - -L’ENVOI - - -When I think of all those bright, happy days I spent in Paris I regret -often that I cannot live them over again. I had hoped to be allowed to -end my days on the banks of the Seine, in the gay city which has always -proved so attractive to Russians. St. Petersburg did not interest me any -longer. Its climate is far too severe for my old lungs and my -everlasting rheumatism, and all the persons who were my friends in the -old days have either died or disappeared from the social horizon. Fate -ruled it otherwise, and my seventy-five years have not been allowed to -remain in Paris where they believed they had found a home. An Imperial -order removes me to another place where very probably I shall miss the -attractions of Paris, and the resources which it offers to a bookworm -like myself. Before going away I have read over again the reminiscences -that in my idle moments I have scribbled for the benefit of those who -care to read them when I am gone, and I have found a melancholy pleasure -in doing so. It has been such a happy time, even for a misanthrope like -myself. Each time I have left Paris it has been a joy to return, and to -look once more on the familiar haunts where I used to walk in company -with friends who, alas! have already gone. Would that I could follow -them on that journey whence no one returns, before leaving Paris for -ever; because at my age one cannot hope for anything that the morrow may -bring along with it--this wonderful Paris, where is so much of what -constituted my former pleasures, will remain buried. Russia can only -increase my melancholy, it is so different from what it was when I was -young, and when the sadness of the snow which covered its ground found -no echo in my young heart. - - * * * * * - -Count Vassili’s wish was realised. He died just before his intended -departure from the Paris he had loved so well. - - - - -INDEX - - -A - -Abzac, Marquis d’, 151; - influence in Germany, 152 - -Adam, Edmond, 191 - -----, Mme. Juliette, 188, 189; - her antagonism to Bonapartism, 196; - and Boulangism, 248, 253; - and Gambetta, 192, 232 - -Agoult, Comtesse d’, 190 - -Alexander III., death of, 285 - -Amélie of Portugal, marriage of, 126 - -André, Mme. Edouard, 177, 180 - -Aosta, Duchess of, 46 - -Arnim, Count, 383 - -Aumale, Duc d’, banishment annulled, 139; - biography of, 133; - cause of banishment, 138; - offered the Presidency, 145; - in the Army, 137; - popularity of, 124; - and Trochu, 82 - -----, Duchesse d’, 141 - - -B - -Bartet, Mme., 379 - -Bazaine, Marshal, 64; - trial of, 129 - -Beaulaincourt, Comtesse de, 23, 30 - -Beauvoir, Marquis de, and Boulangism, 247 - -Bernhardt, Madame Sarah, 379 - -Berryer, M., 48 - -Biron, Vicomte de Gontaut, 161; - and Bismarck, 162 - -----, Comte de Gontaut, 349 - -Bisaccia, Duc et Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld, 169 - -Bismarck and Gambetta, 238; - and Jules Favre, 73; - and Vicomte de Gontaut Biron, 162 - -Bonaparte, Prince Pierre, private life of, 40 - -----, Prince Victor, shoots Victor Noir, 39 - -----, Princess Marie, marriage of, 41 - -Bonnat, Joseph Leon, 142 - -Bonnemains, Madame de, and Boulanger, 247, 256 - -Bontoux, M., and the Union Générale, 227 - -Boulanger, General, 244; - elected to Chamber, 247; - flight of, 255; - retirement of, 246; - returns to Paris in disguise, 247; - suicide of, 256 - ----- Plot, the, 244 - -Boulangism, the beginnings of, 246 - -Boulangists and the Comte de Paris, 125 - -Bourget, Paul, 377 - -Briand, Aristide, career of, 366; - political future of, 363; - and the Socialists, 368 - -Brisson, Barnabé, Nicholas II. visits, 289 - -Broglie, Duc de, 147; - an ardent Orleanist, 158; - biography of, 156; - and Feuillet, 158 - -----, Prince Amédée de, 159 - -----, Princesse de, 160 - -Bülow, Prince von, 385 - - -C - -Caillavet, Madame de, 332 - -Canrobert, Marshal, candidature for Presidency, 145 - -Carnot, Sadi, 245; - as President, 271; - becomes candidate for Presidency, 229; - murder of, 271 - -Castellane, Comte de, affairs of, 316 - -Castellane, Comtesse Jean de, 350 - -----, Marquis de, 349 - -Castelnau, General, and the Prince Imperial, 60 - -Castiglione, Comtesse de, 53 - -Cavaignac, M., and the Dreyfus affair, 328 - -Chambord, Comte de, biography of the, 112; - death of, 116; - funeral of, 122; - dispute with MacMahon, 218; - home life of, 112; - and Marshal MacMahon, 115-118; - and the Monarchical restoration, 115; - and the Republic, 88; - and Versailles, 116 - -Chantilly, bequeathed to the French Academy, 139; - glories of, 124, 134 - -Chanzy, General, defeated at Orleans, 81 - -Chartres, Duc de, characteristics of, 128; - marriage of, 130; - and the Franco-Prussian War, 128 - -Claretie, Jules, 217, 376 - -Clemenceau, Georges, influence of, 309; - and Baron Mohrenheim, 280; - and Comtesse d’Aunay, 310; - and Edward VII., 361; - and Fallières, 358; - and Russia, 279; - and the Commune, 92; - and the Dreyfus affair, 312, 321 - -Cléry, Maître, 140 - -Clotilde of Savoy, Princesse, 45; - and Empress Eugénie, 14 - -Commune, the, fight with Thiers’ troops at Père-la-Chaise, 95; - opinions on, 94; - outbreak of the, 87; - stamping out the, 97 - -Compiègne, life at, 9, 25 - -Conneau, Dr., contrives Napoleon’s escape from Ham, 21; - Napoleon’s friendship with, 20 - -Constant, M., and General Boulanger, 255 - -Conti, M., 23 - - -D - -Darboy, Archbishop, assassination of, 95 - -Daudet, Alphonse, 215 - -----, Ernest, 217 - -----, Leon, 216 - -----, Lucien, 216 - -----, Madame Alphonse, 335 - -_Débats, Journal des_, 299 - -Decazes, Duc, 147; - as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 160; - biography of, 156 - -Delahaye, Jules, denounces Panama affairs in Chamber, 263 - -Déroulède, Paul, and Boulangism, 248, 252 - -Dillon, Count, and Boulangism, 247 - -Donnersmarck, Count Henckel von, 238 - -Dorian, Madame Ménard, 332 - -Dreyfus affair, 318; - a family incident, 336; - the religious element, 328; - the verdict, 319; - and Faure, 295; - and Zola, 323 - -----, Captain, in the dock, 318; - personality of, 323 - -Dumas, Alex., 211 - -----, Colette, 213 - -----, Jeannine, 213 - - -E - -Empire, last days of the, 48 - -Esterhazy, Col., and the Dreyfus affair, 326 - -Eugénie, Empress, 3, 9, 26, 65; - as Regent, 63; - attitude before the Franco-Prussian War, 59; - bravery as a nurse, 11; - flight of, 71; - leaves St. Cloud, 63; - unpopularity during war, 59; - and her son, 12; - and Marshal MacMahon, 64; - and peace negotiations, 78; - and the 4th of September, 37; - and Thiers, 104. - (_See also under_ Napoleon III.) - - -F - -Fallières, André, 365 - -----, Armand, at St. Petersburg, 362; - elected to the Presidency, 358; - and Clemenceau, 358; - and the Vatican, 359 - -----, Madame, 364 - -Falloux, Comte de, 214 - -Faure, Félix, at the Elysée, 283; - death of, 294; - early career, 276; - elected to Presidency, 276; - supposed overtures to Germany, 296; - visits Nicholas II., 294; - and Nicholas II., in Paris, 284; - and the Russian Fleet, 277 - -Favre, Jules, makes a false move, 90; - and Bismarck, 73; - and the Franco-Prussian War, 75 - -Ferry, Jules, advocates the Republic, 68; - and Esterhazy, 326 - -Feuillet, Octave, 28 - -Flaubert, Gustave, personality of, 375 - -Fleury, General, 23 - -Flourens, Pierre, and the Panama scandal, 267 - -Fontainebleau, life at, 25 - -Fortoul, M. de, 150 - -France, Anatole, personality of, 374 - -France, estimation of patriotism in, 96 - -Franco-Prussian War, capitulation of Paris, 83; - defeat of army of Chanzy, 81; - effect on Monarchy, 63; - first disasters in, 63; - peace negotiations at Versailles, 84; - Prince Imperial at, 62; - Prussian troops enter Paris, 84; - the Emperor’s review outside Paris, 86; - the eve of the, in Paris, 56; - troops’ return from captivity, 94 - -Franco-Russian misunderstanding, 313 - ----- entente, the, 278, 285 - -French court life under Napoleon, 111 - -Freycinet, M. de, 224, 229 - - -G - -Galliera, Duchesse de, 177 - -Galiffet, Marquise de, 29 - -Gambetta, Leon, as Prime Minister 236; - biography of, 231; - death of, 241; - forms his Cabinet, 236; - his chief ambition, 233; - his early social errors, 194; - his estimation of MacMahon, 224; - his projected marriage, 239; - in 1871, 88; - the mystery of his accident, 239; - and Bismarck, 238; - and Comte de St. Vallier, 237; - and European politics, 233; - and Germany, 233; - and Madame Juliette Adam, 192; - and the 4th of September, 65 - -_Gaulois_, the, 303 - -Gortschakoff, Prince, and the Russian canard, 164 - -Gonne, Miss Maud, and Boulangism, 253 - -Gramont, Duc de, 46; - at Vienna, 47 - -----, Duchesse de, 351 - -Granier, Jeanne, Madame, 380 - -Grévy, Jules, as President, 225; - resigns the Presidency, 228; - and Daniel Wilson, 227 - - -H - -Hading, Jane, Madame, 380 - -Hanotaux, Gabriel, as a writer, 297 - -Harcourt, Vicomte Emmanuel d’, 149 - -Henry, Colonel, and the Dreyfus affair, 327 - -Herz, Cornelius, and the Panama Canal 259 - -Hohenlohe, Prince, 383; - as Ambassador, 276 - -Hohenzollern, Prince Leopold of, and the Spanish throne, 52 - -Hugo, Georges, 334 - -Humbert, Madame, 355 - - -I - -Imperial, Prince, and the Franco-Prussian War, 60 - - -J - -Jacquemard, Mlle. Nelly, 180, 182 - -Jaurès, M., and the Socialists, 369 - -_Journal_, the, 299 - - -L - -Lacroix, Madame, 58, 188 - -Laguerre, George, and Boulangism, 248, 251 - -Lamartine, M. de, 48 - -Lambert, Madame Juliette, 190. - (_See also_ Adam, Juliette.) - -_Lanterne_, the, 304 - -Lasteyrie, Marquis Jules de, 194 - -Lecomte, assassination of, 91 - -Legitimists, position of, under Third Republic, 168 - -Lemaitre, Jules, 141 - -Léon, Princesse de, 179 - -Lesseps, Ferdinand de, mental breakdown of, 264; - sentenced to imprisonment, 265; - and the Panama Canal, 258. - (_See also_ Panama scandal.) - -----, Charles de, 259; - his affection for his father, 264. - (_See also_ Panama scandal.) - -Loti, Pierre, personality of, 376 - -Loubet, Emile, achievements during Presidency, 313; - elected to the Presidency, 308; - in London, 314; - in Rome, 314; - Nicholas II. visits, 289; - refuses to visit the Pope, 315; - and the Catholic rupture, 311; - and the Dreyfus affair, 312 - -Luynes, Duchesse de, 169, 172 - -Lyons, Lord, 383 - - -M - -MacMahon, Marshal, at the Elysée, 147; - _coup d’état_ of, 159; - death of, 155; - dispute with Comte de Chambord, 218; - elements of failure as President, 221; - fall of, 218; - his letter to Jules Simon, 149; - overthrow of, 154; - Presidency of, 144; - proceeds to join Marshal Bazaine, 64; - retires from Presidency, 226; - and the Comte de Chambord, 115, 118; - and d’Harcourt, 149; - and the _coup d’état_ of May 16th, 223; - and Thiers, 110 - -Magenta, Duc de, 148 - -----, Duchesse de, 148 - -Maillé, Duchesse de, 186 - -Mathilde, Princess, 14; - and Taine, 209 - -_Matin_, the, 298 - -Maupassant, Guy de, personality of, 376 - -May, the 16th of, 218 - -Mazas, prison invaded by mob, 83 - -Mérimée, M., 27 - -Messine, Mlle. Juliette la, 190. - (_See also_ Adam, Juliette, _and_ Lambert, Juliette.) - -Metternich, Prince, 382; - and Adolphe Thiers, 102 - ----- Princess Paul, 2, 17 - -Meyer, Arthur, career of, 301; - starts the Panama revelations, 262; - and Boulangism, 247; - and Charles de Lesseps, 260 - -Millevoye, Lucien, and Boulangism, 248, 252 - -Mirbeau, Octave, career of, 372 - -Mocquard, M., 21 - -Mohrenheim, Baron de, and Clemenceau, 280; - and Faure, 277 - -Monaco, Princesse de, 175 - -Monarchist restoration, chances of, in 1871, 88 - -Montagnini, Mgr., and the Catholic crisis, 360 - -Montalembert, Charles de, 49 - -Montebello, Comtesse Jean de, 346 - -Morès, Marquis de, and Russia, 279 - -Mouchy, Duc de, marries Princess Anna Murat, 167 - -Mun, Count Albert de, and Boulangism, 248, 250 - -Munster, Count, as Ambassador, 275, 385; - and the Dreyfus affair, 274 - -Murat, Princess Anna, and Empress Eugénie, 16 - -Muravieff, Count, 387 - - -N - -Napoleon III., at the Franco-Prussian War, 58; - end of his dynasty, 70; - in 1868, 3; - influence of, 67; - leaves St. Cloud, 60; - personal characteristics, 6; - and Italian secret societies, 6 - -----, Prince, and Empress Eugénie, 14 - -----, Prince Louis, 45 - -----, Prince “Plon Plon,” 43 - -National Assembly, first meeting of the, 225; - ratifies peace, 87 - ----- Guard, the disarmament trouble begins, 90 - -Nelidoff, M. de, 387 - -Nerville, Madame Aubernon de, 188 - -Nicholas II. at Chalons, 290; - at the Russian Embassy, 290; - visits Brisson, 289; - visits Loubet, 289; - visits Paris, 284, 287 - -Nigra, Count, 32, 382; - a significant prophecy, 33 - -Noailles, Comtesse Mathieu de, 337 - -Noir, Victor, shot by Prince Pierre, 39 - - -O - -Ollivier, Emile, 24, 38; - changes in Cabinet of, 46; - Ministry of, distrusted, 48; - urges Napoleon’s return to Paris, 64 - -Orleanism, hopes of, 220 - -Orleans, Duc d’, 127 - ----- family, 131 - -Orleanist cause, the, 123 - -Orleanists and the confiscated millions, 123; - and the Republic, 88 - -Orloff, Prince, 386 - - -P - -Panama Scandal, money becomes scarce, 258; - the Canal scheme, 257; - the lottery is suggested, 258; - the public trial, 265; - and the Republic, 269 - -Paris, Bismarck and the Peace of, 73; - capitulation of, 83; - during the siege, 73; - experiences of, during revolution, 78; - invasion of Mazas by the mob, 83; - news of Sedan reaches, 66; - on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War, 56; - population fraternises with Prussians, 85; - prepares for the siege, 71; - Prussian troops enter, 84; - September 4th in, 65; - settles down after Commune, 97; - society after the fall of the Empire, 166; - society in 1868, 1; - society of to-day, 343; - society under Loubet, 315; - the Commune, 87; - Thiers returns after the Commune, 97; - visit of Nicholas II., 284, 287; - food during siege, 80 - -----, Comte de, personality of, 125; - and the Boulangists, 125 - -Peace negotiations of Franco-Prussian War, 84 - -Pellieux, General de, and the Dreyfus affair, 327 - -Périer, Casimir, early career of, 272; - elected President, 273; - strength of character, 273; - why he resigned Presidency, 274 - -Père-la-Chaise, the fight at, 95 - -_Petit Parisien_, the, 300 - -Plebiscite, the, first suggested, 41 - -“Plon Plon,” Prince, 43 - -Pobedonosteff, M., and Boulangism, 254 - -Poilly, Baronne de, 30 - -Pourtalès, Comtesse Mélanie de, 17, 19, 180 - -Press, the French, 297 - -_Presse_, the, 304 - -Prévost, Marcel, personality of, 378 - -Psichari, Madame, 335 - - -R - -Radziwill family, the, 352 - -Reinach, Baron Jacques, and the Panama Scandal, 261 - -Réjane, Madame, 380 - -Renan, Ernest, 205 - -----, Henriette, 206 - -Republic, the Third, birth of the, 69; - disbelief in its stability, 88; - Jules Ferry incites revolt, 68; - the mistake of the, 74 - -Revolution, excesses during the, 77; - of 1870, start of the, 69 - -Rochefort-Luçay, Henri, Marquis de, as a journalist, 305; - and Boulangism, 248 - -Rochefoucauld, Comte de la, 174 - -----, Comtesse Aimery de la, 174 - -----, La, family of, 173 - -Rochette, career of, 355; - scandal, 355 - -Rodin and Mirbeau, 373 - -Rohan, Duchesse de, 179 - -Rostopschine, Countess Lydie, 388 - -Rothschild, Baron Henri de, 339 - -Rouher, M., 38; - character sketch of, 42; - and the Plebiscite, 42 - -Rouvier, Maurice, as candidate for the Presidency, 308; - characteristics of, 340; - and the Panama Scandal, 267 - - -S - -St. Vallier, Comte de, and Gambetta, 237 - -Sagan, Prince and Princesse de, 183 - -----, Princesse de, 128 - -Sedan, fall of, news received in Paris, 66 - -September 4th in Paris, 65 - -Siege of Paris, 73; - food during, 80 - -Simon, Jules, as Prime Minister, 221 - -Socialism in France, 368 - -Sorel, Cecile, 379, 380 - -Spain, Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern and the throne of, 52 - - -T - -Taine, Hippolyte, 209 - -Talleyrand, Duc de, 186 - -_Temps_, the, 298 - -Thiebaud, George, and Boulangism, 247 - -Thiers, Adolphe, as a historical writer, 100; - characteristics of, 99; - death of, 110; - elected head of National Assembly, 89; - explains his severity during the Commune, 108; - flight of, to Versailles, 9; - imprisonment of, 103; - M. and Madame, at the Elysée, 167; - Ministry overturned, 144; - negotiates for peace, 84; - opposes the Plebiscite, 41; - returns to Paris after Commune, 97; - his troops defeat Communards at Père-la-Chaise, 95; - and Empress Eugénie, 104; - and Marshal MacMahon, 110; - and Prince Metternich, 102; - and the Bonapartists, 109; - and the Commune, 106; - and the Empire, 104; - and the situation in 1871, 89 - -Thomas, Clément, assassination of, 91 - -Tornielli, Comtesse, 388 - -Tradern, Comtesse de, 350 - -Trochu, General, 65; - conduct during the siege of Paris, 81; - and Duc d’Aumale, 82 - -Tsartoryski, Prince Ladislas, 351 - -Tuileries, the, forced by the mob, 1870, 70; - life at, 24 - - -U - -Union-Générale collapse, 226 - -Uzès, Duchesse d’, and Boulangism 248, 269, 251 - - -V - -Valovska, Countess, 17 - -Viollet-le-Duc, M., 29 - -Vogué, Vicomte de, 377 - - -W - -Wilson, Daniel, and President Grévy, 227 - -Wimpffen, General, 76 - - -Z - -Zola, Emile, 214, 336; - burial in the Panthéon, 324; - and the Dreyfus affair, 323 - -----, Madame, 336 - - -PRINTED BY CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, LA BELLE SAUVAGE, LONDON, E.C. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of France from Behind the Veil:, by -Catherine Radziwill - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCE FROM BEHIND THE VEIL: *** - -***** This file should be named 61359-0.txt or 61359-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/3/5/61359/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at -http://gutenberg.org/license). - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at -809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official -page at http://pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit http://pglaf.org - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |