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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fc203de --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #61040 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61040) diff --git a/old/61040-8.txt b/old/61040-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 077007c..0000000 --- a/old/61040-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6261 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Britain's Deadly Peril, by William Le Queux - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Britain's Deadly Peril - Are We Told the Truth? - - -Author: William Le Queux - - - -Release Date: December 28, 2019 [eBook #61040] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL*** - - -E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Graeme Mackreth, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/britainsdeadlype00lequrich - - - - - -BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL - -Are we Told the Truth? - -by - -WILLIAM LE QUEUX - -Author of "German Spies in England" - - - - - - -London -Stanley Paul & Co -31 Essex Street, Strand, W.C. - -First published in 1915 - -Copyright in the United States of America by -William Le Queux, 1915 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - FOREWORD - - PAGE - - The Unknown To-morrow 7 - - CHAPTER I - - The Peril of "Muddling Through" 13 - - CHAPTER II - - The Peril of Exploiting the Poor 31 - - CHAPTER III - - The Peril of not Doing Enough 49 - - CHAPTER IV - - The Peril of the Censorship 66 - - CHAPTER V - - The Peril of the Press Bureau 81 - - CHAPTER VI - - The Peril of the Enemy Alien 96 - - CHAPTER VII - - The Peril of Deluding the Public 119 - - CHAPTER VIII - - The Peril of Invasion 139 - - CHAPTER IX - - The Peril of Apathy 148 - - CHAPTER X - - The Peril of Stifling the Truth 160 - - CHAPTER XI - - Facts to Remember 171 - - - - -FOREWORD - -THE UNKNOWN TO-MORROW - - -The following pages--written partly as a sequel to my book "German -Spies in England," which has met with such wide popular favour--are, -I desire to assure the reader, inspired solely by a stern spirit of -patriotism. - -This is not a book of "scaremongerings," but of plain, hard, -indisputable facts. - -It is a demand for the truth to be told, and a warning that, by the -present policy of secrecy and shuffle, a distinct feeling of distrust -has been aroused, and is growing more and more apparent. No sane man -will, of course, ask for any facts concerning the country's resources -or its intentions, or indeed any information upon a single point which, -in the remotest way, could be of any advantage to the barbaric hordes -who are ready to sweep upon us. - -But what the British people to-day demand is a sound and definite -pronouncement which will take them, to a certain extent, into the -confidence of the Government--as apart from the War Office, against -which no single word of criticism should be raised--and at the same -time deal effectively with certain matters which, being little short of -public scandals, have irritated and inflamed public opinion at an hour -when every man in our Empire should put forth his whole strength for -his God, his King, and his country. - -Germany is facing the present situation with a sound, businesslike -policy, without any vacillation, or any attempt to shift responsibility -from one Department of the State to another. Are we doing the same? - -What rule or method can be discerned, for example, in a system which -allows news to appear in the papers in Scotland which is suppressed in -the newspapers in England? Why, indeed, should one paper in England be -permitted to print facts, and another, published half a mile away, be -debarred from printing the self-same words? - -The public--who, since August 4th last, are no longer school-children -under the Head-Mastership of the Prime-Minister-for-the-Time-Being--are -now wondering what all this curious censorship means, and for what -reason such an unreliable institution--an institution not without its -own scandals, and employing a thousand persons of varying ideas and -warped notions--should have been established. They can quite understand -the urgent necessity of preventing a horde of war correspondents, at -the front, sending home all sorts of details regarding our movements -and intentions, but they cannot understand why a Government offer of -£100 reward, published on placards all over Scotland for information -regarding secret bases of petrol, should be forbidden to be even -mentioned in England. - -They cannot understand why the Admiralty should issue a notice warning -the public that German spies, posing as British officers, are visiting -Government factories while at the same time the Under-Secretary for -War declares that all enemy aliens are known, and are constantly -under police surveillance. They cannot understand either why, in -face of the great imports of foodstuffs, and the patriotic movement -on the part of Canada and our Overseas Dominions concerning our wheat -supply, prices should have been allowed to increase so alarmingly, and -unscrupulous merchants should be permitted to exploit the poor as they -have done. They are mystified by the shifty shuttlecock policy which -is being pursued towards the question of enemy aliens, and the marked -disinclination of the authorities to make even the most superficial -inquiry regarding cases of suspected espionage, notwithstanding the -fact that German spies have actually been recognised among us by -refugees from Antwerp and other Belgian cities. - -The truth, which cannot be disguised, is that by the Government's -present policy, and the amusing vagaries of its Press Censorship, the -public are daily growing more and more apathetic concerning the war. -While, on the one hand, we see recruiting appeals in all the clever -guises of smart modern advertising, yet on the other, by the action of -the authorities themselves, the man-in-the-street is being soothed into -the belief that all goes well, and that, in consequence, no more men -are needed and nobody need worry further. - -We are told by many newspapers that Germany is at the end of her -tether: that food supplies are fast giving out, that she has lost -millions of men, that her people are frantic, that a "Stop the War" -party has already arisen in Berlin, and that the offensive on the -eastern frontier is broken. At home, the authorities would have -us believe that there is no possibility of invasion, that German -submarines are "pirates"--poor consolation indeed--that all alien -enemies are really a deserving hardworking class of dear good people, -and that there is no spy-peril. A year ago the British public would, -perhaps, have believed all this. To-day they refuse to do so. Why -they do not, I have here attempted to set out; I have tried to reveal -something of the perils which beset our nation, and to urge the reader -to pause and reflect for himself. Every word I have written in this -book, though I have been fearless and unsparing in my criticism, has -been written with an honest and patriotic intention, for I feel that it -is my duty, as an Englishman, in these days of national peril to take -up my pen--without political bias--solely for the public good. - -I ask the reader to inquire for himself, to ascertain how cleverly -Germany has hoodwinked us, and to fix the blame upon those who -wilfully, and for political reasons, closed their eyes to the truth. I -would ask the reader to remember the formation in Germany--under the -guidance of the Kaiser--of the Society for the Promotion of Better -Relations between Germany and England, and how the Kaiser appointed, -as president, a certain Herr von Holleben. I would further ask the -reader to remember my modest effort to dispel the pretty illusion -placed before the British public by exposing, in _The Daily Telegraph_, -in March 1912, the fact that this very Herr von Holleben, posing as a -champion of peace, was actually the secret emissary sent by the Kaiser -to the United States in 1910, with orders to make an anti-English press -propaganda in that country! And a week after my exposure the Emperor -was compelled to dismiss him from his post. - -Too long has dust been thrown in our eyes, both abroad and at home. - -Let every Briton fighting for his country, and working for his -country's good, remember that even though there be a political -truce to-day, yet the Day of Awakening must dawn sooner or later. -On that day, with the conscience of the country fully stirred, the -harmless--but to-day powerless--voter will have something bitter and -poignant to say when he pays the bill. He will then recollect some hard -facts, and ask himself many plain questions. He will put to himself -calmly the problem whether the present German hatred of England is -not mainly due to the weak shuffling sentimentalism and opportunism -of Germanophils in high places. And he will then search out Britain's -betrayers, and place them in the pillory. - -Assuredly, when the time comes, all these things--and many more--will -be remembered. And the dawn of the Unknown To-morrow will, I feel -assured, bring with it many astounding and drastic changes. - - William Le Queux. - - Devonshire Club, S.W. - _April 1915._ - - - - -BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE PERIL OF "MUDDLING THROUGH" - - -Has Britain, in the course of her long history, ever been prepared for -a great war? I do not believe she has; she certainly was not ready last -August, when the Kaiser launched his thunderbolt upon the world. - -Perhaps, paradoxical as it may seem, this perpetual unreadiness may be, -in a sense, part of Britain's strength. - -We are a people slow of speech, and slow to anger. It takes much--very -much--to rouse the British nation to put forth its full strength. -"Beware of the wrath of the man slow to anger" is a useful working -maxim, and it may be that the difficulty of arousing England is, in -some degree, a measure of her terrible power once she is awakened. - -Twice or thrice, at least, within living memory we have been caught -all unready when a great crisis burst upon us--in the Crimea, in South -Africa, and now in the greatest world-conflict ever seen. Hitherto, -thanks to the amazing genius for improvisation which is characteristic -of our race, we have "muddled through" somehow, often sorely smitten, -sorely checked, but roused by reverses to further and greater efforts. - -The bulldog tenacity that has ever been our salvation has been aroused -in time, and we have passed successfully through ordeals which might -have broken the spirit and crushed the resistance of nations whose -mental and physical fibre was less high and less enduring. - -We have "muddled through" in the past: shall we "muddle through" again? -It is the merest truism--patent to all the world--that when Germany -declared war, we were quite unready for a contest. For years the nation -had turned a deaf ear to all warnings. The noble efforts of the late -Lord Roberts, who gave the last years of his illustrious life--despite -disappointments, and the rebuffs of people in high places who ought -to have known--nay, who did know--that his words were literally true, -passed unheeded. - -Lord Roberts, the greatest soldier of the Victorian era, a man wise in -war, and of the most transcendent sincerity, was snubbed and almost -insulted, inside and outside the House of Commons, by a parcel of -upstarts who, in knowledge and experience of the world and of the -subject, were not fit to black his boots. "An alarmist and scaremonger" -was perhaps the least offensive name that these worthies could find for -him: and it was plainly hinted that he was an old man in his dotage. -Lulled into an unshakable complacency by the smooth assurances of -placeholders in comfortable jobs, the nation remained serenely asleep, -and never was a country less ready for the storm that burst upon us -last August. I had, in my writings--"The Invasion of England" and other -works--also endeavoured to awaken the public; but if they would not -listen to "Bobs," it was hardly surprising that they jeered at me. - -I am speaking of the nation as a whole. To their eternal honour let it -be said that there were nevertheless some who, for years, had foreseen -the danger, and had done what lay in their power to meet it. Foremost -among these we must place Mr. Winston Churchill, and the group of -brilliant officers who are now the chiefs of the British Army on the -Continent. To them, at least, I hope history will do full justice. -It was no mere coincidence that just before the outbreak of war our -great fleet--the mightiest Armada that the world has ever seen--was -assembled at Spithead, ready, to the last shell and the last man, for -any eventuality. - -It was no mere coincidence that the magnificent First Division at -Aldershot, trained to the minute by men who knew their business, were -engaged when war broke out in singularly appropriate "mobilisation -exercises." All honour to the men who foresaw the world-peril, and did -their utmost to make our pitiably insufficient forces ready, as far as -fitness and organisation could make them ready, for the great Day when -their courage and endurance were to be so severely tested. - -But when all this is said and admitted, it is clear that our safety, -in the early days of the war, hung by a hair. Afloat, of course, we -were more than a match for anything Germany could do, and our Fleet -has locked our enemy in with a strangling grip that we hope is slowly -choking out her industrial and commercial life. Ashore, however, our -position was perilous in the extreme. Men's hair whitened visibly -during those awful days when the tiny British Army, fighting heroically -every step of the way against overwhelming odds, was driven ever back -and back until, on the banks of the Marne, it suddenly turned at bay -and, by sheer matchless valour, hurled the legions of the Kaiser back -to ruin and defeat. The retreat was stayed, the enemy was checked and -driven back, but the margin by which disaster was averted and turned -into triumph was so narrow that nothing but the most superb heroism on -the part of our gallant lads could have saved the situation. We had -neglected all warnings, and we narrowly escaped paying an appalling -price in the destruction of the flower of the British Army. With -insufficient forces, we had again "muddled through" by the dogged -valour of the British private. - -To-day we are engaged in "muddling through" on a scale unexampled in -our history. The Government have taken power to raise the British -Army to a total of three million men. In our leisurely way we have -begun to make new armies in the face of an enemy who for fifty years -has been training every man to arms, in the face of an enemy who for -ten or fifteen years at least has been steadily, openly, and avowedly -preparing for the Day when he could venture, with some prospect of -success, to challenge the sea supremacy by which we live, and move, and -have our being, and lay our great Empire in the dust. - -We neglected all warnings; we calmly ignored our enemy's avowed -intentions; we closed our eyes and jeered at all those who told the -truth; we deliberately, and of choice, elected to wait until war was -upon us to begin our usual process of "muddling through." Truly we -are an amazing people! Yet we should remember that the days when one -Englishman was better than ten foreigners have passed for ever. - -Naturally, our preference for waiting till the battle opened before -we began to train for the fight led us into some of the most amazing -muddles that even our military history can boast of. When the tocsin of -war rang out, our young men poured to the colours from every town and -village in the country. Everybody but the War Office expected it. The -natural result followed: recruiting offices were simply "snowed under" -with men, and for weeks we saw the most amazing chaos. The flood of -men could neither be equipped nor housed, nor trained, and confusion -reigned supreme. We had an endless series of scandals at camps, into -which I do not propose to enter: probably, with all the goodwill in -the world, they were unavoidable. Still the flood of men poured in. -The War Office grew desperate. It was, clearly, beyond the capacity -of the organisation to handle the mass of recruits, and then the War -Office committed perhaps its greatest blunder. Unable to accept more -men, it raised the physical standard for recruits. No one seems to have -conceived the idea that it would have been better to take the names -of the men and call them up as they were needed. Naturally the public -seized upon the idea that enough men had been obtained, and there was -an instant slump in recruiting which, despite the most strenuous of -advertising campaigns--carried out on the methods of a vendor of patent -medicines--has, unfortunately, not yet been overcome. - -Following, came a period of unexampled chaos at the training-centres. -Badly lodged, badly fed, clothed in ragged odds and ends of "uniforms," -without rifles or bayonets, it is simply a marvel that the men stuck -to their duty, and it is surely a glowing testimony to their genuine -patriotism. I do not wish to rake up old scandals, and I am not going -to indulge in carping criticism of the authorities because they were -not able to handle matters with absolute smoothness when, each week, -they were getting very nearly a year's normal supply of recruits. -Confusion and chaos were bound to be, and I think the men--on the -whole--realised the difficulties, and made the best of a very trying -situation. But they were Britons! My object is simply to show how -serious was our peril through our unpreparedness. If our enemy, in that -time of preparation, could have struck a blow directly at us, we must, -inevitably, have gone under in utter ruin. Happily, our star was in the -ascendant. The magnificent heroism of Belgium, the noble recovery of -the French nation after their first disastrous surprise, the unexampled -valour of our Army, and the silent pressure of the Navy, saved us from -the peril that encompassed us. Once again we had "muddled through" -perhaps the worst part of our task. - -No one can yet say that we are safe. This war is very far indeed from -being won, for there is yet much to do, and many grave perils still -threaten us. It is, perhaps, small consolation to know that most of -the perils we brought upon ourselves by our persistent and foolish -refusal to face plain and obvious facts: by our toleration of so-called -statesmen who, fascinated by the Kaiser's glib talk, came very near -to betraying England by their refusal to tell the country the truth, -or even, without telling the country, to make adequate preparations -to meet a danger which had been foreseen by every Chancellory in -Europe for years past. It can never be said that we were not warned, -plainly and unmistakably. The report of the amazing speech of the -Kaiser, which I have recorded elsewhere, I placed in the hands of the -British Secret Service as early as 1908, and the fact that it had been -delivered was soon abundantly verified by confidential inquiries in -official circles in Berlin. Yet, with the knowledge of that speech -before them, Ministers could still be found to assure us that Germany -was our firm and devoted friend! - -The Kaiser, in the course of the secret speech in question, openly -outlined his policy and said: - - "Our plans have been most carefully laid and prepared by our General - Staff. Preparations have been made to convey at a word a German army - of invasion of a strength able to cope with any and all the troops - that Great Britain can muster against us. It is too early yet to fix - the exact date when the blow shall be struck, but I will say this: - that we shall strike as soon as I have a sufficiently large fleet - of Zeppelins at my disposal. I have given orders for the hurried - construction of more airships of the improved Zeppelin type, and when - these are ready we shall destroy England's North Sea, Channel, and - Atlantic fleets, after which nothing on earth can prevent the landing - of our army on British soil and its triumphal march to London. - - "You will desire to know how the outbreak of hostilities will be - brought about. I can assure you on this point. Certainly we shall - not have to go far to find a just cause for war. My army of spies, - scattered over Great Britain and France, as it is over North and South - America, as well as all the other parts of the world where German - interests may come to a clash with a foreign Power, will take good - care of that. I have issued already some time since secret orders that - will at the proper moment accomplish what we desire. - - "I shall not rest and be satisfied until all the countries and - territories that once were German, or where greater numbers of my - former subjects now live, have become a part of the great mother - country, acknowledging me as their supreme lord in war and peace. - Even now I rule supreme in the United States, where almost one-half - of the population is either of German birth or of German descent, and - where three million German voters do my bidding at the Presidential - elections. No American Administration could remain in power against - the will of the German voters, who ... control the destinies of the - vast Republic beyond the sea. - - "I have secured a strong foothold for Germany in the Near East, and - when the Turkish 'pilaf' pie will be partitioned, Asia Minor, Syria, - and Palestine--in short, the overland route to India--will become our - property. But to obtain this we must first crush England and France." - -And, in the face of those words, we still went on money-grubbing and -pleasure-seeking! - -If ever the British Empire, following other great Empires of the past, -plunges downward to rack and ruin, we may rest assured that the reason -will be our reliance on our ancient and stereotyped policy of "muddling -through." - -I am glad to think that in the conduct of the present campaign we have -been spared those scandals of the baser type which, in the past, have -been such an unsavoury feature of almost every great war in which -we have been engaged. Minor instances of fraud and peculation, of -supplying doubtful food, etc., have no doubt occurred. Human nature -being what it is, it could hardly be expected that we could raise, -train, equip, and supply an army numbered by millions without some -unscrupulous and unpatriotic individuals seizing the opportunity to -line their pockets by unlawful means. We hear occasional stories of -huts unfit for human habitation, of food in camp hardly fit for human -consumption. On the whole, however, it is cordially agreed--and it is -only fair to say--that there has been an entire absence of the shocking -scandals of the type which revolted the nation during the Crimean -campaign. Much has been said about the War Office arrangement with Mr. -Meyer for the purchase of timber. But the main allegation, even in -this case, is that the War Office made an exceedingly bad and foolish -bargain, and Mr. Meyer an exceedingly good one. Indeed it is not even -suggested that the transaction involved anything in the nature of -fraud. It seems rather to be a plea that the purely commercial side of -war would be infinitely better conducted by committees of able business -men than by permanent officials of the War Office, who are, after all, -not very commercial. - -Undoubtedly this is true. We should be spared a good deal of the -muddling and waste involved in our wars if, on the outbreak of -hostilities, the War Office promptly asked the leading business men -of the community to form committees and take over and manage for the -benefit of the nation the purely commercial branches of the work. Yet I -suppose, under our system of government, such an obvious common-sense -procedure as this could hardly be hoped for. We continue to leave vast -commercial undertakings in the hands of the men who are not bred in -business, with the result that money is wasted by millions, and so are -lucky if we are not swindled on a gigantic scale by the unscrupulous -contractors. It is usually in an army's food and clothing that scandals -of this nature are revealed, and it is only just to the War Office to -say that in this campaign, for once, food has been good and clothing -fair. - -Most of our muddling, so far, has been of a nature tending to prolong -the duration of the war. Our persistent policy of unreadiness has -simply meant that for four, five, or six long months we have not been -ready to take the field with the forces imperatively necessary if the -Germans are to be hurled, neck and crop, out of Belgium and France -across the Rhine, and their country finally occupied and subjugated. - -Already another new and graver peril is threatening us--the peril -of a premature and inconclusive peace. Already the voice of the -pacifist--that strangely constituted being to whom the person of the -enemy is always sacred--is being heard in the land. We heard it in the -Boer War from the writers and speakers paid by Germany. Already the -plea is going up that Germany must not be "crushed"--that Germany, -who has made Belgium a howling wilderness, who has massacred men, -women, and even little children, in sheer cold-blooded lust, shall be -treated with the mild consideration we extend to a brave and honourable -opponent. Sure it is, therefore, that if Britain retires from this -war with her avowed purpose unfulfilled, we shall have been guilty of -muddling compared with which the worst we have ever done in the past -will be the merest triviality. - -If this war has proved one thing more clearly than another, it -has proved that the German is utterly and absolutely unfit to -exercise power, that he is restrained by no moral consideration from -perpetuating the most shocking abominations in pursuit of his aims, -that the most sacred obligations are as dust in the balance when they -conflict with his supposed interests. It has proved too, beyond the -shadow of a doubt, that England is the real object of Germany's foaming -hate. We are the enemy! France and Russia are merely incidental foes. -It is England that stands between Germany and the realisation of -her insane dream of world dominion, and unless Great Britain to-day -completes, with British thoroughness, the task to which she has set -her hand, this generation, and the generations that are to come, will -never be freed from the blighting shadow of Teutonic megalomania. It is -quite conceivable that a peace which would be satisfactory to Russia -and France would be profoundly unsatisfactory to us. Happily, the -Allies are solemnly bound to make peace jointly or not at all, and I -trust there will be no wavering on this point. For us there is but one -line of safety: the Germanic power for mischief must be finally and -irretrievably broken before Britain consents to sheathe the sword. - -Against the prosecution of the war to its final and crushing end, the -bleating pacifists are already beginning to raise their puny voices. I -am not going to give these gentlemen the free advertisement that their -hearts delight in by mentioning them by name: it is not my desire to -assist, in the slightest degree, their pestilential activity. They -form one of those insignificant minorities who are inherently and -essentially unpatriotic. Their own country is invariably wrong, and -other countries are invariably right. To-day they are bleating, in -the few unimportant journals willing to publish their extraordinary -views, that Germany ought to be spared the vengeance called for by her -shameful neglect of all the laws of God and man. - -Is there a reader of these lines who will heed them? Surely not. - -Burke said it was impossible to draw up an indictment against a -nation: Germany has given him the lie. Our pro-German apologists and -pacifists are fond of laying the blame of every German atrocity, upon -the shoulders of that mysterious individual--the "Prussian militarist." -I reply--and my words are borne out by official evidence published in -my recent book "German Atrocities"--that the most shameful and brutal -deeds of the German Army, which, be it remembered, is the German people -in arms, are cordially approved by the mass of that degenerate nation. -The appalling record of German crime in Belgium, the entire policy of -"frightfulness" by land and sea, the murder of women and children at -Scarborough, the sack of Aerschot and of Louvain, the massacre of seven -hundred men, women, and children in Dinant, the piratical exploits of -the German submarines, are all hailed throughout Germany with shrieks -of hysterical glee. And why? Because it is recognised that, in the long -run and in the ultimate aim, they are a part and parcel of a policy -which has for its end the destruction of our own beloved Empire. Hatred -of Britain--the one foe--has been, for years, the mainspring that has -driven the German machine. The Germans do not hate the French, they do -not hate the Russians, they do not even hate the "beastly Belgians," -whose country they have laid waste with fire and sword. The half-crazed -Lissauer shrieks aloud that Germans "have but one hate, and one -alone--England," and the mass of the German people applaud him to the -echo. - -Very well, let us accept, as we do accept, the situation. Are we going -to neglect the plainest and most obvious warning ever given to a -nation, and permit ourselves to muddle into a peace that would be no -peace, but merely a truce in which Germany would bend her every energy -to the preparation of another bitter war of revenge? - -Here lies one of the gravest perils by which our country is to-day -faced, and it is a peril immensely exaggerated by the foolish -peace-talk in which a section of malevolent busybodies are already -indulging. It is as certain as the rising of to-morrow's sun that, -when this war is over, Germany would, if the power were left within -her, embark at once on a new campaign of revenge. We have seen how, -for forty-five long years, the French have cherished in their hearts -the hope of recovering the fair provinces wrested from them in the -war of 1870-1871. And the French, be it remembered, are not a nation -capable of nourishing a long-continued national hatred. Generous, -proud, and intensely patriotic they are; malicious and revengeful they -emphatically are not. As patriotic in their own way as the French, the -Germans have shown themselves capable of a paroxysm of national hatred -to which history offers no parallel. - -They have realised, with a sure instinct, that Britain, and Britain -alone, has stood in the way of the realisation of their grandiose -scheme of world-dominion, and it is certain that for long years -to come, possibly for centuries, they will, if we give them the -opportunity, plot our downfall and overthrow us. Are we to muddle the -business of making peace as we muddled the preparations for war? If we -do we shall, assuredly, deserve the worst fate that can be reserved for -a nation which deliberately shuts its eyes to the logic of plain and -demonstrable fact. - -Germany can never be adequately punished for the crimes against God -and man which she has committed in Belgium and France. The ancient law -of "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" is the only one under -which adequate punishment could be meted out, and whatever happens -we know that the soldiers of the Allies will never be guilty of the -unspeakable calendar of pillage and arson and murder which has made -the very name of "German" a byword throughout civilisation throughout -all the ages that are to come. However thoroughly she is humbled to -the dust, Germany will never taste the unspeakable horror that she -has brought upon the helpless and unoffending victims of her fury -and lust in Belgium and in parts of France. It may be that if they -fall into our hands we should hang, as they deserve to be hanged, the -official instigators of atrocities whose complicity could be clearly -proved--though we, to-day, give valets to the Huns at Donington Hall. -We cannot lay the cities of Germany in ruin, and massacre the civilian -population on the approved German plan. What we can do, and ought to -do, is to make sure that, at whatever cost of blood and treasure to us, -Germany is deprived of any further capacity to menace the peace of the -world. It is the plain and obvious duty of the Allies to see that the -hateful and purely German doctrine that might is the only right shall, -once and for all, be swept from the earth. It is for us to make good -the noble words of Mr. Asquith--that Britain will prosecute the war -to the finish. It is for us to see that there shall be no "muddling -through" when the treaty of peace is finally signed in Berlin. - -When the war was forced upon us, the best business brains of this -country recognised that one of the surest and speediest means of -securing an efficient guarantee that Germany should not be able -to injure us in the future would be a strenuous effort to capture -her enormous foreign trade. Modern wars, it must be remembered, are -not merely a matter of the clash of arms on the stricken field. The -enormous ramifications of commercial undertakings, immeasurably greater -to-day than at any time in history, mean that, in the conduct of a -great campaign, economic weapons may be even more powerful than the -sword of the big battalions. This unquestionable fact has been fully -realised by our leading thinkers. Thoughtless people have been heard -to say that, if France and Russia wish to conclude peace, England must -necessarily join with them because she cannot carry on the war alone. -There could be no greater mistake. - -Just so long as the British Fleet holds the command of the sea, -Germany's foreign trade is in the paralysing grip of an incubus which -cannot be shaken off. In the meantime, all the seas of all the world -are free to our ships and our commerce, and, though the volume of -world-trade is necessarily diminished by the war, there remains open to -British manufacturers an enormous field which has been tilled hitherto -mainly by German firms. - -We may now ask ourselves whether our business men are taking full -advantage of this priceless opportunity offered them for building up -and consolidating a commercial position which in the future, when -the war is ended, will be strong enough to defy even the substantial -attacks of their German competitors. I sincerely wish I could see some -evidence of it. I wish I could feel that our business men of England -were looking ahead, studying methods and markets, and planning the -campaigns which, in the days to come, shall reach their full fruition. -But alas! they are not. We heard many empty words, when war broke out, -of the war on Germany's trade, but I am very much afraid--and my view -is shared by many business acquaintances--that the early enthusiasm of -"what we will do" has vanished, and that when the time for decisive -action comes we shall be found still relying upon the traditional but -fatal policy of "muddling through" which has for so long been typical -of British business as well as official methods. - -We shall still, I fear, be found clinging to the antiquated and -worn-out business principles and stiff conventionalities which, during -the past few years, have enabled the German to oust us from markets -which for centuries we have been in the habit of regarding as our own -peculiar preserves. That, in view of the enormous importance of the -commercial warfare of to-day, I believe to be a very real peril. - -King George's famous "Wake up, England!" is a cry as necessary to-day -as ever. I do not believe Germany will ever be able to pay adequate -indemnity for the appalling monetary losses she has brought upon us, -and if those losses are to be regained it can only be by the capture of -her overseas markets, and the diversion of her overseas profits into -British pockets. Shall we seize the opportunity or shall we "muddle -through"? - -This is not a political book, for I am no politician, and, further, -to-day we have no politics--at least of the Radical and Conservative -type. "Britain for the Briton" should be our battle-cry. There is -one subject, however, which, even though it may appear to touch -upon politics, cannot be omitted from our consideration. If the war -has taught us many lessons, perhaps the greatest is its splendid -demonstration of the essential solidarity of the British Empire. We -all know that the German writers have preached the doctrine that the -British Empire was as ramshackle a concern as that of Austria-Hungary; -that it must fall to pieces at the first shock of war. To-day the -British Empire stands before the world linked together, literally, by a -bond of steel. From Canada, from Australia, from India, even--despite -a jarring note struck by German money--from South Africa, "the -well-forged link rings true." Germany to-day is very literally face to -face with the British Empire in arms, with resources in men and money -to which her own swaggering Empire are relatively puny, and with, I -hope and believe, a stern determination no less strong and enduring -than her own. The lesson assuredly will not be lost upon her: shall we -make sure that it is not lost upon us? - -For some years past there has been a steadily growing opinion--stronger -in the Overseas Dominions, perhaps, than here at home--that the -British Empire should, in business affairs, be much more of a "family -concern" than it is. Either at home, or overseas, our Empire produces -practically everything which the complexity of our modern social and -industrial system demands. Commerce is the very life-blood of our -modern world: is it not time we took up in earnest the question of -doing our international business upon terms which should place our -own people, for the first time, in a position of definite advantage -over the stranger? Is it not time we undertook the task of welding the -Empire into a single system linked as closely by business ties as by -the ties of flesh and blood and sentiment? That, I believe, will be one -of the great questions which this war will leave us for solution. - -In the past, Germany's chief weapon against us has been her commercial -enterprise and activity. It should now be part of our business to -prevent her harming us in the future, and, in the commercial field, the -strongest weapon in our armoury has hitherto remained unsheathed. Shall -we, in the days that are to come, do our imperial trading on a great -family scale--British goods the most favoured in British markets--or -shall we here again "muddle through" on a policy which gives the -stranger and the enemy alien at least as friendly a welcome as we -extend to our own sons? - -Perhaps, in the days that are coming, that in itself will be a question -upon which the future of the British Empire will depend. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE PERIL OF EXPLOITING THE POOR - - -No phenomenon of the present serious situation is more remarkable, or -of more urgent and vital concern to the nation, than the amazing rise -in food prices which we have witnessed during the past six months. At a -time when the British Navy dominates the trade routes, when the German -mercantile flag has been swept from every ocean highway in the world, -when the German "High Seas" fleet lies in shelter of the guns of the -Kiel Canal fortifications, we have seen food prices steadily mounting, -until to-day the purchasing power of the sovereign has declined to -somewhere in the neighbourhood of fifteen shillings, as compared with -the period immediately preceding the outbreak of hostilities. - -Now this is a fact of the very gravest significance, and unless the -price of food falls it will inevitably be the precursor of very serious -events. Matters are moving so rapidly, at the time I write, that before -these lines appear in print they may well be confirmed by the logic of -events. Ominous mutterings are already heard, the spectre of labour -troubles has raised its ugly head, and, unless some _modus vivendi_ be -found, it seems more than probable that we shall witness a very serious -extension of the strikes which have already begun. - -The most important of our domestic commodities are wheat, flour, -meat, sugar, and coal. Inquiries made by a Committee of the Cabinet -have shown that, as compared with the average prices ruling in the -three years before the war, the price of wheat and flour has risen by -something like 66 per cent.! Sugar has increased 43 per cent., coal -about 60 per cent., imported meat about 19 per cent., and British -meat 12 per cent. The rise in prices is falling upon the very poor -with a cruelty which can only be viewed with horror. Imagine, for -a moment, the plight of the working-class family with an income of -thirty shillings a week, and perhaps five or six mouths to feed. Even -in normal times their lot is not to be envied: food shortage is almost -inevitable. Suddenly they find that for a sovereign they can purchase -only fifteen shillings' worth of food. Hunger steps in at once: the -pinch of famine is felt acutely, and, thanks to the appalling price to -which coal has been forced, it is aggravated by intense suffering from -the cold, which ill-nurtured bodies are in no condition to resist. - -I am not contending that there is any very abnormal amount of distress -throughout the country, taking the working-classes as a whole. Thanks -to the withdrawal of the huge numbers of men now serving in the Army, -the labour market, for once in a way, finds itself rather under than -over-stocked, and the ratio of unemployment is undoubtedly lower than -it has been for some considerable time. The better-paid artisans, whose -wages are decidedly above the average at the present moment, are not -suffering severely, even with the high prices now ruling. But they are -exasperated, and some of them are making all kinds of unpatriotic -threats, to which I shall allude presently. - -The real sufferers, and there are too many of them, are the families -of the labouring classes of the lower grades, whose weekly wage is -small and whose families, as a rule, are correspondingly numerous. -At the best of times these people seldom achieve more than a bare -existence: at the present moment they are suffering terribly. Yet all -the consolation they get from the Government is the assurance that they -ought to be glad they did not live in the days of the Crimean War, -and the pious hope that "within a few weeks"--oh! beautifully elastic -term!--prices will come down--if we, by forcing the Dardanelles, -liberate the grain accumulated in the Black Sea ports. No doubt the -best possible arrangements have been made towards that issue, and -we all hope for a victorious end, but our immediate business is to -investigate the distress among the very poor, and to check the ominous -threats of labour troubles which have been freely bandied about and -have even been translated into action--or inaction--which has had the -effect of delaying some of the country's preparations for carrying on -the war. - -The average retail prices paid by the working-classes for food in -eighty of the principal towns on March 9th and a year ago are compared -in the following table issued by the President of the Board of Trade: - - Last Year Now - _s._ _d._ _s._ _d._ - Bread, per 4 lbs. 0 5-1/2 0 7-3/4 - Butter, per lb. 1 3-3/4 1 4-1/2 - Jam, per lb. 0 5 0 5-3/4 - Cheese, per lb. 0 8-3/4 0 10-1/4 - Bacon (streaky), per lb. 0 11 1 0 - Beef, English, per lb. 0 9-3/4 0 11 - Beef, chilled or frozen, per lb. 0 7-1/4 0 8-3/4 - Mutton, English, per lb. 0 10-1/4 0 11-1/4 - Mutton, frozen, per lb. 0 6-3/4 0 8-1/4 - Tea, per lb. 1 6 1 9-1/4 - Sugar, granulated, per lb. 0 2 0 3-1/2 - -A few more facts. Though the matter was constantly referred to, yet -we had been at war for five months before the Government could be -prevailed upon to prohibit the exportation of cocoa; with what result? -In December, January, and February last our exports of cocoa to neutral -countries were 16,575,017 lbs., whilst for the corresponding period for -1913 the exports were but 3,584,003 lbs.! Before the war, Holland was -an _exporter_ of cocoa to this country; since the war she has been the -principal _importer_; and there is a mass of indisputable evidence to -show that nearly the whole of our exports of cocoa have found their way -to Germany through this channel. - -The prohibition is now removed, so we may expect that the old game of -supplying the German Army with cocoa from England will begin again! - -The German Army must also have tea. Let us see how we have supplied -it. During the first fortnight of war, export was restricted and -only 60,666 lbs. were sent out of the country, whereas for the -corresponding period of the previous year 179,143 lbs. were exported. -During the next three months the restrictions were removed, when no -less a quantity than 15,808,628 lbs. was sent away--the greater part -of it by roundabout channels to Germany--against 1,146,237 lbs. for -the corresponding period in 1913. After three months a modified -restriction was placed upon the export of tea, but after reckoning the -whole sum it is found that _during the time we have been at war we have -sent abroad over 20,000,000 lbs. of tea_, while in the corresponding -period of the previous year we sent only a little over 2,000,000 lbs.! - -Now where has it gone? In August and September last, Germany received -from Holland 16,000,000 lbs. whereas in that period of 1913 she only -received 1,000,000 lbs. Tea is given as a stimulant to German troops in -the field, so we see how the British Government have been tricked into -_actually feeding the enemy_! - -And again, let us see how the poor are being exploited by the policy of -those in high authority. At the outbreak of war the market price of tea -was 7-1/2_d._ per lb. As soon as exportation was allowed, the price was -raised to the buyer at home to 9_d._ Then when exports were restricted, -it fell to 8-1/4_d._ But as soon as the restrictions on exports were -removed altogether, the price rose until, to-day, the very commonest -leaf-tea fetches 10_d._ a lb.--a price never equalled, save in the -memories of octogenarians. - -Who is to blame for this fattening of our enemies at the expense of the -poor? Let the reader put this question seriously to himself. - -Generally speaking, of course, prices of all articles are regulated -by the ordinary laws of supply and demand; if the supply falls or the -demand increases, prices go up. But there is another factor which -sometimes comes into play which is very much in evidence at the present -moment--the existence of "rings" of unscrupulous financiers who, with -ample resources in cash and organisation, see in every national crisis -a heaven-sent opportunity of increasing their gains at the expense of -the suffering millions of the poor. It is quite evident, to my mind, -that something of the kind is going on to-day, as it has gone on in -every great war in history. The magnates of Mark Lane and the bulls of -the Chicago wheat pit care nothing for the miseries of the unknown and -unheeded millions whose daily bread may be shortened by their financial -jugglings. They are out to make money. It may be true, as Mr. Asquith -said, that we cannot control the price of wheat in America. But, at -least, it cannot be said that the price of bread to-day is due to -shortage of supply. During the last six months of 1914, as compared -with the last six months of 1913, there was actually a rise of 112,250 -tons in the quantities of wheat, flour, and other grain equivalent -imported into this country. Where, then, can be the shortage, and what -explanation is there of the prevailing high prices except the fact that -large quantities of food are being deliberately held off the market in -order that _the price may be artificially enhanced_? This is not the -work of the small men, but of the big firms who can buy largely enough, -probably in combination, to control and dominate the market. - -When the subject was recently debated in the House of Commons the -voice of the Labour member was heard unmistakably. Mr. Toothill said -bluntly that if it was impossible for the Government to prevent the -prices of food being "forced up" unduly, then it remained for Labour -members to request employers to meet the situation by an adequate -advance in wages. That request has since been made in unmistakable -terms. Mr. Clynes was even more emphatic. "Though the Labour party -were as anxious as any to keep trade going in the country," he said, -"it was clear to them that the truce in industry could not be continued -unless some effective relief were given in regard to the prices under -discussion." In other words, the Labour "organisers" will call for -strikes--perhaps hold up a large part of our war preparations--unless -the employers, most of whom are making no increased profit out of the -price of food, are prepared to shoulder the entire burden. - -It is quite clear, to my mind, that the prices of food are being forced -up by gigantic unpatriotic combines, either in this country or abroad, -or both. I do not think that mere shortage of supply is sufficient -to account for the extraordinary advances that have taken place. -Whether the Government can take steps to defeat the wheat rings, as -they did to prevent the cornering of sugar, is a question with which -I am not concerned here. My purpose is merely to point out that the -constant rise in food prices, brought about by gangs of unscrupulous -speculators, is bringing about a condition of affairs fraught with -grave peril to our beloved country. - -If we turn to coal we find the scandal ten times greater than in the -case of flour and meat. It is at least possible that agencies outside -our own country may be playing a great part in forcing up the prices of -food; they can have no effect upon the price of coal, which we produce -ourselves and of which we do not import an ounce. Coal to-day is simply -at famine prices. It is impossible to buy the best house coal for less -than 38_s._ per ton, while the cheapest is being sold at 34_s._ per -ton, and the very poor, who buy from the street-trolleys only inferior -coal and in small quantities, are being fleeced to the extent of 1_s._ -11_d._ or 2_s._ per cwt. This is an exceedingly serious matter, and it -is not to be explained, even under present conditions, by the ordinary -laws of supply and demand. Why should coal in a village on the banks of -the Thames be actually cheaper than the corresponding quality of coal -when sold in London? - -There can be only one answer--the London supply is in the hands of -the coal "ring" which has compelled all the London coal merchants -to come into line. So extensive and powerful is the organisation of -this ring, that the small men, unless they followed the lead of the -big dealers, would be immediately faced with ruin: they would not -only find it difficult to obtain coal at all, but would promptly be -undersold--as the Standard Oil Company undersold thousands of small -competitors--until they were compelled to put up their shutters. - -The big coal men, the men who make the profit--and with their -ill-gotten gains will purchase Birthday honours later on--of course -blame the war for everything. The railways, they say, cannot handle the -coal; so much labour has been withdrawn for the Army that production -has fallen below the demand. But I am assured, on good authority, -that coal bought before the war, and delivered to London depots at -16_s._ or 17_s._ per ton, is being retailed to-day at between 36_s._ -and 40_s._ per ton. The big dealers know that, cost what it may, the -public must have coal, and they are taking advantage of every plausible -excuse the war offers them to wring from the public the very highest -prices possible. "The right to exploit," in fact, is being pushed to -its logical extreme in the face of the country's distress, and the -worst sufferers, as usual, are the very poor, who for their pitiful -half-hundred-weights of inferior rubbish pay at a rate which would -be ample for the finest coal that could grace the grate of a West-End -drawing-room. - -Can we shut our eyes to the fact that in this shameful exploiting of -the very poor by the unpatriotic lie all the elements of a very serious -danger? Let us not forget the noble services the working-classes of -Britain are rendering to our beloved country. They have given the -best and dearest of their manhood in the cause of the Empire, and it -is indeed a pitiful confession of weakness, and an ironic commentary -on the grandiose schemes of "social reform" with which they have been -tempted of late years, if the Government cannot or will not protect -them from the human leeches--the Birthday knights in the making--who -suck their ill-gotten gains from those least able to protect themselves. - -The Government have promised an inquiry which may, if unusual -expedition is shown, make a "demonstration" with the coal-dealers just -about the time the warm weather arrives. Prices will then tumble, the -Government will solemnly pat itself upon the back for its successful -interference, and the coal merchants, having made small or large -fortunes as the case may be during the winter, will make a great virtue -of reducing their demands to oblige the Government. In the meantime, -the poor are being fleeced in the interests of an unscrupulous combine. -Is there no peril here to our beloved country? Are we not justified in -saying that the machinations of these gangs of unscrupulous capitalists -are rapidly tending to produce a condition of affairs which may, at -any moment, expose us to a social upheaval which would contain all the -germs of an unparalleled disaster? - -Let the condition of affairs in certain sections of the labour world -speak in answer. I have already quoted the thinly-veiled threat of Mr. -Clynes. Others have gone beyond threats and have begun a war against -their country on their own account. There is an unmistakable tendency, -fostered as usual by agitators of the basest class, towards action -which is, in effect, helping the Germans against our brave soldiers -and sailors who are enduring hardships of war such as have not been -equalled since the days of the Crimea. - - HOW WE SUPPLY THE GERMAN ARMY WITH FOOD - - Exports of Cocoa to Neutral Countries (for the German Market) - - Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914 | Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915 - 3,584,003 lbs. | 16,575,017 lbs. - - Exports of Tea to Neutral Countries (for the German Market) - - Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914 | Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915 - 1,146,237 lbs. | 15,808,628 lbs. - -As I wrote these lines, strikes on a large scale had begun on the -Clyde and on the Tyne, two of our most important shipbuilding centres, -where great contracts--essential to the success of our arms--are being -carried on, and in the London Docks, where most of the food of London's -teeming millions is handled. London dockers, to the number of some -25,000, are agitating for a rise in wages; between 5,000 and 6,000 of -them have struck work at the Victoria and Albert Dock on the question, -forsooth, whether they shall be engaged inside the docks, or outside. -In other words, the expeditious handling of London's sorely needed -food is being jeopardised by a ridiculous squabble which one would -think half a dozen capable business men could settle in five minutes. -But here, as usual, the poorest are the victims of their own class. - -In spite of the well-meaning but idiotic young women who have gone -about distributing white feathers to men who, in their opinion, ought -to have joined the Army, common-sense people will recognise that the -skilled workers in many trades are just as truly fighting the battles -of their country as if they were serving with the troops in Belgium -or France. If every able-bodied man joined the Army to-day the nation -would collapse for want of supplies to feed the fighting lines. It is -not my purpose here to discuss whether the men or the masters are right -in the disputes in the engineering trades. Probably the authorities -have not done enough to bring home to the men the knowledge that, -in executing Government work, they are in fact helping to fight the -country's battles. None the less the men who strike at the present -moment delay work which is absolutely essential to the safety of our -country. We know from Lord Kitchener's own lips that they have done so. - -Our war organisation to-day may be divided into three parts--the Navy -fighting on the sea, the Army fighting on land, and the industrial -army providing supplies for the other two. It must be brought home -to the last named, by every device in our power, that their duties -are just as important to our success as the work of their brothers on -the storm-swept North Sea, or in the mud and slush and peril of the -trenches in Flanders. This war is very largely a war of supplies, and -our fighting must be done not only in the far-flung battle lines, but -in the factory and workshop, whose outputs are essential to the far -deadlier work which we ask of the men who are heroically facing the -shells and bullets of the common enemy. - -Now there is no disguising the fact that the industrial army at home -contains far too large a percentage of "slackers." - -That is the universal testimony of men who know. There are thousands -of workmen who will not keep full time, for the simple reason that -they are making more money than they really need and are so lazy -and unpatriotic that they will not make the extra effort which the -necessities of the situation so urgently demand. What we need to-day -is, above all things, determined hard work: we do not want to see our -fighting forces starved for want of material caused by the shirking -of the "slackers" or by unpatriotic disputes and squabbles. To-day we -are fighting for our lives. The privates of the industrial army ought -to realise that "slacking" or striking is just as much a criminal -offence as desertion in the face of the enemy would be in the case of -a soldier. It is true, as a recent writer has said, that "those who -fight industrially, working long hours in a spirit of high patriotism, -may not seem very heroic," but it is none the less the fact that they -are fighting: they are doing the work that is essential to our national -safety and welfare. Do they--at least do some of them--realise this? -The following extract from _Engineering_, the well-known technical -journal, shows very clearly that among certain classes of highly -paid workers there is a total disregard of our national necessity -which is positively appalling. As the result of a series of inquiries -_Engineering_ says: - - "Every reply received indicates that there is slackness in many - trades. Be it remembered that high wages can be earned; for relatively - unskilled although somewhat arduous work, 30_s._ a day can be earned. - - "Time-and-a-quarter to time-and-a-half is paid for Saturday afternoon - work, and double time for Sunday work. Men could earn from £7 to £10 - per week--and pay no income-tax. - - "Men will work on Saturday and Sunday, when they get handsomely paid, - but will absent themselves on other days or parts of days. - - "The head of a firm, who has shown a splendid example in his work, and - is most kindly disposed to all workers, states in his reply to us: - 'Our trouble is principally with the ironworkers, especially riveters, - who appear to have a definite standard of living, and who regulate - their wages accordingly; they seem to aim at making £3 per week: if - they can make this in four days, good and well; but if they can make - it in three days, better still.... The average working-man of to-day - does not wish to earn more money, and put by something for a 'rainy - day,' but is quite content to live from hand to mouth, so long as he - has as easy a time as possible." - -What words are strong enough to condemn the action of such men who, -safe in their homes from the perils of the serving soldier, and -infinitely better paid than the man who daily risks his life in the -trenches, are ready deliberately to jeopardise the safety of our Empire -by taking advantage of the gravest crisis in our history to levy what -is nothing less than industrial blackmail? It cannot be pretended that -these men are under-paid: they can earn far more than many members of -the professional classes. Just as truly as the coal and wheat "rings" -are exploiting the miseries of the very poor, so these aristocrats of -the labour world are playing with the lives of their fellows and the -destinies of our Empire. They are helping the enemy just as surely as -the German who is fighting in his country's ranks. They are, in short, -taking advantage of a national danger to demand rates of pay which, in -times of safety and peace, they could not possibly secure. - -For years past we have been striving to arrive at some means of -settling these unhappy labour disputes which have probably done more -harm to British trade than all the German competition of which we -have heard so much. In every district machinery has been set up for -conciliation and settlement where a settlement is sincerely desired by -both parties to a dispute. And if this machinery is not set in motion -at the present moment, it is because one party or the other is so blind -and self-willed that it would rather jeopardise the Empire than abate -a jot of its demands. Could anything be more heart-breaking to the men -who are fighting and dying in the trenches? - -Whatever may be the merits of any dispute, there must be no stoppage -of War Office or Admiralty work at the present moment, and if any -body of men refuse at this juncture to submit their dispute to the -properly organised conciliation boards, and to abide by the result, -they are traitors in the fullest sense of the world. How serious the -crisis is, and how grave a peril it constitutes to our country, may be -judged from the fact that the Government found it necessary to appoint -a special Committee to inquire into the production in engineering and -shipbuilding establishments engaged in Government work. The Committee's -view of the case, which I venture to think will be endorsed by every -thinking man, may be judged by the following extract from their report: - - "We are strongly of opinion that, during the present crisis, employers - and workmen should under no circumstances allow their differences to - result in a stoppage of work. - - "Whatever may be the rights of the parties at normal times, - and whatever may be the methods considered necessary for the - maintenance and enforcement of these rights, we think there can be - no justification whatever for a resort to strikes or lockouts under - present conditions, when the resulting cessation of work would prevent - the production of ships, guns, equipment, stores, or other commodities - required by the Government for the purposes of the war." - -The Committee went on to recommend that in cases where the parties -could not agree, the dispute should be referred to an impartial -tribunal, and the Government accordingly appointed a special Committee -to deal with any matters that might be brought before it. - -I do not think it is possible to exaggerate the seriousness of the -danger with which we must be threatened if these unhappy disputes are -not brought to a close, and I know of no incident since the war began -that has shown us up in so unfavourable a light as compared with our -enemy. Whatever we may think of Germany's infamous methods; whatever -views we may hold of her monstrous mistakes; whatever our opinion may -be as to the final outcome of the war, we must, at least, grant to the -Germans the virtue of patriotism. The German Socialists are, it is -notorious, as strongly opposed to war as any people on earth. But they -have, since the great struggle began, shown themselves willing to sink -their personal views when the safety of the Fatherland is threatened -in what, to them, is a war of aggression, deliberately undertaken by -their enemies. We have heard, since the war began, a great deal of -wild and foolish talk about economic distress in Germany. We have been -told, simply because the German Government has wisely taken timely -precautions to prevent a possible shortage of food, that the German -nation is on the verge of starvation. But would Germany, who for seven -years prepared for war, overlook the vital question of her food supply? -Probably it is true that the industrial depression in Germany, thanks -to the destruction by our Navy of her overseas trade, is very much -worse than it is in England. But no one has yet suggested that the -Krupp workmen are threatening to come out on strike and paralyse the -defensive forces if their demands for higher wages are not instantly -conceded. It is more than probable that any one who suggested such a -course, even if he escaped the heavy hand of the Government, would -be speedily suppressed in very rough-and-ready fashion by his own -comrades. The Germans, at least, will tolerate no treachery in their -midst, and unless the leaders among the English trade unionists can -bring their men to a realisation of the wickedness involved in strikes -at the present moment, they will assuredly forfeit every vestige of -public respect and confidence. - -I am not holding a brief either for the masters or the men. Let ample -inquiry be made, by all means, into the subject of the dispute. If the -masters raise any objection to either the sitting or the finding of -the Government Commission, they deserve all the blame that naturally -attaches to the strikers. The inquiry should be loyally accepted by -both sides, and its findings as loyally respected. _Prima facie_, men -who can earn the wages mentioned in the extract from _Engineering_ -which I have already quoted are well off--far better off than their -comrades who are doing trench duty in France, and are free from the -hourly risk to which the fighting forces are exposed. There may be, -however, good and valid reasons why they should be paid even better. -If there are, the Government inquiry should find them out. But to stop -work now, to hold up the production of the ships, guns, and materials -necessary to carry on the war, is criminal, wicked, and unpatriotic in -the highest degree. It is setting an evil example only too likely to be -followed, and, if it is persisted in, may well be the first step of our -beloved nation on the downward road which leads to utter destruction. - -Mr. Archibald Hurd, a writer always well informed, has summed up the -situation in the _Daily Telegraph_ in the following words, which are -worth quotation: - - "The recruiting movement has shown that the great industrial - classes are not, as a whole, unconscious of the stake for which we - are fighting--the institutions which we cherish and our freedom. - Probably if the workers at home were reminded of the importance of - their labours, they would speedily fall into line--if not, well, the - resources of civilisation are not exhausted, and the Government should - be able to ensure that not an unnecessary day, or even hour, shall - be lost in pressing forward the work of equipping the new Fleet and - the new Army which is essential to our salvation. The Government is - exercising authority under martial law over Army and Navy; cannot it - get efficient control over the industrial army? - - "In France and Germany these powers exist, and are employed. We are - not less committed to the great struggle than France and Germany." - -Those are wise and weighty words, and it may be that they point the way -to a solution of what may become a very grave problem. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE PERIL OF NOT DOING ENOUGH - - -The vast issues raised by the war make it a matter of most imperative -necessity that Great Britain and her Allies shall put forward, at the -earliest possible moment, the greatest and supremest efforts of which -they are capable, in order that the military power of the Austro-German -alliance should be definitely and completely crushed for ever. - -It must never be forgotten that the prize for which Germany is fighting -is the mastership of Europe, the humbling of the power of Great -Britain, and the imposition of a definitely Teutonic "Kultur" over -the whole of Western civilisation. That the free and liberty-loving -British peoples should ever come under the heel of the Prussian Junker -spirit involves such a monstrous suppression of national thought and -feeling as to be almost unbelievable. Yet, assuredly, that would be -our fate and the fate of every nationality in Europe should Germany -emerge victorious from this Titanic struggle she has so rashly and -presumptuously provoked. - -With our very existence as the ruling race at stake it is clear that -our own dear country cannot afford to be sparing in her efforts. -Whatever the cost; whatever the slaughter; whatever the action of our -Allies may be in the future, when the terrific out-pouring of wealth -will have bled Europe white, we, at least, cannot afford to falter. For -our own land, the struggle is really, and in very truth, a struggle of -life and death. - -If we endure and win, civilisation, as we understand it to-day, will -be safe; if we lose, then Western civilisation and the British Empire -will go down together in the greatest cataclysm in human history. Now -are we doing everything in our power to avert the threatening peril? -Moreover--and this is of greatest importance--are our Allies persuaded -_that we are really making the great efforts the occasion demands_? -This gives us to pause. - -Let us admit we are not, and we have never pretended to be, a military -nation in the sense that France, Russia, and Germany have been military -nations. We have been seamen for a thousand years, and the frontiers -of England are the salt waves which girdle our coasts. Seeking no -territory on the Continent of Europe, and unconcerned in European -disputes unless they directly--as in the present instance--threaten -our national existence, our armed forces have ever been regarded as -purely defensive, yet not aggressive. For our defence we have relied -on our naval power; perhaps in days gone by we have assumed, rather -too rashly, that we should never be called upon to take part in -land-fighting on a continental scale. - -Even after the present war had broken out, it was possible for the -Parliamentary correspondent of a London Liberal paper to write that -certain Liberal Members of the House of Commons were protesting against -the sending of British troops to the Continent on the ground that they -were too few in number to exercise any influence in a European war! -Perish that thought for ever! I mention this amazing contention merely -to show how imperfectly the issues raised by the present conflict -were appreciated in the early days of the struggle. To-day we see the -establishment of the British Army raised by Parliamentary sanction to -3,000,000 men without a single protest being uttered against a figure -which, had it been even hinted at, a year ago would have been received -with yells of derision. Yet, in spite of that vast number, I still ask -"Are we doing enough?" In other words, looking calmly at the stupendous -gravity of the issues involved, is there any further effort we could -possibly make to shorten the duration of the war? - -For eight months German agents, armed with German gold, have been -industriously propagating, in France and in Russia, the theory that -those countries were, in fact, pulling the chestnuts out of the fire -for England. German agents are everywhere. We were represented as -holding the comfortable view that our fleet was doing all that we could -reasonably be called upon to undertake; that, secure behind our sea -barriers, we were simply carrying on a policy of "business as usual" -with the minimum of effort and loss and the maximum of gain through -our principal competitors in the world's commerce being temporarily -disabled. The object of this manoeuvre was plain. Germany hoped to -sow the seeds of jealousy and discord, and to thrust a wedge into the -solid alliance against her. Now it is, to-day, beyond all question -that, to some extent at least, this manoeuvre was successful. A certain -proportion of people in both France and Russia, perhaps, grew restive. -In the best-informed circles it was, of course, fully recognised that -Britain, with her small standing Army, could not, by any possibility, -instantly fling huge forces into the field. The less well informed, -influenced by the German propaganda, began to think we were too -slow. This feeling began to gather strength, and it was not until M. -Millerand, the French Minister for War, whom I have known for years, -had actually visited England and seen the preparations that were in -progress, that French opinion, fully informed by a series of capable -articles in the French Press, settled down to the conviction that -England was really in earnest. Unquestionably, M. Millerand rendered -a most valuable service to the cause of the Allies by his outspoken -declarations, and he was fully supported by the responsible leaders -of French thought and opinion. The cleverly laid German plot failed, -and our Allies to-day realise that we have unsheathed our sword in the -deadliest earnest. - -In spite of this, however, the thoughtful section of the public have -been asking themselves whether, in fact, our military action is not -slower than it should have been. Germany, we must remember, started -this war with all the tremendous advantage secured by years of steady -and patient preparation for a contest she was fully resolved to -precipitate as soon as she judged the moment opportune. She lost the -first trick in the game, thanks to the splendid heroism of Belgium, -the unexpected rapidity of the French and Russian mobilisation, and -lastly, the wholly surprising power with which Britain intervened in -the fray--the pebble in the cog-wheels of the German machinery. - -The end of the first stage, represented, roughly, by the driving of -the Germans from the Marne to the Aisne, temporarily exhausted all the -combatants, and there followed a long period of comparative inaction, -during which all the parties to the quarrel, like boxers in distress, -sparred to gain their "second wind." Now just as Germany was better -prepared when the first round opened, so she was, necessarily, more -advanced in her preparations for the second stage. Thanks to her scheme -of training, there was a very real risk that her vast masses of new -levies would be ready before our own--and this has actually proved to -be the case. - -New troops are to-day being poured on to both the eastern and western -fronts at a very rapid pace, probably more rapidly than our own. We -know that it was, in great part, their new levies that inflicted the -very severe reverse upon the Russians in East Prussia and undid, in -a single fortnight, months of steady and patient work by our Allies. -It is also probably true that Germany's immense superiority in fully -trained fighting men is steadily decreasing, owing partly to the -enormous losses she has sustained through her adherence to methods of -attack which are hopeless in the teeth of modern weapons. But she is -still very much ahead of what any one could have expected after seven -months of strenuous war, and we must ask ourselves very seriously -whether, by some tremendous national effort, it is not possible to -expedite the raising of our forces to the very maximum of which the -nation and the Empire are capable. It is not a question of cost: the -cost would be as nothing as compared with the havoc wrought by the -prolongation of the war. If there is anything more that we can do, -we ought, emphatically, to do it. It is our business to see that at -no single point in the conduct of the war are we out-stripped by any -effort the Germans can make. - -Now it is a tolerably open secret that we are not to-day getting the -men we shall want before we can bring the war to a conclusion. Why? -When our men read of the utter disregard of the spy question, of the -glaring untruths told by Ministers in the House of Commons, of how we -are providing German barons with valets on prison ships--comfortable -liners, by the way--of the letting loose of German prisoners from -internment camps, and how German officers have actually been allowed, -recently, to depart from Tilbury to Holland to fight against us, is -it any wonder that they hesitate to come forward to do their share? -Let the reader ask himself. Are all Departments of the Government -patriotic? Is it not a fact that the public are daily being misled and -bamboozled? Let the reader examine the evidence and then think. - -Now, though no figures as to the progress of recruiting have been -published for some months, it is practically certain that we are still -very far from the three million men we still assuredly require as a -minimum before victory, definite and unmistakable, crowns our effort. -I have not the slightest doubt that before this struggle ends we shall -see practically _the entire male population_ of the country called to -the colours in some capacity, and unfortunately that is an aspect of -the case which is certainly not yet recognised by the democracy as a -whole. We have done much, it is true. We have surprised our friends -and our enemies alike--perhaps we have even surprised ourselves--by -what has been achieved, but on the technical side of the war, under -the tremendous driving energy of Lord Kitchener, amazing progress has -been made in the provision of equipment, and the latest information I -have been able to obtain suggests that before long the early shortage -of guns, rifles, uniforms, and other war material will have been -entirely overcome, and that we shall be experiencing a shortage, not of -supplies--but alas! of men. - -That day cannot be far off, and when it dawns the problem of raising -men will assume an urgency of which hitherto we have had no experience. -Up to now we have been content to tolerate the somewhat leisurely drift -of the young men to the colours for the simple reason that we had not -the facilities for training and equipping them. We cannot, and we must -not, tolerate any slackness in the future. The wastage of modern war is -appallingly beyond the average conception, and when our big new armies -take the field, that wastage will rise to stupendous figures. It must -be made good without the slightest delay by constant drafts of new, -fully trained men, and when that demand rises, as it inevitably will, -to a pitch of which we have hitherto had no experience, it will have -to be met. Can it be met by the leisurely methods with which we have -hitherto been content? - -I do not think so for a moment, and I am convinced that our responsible -Ministers should at once take the country fully into their confidence -and tell us plainly and unmistakably what the man-in-the-street has -to expect. I have so profound an admiration for the men who have -voluntarily come forward in the hour of their country's need that I -hope, with all my heart, their example will be followed--and followed -quickly--to the full extent of our nation's needs. But I confess -I am not sanguine. The recent strikes in the engineering trade on -the Clyde have gone far to convince me that, even now, a very large -proportion of our industrial classes do not even to-day realise the -real seriousness of the position, for it is incredible that Britons -who understood that we are actually engaged in a struggle for our very -existence should seriously jeopardise and delay, through a miserable -industrial squabble, the supply of war material upon which the safety -of our Empire might depend. The strike on the Clyde was, to me, the -most evil symptom of apathy and lack of all patriotic instincts which -the war has brought forth; it was, to my mind, proof conclusive that -a section at least of our working-classes are entirely dead to the -great national impulse by which, in the past, the British people have -been so profoundly swayed. Is the Government doing enough to rekindle -those impulses? Has it taken the people fully and frankly into its -confidence? Above all, has it made it sufficiently clear to the masses -that we are not getting the men we need, and that unless those men come -forward voluntarily, some method of compulsory selection will become -inevitable? - -No, it has not! - -We come back to the question in which, I am firmly convinced, lies the -solution of many of our present difficulties--are we being told the -truth about the war? Has the nation had the clear, ringing call to -action that, unquestionably, it needs? - -No, it has not! - -I shall try to show, in the pages of this modest work, that the -country has not been given the information to which it is plainly -entitled respecting the actual military operations which have been -accomplished. It is certainly not too much to say that the country -has not been really definitely and clearly informed as to the measure -of the effort it will be called upon to make in the future. I am not -in the secrets of the War Office, and it is impossible to say what -the policy of the Government will be, or what trump cards they hold, -ready to play them when the real crisis comes. But there certainly is -an urgent and growing need for very plain speaking. I speak plainly -and without fear. We should like to be assured that the recruiting -problem, upon the solution of which our final success must depend, is -being dealt with on broad, wise, and statesmanlike lines, and that the -Government will shrink from no measure which shall ensure our absolute -military efficiency. I have no doubt that Lord Kitchener has a very -accurate estimate of the total number of men he proposes to put into -the field before the great forward movement begins, of the probable -total wastage, and of the period for which, on the present basis of -recruiting, that wastage can be made good. - -The country would welcome some very definite and explicit statement, -either from Mr. Asquith or Lord Kitchener, as to the real position, -and as to whether the Government has absolute confidence that the -requirements of the military authorities can be met under the existing -condition of affairs. The time is, indeed, more than ripe for some -grave and solemn warning to the people if, as I believe, the effort we -have made up to now, great though it has undoubtedly been, has not been -sufficient. We to-day need an authoritative declaration on the subject. -There is far too strong a tendency, fostered by the undue reticence of -the irresponsible Press Bureau and the screeching "victories" of the -newspapers, to believe that things are going as well and smoothly as -we could wish; and though I would strenuously deprecate an attitude of -blank pessimism, the perils which hedge around a fatuous optimism are -very great. - -My firm conviction, and I think my readers will share in it, is -that the great mass of public opinion is daily growing more and more -apathetic towards the war, and truly that is not the mental attitude -which will bring us with safety and credit through the tremendous -ordeal which lies before us. The Government is not doing enough to -drive home the fact that greater and still greater efforts will be -required before the spectre of Prussian domination is finally laid to -rest: the country at large, befogged by the newspapers, and sullenly -angry at being kept in the dark to an extent hitherto unheard of, is in -no mood to make the supreme sacrifices upon which final victory must -depend. We are, as a result, not exercising our full strength: we are -not doing enough, and our full strength will not be exerted until the -Government takes the public into its confidence and tells them exactly -what it requires and what it intends to have. That it would gain, -rather than lose, by doing so, I have not the slightest doubt, while -the gain to the world through the throwing into the scale of the solid -weight of a fully aroused Britain would be simply incalculable. - -While writing this, came the extraordinarily belated news of the -decision of the Government to declare a strict blockade of the German -coasts. It has been a matter of supreme bewilderment to every student -of the war why this decision was not taken long before. Why should we -have failed for so long to use the very strongest weapon which our -indisputed control of the sea has placed in our hands, is one of those -things which "no fellah can understand." We have been foolish enough -to allow food, cotton, and certain other articles of "conditional -contraband" free access to Germany, and it is beyond question that in -so doing we have enormously prolonged the war. And all this, be it -remembered, at a time when Germany _was violating every law of God and -man_! Assume a reversal of the prevailing conditions: would Germany -have been so foolishly indulgent towards us? Would she have treated us -with more consideration than she showed towards the starving population -of Paris in 1871? The very fact of our long inaction in this respect -adds enormously to the strong suspicion that in other directions we -are not doing as much as we should. Lord Fisher is credited with -the saying, "The essence of war is violence: moderation in war is -imbecility. Hit first, hit hard, hit everywhere." - -I think it is safe to say that in more than one direction we have -displayed an imbecility of moderation which has tended to encourage -the Germans in the supreme folly of imagining that they are at liberty -to play fast and loose with the opinion of the civilised world. Our -treatment of German spies and enemy aliens in our midst is a classic -example of our contemptuous tolerance of easily removable perils, just -as much as is our incredible folly in neglecting to make the fullest -use of our magnificent naval resources. Thanks to our tolerance, the -Germans have been freely importing food and cotton, with probably an -enormous quantity of copper smuggled through in the same ships. We -have paid in the blood and lives of our gallant soldiers, husbands, -brothers, lovers, while the Germans have laughed at us--and not without -justice--as a nation of silly dolts and imbeciles. Yet we have tardily -decided upon "retaliatory measures" which we were perfectly entitled to -take the instant war was declared, only under the pressure of Germany's -campaign of murder and piracy at sea! Are we doing enough in other -directions? - -Equally belated, and equally calculated to give the impression -that we have been too slow in using our strength, is the attack -upon the Dardanelles. It has long been a mystery why, in view of -the tremendous results involved in such a blow at Germany's deluded -ally, this attack was not made earlier. We do not know, and the -Government do not enlighten us. But the delay has helped to send the -price of bread to famine prices through blocking up the Russian wheat -in the Black Sea ports; it has given the Turks and the Germans time -to enormously strengthen the defences, and has prevented us from -sending to our Russian friends that support in munitions of war of -which they undoubtedly stood in need. There may, of course, have been -good reasons for the delay, but if they exist, they have baffled the -investigation of the most competent military and naval critics. It must -never be forgotten that the reopening of the Dardanelles and the fall -of Constantinople must exercise a far more potent influence on the -progress of the war than, say, the relief of Antwerp--another example -of singularly belated effort! It must, in fact, transform the whole -position of the war and react with fatal effect through Turkey upon -her Allies. Yet the war had been in progress for seven months before a -serious attempt was made at what, directly Turkey joined in the war, -must have been one of the primary objects of the Allies. What added -price, I wonder, shall we be compelled to pay for that inexplicable -delay, not merely in the increased cost of the necessaries of life -at home and the expenses of the war abroad, but in the lives of our -fighting men? For it must not be forgotten that a decisive blow at -Turkey would do much to shorten the duration of the war. It would be a -serious blow at Germany, and would be more than likely to precipitate -the entrance into the struggle, on the side of the Allies, of Italy -and the wavering Balkan States. In hard cash, the war is costing us -nearly a million and a half a day. We have to pay it, sooner or later. -The loss of life is more serious than the loss of wealth, and there -is no doubt that both must be curtailed by any successful operation -against the Turks. - -The Army has, beyond question, lost thousands of recruits of the very -best class owing to the parsimony displayed in the matter of making -provision for the dependents of men who join the fighting forces. The -scale originally proposed, it will be remembered, produced an outburst -of indignation, and it was very soon amended in the right direction, -but when all is said and done it operates with amazing injustice. -One of the most striking features of the war has been the splendid -patriotism shown by men who, in social rank, are decidedly above the -average standard of recruits. - -Many comparatively rich men have joined the Army as privates, and -the roll descends in the social scale until we come down to the day -labourer. We draw no distinction between the loyalty and devotion of -any of our new soldiers, but it cannot be denied that the working of -the system of separate allowances is exceedingly unfair to the men of -the middle classes. - -Financially, the family of the working-man is frequently better off -through the absence of the husband and father at the front than it -has ever been before--sometimes very much better off indeed. I am not -complaining of that. But when we ascend a little in the scale we find -a glaring inequality. The man earning, say, £250 a year, and having -a wife and one child, finds, too often, that the price he has to pay -for patriotism is to leave his family dependent upon the Government -allowance of 17_s._ 6_d._ per week. Is it a matter for wonder that so -many have hesitated to join? Can we praise too highly the patriotism -of those who, even under such circumstances, have answered the call of -duty? - -The truth is that the whole system of separation allowances, framed to -meet the necessity of recruits of the ordinary standard, is inelastic -and unsuitable to a campaign which calls, or should call, the entire -nation to arms. It is throwing a great strain on a man's loyalty to ask -him to condemn his wife and family to what, in their circumstances, -amounts to semi-starvation, in order that he may serve his country, -particularly when he sees around him thousands of the young and healthy -at theatres and picture palaces, free from any domestic ties, who -persistently shut their eyes to their country's need, and whom nothing -short of some measure of compulsion would bring into the ranks. I am -not going to suggest that every man who joins the Army should be paid -the salary he could earn in civil life, but I think we are _not doing -nearly enough_ for thousands of well-bred and gently nurtured women who -have given up husbands and brothers in the sacred cause of freedom. - -And now I come to perhaps the saddest feature of the war--the case -of the men who will return to England maimed and disabled in their -country's cause. That, for them, is supreme glory, though many of -them would have infinitely preferred giving their lives for their -country. They will come back to us in thousands, the maimed, the -halt, and the blind: pitiful wrecks of glorious manhood, with no hope -before them but to drag out the rest of their years in comparative -or absolute helplessness. Their health and their strength will have -gone; there will be no places for them in the world where men in -full health and strength fight the battle of life in the fields of -commerce and industry. _Are we doing enough_--have we, indeed, begun -to do anything--for these poor victims of war's fury, much more to be -pitied than the gallant men who sleep for ever where they fell on the -battle-fields of France and Belgium? - -Too often in the past it has been the shame and the reproach of Britain -that she cast aside, like worn-out garments, the men who have spent -their health and strength in her cause. Have we not heard of Crimean -veterans dying in our workhouses? With all my heart I hope that, after -the war, we shall never again be open to that reproach and shame. We -must see that never again shall a great and wealthy Empire disgrace -itself by condemning its crippled heroes to the undying bitterness -of the workhouse during life, and the ignominy of a pauper's grave -after death. Cost what it may, the future of the unhappy men "broke in -our wars" must be the nation's peculiar care. I do not suggest--they -themselves would not desire it--that all our wounded should become -State pensioners _en masse_ and live out their lives in idleness. -The men who helped to fling back the Kaiser's barbaric hordes in the -terrible struggle at Ypres are not the men who will seek for mere -charity, even when it takes the form of a deserved reward for their -heroic deeds. - -Speaking broadly, the State will have the responsibility of caring -for two classes of wounded men--those who are condemned to utter and -lifelong disablement and those who, less seriously crippled, are yet -unable to obtain employment in ordinary commercial or industrial life. -As to the former class, the duty of the State is clear: they must be -suitably maintained for the rest of their lives at the State's charges. -With regard to the second class, I do most sincerely hope that they -will not be thrown into the world with a small wounds pension and left -to sink or swim as fortune and their scattered abilities may dictate. -It is for us to remember that these men have given their health and -strength that we might live in safety and peace, and we shall be -covering ourselves with infamy if we fail to make proper provision for -them. - -As I have already said, they do not want charity. They want work, and -I venture to here make an earnest appeal to the public to take up the -cause of these men with all its generous heart. First and foremost, -such of them as are capable should be given absolute preference in -Government and municipal offices, where there are thousands of posts -that can be filled even by men who are partially disabled. Every -employer of labour should make it his special duty to find positions -for as many of these men as possible: there are many places in business -houses that can be quite adequately filled by men of less than ordinary -physical efficiency. Most of all, however, I hope the Government will, -without delay, take up the great task of finding a way of setting -these men to useful work of some kind. In the past much has been done -in this direction by the various private agencies which interest -themselves in the care of discharged soldiers. A war of such magnitude -as the present, however, must bring in its wake a demand for work and -organisation on a scale far beyond private effort; and if the disabled -soldier is to be adequately cared for, only the resources of the State -can be equal to the need. - -_Are we doing enough_, I ask again, for the gallant men who have served -us so well? There are those who fear that, comparatively speaking, the -war has only just begun. However this may be, the tale of casualties -and disablement rises day by day at a terrible pace, and there is a -growing need to set on foot an organisation which, when the time comes, -shall be ready to grapple at once with what will perhaps be the most -terrible legacy the war can leave us. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE PERIL OF THE CENSORSHIP - - -War brings into discussion many subjects upon which men differ widely -in their opinions, and the present war is no exception to the general -rule. - -Amateur and expert alike argue on a thousand disputed points of -tactics, of strategy, and of policy: it has always been so: probably it -will be so for ever. But the censorship imposed by the Government, on -the outbreak of war, has achieved a record. - -It has earned the unanimous and unsparing condemnation of everybody. -Men who have agreed on no other point shake hands upon this. For sheer, -blundering ineptitude, for blind inability to appreciate the mind and -temper of our countrymen, in its utter ignorance of the psychological -characteristics of the nation and of the Empire, to say nothing of the -rest of the world, the methods of the censorship, surely, approach very -closely the limits of human capacity for failure. - -When I say "the censorship" I mean, of course, the system, speaking in -the broadest sense. It matters nothing whether the chief censor, for -the moment, be, by the circumstance of the day, Mr. F.E. Smith or Sir -Stanley Buckmaster. Both, I make no doubt, have done their difficult -work to the best of their ability, and have been loyally followed, to -the best of their several abilities, by their colleagues. The faults -and failures of the censorship have their roots elsewhere. - -Now to avoid, at the outset, any possibility of misunderstanding, I -want to make it absolutely clear that in all the numerous criticisms -that have been levelled at the censorship, objection has been taken not -to the _fact_ that news is censored, but to the _methods_ employed and -to the extent to which the suppression of news has been carried. - -I believe that no single newspaper in the British Isles has objected -to the censorship, as such. I am quite sure that the public would very -definitely condemn any demand that the censorship should be abolished. -Much as we all desire to learn the full story of the war, it is obvious -that to permit the indiscriminate publication of any and every story -sent over the wires, would be to make the enemy a present of much -information of almost priceless value. Early and accurate information -is of supreme importance in war time, and certainly no Englishman -worthy of the name would desire that the slightest advantage should be -offered to our country's enemies by the premature publication of news -which, on every military consideration, ought to be kept secret. - -This is, unquestionably, the attitude of the great daily newspapers in -London and the provinces, which have been the worst sufferers by the -censor's eccentricities. They realise, quite clearly, the vital and -imperative necessity for the suppression of information which would be -of value to the enemy, and, as a matter of fact, the editors of the -principal journals exercise themselves a private censorship which is -quite rigid, and far more intelligently applied than the veto of the -official bureau. It would surprise a good many people to learn of the -vast amount of information which, by one channel or another, reaches -the offices of the great dailies long before the Press Bureau gives -a sign that it has even heard of the matters in question. The great -retreat from Mons is an excellent instance. It was known perfectly -well, at the time, that the entire British Expeditionary Force was in a -position of the gravest peril, and it is, perhaps, not too much to say -that had the public possessed the same knowledge there would have been -a degree of depression which would have made the "black week" of the -South African War gay and cheerful by comparison, even if there had not -been something very nearly approaching an actual panic. - -But the secret was well and loyally kept within the walls of the -newspaper offices, as I, personally, think it should have been: I do -not blame the military authorities in the least for holding back the -fact that the position was one of extreme gravity. Bad news comes soon -enough in every war, and it would be senseless folly to create alarm -by telling people of dangers which, as in this case, may in the end be -averted. The public quarrel with the censorship rests on other, and -totally different, grounds. - -That a strict censorship should be exercised over military news which -might prove of value to the enemy will be cheerfully admitted by every -one. We all know, despite official assurances to the contrary, that -German spies are still active in our midst, and, even now, there is--or -at any rate until quite recently there was--little or no difficulty in -sending information from this country to Germany. No one will cavil at -any restrictions necessary to prevent the enemy anticipating our plans -and movements, and if the censorship had not gone beyond this, no one -would have had any reason to complain. - -What may perhaps be called the classic instance of the perils of -premature publication occurred during the Franco-Prussian War of -1870-71. In those days there was no censorship, and France, in -consequence, received a lesson so terrible that it is never likely -to be forgotten. It is more than likely, indeed, that it is directly -responsible for the merciless severity of the French censorship to-day. - -A French journal published the news that MacMahon had changed the -direction in which his army was marching. The news was telegraphed -to England and published in the papers here. It at once came to the -attention of one of the officials of the German Embassy in London, who, -realising its importance, promptly cabled it to Germany. For Moltke the -news was simply priceless, and the altered dispositions he promptly -made resulted in MacMahon and his entire force capitulating at Metz. -Truly a terrible price to pay for the single indiscretion of a French -newspaper! - -It is not to be denied that to some extent certain of the "smarter" -of the British newspapers are responsible for the severity of the -censorship in force to-day. In effect, the censorship of news in this -country dates from the last war in South Africa. Some of the English -journals, in their desire to secure "picture-stories," forgot that the -war correspondent has very great responsibilities quite apart from the -mere purveying of news. - -The result was the birth of a war correspondent of an entirely new -type. The older men--the friends of my youth, Forbes, Burleigh, Howard -Russell, and the like--had seen and studied war in many phases: they -knew war, and distinguished with a sure instinct the news that was -permissible as well as interesting, from the news that was interesting -but _not_ permissible. Their work, because of their knowledge, showed -discipline and restraint, and it can be said, broadly, that they wrote -nothing which would advantage the enemy in the slightest degree. - -In the war in South Africa we saw a tremendous change. Many of the -men sent out were simply able word-spinners, supremely innocent of -military knowledge, knowing absolutely nothing of military operations, -unable to judge whether a bit of news would be of value to the enemy -or not. Their business was to get "word-pictures"--and they got them. -In doing so they sealed the doom of the war correspondent. The feeble -and inefficient censorship established at Cape Town, for want of -intelligent guidance, did little or nothing to protect the Army, and -the result was that valuable information, published in London, was -promptly telegraphed to the Boer leaders by way of Lourenço Marques. -Many skilfully planned British movements, in consequence, went -hopelessly to pieces, and by the time war was over, Lord Roberts and -military men generally were fully agreed that, when the next war came, -it would be absolutely necessary to establish a censorship of a very -drastic nature. - -We see that censorship in operation to-day, but far transcending -its proper function. It was established--or it should have been -established--for the sole purpose of preventing the publication of news -likely to be of value to the enemy. Had it stopped there, no one could -have complained. - -I contend that in point of fact it has, throughout the war, operated -not merely to prevent the enemy getting news which it was highly -desirable should be kept from him, but to suppress news which the -British public--the most patriotic and level-headed public in all the -world--has every right to demand. We are not a nation of board-school -children or hysterical girls. Over and over again the British public -has shown that it can bear bad news with fortitude, just as it can -keep its head in victory. Those of us who still remember the terrible -"black week" in South Africa, with its full story of the horror of -defeat at Colenso, Magersfontein, and Stormberg, remember how the only -effect of the disaster was the ominous deepening of the grim British -determination to "see it through": the tightening of the lips and the -hardening of the jaws that meant unshakable resolve; the silent, dour, -British grip on the real essentials of the situation that, once and for -all, settled the fate of Kruger's ambitions. - -Are Britons to-day so changed from the Britons of 1899 that they cannot -bear the truth; that they cannot face disaster; that they are indeed -the degenerates they have been labelled by boastful Germans? Perish the -thought! Britain is not decadent; she is to-day as strong and virile -as of old and her sons are proving it daily on the plains of Flanders, -as they proved it when they fought the Kaiser's hordes to a standstill -on the banks of the Marne during the "black week" of last autumn. Why -then _should_ the public be treated as puling infants spoon-fed on tiny -scraps of good news when it is happily available, and left in the bliss -of ignorance when things are not going quite so well? - -From November 20th, 1914, up to February 17th, 1915--a period of three -months of intense anxiety and strain--not one single word of news -from the Commander-in-Chief of the greatest Army Britain has ever put -into the field was vouchsafed to the British public. For that, of -course, it is impossible to blame Sir John French. But the bare fact -is sufficient condemnation of the entirely unjustifiable methods of -secrecy with which we are waging a war on which the whole future of -our beloved nation and Empire depends. The public was left to imagine -that the war had reached something approaching a "deadlock." The -ever-mounting tale of casualties showed that, in very truth, there had -been, in that silent period of three months, fighting on a scale to -which this country has been a stranger for a century. - -Will any one outside the Government contend that this absurd secrecy -can be justified, either by military necessity or by a well-meant but, -as I think, hopelessly mistaken regard for the feelings of the public? - -We are not Germans that it should be necessary to lull us into a -lethargic sleep with stories of imaginary victories, or to refrain -from harrowing our souls when, as must happen in all wars, things -occasionally go wrong. - -_We want the truth_, and we are entitled to have it! - -I do not say that we have been deliberately told that which is not -true. I believe the authorities can be acquitted of any deliberate -falsification of news. But I do say, without hesitation, that much news -was kept back which the country was entitled to know, and which could -have been made public without the slightest prejudice to our military -position. At the same time, publication has been permitted of wholly -baseless stories, such as that of the great fight at La Bassée, to -which I will allude later, which the authorities must have known to be -unfounded. - -It is not for us to criticise the policy of our gallant Allies, the -French. We must leave it to them to decide how much or how little -they will reveal to their own people. I contend, with all my heart, -that the British public should not have been fobbed off with the -studiously-guarded French official report, with its meaningless--so -far as the general public is concerned--daily recital of the capture -or loss of a trench here and there, or with the chatty disquisitions -of our amiable "Eye-Witness" at the British Headquarters, who manages -to convey the minimum of real information in the maximum of words. It -is highly interesting, I admit, to learn of that heroic soldier who -brained four Germans "on his own" with a shovel; it is very interesting -to read of the "nut" making his happy and elaborate war-time toilet -in the open air; and we are glad to hear all about German prisoners -lamenting the lack of food. But these things, and countless others of -which "Eye-Witness" has told us, are not the root of the matter. We -want the true story of the campaign, and the plain fact is that we do -not get it, and no one pretends that we get it. - -Cheerful confidence is an excellent thing in war, as well as in all -other human undertakings. Blind optimism is a foolhardy absurdity; -blank pessimism is about as dangerous a frame of mind as can be -conceived. I am not quite sure, in my own mind, whether the methods of -the censorship are best calculated to promote dangerous optimism, or -the reverse, but I am perfectly certain that they are not calculated -to evoke that calm courage and iron resolve, in the face of known -perils, which is the best augury of victory in the long run. Probably -they produce a result varying according to the temperament of the -individual. One day you meet a man in the club who assures you that -everything is going well and that we have the Germans "in our pocket." -That is the foolishness of optimism, produced by the story of success -and the suppression of disagreeable truths. - -Twenty-four hours later you meet a gloomy individual who assures you we -are no nearer beating the Germans than we were three months ago. That -is the depths of pessimism. Both frames of mind are derived from the -"official news" which the Government thinks fit to issue. - -Here and there, if you are lucky, you meet the man who realises that we -are up against the biggest job the Empire has ever tackled, and that, -if we are to win through, the country must be plainly told the facts -and plainly warned that it is necessary to make the most strenuous -exertions of which we are capable. That is the man who forms his -opinions not from the practically worthless official news, but from -independent study of the whole gigantic problem. And that is the only -frame of mind which will enable us to win this war. It is a frame of -mind which the official news vouchsafed to us is not, in the least -degree, calculated to produce. - -In the prosecution of a war of such magnitude as the present unhappy -conflict the public feeling of a truly democratic country such as ours -is of supreme importance. It is, in fact, the most valuable asset of -the military authorities, and it is a condition precedent for success -that the nation shall be frankly told the truth, so far as it can be -told without damage to our military interests. - -Mr. Bonar Law, in the House of Commons, put the case in a nutshell when -he said that-- - - "He had felt, from the beginning of the war, that as much information - was not being given as might be given without damage to national - interests. Nothing could be worse for the country than to do what the - Japanese did--conceal disasters until the end of the war. He did not - say that there had been any concealment, but the one thing necessary - was to let the people of this and other countries feel that our - official news was true, and could be relied upon. He wondered whether - the House realised what a tremendous event the battle of Ypres, in - November, was. The British losses there, he thought, were bigger than - any battle in which purely English troops were engaged. It was a - terrible fight, against overwhelming odds, out of which British troops - came with tremendous honour. All the account they had had was Sir - John French's despatch. Surely the country could have more than that. - Whoever was in charge, when weighing the possible damage which might - be brought about by the giving of news, should also bear in mind the - great necessity for keeping people in this country as well informed as - possible." - -That, I venture to think, is a perfectly fair and legitimate criticism. -The battle of Ypres was fought in November. Mr. Law was speaking in -February. Who can say what the country would have gained in recruiting, -in strength of determination, in everything that goes to make up the -_morale_ so necessary for the vigorous conduct of a great campaign, had -it been given, at once, an adequate description of the "terrible fight -against overwhelming odds" out of which the British Thomas Atkins came -with so much honour? - -The military critics of our newspapers have, perhaps, been one of -the greatest failures of the entire campaign. One of them, on the -day before Namur fell, assured us that the place could hold out for -three months. Another asserted that the Russians would be in Berlin by -September 10th. Another, just before the Germans drove the Russians for -the second time out of East Prussia, declared that Russia's campaign -was virtually ended! Besides, all the so-called "histories" of the -war published have been utter failures. Personally, I do not think the -nation is greatly perturbed, at the present moment, about the conduct -of the actual military operations. No one is a politician to-day, -and there is every desire, happily, to support the Government in any -measure necessary to bring the war to a conclusion. We have not the -materials, even if it were desirable, to criticise the conduct or write -the history of the war, and we have no wish to do so. But we desire to -learn, and we have the _right_ to learn, the facts. - -It has always been an unhappy characteristic of the military mind -that it has been quite unable, perhaps unwilling, to appreciate the -mentality of the mere civilian who only has to pay the bill, and look -as pleasant as possible under the ordeal. And I suspect, very strongly, -that it is just this feeling which lies at the root of a good deal of -what we have had to endure under the censorship. In its essence, the -censorship is a military precaution, perfectly proper and praiseworthy, -but only if applied according to the real needs of the situation. -Quite properly the military mind is impatient of the intrusion of the -civilian in purely military affairs, and I have no doubt whatever that -that fact explains the gratifying presence--in defiance of our long -usage and to the annoyance of a certain type of politician--of Lord -Kitchener at the War Office to-day. But military domination of the -war situation, however admirable from the military point of view, has -failed to take into sufficient account the purely civilian interest in -the progress of the war and the extent to which the military arm must -rely upon the civilian in carrying the war to a successful conclusion. - -Our military organisation, rightly or wrongly, is based upon the -voluntary system. We cannot, under present conditions, obtain, as the -conscriptionist countries do, the recruits we require merely by calling -to the Colours, with a stroke of the pen, men who are liable for -service. We have to request, to persuade, to advertise, and to lead men -to see their duty and to do it. To enable us to do this satisfactorily, -public opinion must be kept well informed, must be stimulated by a -knowledge of the real situation. When war broke out, and volunteers -were called for, a tremendous wave of enthusiasm swept over the -country. The recruiting organisation broke down, and, as I have pointed -out, the Government found themselves with more men on their hands than -they could possibly train or equip at the moment. Instead of taking -men's names, telling them the exact facts, and sending them home to -wait till they could be called for, the War Office _raised the physical -standard for recruits_, and this dealt a blow at popular enthusiasm -from which it has never recovered. Recruiting dropped to an alarming -degree, and, so recently as February, Mr. Tennant, in the House of -Commons, despite the efforts that had been made in the meantime, was -forced to drop a pretty strong hint that "a little more energy" was -advisable. - -Now the connection between the manner in which the recruiting question -was handled, and the general methods adopted by the censorship, is -a good deal closer than might be imagined at first sight. Both show -the same utter failure on the part of the military authorities to -appreciate the psychology of the civilian. Psychology, the science of -the public opinion of the nation, must, in any democratic country, -play a very large part in the successful conduct of a great war; and -in sympathetic understanding of the temper of the masses, our military -authorities, alike in regard to the censorship and recruiting question, -have been entirely outclassed by the autocratic officials of Germany. I -do not advocate German methods. The gospel of hate and lies--which has -kept German people at fever-heat--would fail entirely here. We need no -"Hymns of Hate" or lying bulletins to induce Britons to do their duty -if the needs of the situation are thoroughly brought home to them. - -But we have to face this disquieting fact, that, whatever the methods -employed, the German people to-day are far more enthusiastic and -determined in their prosecution of the war than we are. - -That is a plain and unmistakable truth. I do not believe the great mass -of the British public realises, even to-day, vitally and urgently, the -immense gravity of the situation, and for that I blame the narrow and -pedantic views that have kept the country in comparative ignorance of -the real facts of the situation. - -We have been at war for eight months and we have not yet got the men -we require. Recruits have come forward in large numbers, it is true, -and are still coming forward. But there is a very distinct lack of -that splendid and enduring enthusiasm which a true realisation of the -facts would inevitably evoke. Priceless opportunities for stimulating -that enthusiasm have been, all along, lost by the persistent refusal to -allow the full story of British heroism and devotion to be told. - -We can take the battle of Ypres as a single outstanding example. The -full story of that great fight would have done more for recruiting in a -week than all the displayed advertisements and elaborate placards with -which our walls are so profusely adorned could achieve in a month! - -Sir John French's despatch, as a military record, bears the hall-mark -of military genius, but it is idle to pretend that it is a literary -document calculated to stir the blood and fire the imagination of our -countrymen. Admirable in its firm restraint from the military point of -view, it takes no account of the civilian imagination. That is not Sir -John French's business. He is a great soldier, and it is no reproach to -him that his despatch is not exactly what is required by the urgency -of the situation. Moreover, it came too late to exercise its full -effect. Had the story of Ypres been given to the public promptly, and -in the form in which it would have been cast by a graphic writer who -understood the subject with which he was dealing and the public for -whom he was writing, we should probably have been better off to-day -by thousands and thousands of the much-needed recruits. The failure -to take advantage of such a glorious opportunity for the stimulation -of enthusiasm by purely legitimate means, convicts our censorship -authorities of a total failure to appreciate the mentality of the -public whose supposed interests they serve. - -And as with successes, so with failures. It is the peculiar -characteristic of the British people that either a great victory or -a great disaster has the immediate result of nerving them to fuller -efforts. We saw that in South Africa: it has been seen a hundred -times in our long history. Let us turn for a moment to the affair at -Givenchy on December 20th. Sir John French's despatch makes it clear -that the repulse of the Indian Division on that occasion was a very -serious matter, so serious, in fact, that it required the full effort -of the entire First Division, under Sir Douglas Haig, to restore the -position. Yet, at the time, the British public was very far from fully -informed of what had happened: much of our information, indeed, was -derived from German sources; and these sources being naturally suspect, -the magnitude of the operations was never realised. - -There may have been excellent military reasons for concealing, for the -moment, the real position, though I strongly suspect that the Germans -were quite as well informed about it as we were. But there could be no -possible reason for concealing the fact from the public for a couple of -months, and thus losing another opportunity of powerfully stimulating -our national patriotism and determination. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE PERIL OF THE PRESS BUREAU - - -It is one of the curses of our Parliamentary system that every piece of -criticism is immediately ascribed to either party or personal motives, -and politicians whose conduct or methods are impugned, for whatever -reason, promptly assume, and try to make others believe, that their -opponents are actuated by the usual party or personal methods. - -At the present moment, happily, we have, for the first time within our -memory, no politics; the nation stands as one man in its resolve to -make an end of the Teutonic aggression against the peace of the world. -In the recent discussion in the House of Commons, however, Sir Stanley -Buckmaster, head of the Press Bureau, upon whom has fallen the rather -ruffled and uncomfortable mantle discarded by Mr. F.E. Smith, seems -to have interpreted the very unanimous criticism of the censorship as -a personal attack upon himself. As a brilliant lawyer, of course he -had no difficulty in making a brilliant reply to a fallacy originated -entirely in his own brain. - -In very truth the personality of Sir Stanley Buckmaster concerns us -not at all. He is a loyal Englishman. He does not originate the news -which the Press Bureau deals out with such belated parsimony. No one -blames him for the fact that the nation is kept so completely in the -dark on the subject of the war. If it were possible for Sir Stanley -Buckmaster, personally, to censor every piece of news submitted to the -Press Bureau, there would, I venture to think, be a speedy end to the -system--or want of system--which permits an item of intelligence to be -published in Edinburgh or Liverpool, but not in London; and that the -speeches of Cabinet Ministers, reported in our papers verbatim, would -be allowed free passage to the United States or to the Colonies. I wish -here to do the head of the Press Bureau the justice to say that he is -an Englishman who knows his own mind, and has the courage of his own -convictions. Yet that does not alter the fact that the Press censorship -as a system has worked unevenly, with very little apparent method, and -with an amazing disregard of the best foreign and colonial opinion -which, all along, it has been our interest to keep fully informed of -the British side of the case. - -When the subject was last before the House of Commons, some very -caustic things were said. Mr. Joseph King, the Radical member for North -Somerset, moved, and Sir William Byles, the Radical member for North -Salford, seconded, the following rather terse motion: - - "That the action of the Press Bureau in restricting the freedom of the - Press, and in withholding information about the war, has been actuated - by no clear principle and has been calculated to cause suspicion and - discontent." - -Now it will be noted that there is, in the first place, no possibility -of attributing this motion to political hostility. Both the mover -and the seconder are supporters of the Government, not merely at the -present moment, as of course all Englishmen are, but in the ordinary -course of nightly political warfare. Mr. King did not mince matters. -He roundly charged the Press Bureau with exercising inequality, -particularly in denying the publication in London of news permitted -to be published in the provinces and on the Continent. He pressed, -too, for the issue of an official statement two or three times a week. -This, of course, has since been granted, and it is a very decided -improvement. Mr. Joynson-Hicks, from the Conservative benches, very -truly emphasised the fact that the people of this country want the -truth, even if it meant bad news, and added that they also wanted to -hear about the heroism of our troops and the valorous deeds of any -individual regiments. - -Sir Stanley Buckmaster, in reply, denied somewhat vehemently that he -had ever withheld, for five minutes, any information he had about the -war, and asserted that nothing had ever been issued from his office -that was not literally and absolutely true. - -Now, as I have said, Sir Stanley Buckmaster's hide-bound department -does not originate news, and cannot be held responsible for either -the fullness or the accuracy of the official statements. When Sir -Stanley Buckmaster tells us that he has _never delayed_ news I accept -his word without demur. But when he says nothing has been issued from -his department which is not "literally and absolutely true," then I -ask him what he means by "literally and absolutely true"? If he means -that the news which his department has issued has contained no actual -misstatements on a point of fact, I believe his claim to be fully -justified. If he means, on the other hand, that the Press Bureau, or -those behind it, have told the nation the whole truth, he makes an -assertion which the nation with its gritted teeth to-day will decline, -and with very good reason, to accept. To quote Mr. Bonar Law's words -again: "from the beginning of the war as much information has not been -given as might have been given without damage to national interests." -To such full information as may be given without damage to national -interests the nation is entitled, and no amount of official sophistry -and hair-splitting can alter that plain and demonstrable fact. - -Mr. King, in the resolution I have quoted, charged the head of the -Bureau with exercising inequality as between different newspapers. Now -this amounts to a charge of deliberate unfairness which it is very -difficult indeed to accept. The House of Commons, in fact, did not -accept it. None the less, the fact remains that not once or twice, but -over and over again, news has been allowed publication in one paper and -refused in another, not merely as between London and the provinces, but -as between London newspapers which are, necessarily, keen rivals. In -support of this assertion I will quote one of the strongest supporters -of the Government among the London newspapers--the _Daily Chronicle_. -There will be no question of political partisanship about this. - -After quoting the views of the _Times_ and two Liberal papers--the -_Star_ and the _Westminster Gazette_--the _Daily Chronicle_ said: - - "The methods of the Censor are, certainly, a little difficult to - understand. There reached this office yesterday afternoon, from our - correspondent at South Shields, a long story of the sinking of vessels - in the North Sea. It was submitted to us by the Censor, who made a - number of excisions in it. The telegram was returned to us with the - following note by our representative at the Press Bureau: - - "'The Censor particularly requests that South Shields be not - mentioned, though we can state "from our East Coast correspondent."' - -"In the meantime the evening newspapers appeared with accounts of some -occurrences in which most of the deletions made by the Censor in the -_Daily Chronicle_ report _were given_! The Censor made the following -remarks and excisions in the 'copy' submitted to him by the _Daily -Chronicle_ representative at the Press Bureau: - - Excisions in "Daily Where the Forbidden Passages - Chronicle" Report Appeared - - "Please do not mention Shields occurred in the reports - that this came from South in the _Star_ (three times), - Shields." (Note by the _Evening News_ (once), _Pall Mall - Censor.) Gazette_ (three times), _Globe_ - (three times), _Evening Standard_ - (three times), _Westminister - Gazette_ (once). - - "Within twenty miles of _Star_ report stated: "The - the mouth of Shields harbour"-- trawler was sunk thirty miles - (passage eliminated). E.N.E. of the Tyne." - - "Landed a cargo of fish This identical phrase, or its - at Grimsby." ("At Grimsby" effect, appeared in the _Star_, - was eliminated.) _Pall Mall Gazette_, _Globe_, - _Evening Standard_, _Westminister - Gazette_. - - "Landed by North The North Shields trawler - Shields fishing steamer." was mentioned by the _Star_, - ("North Shields" eliminated.) _Pall Mall Gazette_, _Globe_, - _Evening Standard_. - - "Bound for Blyth." This phrase appeared in the - ("Blyth" eliminated.) _Star_, _Pall Mall Gazette_, - _Globe_, and _Evening Standard_. - - * * * * * - - From the _Daily Chronicle_ A Central News telegram - Special Correspondent. from Paris ran as follows - (passed by Cable Censor): - - _Paris, August 27th._ _Paris, Thursday_ - - The Ministry of War The following official - issued this afternoon the communiqué is issued to the Press - following note: "In the at 2.15 this afternoon: "In - region between----" (here the region between the Vosges - the Censor has cut out a and Nancy our troops continue - short passage) "our troops to progress." - continue to progress." - - - "Thus we were free to mention the offending passage on the - authority of the Central News Agency, but not on that of 'our own - correspondent'! What can be more ridiculous than this?" - -The importance of the last portion of the _Daily Chronicle_ article -lies in the fact that we have here a clear case of mutilation of the -French _official_ despatch, which the French papers even were free to -publish! - -The _Daily Chronicle_ also mentioned another case in which its special -correspondent in Paris sent a long despatch giving, on the authority of -M. Clemenceau, a statement published in Paris, that the 15th Army Corps -gave way in a moment of panic. The Censor refused permission to publish -it, but another journal published a quotation under the heading: -"French Soldiers who wavered: Officers and Men punished by Death." - -I ought, in fairness, to say, in passing, that the instances quoted -above took place before Sir Stanley Buckmaster assumed control of the -Press Bureau, and that no responsibility attaches to him in respect of -any of them. - -Now, bad as has been the effect of the censorship on public opinion at -home, it has been even worse abroad, and particularly in the United -States, where the German propaganda had full play, while the British -case was sternly withheld. The American Press has not hesitated to say -that our censors were incompetent and discriminated unfairly between -one paper and another. This was untrue in the sense in which it was -meant, but it was certainly unfortunate, to put it mildly, that the -news of the declaration of war was allowed to be issued by one New York -journal, and withheld for seven hours from the Associated Press, which -represents 9,000 American and Canadian newspapers. It was, perhaps, -still more unfortunate that even the speeches of Mr. Asquith and Sir -Edward Grey on the subject of the declaration of war should have been -similarly delayed. Why? Telegraphic reports of these speeches were -held up for _four days_ by the censors at cable offices and were then -"censored" before they were despatched. I ask, could mischievous and -bungling stupidity go farther than this? - -Here is another case. In one of his speeches, Mr. Asquith, on a Friday -night in Dublin, announced that the Indian troops were, that day, -landing at Marseilles. The speech, and the statement, were reported -next day in the London newspapers. _After_ the publication of this, the -Press Bureau forbade any mention of the _landing_ of the Indian troops! - -In the House of Commons, on September 10th, Mr. Sherwell exposed -another instance of the ridiculous vagaries of the unequal censorship. -In the _Daily Chronicle_, he said, there was published a brilliant -article by Mr. Philip Gibbs--who was with me during the first Balkan -campaign--describing the actual operations of Sir John French's army -up to the last few days. That article was published without comment -and without criticism in the _Daily Chronicle_, yet the cable censor -refused to allow it to be sent to the _New York Times_. Again why? - -It is, or should be, the function of the Press Bureau not merely to -supply the public with accurate news, but to make sure that false -or misleading reports are promptly suppressed. The reason for this -is obvious. We do not wish to be depressed by unfounded stories of -disaster, nor do we wish to experience the inevitable reaction which -follows when we learn that we have been deluded by false news of a -great victory. Whatever may be the _raison d'être_ of the Press -Bureau, it is assuredly not maintained for the purpose of assisting in -the circulation of utterly futile fiction about the progress of the -campaign. - -Again: _Are we told the truth?_ - -Early in January a report--passed of course by the Censor--appeared in -practically every newspaper in the country, and probably in thousands -of papers in all parts of the British Empire, announcing the capture by -the British troops of a very important German position at La Bassée. -The engagement was described as a brilliant one, in which the enemy -lost heavily; circumstantial details were added, and on the face of it -the news bore every indication of being based on trustworthy reports -from the fighting line. It is true that it was not official, but the -circumstances made it so important that, inasmuch as it had been passed -by the Censor, it was naturally assumed by every newspaper editor to be -accurate. A few days later every one was amazed to learn, from official -sources, that there was not a word of truth in the whole story! Yet the -Censor had actually passed it for publication. And so the public pay -their halfpennies to be gulled! - -I say, without hesitation, that this incident casts the very gravest -reflection on the discretion and efficiency of the whole censorship. -To permit the publication of an utterly baseless story of this nature, -is simply to assist in hoaxing the public and the crying of false -news. We await the next hoax. We may have it to-morrow. Who knows? The -Censors in the matter are on the threshold of a dilemma. If the story -in question were true, it ought to have been published on official -authority without delay: as it was untrue, its publication should have -on no account been permitted. - -Consider the circumstances. Sir John French, on November 20th, stated -that throughout the battle of Ypres-Armentières, the position at La -Bassée had defied all efforts at capture, and naturally the most -intense anxiety had been felt for news of a definite success in this -region. Yet the public, after hearing, by official sanction, the news -of a success which would clearly have resulted in the Germans being -driven pell-mell out of La Bassée, were calmly told, a few days later, -that the entire story was a lie. To my mind, and I think the reader -will agree with me, we could have no stronger illustration of the utter -futilities and farcical eccentricities of the censorship as it to-day -exists. Are we told the truth about the war? No, I declare--_We are -not!_ - -I will go a step farther. The suppression of news by the censorship is -bad enough, but what are we to think of a deliberate attempt to stifle -perfectly legitimate criticisms of Ministers and their methods? - -As those who read these pages are aware, I have taken a prominent part -in the effort to bring home to the public the dire peril to which we -are exposed through the presence in our midst of hordes of uncontrolled -enemy aliens. I deal with this subject elsewhere, and I should not -mention it here except that it is connected in a very special way with -an attempt on the part of the Press Bureau to stifle public discussion -on a matter of the gravest importance. - -The _Globe_ newspaper has, with commendable patriotism, devoted much -attention to the question of the presence of alien spies in our midst, -and, on many occasions, its correspondence and editorial columns have -contained valuable information and comments. On September 10th last -the _Globe_ published the following letter: - - "Press Bureau, - "40, Charing Cross. - "_September 7th, 1914._ - - "Dear Sir, - - "Mr. F.E. Smith desires me to draw your attention to a letter headed - 'A German's Outburst,' which appeared in your issue of the 2nd - instant, and a facsimile of which appeared in your issue of the 4th - instant. This letter has received the notice of the Home Secretary, - who expresses the view that 'the articles and letters in the _Globe_ - are causing something in the nature of a panic in the matter of spies' - and desires that they should be suppressed at once. In view of this - expression of opinion by the Home Secretary, Mr. Smith has no doubt - that you will refrain, in the future, from publishing articles or - letters of a similar description. - - "Yours very truly, - "Harold Smith, _Secretary_." - -Very properly, the _Globe_ pointed out that, in this matter, "nothing -less is at stake than the liberty of the Press to defend the public -interest and criticise the administrative acts of a Minister of the -Crown." The unwarrantable attempt of the Home Secretary, through the -Press Bureau, to suppress criticism of this nature, to stop the mouths -of those who insisted on warning the public of a peril which he has, -all along, blindly refused to see, raises a constitutional issue of the -very gravest kind. The _Globe_ promptly asked the Press Bureau under -what authority it claimed the "power to suppress the free expression -of opinion in the English press on subjects wholly unconnected with -military or naval movements." Mr. Harold Smith's reply was the amazing -assertion that such powers were conferred by the Defence of the Realm -Acts. He wrote: - - "Press Bureau, - "40, Charing Cross. - "_September 8th, 1914._ - - "Dear Sir, - - "I am instructed by Mr. F.E. Smith to acknowledge your letter of - to-day's date. On Mr. Smith's direction, I wrote you a letter, which, - on re-reading, you will perceive was intended to convey to you the - opinion of the Home Office, rather than an expressed intention - of censorship in this Bureau. You will, of course, use your own - discretion in the matter, but Mr. Smith thinks that a consideration - of the terms of the Defence of the Realm Acts (Nos. 1 and 2), and the - regulations made thereunder, will satisfy you that the Secretary of - State is not without the legal powers necessary to make his desire for - supervision effective. - - "Yours faithfully, - "Harold Smith, _Secretary_." - -This reads very much like a threat to try the editor of the _Globe_ -by court-martial for the heinous offence of suggesting that Mr. -McKenna's handling of the spy-peril was not exactly what was required -by the exigencies of the public safety. I must say that when I read -the correspondence I was inclined to tremble for my own head! So -far, however, it is still safe upon my shoulders. I, as a patriotic -Englishman who has dared to speak his mind, have no intention of -desisting--even at the risk of being court-martialled--from the efforts -I have continued for so long to arouse my countrymen to a realisation -of the dangers to which we are exposed by the obstinate refusal of the -Government to face facts. - -The privilege of the Press to criticise Ministers was boldly asserted -by the _Globe_, which, in a leading article, said: - - "That correspondence ... raises issues directly affecting the - independence of the Press and its right to frank and unfettered - criticism. At the time when we are receiving from our ever-increasing - circle of readers many gratifying tributes to the sanity of our - views, and the informing character of our columns, we are accused of - publishing matter calculated to induce panic, and we have been called - upon to suppress at once the articles and letters directing attention - to the dangers arising from the lax methods of the Home Secretary in - dealing with the alien enemy in our midst." - -After referring to a statement made by Mr. McKenna in the House of -Commons the previous day as likely "to do something to allay public -anxiety" on the subject, the _Globe_ proceeded: - - "We are content with the knowledge that the attitude of the _Globe_ - has done something to convince the Government of the widespread - feeling that the danger from the alien enemy we harbour is real, and - the fear justified. Here we should be content to leave the question - for the present, but for the attitude of the Home Secretary in seeking - to prevent comment and criticism on his administrative acts, coupled - with the veiled suggestion from the Press Bureau of power possessed - under an Emergency Act. This attempt at pressure is made through a - department set up for quite other and legitimate purposes.... If a - Government Department, under cover of an Order in Council made for a - wholly different purpose, is to shield itself from an exposure of its - inefficiency, a dangerous precedent is set up, dangerous alike to the - community and the Press." - -We have to bear in mind, in this connection, that the Press Bureau -had just been reorganised. Mr. F. E. Smith had resigned, on leaving -for the front, and _the Home Secretary was the Minister responsible -to Parliament for its conduct_. At his request the Press Bureau -endeavoured to prevent the _Globe_ continuing to criticise his action, -or rather inaction. Well indeed might the _Globe_ say: "We must reserve -to ourselves the right, at all times, to give expression to views on -Ministerial policy and even to dare to criticise the action of the Home -Secretary." And I venture to say that, but for the jealousy inherent -among British newspapers, the _Globe_ would have had the unanimous -support of every metropolitan and provincial journal, every single one -of which was vitally affected by the Home Secretary's preposterous -claim. - -The claim of the country for fuller information has been expressed in -many ways, and by many people, and it has been admitted by no less a -personage than Mr. Asquith himself. In the House of Commons early in -September Mr. Asquith said the Government felt "that the public is -entitled to prompt and authentic information of what has happened at -the front, and they are making arrangements which they hope will be -more adequate." - -That was months ago, and, up to the present, very few signs of the -"prompt and authentic information" have been perceptible. - -Even more significant is the following passage from the latest -despatches of Sir John French, which covered the period from November -20th to the beginning of February: - - "I regard it as most unfortunate that circumstances have prevented - any account of many splendid instances of courage and endurance, in - the face of almost unparalleled hardship and fatigue of war, coming - regularly to the knowledge of the public." - -Now I do not want to read into Sir John French's words a meaning that -he did not intend to convey, but this passage certainly strikes me, as -it has struck many others, as a very definite plea for the presence at -the front of duly accredited and responsible war correspondents. - -And why not? News could be still censored so that no information of -value could reach the enemy. We should not be prejudiced one iota, but, -on the other hand, should get prompt and trustworthy news, written by -skilled journalists in a fashion that would make an irresistible appeal -to the manhood of Britain. And we should be far nearer than we are -to-day to learning "the truth about the war." - -It has been urged, on behalf of the Press Bureau, that of late -matters have been very much improved. My journalistic friends tell -me that so far as the actual working is concerned this is a fact. -There has undoubtedly been less of the haphazard methods which were -characteristic of the early days. But there is still too much of what -the _Times_ very properly calls the "throttling" of permissible news, -and, in spite of the fact that two despatches a week are now published -from Sir John French, we are still in the dark as to the _real_ story -of the great campaign. Neither our successes nor our failures are -adequately described. We are still not told "the truth about the war." - -And I cannot help saying that the deficiencies of the official -information are not made up by the tactics of certain sections of -the Press. There is too much of a tendency to magnify the good -and minimise the bad. There are too many "Great Victories" to be -altogether convincing. As the _Morning Post_ put it: - - "There seems to be a large section of the public which takes its news - as an old charwoman takes her penn'orth of gin, 'for comfort.' And - some of our contemporaries seem to cater for this little weakness. - Every day there is a 'great advance' or a 'brilliant victory,' and - if a corporal's guard is captured or surrenders we have a flaming - announcement on all the posters." - -It is very true. From the fiercest critics of the Press Bureau's -methods we do not to-day get "the truth about the war," even so far as -they know it. Even the _Daily News_ has been moved to raise a protest -against the present state of affairs, and as recently as March 15th -declared that the mind of authority "is being fed on selected facts -that convey a wholly false impression of things." - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE PERIL OF THE ENEMY ALIEN - - "_Every enemy alien is known, and is now under constant police - surveillance._"--Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, in the House of - Commons, March 3rd. - - -One of the gravest perils with which the country is still faced is that -of the enemy alien. - -Notwithstanding all that has been written and said upon this most -serious question, Ministers are still content to pursue a shuttlecock -policy, in which there is very little satisfaction for any intelligent -patriot. - -Each time the subject is brought up in the House of Commons there is -an apparent intention of the Government to wilfully throw dust into -the eyes of the public, and prevent the whole mystery of the official -protection afforded to our enemies being sifted to the bottom. A -disgraceful illustration of this was given on March 3rd, when Mr. -Joynson-Hicks moved: - - "That in the opinion of this House it is desirable that the whole - administration of the Acts and Regulations concerning aliens and - suspected persons should be centred in the hands of one Minister, who - should be responsible to the House." - -The debate which followed was illuminating. Sir Henry Dalziel, who -is strongly in favour of a Central Board to deal with spies among -us--a suggestion I made in my recent book "German Spies in England," -as a satisfactory solution of the problem--said, in the course of a -splendid speech, that the Government knew that, at the present moment, -there was a settled spy-system, and there was no use denying it. As -the _Daily Telegraph_ on the following day pointed out, that there is -such a system is almost as natural an assumption as that the enemy -possesses an army service organisation or a Press censorship. I have -already pointed out, in various books I have written, that systematic -espionage is, and has been for many years, a most cherished part of -German war administration, developed with characteristic thoroughness. -The question is whether that department of the enemy's activity has, or -has not, been stamped out as regards this country; and it would be idle -to pretend that there is any public confidence that it has been stamped -out. - -There is an absence of vigour and an absence of system about the -dealing with this source of danger, and I maintain that the national -safety requires the taking of this matter more seriously, and the -placing of it upon a satisfactory footing. The Government admitted -that, on March 3rd, _seven hundred male enemy aliens_ were living in -the East Coast prohibited area, and we know that arrangements for their -control are so futile as to leave, quite unmolested, some individuals -whose known connections expose them to the highest degree of suspicion. -Of one such notorious case, Mr. Bonar Law--who cannot, surely, be -accused of spy-mania--declared that he would as soon have allowed a -German army to land as allow the person in question to be at large in -this country. How the arrangement has worked in another particular -case was exposed in some detail by Mr. Butcher. The lady concerned is -closely related to more than one of those in power in Germany. Her -case was reported to the War Office. The War Office called upon the -General Officer commanding in the Northern District to take action. He -requested the police to make inquiries, and the Chief Constable of the -East Riding subsequently reported, "strongly recommending" the removal -of the lady from the prohibited area. The General accepted this advice, -and an order was made for her removal on January 25th. It was never -executed; and on February 7th it was withdrawn. - -Such is one illustration of the utter hopelessness of the present state -of affairs. And yet, in face of it, Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for -War, actually rose and made the definite assertion _that every enemy -alien was known and constantly watched_! - -Could any greater and more glaring official untruth be told? - -Is every enemy alien known, I ask? Let us examine a case in point, one -in which I have made personal investigation, and to the truth of which -a dozen officers of His Majesty's service, and also civilians, are -ready to testify. - -Investigations recently made in certain German quarters in London, -notably in the obscure foreign restaurants in the neighbourhood of -Tottenham Court Road, where men--many of them recently released from -internment-camps--and women meet nightly and toast to the Day of -Britain's destruction, revealed to me a startling fact. Here, posing -as an Italian and a neutral, I learnt facts regarding the movements -of German aircraft long before they were known either to our own -authorities or to the Press. For several weeks this fact, I confess, -caused me considerable thought. Some secret means of communication -must, I realised, exist between the enemy's camp and London, perhaps by -wireless, perhaps by the new German-laid cable, the shore-end of which -is at Bacton, in Norfolk, and which, eighteen months ago, in company -with the German telegraph-engineers, I assisted to test as it was laid -across the North Sea to Nordeney. In the archives of the Intelligence -Department of the War Office will be found my report, together with a -copy of the first message transmitted by the new cable from Norfolk to -Germany, a telegram from one of the Kaiser's sons who happened to be in -Scotland at the time, and addressed to the Emperor, which read: "Hurrah -for a strong navy!"--significant indeed in the light of recent events! - -I was wondering if, by any secret means, this cable could be in -operation when, on the afternoon of February 23rd, an officer of the -Naval Armoured Car Squadron called upon me and invited me to assist in -hunting spies in Surrey. The suggestion sounded exciting. Signals had -been seen for a month or so past, flashed from a certain house high -upon the Surrey hills. Would I assist in locating them, and prosecuting -a full inquiry? - -Within half an hour I was in a car speeding towards the point where -mystery brooded, and which we did not reach till after dark. A -gentleman living three miles across the valley, whose house commanded -full view of the house under suspicion--a large one with extensive -grounds--at once placed a room at our disposal, wherein we sat and -watched. In the whole of these investigations I was assisted by an -officer who was an expert in signalling and wireless, a signaller of -the service, two other officers equally expert in reading the Morse -code, while I myself have qualified both in Morse and wireless, and -hold the Postmaster-General's licence. - -On the previous evening an all-night vigil had been kept, and messages -had been read, but I only here record my own experiences of this -exciting spy-hunt. On reaching our point of vantage I learned that -suspicion had first been aroused by a mysterious and intense white -light being shown from a window in the country mansion in question, -which was situated upon so strategic a point that it could be seen very -many miles in the direction of London. And there, sure enough, was the -one brilliant light--at all other windows of the house the blinds being -drawn--shining like a beacon all over the country. It had shone first -at 6.30 p.m. that night, and, as I watched, it showed till 6.48, when -it disappeared. After three minutes it was shown till 7.30 exactly, -when suddenly it signalled in Morse the code-letters "S.M." repeated -twice, and then disappeared till 9 o'clock, when again the same signal -was made. The light remained full on for ten minutes, and was then -suddenly switched off. - -This was certainly remarkable. The officers with me--all experts in -signalling--were unanimous as to the two letters, and also to their -repetition. These signals, I learned, had been seen times without -number, but until the smart young officer who had called upon me had -noticed them, no action had been taken. - -Having established that mysterious signalling was really in -progress, I set forth upon further investigation. Taking my own -signalling-apparatus, a very strong electric lamp with accumulators -and powerful reflectors, which would show for fifteen miles or more, -I got into the car with my companions--who were eager to assist--and, -having consulted ordnance-maps and compass, we went to a spot high-up -in an exposed position, where I anticipated the answering light from -the mansion might be seen. - -We found ourselves in a private park, upon a spot which, by day, -commands an immense stretch of country, and from which it is said that -upon a clear day the Sussex coast can be seen. Here we erected our -signalling-apparatus and waited in patience. The night proved bitterly -cold, and as the hours crept slowly by, the sleet began to cut our -faces. Yet all our eyes were fixed upon that mysterious house which had -previously signalled. - -For hours we waited in vain until, of a sudden, quite unexpectedly from -the direction of London, we saw another intense white light shining -from out the darkness. For a full half-hour it remained there, a beacon -like the other. Then suddenly it began winking, and this was the -code-message it sent: - - "S.H.I.S. (pause) H. 5. (pause) S.H.I.S.F. (pause with the light full - on for two minutes). I.S. I.E. (pause) E.S.T. (light out)." - -Turning my signal-lamp in its direction, I repeated the first portion -of the mysterious message, and then, pretending not to understand, -asked for a repetition. At once this was given, and, with my -companions, I received it perfectly clearly! - -Sorely tempted as I was to signal further, I refrained for fear of -arousing suspicion, and, actuated by patriotic motives, we agreed at -once to prosecute our inquiry further, and then leave it to "the proper -authorities" to deal with the matter. - -Through the whole of that night--an intensely cold one--we remained on -watch upon one of the highest points in Surrey, a spot which I do not -here indicate for obvious reasons--and not until the grey dawn at last -appeared did we relinquish our watchfulness. - -All next day, assisted by the same young officer who had first noticed -the unusual lights, I spent in making confidential inquiry regarding -the mysterious house and elicited several interesting facts, one -being that the family, who were absent from the house showing the -lights, employed a servant who, though undoubtedly German--for, by a -ruse, I succeeded in obtaining the address of this person's family in -Germany--was posing as Swiss. That a brisk correspondence had been kept -up with persons in Germany was proved in rather a curious way, and by -long and diligent inquiry many other highly interesting facts were -elicited. With my young officer friend and a gentleman who rendered -us every assistance, placing his house and his car at our disposal, -we crept cautiously up to the house in the early hours one morning, -narrowly escaping savage dogs, while one adventure of my own was to -break through a boundary fence, only to find myself in somebody's -chicken-run! - -That night was truly one of adventure. Nevertheless, it established -many things--one being that in the room whence the signals emanated was -a three-branch electrolier with unusually strong bulbs, while behind -it, set over the mantelshelf, was a mirror, or glazed picture, to act -as a reflector in the direction of London. The signals were, no doubt, -made by working the electric-light switch. - -The following night saw us out again, for already reports received had -established a line of signals from a spot on the Kent coast to London -and farther north, other watchers being set in order to compare notes -with us. Again we watched the beacon-light on the mysterious house. We -saw those mysterious letters "S.M."--evidently of significance--winked -out in Morse, and together we watched the answering signals. All the -evening the light remained full on until at 1.30 a.m. we once more -watched "S.M." being sent, while soon after 2 a.m. the light went out. - -In the fourteen exciting days and nights which followed, I motored many -hundreds of miles over Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, instituting inquiries -and making a number of amazing discoveries, not the least astounding of -which was that, only one hour prior to the reception of that message -on the first evening of our vigil--"H. 5"--five German aeroplanes -had actually set out from the Belgian coast towards England! That -secret information was being sent from the Kent coast to London was -now proved, not only at one point, but at several, where I have since -waited and watched, and, showing signals in the same code, have been at -once answered and repeated. And every night, until the hour of writing, -this same signalling from the coast to London is in progress, and has -been watched by responsible officers of His Majesty's Service. - -After the first nights of vigilance, I had satisfied myself that -messages in code were being sent, so I reported--as a matter of -urgency--to the Intelligence Department of the War Office--that -department of which Mr. McKenna, on March 3rd, declared, "There is no -more efficient department of the State." The result was only what the -public might expect. Though this exposure was vouched for by experts in -signalling, men wearing His Majesty's uniform, all the notice taken of -it has been - - _War Office, - Whitehall, - S.W._ - - 27th February 1915. - - _The Director of Military Operations presents his compliments to_ Mr. - W. Le Queux, _and begs to acknowledge, with thanks, the receipt of his - letter of the_ 25th inst. _which is receiving attention_. - -a mere _printed acknowledgment_--reproduced above--that my report had -been received, while to my repeated appeals that proper inquiry be made -I have not even received a reply! - -But further. While engaged in watching in another part of Surrey on the -night of March 3rd, certain officers of the Armoured Car Squadron, who -were keeping vigil upon the house of mystery, saw some green and white -rockets being discharged from the top of the hill. Their suspicions -aroused, they searched and presently found, not far from the house in -question, a powerful motor-car of German make containing three men. -The latter when challenged gave no satisfactory account of themselves, -therefore the officers held up the car while one of them telephoned to -the Admiralty for instructions. The reply received was "that they had -no right to detain the car!" But, even in face of this official policy -of do-nothing, they took off the car's powerful searchlight, which was -on a swivel, and sent it to the Admiralty for identification. - -This plain straightforward statement of what is nightly in progress -can be substantiated by dozens of persons, and surely, in face of the -observations taken by service men themselves--the names of whom I will -readily place at the disposal of the Government--it is little short -of a public scandal that no attempt has been made to inquire into the -matter or to seize the line of spies simultaneously. It really seems -plain that to-day the enemy alien may work his evil will anywhere as -a spy. On the other hand, it is a most heinous offence for anybody to -ride a cycle without a back-lamp! - -It will be remembered that in Norfolk it has been found, by Mr. -Holcombe Ingleby, M.P. for King's Lynn, that the Zeppelin raid on the -East Coast was directed by a mysterious motor-car with a searchlight. -Therefore the apathy of the Admiralty in not ordering full inquiry into -the case in question will strike the reader as extraordinary. - -This is the sort of proceeding that gives force to the contention -of those supporting the motion of Mr. Joynson-Hicks in the House of -Commons, that the whole matter of spies ought to be placed in the -hands of a special authority devoted to it alone, and responsible to -Parliament. As things stand, the country is certainly in agreement with -Mr. Bonar Law in believing that the Government "have not sufficiently -realised the seriousness of this danger, and have not taken every step -to make it as small as possible." Most people will agree with Mr. John -S. Scrimgeour, who, commenting upon the shuffling of the Government, -said: - - "Let the Press cease from blaming the strikers. Also let 'the men in - power' cease from their censuring, for very shame. Can I, or any man - in the street, believe that we are 'fighting for our lives' while - the enemy lives contentedly among us? Read the debate, and take as - samples mentioned therein--'Brother of the Governor of Liége,' 'German - Financial Houses,' and 'Baron von Bissing.' Don't make scapegoats of - these working-men, or even of the non-enlisting ones, while such is - the case. Neither they, nor any one else in his senses, can believe - in the seriousness of this 'life struggle' while the above state of - things continues. It is laughable--or deadly." - -The Intelligence Department of the War Office--that Department so -belauded by Mr. McKenna--certainly did not display an excess of zeal in -the case of signalling in Surrey, for, to my two letters begging that -inquiry be made as a matter of urgency, I was not even vouchsafed the -courtesy of a reply. Yet I was not surprised, for in a case at the end -of January in which two supposed Belgian refugees, after living in one -of our biggest seaports and making many inquiries there, being about -to escape to Antwerp, I warned that same Department and urged that -they should be questioned before leaving London. I gave every detail, -even to the particular boat by which they were leaving for Flushing. -No notice, however, was taken of my report, and not until _three days -after they had left for the enemy's camp_ did I receive the usual -_printed acknowledgment_ that my report had been received!" - -That night-signalling has long been in progress in the South of England -is shown by the following. Written by a well-known gentleman, it -reached me while engaged in my investigations in Surrey. He says: - - "The following facts have been brought to my notice, and may be of - interest to you. In the first week of October six soldiers were out on - patrol duty around Folkestone looking for spies--always on night-duty. - - "One night they saw Morse signalling going on on a hill along the sea - outside Folkestone. The signalling was in code. They divided into two - parties of three, and proceeded to surround the place. On approaching, - a shot was heard, and a bullet went through the black oilskin coat of - one man (they were all wearing these over their khaki). They went on - and discovered two Germans with a strong acetylene lamp, one of them - having a revolver with six chambers, and one discharged, also ten - spare rounds of ammunition. - - "They secured them and took them to the police station, but all that - happened was that they were shut up in a concentration camp! This - story was told me by one of the six who were on duty, and assisted at - the capture." - -To me, there is profound mystery in the present disinclination of -the Intelligence Department of the War Office to institute inquiry. -As a voluntary worker in that department under its splendid chief, -Col. G.W.M. Macdonogh--now, alas! transferred elsewhere--my modest -reports furnished from many places, at home and abroad, always received -immediate attention and a private letter of thanks written in the -Chief's own hand. - -On the outbreak of war, however, red-tape instantly showed itself, -and I received a letter informing me that I must, in future, address -myself to the Director of Military Operations--the department which is -supposed to deal with spies. - -I trust that the reader will accept my words when I say that I am -not criticising Lord Kitchener's very able administration. If I felt -confident that he, and he alone, was responsible for the surveillance -of enemy aliens in our midst, then I would instantly lay down my -pen upon the subject. But while the present grave peril continues, -and while the Government continue in their endeavour to bewilder -and mislead us by placing the onus first upon the police, then, in -turn, upon the Home Office--which, it must be remembered, made an -official statement early in the war and assured us that there were no -spies--then upon the War Office, then upon the Admiralty War Staff, -while they, in turn, shift the responsibility on to the shoulders of -the local police-constable in uniform, then I will continue to raise my -voice in protest, and urge upon the public to claim their right to know -the truth. - -This enemy alien question is one of Britain's deadliest perils, and -yet, by reason of some mysterious influence in high quarters, Ministers -are straining every muscle to still delude and mislead the public. -These very men who are audacious enough to tell us that there are no -German spies in Great Britain are the same who, by that secret report -of the Kaiser's speech and his intention to make war upon us which I -furnished to the British Secret Service in 1908,[1] knew the truth, -yet nevertheless adopted a policy that was deliberately intended to -close the eyes of the British public and lull it to sleep, so that, in -August, our beloved nation nearly met with complete disaster. - -But the British public to-day are no longer children, nor are they in -the mood to be trifled with and treated as such. The speeches made -by Mr. McKenna in the House of Commons on March 3rd have revealed to -us that the policy towards aliens is one of untruth and sham. The -debate has aroused an uneasiness in the country which will only be -restored with the greatest difficulty. To be deliberately told that -the Intelligence Department of the War Office is cognisant of every -enemy alien--in face of what I have just related--is to ask the public -to believe a fiction. And, surely, fiction is not what we want to-day. -We want hard fact--substantiated fact. We are not playing at war--as -so many people seem to think because of the splendid patriotism of the -sons of Britain--but we are fighting with all our force in defence of -our homes and our loved ones, who, if weak-kneed counsels prevail, will -most assuredly be butchered to make the Kaiser a German holiday. - -That public opinion is highly angered in consequence of the refusal -of the Government to admit the danger of spies, and face the problem -in a proper spirit of sturdy patriotism, is shown by the great mass -of correspondence which has reached me in consequence of my exposures -in "German Spies in England." The letters I have received from all -classes, ranging from peers to working-men, testify to an astounding -state of affairs, and if the reader could but see some of this flood -of correspondence which has overwhelmed me, he would realise the -widespread fear of the peril of enemy aliens, and the public distrust -of the apathy of the Government towards it. - -Surely this is not surprising, even if judged only by my own personal -experiences. - - HOW THE PUBLIC ARE DELUDED! - - - _The "Times," February 17th_ - - The Secretary of the Admiralty makes the following announcement: - - Information has been received that two persons, posing as an officer - and sergeant, and dressed in khaki, are going about the country - attempting to visit military works, etc. - - They were last seen in the Midlands on the 6th instant, when they - effected an entry into the works of a firm who are doing engineer's - work for the Admiralty. They made certain inquiries as to the presence - or otherwise of anti-aircraft guns, which makes it probable that they - are foreign agents in disguise. - - All contractors engaged on work for H.M. Navy are hereby notified with - a view to the apprehension of these individuals, and are advised that - no persons should be admitted to their works unless notice has been - received beforehand of their coming. - - - _The "Times," March 4th_ - - Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, during the debate in the - House of Commons upon the question of enemy aliens, raised by Mr. - Joynson-Hicks, said he could give the House the assurance that every - single enemy alien was _known_, and was _at the present moment_ under - constant police surveillance. He wished to inform the House and the - country that they had at the War Office a branch which included - the censorship and other services all directed to the one end of - safeguarding the country from the operations of undesirable persons. - It would not be right to speak publicly of the activities of that - branch, but it was doing most admirable service, and he repudiated - with all earnestness the suggestion that the department did not take - this matter of espionage with the utmost seriousness. - -Let us further examine the facts. Mr. McKenna, in a speech made in the -House of Commons on November 26th on the subject, said: "The moment the -War Office has decided upon the policy, the Home Office places at the -disposal of the War Office the whole of its machinery." On March 3rd -the Home Secretary repeated that statement, and declared, in a retort -made to Mr. Joynson-Hicks, that he was not shirking responsibility, as -_he had never had any_! Now, if this be true, why did Mr. McKenna make -the communiqué to the Press soon after the outbreak of war, assuring us -that there were no spies in England, and that all the enemy aliens were -such dear good people? I commented upon it in the _Daily Telegraph_ on -the following day, and over my own name apologised to the public for -my past offence of daring to mention that such gentry had ever existed -among us. If Lord Kitchener were actually responsible, then one may ask -why had the Home Secretary felt himself called upon to tell the public -that pretty fairy-tale? - -Now with regard to the danger of illicit wireless. Early in January -1914--seven months before the outbreak of war--being interested in -wireless myself, and president of a Wireless Association, my suspicions -were aroused regarding certain persons, some of them connected with an -amateur club in the neighbourhood of Hatton Garden. Having thoroughly -investigated the matter, and also having been able to inspect some of -the apparatus used by these persons, I made, on February 17th, 1914, a -report upon the whole matter to the Director of Military Intelligence, -pointing out the ease with which undesirable persons might use -wireless. The Director was absent on leave, and no action was taken in -the matter. - -A month later I went to the Wireless Department of the General Post -Office, who had granted me my own licence, and was received there with -every courtesy and thanked for my report, which was regarded with -such seriousness that it was forwarded at once to the Admiralty, who -have wireless under their control. In due course the Admiralty gave -it over to the police to make inquiries, and the whole matter was, I -suppose--as is usual in such cases--dealt with and reported upon by a -constable in uniform. - -Here let me record something further. - -In February last I called at New Scotland Yard in order to endeavour to -get the police to make inquiry into two highly suspicious cases, one -of a person at Winchester, and the other concerning signal-lights seen -north-east of London in the Metropolitan District. I had interviews -with certain officials of the Special Department, and also with -one of the Assistant Commissioners, and after much prevarication I -gathered--not without surprise--that no action could be taken _without -the consent of the Home Office_! How this latter fact can be in -accordance with the Home Secretary's statement in the House of Commons -I confess I fail to see. - -But I warn the Government that the alien peril--now that so many civil -persons have been released from the internment camps--is a serious and -growing one. The responsibility should, surely, not be placed upon, -or implied to rest upon, Lord Kitchener, who is so nobly performing a -gigantic task. If the public believed that he was really responsible, -then they, and myself, would at once maintain silence. The British -public believes in Lord Kitchener, and, as one man, will follow him to -the end. But it certainly will not believe or tolerate this see-saw -policy of false assurances and delusion, and the attempt to stifle -criticism--notably the case of the _Globe_--of which the Home Office -have been guilty. There is a rising feeling of wrath, as well as a -belief that the peril from within with which the country is faced--the -peril of the thousands of enemy aliens in our midst--most of whom are -not under control--together with the whole army of spies ready and -daily awaiting, in impatience, the signal to strike simultaneously--is -wilfully disregarded. Even the police themselves--no finer body of men -than whom exists anywhere in the world--openly express disgust at the -appalling neglect of the mysterious so-called "authorities" to deal -with the question with a firm and strong hand. - -Naturally, the reader asks why is not inquiry made into cases of real -suspicion reported by responsible members of the community. I have -before me letters among others from peers, clergymen, solicitors, -justices of the peace, members of city councils, a well-known -shipowner, a Government contractor, Members of Parliament, baronets, -etc., all giving me cases of grave suspicion of spies, and all -deploring that no inquiry is made, application to the police being -fruitless, and asking my advice as to what quarter they should report -them. - -All these reports, and many more, I will willingly place at the service -of a proper authority, appointed with powers to effectively deal -with the matter. At present, however, after my own experience as an -illustration of the sheer hopelessness of the situation, the reader -will not wonder that I am unable to give advice. - -Could Germany's unscrupulous methods go farther than the scandal -exposed in America, in the late days of February, of how Captain -Boy-Ed, Naval Attaché of the German Embassy at Washington, and the -Kaiser's spy-master in the United States, endeavoured to induce the -man Stegler to cross to England and spy on behalf of Germany? In this, -Germany is unmasked. Captain Boy-Ed was looked upon as one of the -ablest German naval officers. He is tall and broad-shouldered, speaks -English fluently, and in order to Americanise his appearance has -shaved off his "Prince Henry" whiskers which German naval officers -traditionally affect. When he took up his duties at Washington he -was a man of about forty-five, and ranked in the German navy as -lieutenant-commander. But his career of usefulness as Naval Attaché, -with an office in the shipping quarters of New York, has been -irretrievably impaired by the charges of Stegler, whose wife produced -many letters in proof of the allegation that the attaché was the -mainspring of a conspiracy to secure English-speaking spies for service -to be rendered by German submarines and other German warships on the -British side of the Atlantic. - -The plot, exposed in every paper in the United States, was a low -and cunning one, and quite in keeping with the methods of the men -of "Kultur." Mrs. Stegler, a courageous little woman from Georgia, -saw how her husband--an export clerk in New York--was being drawn -into the German net as a spy, and she stimulated her husband to give -the whole game away. To the United States police, Stegler, at his -wife's suggestion, was perfectly frank and open. He exposed the whole -dastardly plot. He stated that Captain Boy-Ed engineered the spy-plot -that cost Lody his life, and declared that in his dealings with the -attaché the matter of going to England as a spy progressed to a point -where the money that was to be paid to his wife for her support while -he was in England was discussed. Captain Boy-Ed, Stegler went on to -say, agreed to pay Mrs. Stegler £30 a month while he was in England, -and furthermore agreed that if the British discovered his mission and -he met the fate of Lody, Mrs. Stegler was to receive £30 a month from -the German Government as long as she lived! - -Stegler said he told his wife of the agreement to pay to her the amount -named, and that she asked him what guarantee he could give that the -money would be paid as promised. At that time Mrs. Stegler did not know -the perilous nature of the mission that her husband had consented to -undertake. When Stegler reported fully to his American wife, and she -got from him the entire story of his proposed trip to England, she, -like a brave woman, determined to foil the conspiracy. Captain Boy-Ed -was not convincing regarding the payment to her for the services of -her husband as a spy by the German Government for life, and she told -her husband that the German Government would probably treat Captain -Boy-Ed's promise to pay as a "mere scrap of paper." Having been urged -to study the recent history of Belgium, Stegler confessed that he had -his doubts. Finally he resolved to reveal the existence of a plot to -supply German spies from New York. - -Could any facts be more illuminating than these? Surely no man in -Great Britain, after reading this, can further doubt the existence of -German-American spies among us. - -There is not, I think, a single reader of these pages who will not -agree with the words of that very able and well-informed writer who -veils his identity in the _Referee_ under the _nom-de-plume_ of -"Vanoc." On March 14th he wrote: - - "This is no question of Party. I am not going to break the Party - truce. In the interests of the British Empire, however, I ask that - a list of all the men of German stock or of Hebrew-German stock who - have received distinctions, honours, titles, appointments, contracts, - or sinecures, both inside or outside the House of Commons, House of - Lords, and Privy Council, shall be prepared, printed, and circulated. - Also a list of Frenchmen, Russians, and Colonials so honoured. It is - also necessary for a clear understanding of the spy-question that - the public should know whether it is a fact that favoured German - individuals have contributed large sums to political Party funds - on both sides, and whether the tenderness that is shown Teutons or - Hebrew-Teutons decorated or rewarded with contracts, favours, or - distinctions is due to the obvious fact that if dangerous spies - were not allowed their freedom Party government would be exposed, - discredited, and abolished." - -This is surely a demand which will be heartily supported by every one -who has the welfare of his country at heart. Too long have we been -misled by the bogus patriotism of supposed "naturalised" Germans, who, -in so many cases, have purchased honours with money filched from the -poor. "Vanoc" in his indictment goes on to say: - - "The facts are incredible. I know of one case of a German actually - employed on Secret Service at the War Office. This German is the son - of the agent of a vast German enterprise engaged in making munitions - and guns for the destruction of the sons, brothers, and lovers of the - very Englishwomen who are now engaged most wisely and energetically - in waking the country to a sense of the spy-peril that lurks in our - midst. The British public does not understand a decimal point of a - tithe of the significance of the spy-peril. Nonsense is talked about - spies. Energy is concentrated on the little spies, who don't count. - Much German money is wasted on unintelligent spies. The British - officers to whom is entrusted the duty of spy-taking, if they are - outside the political influence which is poisonous to our national - life, are probably the best in the world. The big spies are still - potent in control of our national life." - -Are we not, indeed, coddling the Hun? - -Even the pampering of German officers at Donington Hall pales into -insignificance when we recollect that, upon Dr. Macnamara's admission, -£86,000 a month, or £1,000,000 per year, is being paid for the hire of -ships in which to intern German prisoners, and this is at a time when -the scarcity of shipping is sending up the cost of every necessity! The -Hague Convention, of course, forbids the use of gaols for prisoners -of war, yet have we not many nice comfortable workhouses, industrial -schools, and such-like institutions which could be utilised? We all -know how vilely the Germans are treating our officers and men who -are their prisoners, even depriving them of sufficient rations, and -forbidding tobacco, fruit, or tinned vegetables. With this in view, the -country are asking, and not without reason, why we should treat those -in our hands as welcome guests. Certainly our attitude has produced -disgust in the Dominions. - -How Germany must be laughing at us! How the enemy aliens in certain -quarters of London are jeering at us, openly, and toasting to the -Day of our Downfall, I have already described. How the spies among -us--unknown in spite of Mr. Tennant's amazing assertion--must be -laughing in their sleeves and chuckling over the panic and disaster -for which they are waiting from day to day in the hope of achieving. -The signal--the appearance of Zeppelins over London--has not yet been -given. Whether it will ever be given we know not. All we know is that -an unscrupulous enemy, whose influence is widespread over our land, -working insidiously and in secret, has prepared for us a blow from -within our gates which, when it comes, will stagger even Mr. McKenna -himself. - -With the example of how spies, in a hundred guises, have been found in -Belgium, in France, in Russia, in Egypt, and even in gallant little -Serbia, can any sane man believe that there are none to-day in Great -Britain? No. The public know it, and the Government know it, but the -latter are endeavouring to hoodwink those who demand action in the -House of Commons, just as they endeavour to mystify the members of the -public who present reports of suspicious cases. - -The question is: _Are we here told the Truth?_ - -I leave it to the reader of the foregoing pages to form his own -conclusions, and to say whether he is satisfied to be further deluded -and mystified without raising his voice in protest for the truth to -be told, and the spy-peril to be dealt with by those fully capable of -doing so, instead of adopting methods which are daily playing into -Germany's hands and preparing us upon the altar of our own destruction. - -I have here written the truth, and I leave it to the British public -themselves to judge me, and to judge those who, failing in their duty -at this grave crisis of our national history, are courting a disaster -worse than that which overtook poor stricken Belgium. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 1: For a full report of this astounding speech see "German -Spies in England," by William Le Queux, 1915.] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE PERIL OF DELUDING THE PUBLIC - - -As showing the trend of public opinion regarding the spy-peril, I may -perhaps be permitted to here give a few examples taken haphazard from -the huge mass of correspondence with which I have been daily flooded -since the publication of my exposure on that subject. - -Many of my correspondents have, no doubt, made discoveries of -serious cases of espionage. Yet, as spies are nobody's business, the -authorities, in the majority of cases, have not even troubled to -inquire into the allegations made by responsible persons. I freely -admit that many wild reports have been written and circulated by -hysterical persons who believe that every twinkling light they see is -the flashing of signals, and that spies lurk in houses in every quiet -and lonely spot. It is so very easy to become affected with spy-mania, -especially when one recollects that every German abroad is patriotic, -and his first object is to become a secret agent of the Fatherland. In -this connection I have no more trust in the so-called "naturalised" -German than in the full-blooded and openly avowed Prussian. Once -a man is born a German he is always a German, and in taking out -naturalisation papers he is only deliberately cheating the country -which grants them, because, according to the Imperial law of his own -land, he cannot change his own nationality. So let us, once and for -all, dismiss for ever the hollow farce of naturalisation, for its very -act is one of fraud, and only attempted with some ulterior motive. - -As regards "unnaturalised" Germans the inquirer may perhaps be -permitted to ask why Baron von Ow-Wachendorf, a lieutenant in the -Yellow Uhlans of Stuttgart, just under thirty years of age, was -permitted to practise running in Hyde Park so as to fit himself for his -military duties, and why was he on March 1st allowed to leave Tilbury -for Holland to fight against us? Again, has not Mr. Ronald McNeill put -rather a delicate problem before the Under-Secretary for War in asking, -in the House, whether Count Ergon von Bassewitz and his brother, Count -Adalbert von Bassewitz, were brought to England as prisoners of war; -whether either was formerly on the Staff of the Germany Embassy in -London, and well known in London Society; whether one, and which, of -the two brothers was recently set at liberty, and is now at large in -London; whether he was released on any and what conditions; and for -what reason this German officer, possessing exceptional opportunities -for obtaining information likely to be useful to the enemy, is allowed -freedom in England at the present time. - -The man-in-the-street who has, in the past, laughed at the very idea -of spies--and quite justly, because he has been so cleverly misled -and bamboozled by official assurances--has now begun to see that -they do exist. He has read of a hundred cases abroad where spies -have formed a vanguard of the invading German armies, and how no -fewer than fifty-seven German spies were arrested and _convicted_ in -Switzerland during the month of August, therefore he cannot disguise -from himself that the same dastardly vanguard is already here among us. -Then he at once asks, and very naturally too, why do the authorities -officially protect them? What pro-German influence in high quarters -can be at work to connive at our undoing? It is that which is to-day -undermining public confidence. Compare our own methods with those of -methodical matter-of-fact Germany? Are we methodical; are we thorough? -The man-in-the-street who daily reads his newspaper--if he pauses or -reflects--sees quite plainly that instead of facing the alien peril, -those in authority prefer to allow us to sit upon the edge of the -volcano, and have, indeed, already actually prepared public opinion to -accept a disclaimer of responsibility if disaster happens. The whole -situation is truly appalling. Little wonder is it that, because I -should have dared to lay bare the canker in Britain's heart, I should -be written to by despairing hundreds who have lost all confidence in -certain of our rulers. - -Some of these letters the reader may find of interest. - -From one, written by a well-known gentleman living in Devonshire, I -take the following, which arouses a new reflection. He says: - - "I may be wrong, but one important point seems to have been - overlooked, viz. the daily publication of somewhat cryptic messages - and advertisements appearing in the Personal Columns of the British - Press. For instance: - - "'M.--Darling. Meet as arranged. Letter perfect. Should I also write? - To "the Day, and Kismet."--Vilpar.' - - "Such a message may be, as doubtless it is, perfectly innocent; but - what is to prevent spies in our midst utilising this method of - communicating information to the enemy. The leading British newspapers - are received in Germany, and even the enclosed pseudo-medical - advertisement may be the message of a traitor. It seems to me that the - advertisement columns of our Press constitute the safest medium for - the transmission of information. - - "Pray do not think I am suggesting that the British Press would - willingly lend their papers to such an infernal use, but unless they - are exercising the strictest precautions the loophole is there. - I am somewhat impressed by the number of refugees to be found in - these parts--Ilfracombe, Combe Martin, Lynton, etc., coast towns and - villages of perhaps minor strategic importance, but situated on the - Bristol Channel and facing important towns like Swansea, Cardiff, etc. - I notice particularly that their daily walks abroad are usually taken - along the coastal roads. I've never met them inland. Apologising for - the length of this letter and trusting that your splendid efforts will - in due time receive their well-deserved reward." - -Here my correspondent has certainly touched upon a point which should -be investigated. We know that secret information is daily sent from -Great Britain to Berlin, and we also know some of the many methods -adopted. - -Indeed, I have before me, as I write, a spy's letter sent from Watford -to Amsterdam, to be collected by a German agent and reforwarded to -Berlin. It is written upon a column of a London daily newspaper, -various letters of which are ticked in red ink in several ways, -some being underlined, some crossed, some dotted underneath--a very -ingenious code indeed--but one which has, happily, been decoded by an -expert. This newspaper, after the message had been written upon it, -had been placed in a newspaper-wrapper and addressed to an English -name in Amsterdam. This is but one of the methods. Another is the use -of invisible ink with which spies write their messages upon the pages -of newspapers and magazines. A third is, no doubt, the publication of -cryptic advertisements, as suggested by my correspondent. - - HOW THE GOVERNMENT HAVE ADOPTED MR. LE QUEUX'S SUGGESTION - - - "_German Spies in England," by William Le Queux. Published February - 17th, 1915._ - -The first step to stop the activity of spies should be the absolute -closing of the sea routes from these shores to all persons, excepting -those who are vouched for by the British Foreign Office. Assume that -the spy is here; how are we to prevent him getting out? - -By closing the sea routes to all who could not produce to our Foreign -Office absolutely satisfactory guarantees of their _bona fides_. The -ordinary passport system is not sufficient; the Foreign Office should -demand, and see that it gets, not only a photograph, but a very clear -explanation of the business of every person who seeks to travel from -England to the Continent, backed by unimpeachable references from -responsible British individuals, banks, or firms. - -In every single case of application for a passport it should be -personal, and the most stringent inquiries should be made. I see no -other means of putting an end to a danger which, whatever the official -apologists may say, is still acute, and shows no signs of diminishing. - -Under the best of conditions some leakage may take place. But our -business is to see, by every means we can adopt, that the leakage is -reduced to the smallest possible proportions. - - -_"Daily Mail," March 11th, 1915._ - -Holiday-makers or business men who wish to travel to Holland now find -that their preliminary arrangements include much more than the purchase -of a rail and steamship ticket. - -New regulations, which came into force on Monday, necessitate not -only a passport, but a special permit to travel from the Home Office. -Application for this permit must be made in person three clear days -before sailing. Passport, photograph, and certificate of registration -must be produced and the names and addresses of two British subjects -furnished as references. - -The Home Office erected a special building for this department, which -was opened on Thursday last, the first day on which application could -be made. Before lunch over 250 applications had been received. By four -o'clock, the official hour for closing, nearly 500 persons had been -attended to, and the crowd was even then so great that the doors had to -be closed to prevent any more entering. Intending travellers included -British, French, and Dutch business men, but quite a large number of -Belgian refugees attended for permits to return to their country. The -Tilbury route was the only one open to them. Not all the applications -were granted. It is necessary to furnish reasonable and satisfactory -evidence as to the object of the journey, and some of the applicants -were unable to do this. - -Of other means of communication, namely, night-signalling--of which -I have given my own personal experience in the previous chapter--my -correspondents send me many examples. - -The same code-signal as a prefix--the letters "S.M."--are being seen at -points as far distant as Herne Bay and Alnwick, on both the Yorkshire -and Fifeshire coasts, above Sidmouth and at Ilfracombe. Dozens of -reports of night-signalling lie before me--not mere statements of -fancied lights, but facts vouched for by three and four reliable -witnesses. Yet, in face of it all, the authorities pooh-pooh it, and in -some counties we have been treated to the ludicrous spectacle of the -civil and military authorities falling at loggerheads over it! - -Belgian refugees writing to me have, in more than one instance, -reported highly interesting facts. In one case an ex-detective of the -Antwerp police, now a refugee in England, has identified a well-known -German spy who was in Antwerp before the Germans entered there, and who -came to England in the guise of a refugee! This individual is now in -an important town in Essex, while my informant is living in the same -town. Surely such a case is one for searching inquiry, and the more so -because the suspect poses as an engineer, and is in the employ of a -firm of engineers who do not suspect the truth. But before whom is my -friend, the Belgian ex-detective, to place his information? - -True, he might perhaps lay the information before the Chief Constable -of the County of Essex, but in his letter to me he asks, and quite -naturally, is it worth while? If the Intelligence Department of the -War Office--that Department so belauded in the House of Commons by Mr. -McKenna on March 3rd--refuses to investigate the case of signalling in -Surrey, cited in the last chapter, and vouched for by the officers -themselves, then what hope is there that they would listen to the -report of a mere refugee--even though he be an ex-detective? - -As I turn over report after report before me I see another which seems -highly suspicious. A hard-up German doctor--his name, his address, -and many facts are given--living at a Kent coast town, where he was a -panel doctor, suddenly, on the outbreak of war, removes to another Kent -coast town not far from Dover, takes a large house with grounds high -up overlooking the sea, and retires from practice. My informant says -he has written to the Home Office about it, but as usual no notice has -been taken of his letter. - -Another correspondent, a well-known shipowner, writing me from one of -our seaports in the north, asks why the German ex-consul should be -allowed to remain in that city and do shipping business ostensibly with -Rotterdam? By being allowed his freedom he can obtain full information -as to what is in progress at this very important Scotch port, and, -knowing as we do that every German consul is bound to send secret -information to Berlin at stated intervals, it requires but little -stretch of one's imagination to think what happens. But the matter has -already been reported to the police and found to be, as elsewhere, -nobody's business. Phew! One perspires to think of it! - -Take another example--that of a German hotel-keeper who, living on -the coast north of the Firth of Forth, was proved to have tapped the -coast-guard telephone, and yet he was allowed to go free! - -A lady, well known in London society, writes to me requesting me to -assist her, and says: "I have been working for five months to get a -very suspicious case looked into, and all the satisfaction I get -is that 'the party is being watched.' I _know_ to what extent this -same person has been working against my country and I should much -appreciate an interview with you. I could tell you very much that would -be of great benefit to the country, but it of course falls on deaf -ears--officially." - -Another correspondent asks why Germans, naturalised or unnaturalised, -are allowed to live in the vicinity of Herne Bay when none are allowed -either at Westgate or Margate. In this connection it is curious that it -is from Herne Bay the mysterious night-signals already described first -appear, and are then transmitted to various parts of the country. - -In another letter the grave danger of allowing foreign servants to -be employed at various hotels at Plymouth is pointed out, and it is -asked whether certain houses in that city are not hot-beds of German -intrigue. Now with regard to this aspect of affairs Mr. McKenna, -answering Mr. Fell in Parliament on March 10th, said he had no power -to impose conditions on the employment of waiters, British or alien, -and so the suggested notice outside hotels employing aliens was not -accepted. - -From Tunbridge Wells two serious cases of suspicion are reported, and -near Tenterden, in Kent, there undoubtedly lives one of our "friends" -the night-signallers, while in a certain village in Sussex the husband -of the sub-postmistress is a German, whose father, a tradesman in a -neighbouring town, I hear, often freely ventilates his patriotism to -his Fatherland. - -That the "pirate" submarines are receiving petrol in secret is an -undoubted fact. At Swansea recently a vessel bound for Havre was found -to have taken on board as part of her stores 400 gallons of petrol. She -was not a motor-boat, and the Customs authorities were very properly -suspicious, but the captain insisted that the petrol was wanted as -stores, and that there were no means by which we could prevent that -petrol going. Where did it go to? There were boats no doubt in the -neighbourhood which wanted petrol. _They were enemy submarines!_ - -Of isolated reports of espionage, and of the work of Germany's secret -agents, dozens lie before me, many of which certainly call for -strictest investigation. But who will do this work if the "authorities" -so steadily refuse, in order to bamboozle the public, to perform their -duty? - -Some of these reports are accompanied by maps and plans. One is from -a well-known solicitor, who is trustee for an estate in Essex where, -adjoining, several men a month or so ago purchased a small holding -consisting of a homestead and a single acre of land. They asserted -that they had come from Canada, and having dug up the single acre in -question for the purpose of growing potatoes, as they say, they are -now living together, their movements being highly suspicious. On more -than one occasion mysterious explosions have been heard within the -house--which is a lonely one, and a long way from any other habitation. - -The wife of a well-known Scotch Earl who has been diligent in -making various inquiries into suspicious cases in Scotland, and has -endeavoured to stir up the authorities to confirm the result of her -observations, has written to me in despair. She has done her best, -alas! without avail. - -And again, in yet another case, the widow of an English Earl, whose -name is as a household word, has written to me reporting various -matters which have come to her notice and deploring that no heed has -been taken of her statements by the supine "powers-that-be." - -Beside this pile of grave reports upon my table, I have opened a big -file of reports of cases of espionage which reached me during the year -1909. In the light of events to-day they are, indeed, astounding. - -Here is one, the name and address of my correspondent I do not here -print, but it is at the disposal of the authorities. He says: - - "Staying recently at North Queensferry I made the acquaintance of a - young German, who was there, he informed me, for quiet and health - reasons. He was a man of rather taciturn and what I put down to - eccentric disposition, for he spoke very little, and, from the time - he went away in the morning early, he never put in an appearance - until dusk. One day, as was my wont, I was sitting in the front - garden when I noticed a fair-sized red morocco notebook lying on the - grass. I picked it up, and on my opening it up, what was my surprise - and amazement to find that it was full to overflowing with sketches - and multitudinous information regarding the Firth of Forth. All the - small bays, buoys, etc., together with depth of water at the various - harbour entrances at high and low tide, were admirably set out. I - also found, neatly folded up, a letter addressed to my friend which - had contained an enclosure of money from the German Government. I - hesitated no longer, for I sent notebook, etc., to the authorities at - London. Three days after I had sent the letter off, a stranger called - to see my friend the German. They both left together, and I have never - heard any more about it since. The German's trunk still lies at North - Queensferry awaiting its owner's return." - -The following reached me on March 11th: - - "I note what you mention regarding Weybourne in Norfolk, and would - trespass on your time to relate an occurrence which took place about - the autumn of 1908, when I was living at Overstrand. I had walked - over to Weybourne and was about to return by train when two men, - dressed more or less as tramps, entered the station to take their - tickets; they were followed by a tall, handsome man, unmistakably a - German officer, who spoke to them, looked at their tickets and walked - straight up the platform. The men sat down on a bench to wait for - the train, and I took a seat near them with a view to overhearing - their conversation. It appeared to be in German dialect and little - intelligible. The officer, meanwhile, who had reached the end of the - platform, turned round and, quickening his steps, came and placed - himself directly in front of us: the men at once were silent, and the - officer remained where he was, casting many scowls in my direction. On - the following day I met him, on this occasion alone, on the pathway - leading from the 'Garden of Sleep' to Overstrand. He recognised me - at once, scowled once again, and passed on to the Overstrand Hotel. - I mentioned the subject to a gentleman resident in Overstrand, who - asked me to write an account of the matter to be placed before the - War Office, but I believe that my friend forgot to forward the paper. - A retired officer in Cromer informed me that the German officer - in question was well known as the head of the German spies in the - neighbourhood. Some questions happened to be asked in the House of - Commons that very week as to the existence of spies in Norfolk. The - Home Secretary, the present Lord Gladstone, I think, replied to these - in the manner which might be expected of him. - - "From the first I recognised the fact that the men were spies. I - imagined that they had been surveying, at Weybourne, but in the light - of recent events I think a _gun emplacement_ or a _petrol store_ may - have been their 'objective.' The two men were rather undersized, - badly dressed, and more or less covered with mud, probably mechanics. - One I remember had extraordinary teeth, about the size of the - thickness of one's little finger. The officer, as I have said, was - a fine man, broad and well-proportioned, from thirty to forty years - of age. Oddly enough I thought that I recognised him recently on a - cinematograph film depicting the staff of the German Emperor. I left - the neighbourhood not long after, otherwise I should certainly have - made further investigations, convinced as I was of the shady nature - of these individuals. The officer, I am sure, recognised that I was a - detective." - -Another report is from a steward on a liner, who writes: - - "At the Queen's Hotel, at Leith, one day I overheard these words from - a man speaking in German. 'What's this! Your Highness's servants--when - did they come North?' Now one of these I have met several times. I - have travelled with him from Antwerp, and I was in his company between - Leith and London. He was of a cheerful disposition, and played the - violin well, but would not allow any one to go into his cabin, not - even the steward! One day, while he was playing to the passengers on - the promenade deck, and the sailors were washing down the poop deck, I - had to go into his berth to shut his port-hole; to my surprise I found - that he had been working out the draft of a plan, and was marking in - the coast defence stations, and all the information he had obtained - from the ship's officers and passengers. There were also various other - drawings of the Forth and other bridges, and plans of the sea coast - from the Firth of Forth to Yarmouth, while in his box were all kinds - of mathematical instruments, together with some envelopes addressed - to Count von X. [the name is given] of Bremen. He told me that he - was going to London for a year's engagement at a music hall, yet, - strangely enough, two weeks later I found this same German on the - Carron Company's steamer _Avon_ bound for Grangemouth. For some time - I lost all trace of him, but last October I met the same German at - the new Dock at Kirkcaldy, posing as a photographer. At that time the - name on his bag was H. Shindler. We had a drink together, but, on my - asking why he had changed his profession, he laughed mysteriously, and - admitted that he had made a long tour of England and Wales, taking - many interesting pictures. Each time I met him he had considerably - altered his appearance, and the last I saw of him was when I saw him - into the train on his way to Dunfermline." - -Yet another I pick out at haphazard. It is from an actor whose name -is well known, and is, as are all the others, at the disposal of any -official inquirers. He writes to me: - - "I was engaged to play in the 'panto' of 'Sinbad the Sailor.' We were - to rehearse and play a week at the 'Prince's Theatre,' Llandudno. I - was in the habit of visiting a certain barber's shop, and was always - attended to by a German assistant. He seemed a man of about forty - years of age, and his name was K---- [the actual name is given]. On - the first Saturday of my sojourn in the place I called at the shop, - along with another member of our company. When about to leave, my - 'pal' and myself were rather startled by the 'attendant' inviting - the two of us to come for a drive on the following day, Sunday. - Naturally we accepted the invitation, at the same time thinking it - rather strange that a man earning say 30_s._ a week could afford such - a luxury as a drive. At noon, next day, my friend and I turned up at - the rendezvous, and sure enough our friend was there with a _landau_ - and pair. This was certainly doing the 'big thing,' but more was to - follow. - - "We drove to Conway, stabled there, and then went for a stroll round - the picturesque old castle. Our friend then proposed that we adjourn - for something to eat, so, as our appetites were a bit keen by this - time, we went to the 'White Hart Hotel.' Here another surprise awaited - us, for dinner was all set and ready. And what a dinner! My 'pal' and - I had visions of a huge bill, but on our friend squaring the amount we - sat in open-mouthed surprise. - - "By this time we were anxious to know a little about our 'host,' but - not until he had had a few brandy-and-sodas did he tell us much. He - then said he had some estates in Germany, and ultimately confessed (in - strict confidence) that he held an important Government appointment. - After a few hours in Conway we drove back to Llandudno, and as our - friend of the 'soap and brush' was in a hilarious mood, nothing - would do but that we drive to his rooms. And what rooms! Fit for a - prince! We had a splendid supper followed by wine and cigars. He then - proceeded to show my friend and me a great number of photographs (all - taken by himself, he explained) of all the coast mountains and roads - for many miles around Llandudno. It was not till we mentioned the - affair to some gentlemen in Llandudno that we were informed that our - barber friend was, in all probability, a spy in the pay of the German - Government!" - -Here is another, from a correspondent at Glasgow: - - "Down by the shipping, along the Clydeside, are many barbers' shops, - etc., owned by foreigners, and in one of these I think I have spotted - an individual whose movements and behaviour entitle me to regard him - as a spy. The party in question is a German of middle age, a man of - remarkably refined appearance--in fact, not the class of man that one - would ordinarily associate with a barber's shop. One has but to engage - him in conversation to discover that he is no stupid foreigner, but a - man very much up to date as regards our methods and things happening - in this country. Our language, too, he speaks like a native, and, were - it not for his markedly Teutonic features, he might pass for one of - ourselves. - - "What excited my suspicions first regarding this personage was the - fact that he was continually quizzing and putting to me questions - regarding my employment of a decidedly delicate nature, and conversing - freely on subjects about which I thought few people knew anything. I - also noticed, when in his shop, that he was most lavish in his remarks - to customers, especially to young engineers and draughtsmen who came - to him from the neighbouring shipbuilding yards, leading them on to - talk about matters concerning the Navy and shipbuilding; their work in - the various engineering shops and drawing offices; and the time likely - to be taken to complete this or that gunboat, etc. Indeed, with some - of these young engineers and draughtsmen I have not failed to notice - that he is particularly 'chummy,' and I also know, for a fact, that - on several occasions he has been 'up town' with them, visiting music - halls and theatres, and that they have spent many evenings together. - On these occasions no doubt, under the influence of liquor, many - confidences will have been exchanged, and many 'secrets' regarding - work and methods indiscreetly revealed. - - "But so much for the above. On surmise alone my conclusions regarding - this man might have been entirely wrong, but for the fact that I, - one evening, met with a former employee of his, also a German, in - another barber's shop in the city. This youngster, evidently nursing a - grievance against his late employer for something or other, was quick - to unburden himself to me regarding him, and gave me the following - particulars. He said that his late master was not what he appeared to - be, and that his barbering was all a blind to cover something else; in - fact (and this he hinted pretty broadly) that his presence over here - in this country was for no good. He further said that he was still a - member of the German Army (although in appearance he looks to be long - past military service), and that regularly money was sent to him from - Berlin; that he was an agent for the bringing in to this country of - crowds of young Germans, male and female, who came over here to learn - our language and study our methods; that his shop was the rendezvous - for certain members of his own nationality, who met there periodically - at night for some secret purpose which he had never been able to - fathom; that he was often away from the shop for weeks at a time, no - one knew where, the business in his absence then being looked after - by a brother. In addition to the above, I may say that the walls of - his shop are positively crowded with pictures of such celebrities as - Lord Roberts, Lord Kitchener, General French, etc., etc., the face - of the Kaiser being a noticeable absentee, doubtless on purpose. He - likes you, too, to believe in his affection for this country, which he - openly parades, although I am told that in private he sneers at us, at - our soldiers and people. From the above, I think I have established my - case against this wily Teuton, who, while masquerading as a barber, is - yet all the time here for a totally different purpose, _i.e._ to spy - upon us." - -How a German secret agent altered a British military message is told by -another of my correspondents, who says: - - "The time of the incident was during the visit of the Kaiser to the - Earl of Lonsdale at Lowther Castle. I was employed at an hotel in - Keswick, and my duties were to look after a billiard-room. Among my - customers was a foreign gentleman, who was always rather inquisitive - if any military matter was under discussion, and our many chats - brought us on very friendly terms. Well, about the last week of the - Emperor's visit, the Earl of Lonsdale arranged a drive for the Emperor - and the house-party for the purpose of letting them see the English - Lake District. The route lay via Patterdale, Windermere, Thirlmere, - then on to Keswick, from there by train to Penrith, and again drive - the three or four miles back to Lowther Castle. - - "It must be remembered that, the Emperor's visit being a private - one, military displays would be out of place, but on the day of - the above-mentioned drive a telegram was received from the officer - in command of the Penrith Volunteers asking if permission could be - granted for the volunteers to mount a guard of honour at the station - on the arrival of the Emperor's train at Penrith. Now, as I was going - up home to the 'Forge' I met my father coming to Keswick, and as he - seemed out of wind, I undertook to take his message, which was the - reply to the above 'wire.' The text of the answer only contained two - words, which were to the point: 'Certainly not,' and signed by the - commanding officer at headquarters. When I got within half a mile - of Keswick I was overtaken by my foreign acquaintance, who was on - a bicycle, and on his asking me why I was hurrying, I told him I - had a rather urgent 'wire' to send. He kindly undertook to have it - despatched, as he was passing the Post Office, and I unsuspectingly - consented. On the arrival of the royal train at Penrith you may judge - the surprise and disgust of the officers, some of whom had in private - travelled in the royal train to see the volunteers lining the station - approach! Inquiries were made--the post office authorities produced - the telegram, as handed in, with the word 'not' carefully erased, - making the message mean the opposite. I never from that day saw my - foreign friend again, but many times have wondered was it one of - the Kaiser's wishes to see if his agents could play a trick on the - volunteers for his own eyes to see!" - -Here is a curious story of a German commercial spy, the writer of which -gives me his _bona fides_. He writes: - - "In a glucose factory where I worked, the head of the firm had a - bookkeeper who went wrong. If that bookkeeper had never gone wrong, we - should never have known of the German who worked hard in England for - a whole year for nothing. One day the head--I'll call him Mr. Brown - for short--received a letter from a young German saying that he would - like to represent the glucose manufacturer among the merchants of this - country, whose trade, he said, he could secure. He said he would be - willing to postpone the consideration of salary pending the result of - his services. Well, Brown turned the German over to the bookkeeper, - who found that the German had splendid credentials from his own - country. So Brown told the bookkeeper to engage the German, and pay - him £40 a month to start. At the end of six months the German's - service had proved so satisfactory that Brown told his bookkeeper to - pay the German £50 a month till further notice; and three months later - the salary was again raised by Brown to £60. Along about the time the - German's year was up, he suddenly disappeared. That is, he failed - one morning to put in an appearance at the office at the usual time. - Brown noticed that morning that his bookkeeper, who was also cashier, - was extremely absent-minded and looked altogether unhappy. 'What's - the matter with you?' said Brown, addressing the bookkeeper. 'This - is the matter,' was the reply, and thereupon the bookkeeping cashier - laid before his employer a cheque for hundreds of pounds. It was made - payable to the order of the absent German, and was signed with the - personal signature of the bookkeeper. 'What's this mean?' asked Brown. - 'It means,' said the wild-eyed bookkeeper, 'that I have never paid - that German his salary--not one penny in all the time he has been - here. He never asked for money, always had plenty, so I pocketed from - month to month the money due to him. But it's killing me. I didn't - need to do it. I just couldn't resist the temptation. I had money of - my own, and knew I could pay him any time. Yesterday when you said - that I must again raise his salary I realised for the first time the - enormity of the thing I was doing. I resolved to tell the German the - whole story this morning, and give him his money in full. This is the - cheque for the money I have stolen from him. I have money in the bank - to meet it. I want him to have it, I don't care what follows.' Brown, - gazing spellbound at his clerk, said: 'But I don't understand. Did - the German never ask for his salary?' 'No,' replied the bookkeeper. - 'He always had money; he seemed only to want the situation--to be - connected with this house; he has some mysterious influence over the - German trade in this country.' A weather-beaten man in a sea-jacket an - hour or two later unceremoniously shuffled into the office. He handed - Brown a note, who read it aloud: 'I am aboard ship by this time,' the - letter said, 'bound for my country. Receive my sincere regrets at the - abrupt termination of our pleasant relations. Through connection with - your firm, I have found out the secret of glucose-making, and am going - back to impart it to the firm which I belong to in Germany. You owe me - nothing." - -These few cases I print here because I think it but right to show that -both before the war, and since, the public have not been so utterly -blinded to the truth as the authorities had hoped. - -Many of the other cases before me are of such a character that I do not -propose to reveal them to the public, still hoping against hope that -proper inquiry may be instituted by a reliable Board formed to deal -with the whole matter. And, for obvious reasons, premature mention of -them might defeat the ends of justice by warning the spies that their -"game" is known. - -I here maintain that there is a peril--a very grave and imminent -peril--in attempting to further delude the public, and, by so doing, -further influence public opinion. - -The seed of distrust in the Government has, alas! been sown in the -public mind, and each day, as the alien question is evaded, it takes a -firmer and firmer root. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE PERIL OF INVASION - - -There are few questions upon which experts differ more profoundly than -that of a possible invasion of this country by Germans. - -Here, in England, opinion may be roughly divided into two schools. It -is understood generally that the naval authorities assert that the -position of our Fleet is such that even a raid by say ten thousand -men, resolved to do us the greatest possible damage and cause the -maximum of alarm even if the penalty be annihilation, is out of the -question. On the other hand, the military authorities hold the view--a -view expressed to me by the late Lord Roberts--that it would be quite -possible for the Germans to land a force in Great Britain which would -do an enormous amount of damage, physically and morally, before it was -finally rounded up and destroyed by the overwhelming numbers of troops -we could fling against it. - -What we think of the matter, however, is of less importance than what -the enemy thinks, and it is beyond question that, at any rate until -quite recently, the German War Staff regarded the invasion of England -as perfectly practicable, and had made elaborate plans for carrying out -their project. - -When writing my forecast "The Invasion of England," in 1905, I received -the greatest advice and kind assistance from the late Lord Roberts, who -spent many hours with me, and who personally revised and elaborated the -German plan of campaign which I had supposed. Without his assistance -the book would never have been written. I am aware of the strong views -he held on the subject, and how indefatigable he was in endeavouring -to bring the grave peril of invasion home to an apathetic nation. Poor -"Bobs"! The public laughed at him and said: "Yes, of course. He is -getting so old!" - -Old! When I came home from the last Balkan War I brought him some -souvenirs from the battle-fields of Macedonia, and he sent me a -telegram to meet him at 8 a.m. at a quiet West End hotel--where he was -in the habit of staying. I arrived at that hour and he grasped my hand, -welcomed me back from many months of a winter campaign with the Servian -headquarters staff, and, erect and smiling, said: "Now, let's talk. -I've already done my correspondence and had my breakfast. I was up at -half-past five,"--when I had been snoring! - -Roberts was a soldier of the old school. He knew our national weakness, -and he knew our stubborn stone-wall resistance. After the outbreak of -war he told me that he would deplore racing, football, and cricket--our -national sports--while we were at death-grips with Germany, because, -as he put it, if we race and play games, the people will not take this -world-war seriously. Then he turned in his chair in my room, and, -looking me straight in the face, said: "What did I tell you, Le Queux, -when you were forecasting 'The Invasion'--that the British nation will -not be awakened by us--but only by a war upon them. They are at last -awakened. I will never seek to recall the past, but my duty is to do my -best for my King and my Country." - -And so he died--cut off at a moment when he was claiming old friendship -of those from India whom he knew so well. The night before he left -England to go upon the journey to the front which proved fatal, he -wrote me a letter--which I still preserve--deploring the atrocities -which the Germans had committed in Belgium. - -Ever since the war broke out we have heard of great concentration -of troops, and ships intended to carry them, at Wilhelmshaven and -Cuxhaven, a strong indication that something in the nature of a raid -was in contemplation. It is quite possible that opinion, both in -Germany and in this country, has been very profoundly modified by the -fate which befell the last baby-killing expedition launched against -our eastern coasts, which came to grief through the vigilance of -Admiral Beatty. The terrible mauling sustained by the German squadron, -the loss of the _Blucher_ and the battering of the _Seydlitz_ and -_Derfflinger_, may have done a good deal to drive home into the German -mind the conviction that in the face of an unbeaten--and to Germany -unbeatable--battle-fleet, the invasion of England would be, at the -very best, an undertaking of the most hazardous nature which would be -foredoomed to failure and in which the penalty would be annihilation. - -Perhaps, however, the enemy are only waiting. We know from German -writings that the plans for the invasion of England have usually -postulated that our Fleet shall be, for the time being, absent from -the point of danger, probably out of home waters altogether, and that -the attack would be sprung upon us as a surprise. We do not know, and -we do not seek to know, the exact position of the British Fleet, but -we can be perfectly certain that, with the invention of wireless, the -moment at which the Germans might have sprung a surprise upon us has -gone for ever. There is good reason for believing that the Germans -intended to strike at us without any formal declaration of war, and -I have been informed, on good authority, that before war broke out, -certain dispositions had actually been made which were brought to -naught only by a singularly bold and daring manoeuvre on the part of -our naval authorities. No doubt, in the course of time, this incident, -with many others of a similar nature, will be made public. I can only -say at present that when the startling truth becomes known, further -evidence will be forthcoming that Germany deliberately planned the war, -and was ready to strike long before war was declared. - -People who say that an invasion of our shores is impossible usually do -so with the reservation, expressed or implied, that the effort would be -unsuccessful--that is, that it could not succeed so far as to compel -Britain to make peace. But, even if the Germans believe this as firmly -as we do, it by no means follows that they may not make the attempt. - -It is a part of the Germans' theory and practice to seek, by every -possible means, to create a panic, to do the utmost moral and material -damage by the most inhuman and revolting means, and it is more than -likely that they would hold the loss of even fifty or sixty thousand -men as cheap indeed, if, before they were destroyed, they could, if -only for a few days, vent German wrath and hatred on British towns and -on British people. - -To say they could not do this would be exceedingly foolish. Few people -would be daring enough to say that it would be impossible for the -Germans, aided undoubtedly by spies on shore, to land suddenly in -the neighbourhood of one of the big East Coast towns a force strong -enough to overpower, for the moment, the local defences, and establish -itself--if only for a few days--in a position where it could lay waste -with fire and sword a very considerable section of country. And we must -never forget that, if ever the Germans get the chance, their atrocious -treatment of the British population will be a thousand times worse than -anything they have done in France and Belgium. That fact ought to sink -deeply into the public mind. A German Expedition into this country -would be undertaken with the one definite object of striking terror and -producing a panic which would force our Government to sue for peace. To -secure that end, the Germans would spare neither young nor old--every -man, woman, and child within their power would be slaughtered without -mercy, and without regard for age or sex. We have heard something, -though not all, of the infamies perpetrated by German troops upon the -helpless Belgians even before the world had realised how much Belgium -had done to foil their plans. And we must not overlook the fact that -certain German officers--enjoying the services of valets and other -luxuries at Donington Hall, fitted up by us at a cost of £13,000--were -those who ordered the wholesale massacre of women and children. We -relieve the poor Belgian refugees, and caress their murderers. - -If the flood-gates of German hatred were opened upon us, what measure -would the enemy mete out to us who, as they now bitterly realise, have -stood between the Kaiser and his megalomaniac dreams? I do not think -we need be in any doubt as to what the German answer to that question -would be! - -Recent events have made it vividly apparent that the Germans have -already reached a pitch of desperation in which they are willing to try -any and every scheme which, at whatever cost to themselves, offered a -prospect of injuring their enemies. They feel the steel net slowly, but -very surely, tightening around them; like caged wild beasts they are -flinging themselves frantically at the bars, now here, now there, in -mad paroxysms of rage. Their wonderful military machine, if it has not -absolutely broken down, is at any rate badly out of gear, though there -is a huge strength still left in it. Their vaunted fleet skulks behind -fortifications, and whenever it ventures to poke its head outside is -hit promptly and hit hard. Their boasted Zeppelins, which were to -lay ever so many "eggs" on London, have certainly, up to the time of -writing, failed utterly. - -We frequently hear the man-in-the-street jeer at the Zeppelin peril, -and declare that it is only a "bogey" raised to frighten us. To a -certain extent I think it is, but the fact that Zeppelins have not yet -appeared over London is, surely, no reason why they should not come -and commit havoc and cause panic as the vanguard of the raid which may -be intended upon us. There is much in our apathy which is more than -foolish--it is criminal. Had the country, ten years ago, listened to -the warnings of Lord Roberts and others, instead of being immersed -in their own pleasure-seeking and money-grubbing, we should have had -no war. The public, who are happily to-day filled with a spirit of -patriotism because they have learnt wisdom by experience, now realise -their error. They see how utterly foolish they were to jeer at my -warnings in the _Daily Mail_; and by singing in the music halls "Are we -Down-'earted--No!" they have gallantly admitted it--as every Britisher -admits where he is wrong--and have come forward to stem the tide of -barbarians who threaten us. - -As one who has done all that mortal man can do to try to bring home to -his country a sense of its own danger, and who, by the insidious action -of "those in power," narrowly escaped financial ruin for _daring_ to -be a patriot, I cast the past aside and rejoice in the fine spirit of -the younger generation of men, actuated by the fact that they are still -Britons. - -But, after this war, there will be men--men whose names are to-day as -household words--who must be indicted before the nation for leading us -into the trap which Germany so cunningly prepared for us. Those are men -who knew, by the Kaiser's declaration in 1908, what was intended, and -while posing as British statesmen--save the mark!--lied to the public, -and told them that Germany was our best friend, and that war would -never be declared--"not in our time." - -There will be a day, ere long, when the pro-German section of what -Britons foolishly call their "rulers"--certain members of that -administration who are now struggling to atone for their past follies -in being misled by the cunning of the enemy--will be arraigned and -swept out of the public ken, as they deserve to be. The blood of -a million mothers of sons in Great Britain boils at thoughts of -the ghastly truth, and the wholesale sacrifice of their dear ones, -because the diplomacy of Great Britain, with all its tinsel, its -paraphernalia of attachés, secretaries (first, second, and third), its -entertainments, its fine "residences," its whisperings and jugglings, -and its "conversations," was quite incapable of thwarting the German -plot. - -By our own short-sightedness we have been led into this conflict, in -which the very lives of our dear ones and ourselves are at stake. Yet, -to-day, we in England have not fully realised that we are at war. -Illustrated papers publish fashion numbers, and the butterflies of the -fair sex rush to adorn themselves in the latest _mode_ from Paris--the -capital of a threatened nation! Stroll at any hour in any street in -London, or any of our big cities. Does anything remind the thoughtful -man that we are at war? No. Our theatres, music halls, and picture -palaces are full. Our restaurants are crowded, our night-clubs drive a -thriving trade--and nobody cares for to-morrow. - -Why? Read the daily newspapers, and learn the lesson of how the public -are being daily deluded by false assertions that all is well, and that -we have great Imperial Germany--the country which has, for twenty -years, plotted against us--in the hollow of our hand. - -The public are not told the real truth, and there lies the grave -scandal which must be apparent to every person in the country. But, I -ask, will the malevolent influence which is protecting the alien enemy -among us, and refusing to allow inquiry into spying, _ever permit the -truth to be told_? - -Let the reader pause, and think. - -Despite the cast-iron censorship, and the most docile Press the world -has ever seen, the German people must, on the other hand, to-day be -suspecting the truth. Germans may be braggarts, but they are not -fools, and it is safe to say that the hysterical spasms of hatred of -Great Britain--by which the entire nation seems to be convulsed--have -their origin in an ever-growing conviction of failure and a very -accurate perception of where that failure lies. - -In this frame of mind they may venture on anything, and it is for this -reason that I believe they may yet, in spite of all that has happened, -attempt a desperate raid on these shores. - -What are we doing to meet that peril? - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE PERIL OF APATHY - - -There is an apathy towards any peril of invasion that is astounding. - -Of our military measures, pure and simple, I shall say nothing except -that it is the bounden duty of every Briton to place implicit reliance -upon Lord Kitchener and the military authorities and, if necessary, -to assist them by every means in his power. We can do no good by -criticising measures of the true meaning of which we know nothing. - -There are some other points, however, on which silence would -be culpable, and one of these is the amazing lack of any clear -instructions as to the duties of the civil population in the event of a -German attack. - -Now it is perfectly obvious that one of the first things necessary in -the face of a German landing would be to get the civilian population -safely beyond the zones threatened by the invaders. It is simply -unthinkable that men, women, and children shall be left to the tender -mercies of the German hordes. Yet, so far as I am able to ascertain, no -steps have yet been taken to warn inhabitants at threatened points what -they shall do. They have been _advised_, it is true, to continue in -their customary avocations and to remain quietly at home. Does any sane -human being, remembering the treatment of Belgian civilians who just -did this, expect that such advice will be followed? We can take it for -granted that it will not, and I contend that in all districts along the -East Coast, where, it is practically certain, any attempt at landing -must be made, the inhabitants should at once be told, in the clearest -and most emphatic manner, just what is required of them, and the best -and quickest way to get out of harm's way, leaving as little behind -them as possible to be of any use to the invaders, and leaving a clear -field of operations for our own troops. - -A century ago, when the peril of a French invasion overshadowed the -land, the most careful arrangements were made for removing the people -from the threatened areas, and the destruction of food and fodder. Is -there any reason why such arrangements should not be taken in hand -to-day, and the people made thoroughly familiar with all the conditions -necessary for carrying out a swift and systematic evacuation? - -I am aware, of course, that already certain instructions have been -issued to Lord-lieutenants of the various counties in what may be -called the zone of possible invasion. But I contend that the public -at large should be told plainly what is expected of them. It is not -enough to say that when the moment of danger comes they should blindly -obey the local policeman. In the event of a withdrawal from any part -of the coast-line becoming necessary, it ought not to be possible that -the inhabitants should be taken by surprise; their course ought to be -mapped out for them quite clearly, and in advance, so that all will -know just what they have to do to get away with the minimum of delay -and without impeding the movements of our defensive forces. Whatever -we may say or do, the appearance off the British coast of a raiding -German force would be the signal for a rush inland, and there is every -reason to take steps for ensuring that that rush shall be orderly -and controlled, and in no sense a blind and panic flight which would -be alike unnecessary and disastrous. It may well be, and it is to be -hoped, that the danger will never come. That does not absolve us from -the necessity of being ready to meet it. War is an affair of surprises, -and Germany has sprung many surprises upon the world since last August. - -The refusal of the War Office authorities to extend any sympathetic -consideration towards the new Civilian Corps, which are striving, -despite official discouragement, to fit themselves for the duty of home -defence in case the necessity should arise, is another instance of -the lack of imagination and insight which has shown itself in so many -ways during our conduct of the campaign. These Corps now number well -over a million men. All that the Army Council has done for them is to -extend to such of them as became affiliated to the Central Volunteer -Training Association the favour of official "recognition" which will -entitle them to rank as combatants in the event of invasion. Even that -recognition is coupled with a condition that has given the gravest -offence and which threatens, indeed, to go far towards paralysing the -movement altogether. - -It is in the highest degree important, as will readily be admitted, -that these Corps should not interfere with recruiting for the Regular -Army. That the Volunteers themselves fully recognise. But to secure -this non-interference the Government have made it a condition of -recognition that any man under military age joining a Corps shall sign -a declaration that he will enlist in the Regular Army when called upon -unless he can show some good and sufficient reason why he should not do -so. - -Here we have the cause of all the trouble. The Army Council, in spite -of all entreaties, obstinately refuses to state what constitutes a -good and sufficient reason for non-enlistment. One such reason, it is -admitted, is work on Government contracts. But it is impossible for us -to shut our eyes to the fact that there are many thousands of men of -military age and good physique who, however much they may desire to do -their duty, are fully absolved by family or business reasons from the -duty of joining the Regular Army. Many of them have dependents whom -it is simply impossible for them to leave to the blank poverty of the -official separation allowance; many of them are in businesses which -would go to rack and ruin in their absence; many of them are engaged on -work which is quite as important to the country as anything they could -do in the field, even though they may not be in Government employ. To -withdraw every able-bodied man from his employment would simply mean -that industry would be brought to a standstill, and as this country -must, to some extent, act as general provider for the Allies, it is, -plainly, our duty to keep business going as well as to fight. - -Rightly or wrongly, this particular provision is looked upon as an -attempt to introduce a veiled form of compulsion. It has been pointed -out that there is no power to compel men to enlist, even if they have -signed such a declaration as is required. But the men, very properly, -say that Britain has gone to war in defence of her plighted word, and -that they are not prepared to give their word and then break it. - -What is the result? Many thousands of capable men, fully excused by -their own consciences from the duty of joining the Regular Army, find -that, unless they are prepared to take up a false and wholly untenable -position, they are _not even allowed to train_ for the defence of -their country in such a grave crisis that all other considerations but -the safety of the Empire must go by the board. I am not writing of -the slackers who want to "swank about in uniform" at home when they -ought to be doing their duty in the trenches. I refer to the very -large body of genuinely patriotic men who, honestly and sincerely, -feel that, whatever their personal wishes may be, their duty at the -moment is to "keep things going" at home. For men over military age -the Volunteer Corps offer an opportunity of getting ready to strike a -blow for England's sake should the time ever come when every man who -can shoulder a rifle must take his place in the ranks. And it certainly -argues an amazing want of sympathy and foresight that, for the lack of -a few words of intelligible definition, a splendid body of men should -lose the only chance offered them of getting a measure of military -education which in time to come may be of priceless value. - -No one complains that the Army Council does not immediately rush to -arm and equip the Volunteers. Undoubtedly, there is still much to be -done in the way of equipping the regular troops and accumulating the -vast reserves that will be required when the great forward move begins. -Much could be done even now, however, to encourage the Volunteers to -persevere with their training. It should not be beyond the power of the -military authorities, in the very near future, to arm and equip such -of the Corps as have attained a reasonable measure of efficiency in -simple military movements, and in shooting with the miniature rifle. At -the same time some clear definition ought to be forthcoming of what, -in the opinion of the Army Council, constitutes a valid reason, in the -case of a man of military age, for not joining the regular forces. It -is certain that when the time comes for the Allies to take a strong -offensive we shall be sending enormous numbers of trained men out of -the country, and, the wastage of war being what it is, huge drafts -will be constantly required to keep the fighting units up to full -strength. In the meantime large numbers of Territorials in this country -are chained to the irksome--though very necessary--duty of guarding -railways, bridges, and other important points liable to be attacked. -There seems to be no good reason why a great deal, if not the whole, -of this work should not be undertaken by Volunteers. This would free -great numbers of Territorials for more profitable forms of training and -would, undoubtedly, enable us to send far more men out of the country -if the necessity should arise. - -If the Volunteers were regarded by those in authority with the proper -sympathy which their patriotism deserves, it would be seen that they -provide, in effect, a class of troops closely corresponding to the -German Landsturm, which is already taking its part in the war. It is -important to remember that, up to the present time, we have enlisted -none but picked men, every one of whom has had to pass a strict -medical and physical examination. We have left untouched, in fact, -our real reserves. Those reserves, apparently scorned by the official -authorities, are capable, if they receive adequate encouragement, of -providing an immense addition to our fighting forces. - -No one pretends, of course, that the entire body of Volunteers whom we -see drilling and route-marching day by day are capable of the exertions -involved in a strenuous campaign. But a very large percentage of them -are quite capable of being made fit to serve in a home-defence army, -and it is a feeble and shortsighted policy to give them the official -cold shoulder and nip their enthusiasm in the bud. At the present -moment they cost nothing, and they are doing good and useful work. Is -it expecting too much to suggest that their work should be encouraged -with something a little more stimulating than a scarlet arm-band and a -form of "recognition" which, upon close analysis, will be found to mean -very little indeed? - -There has been too strong a tendency in the past to praise, in -immoderate terms, German methods and German efficiency. But, -undoubtedly, there are certain things which we can learn from the -enemy, and one of them is the speed and energy with which the Germans, -at the present moment, are turning to their advantage popular -enthusiasm of exactly the same nature as that which has produced the -Volunteer movement here. It is a popular misconception that in a -conscriptionist country every man, without distinction, is swept into -the ranks for his allotted term. This is by no means the case. There -are many reasons for exemption, and a very large proportion of the -German people, when war broke out, had never done any military duty. - -Travellers who have recently returned from Germany report that the -Volunteer movement there has made gigantic strides. Men have come -forward in thousands, and the Government, with German energy and -foresight, has pounced upon this splendid volume of material and is -rapidly licking it into shape. I don't believe, for one moment, the -highly coloured stories which represent Germany as being short of -rifles, ammunition, and other munitions of war: she has, apparently, -more than sufficient to arm her forces in the field and to permit her -_to arm her volunteers as well_. - -Whether I am right or wrong, the German Government is taking full -advantage of the patriotic spirit of its subjects, and there does not -appear to be any good reason why our Government should not take a leaf -out of the enemy's book. If they would do so and help the Volunteer -movement by sympathy and encouragement, and the assurance that more -would be done at the earliest possible moment, we should be in a better -condition to meet an invasion than we are to-day, in that we should -have an enormous reserve of strength for use in case of emergency. -No doubt the military authorities, after the most careful study of -the subject, feel convinced that our safety is assured: my point is, -that in a matter of such gravity it is impossible to have too great -a margin of safety. It is no use blinking the fact that, despite the -efforts we have made, and are making, the time may come when the entire -manhood of the United Kingdom must be called upon to take part in a -deadly struggle for national existence. Trust-worthy reports state -that the Germans are actually arming something over four million fresh -troops--some of them have already been in action--and if this estimate -prove well founded, it is quite clear that the crisis of the world-war -is yet to come. I do not think any one will deny that when it does come -we shall need every man we can get. - -Closely allied with the subject of invasion are the German methods -of "frightfulness" by means of their submarines and aircraft. Of the -latter, it would seem, we are justified in speaking with absolute -contempt. Three attempts at air raids on our shores have been made, and -though, unhappily, some innocent lives were lost through the enemy's -indiscriminate bomb-dropping, the military effect up to the day I pen -these lines has been absolutely nil, except to assist us in bringing -more recruits to the colours. Several of the vast, unwieldy Zeppelins, -of which the Germans boasted so loudly, have been lost either through -gunfire or in gales, while we have official authority for saying -that our own air-service is so incomparably superior to that of the -enemy that the German aviators, like the baby-killers of Scarborough, -seek safety in retreat directly they are confronted by the British -fliers. No doubt the German air-men have their value as scouts and -observers, but it is abundantly clear that, as a striking unit, they -are hopelessly outclassed. They have done nothing to compare with the -daring raids on Friedrichshafen and Düsseldorf, to say nothing of the -magnificent and devastating attack by the British and French air-men on -Zeebrugge, Ostend, and Antwerp. - -The submarine menace stands on another and very different footing, -for the simple reason that luck, pure and simple, enters very largely -into the operations of the underwater craft. It is quite conceivable -that, favoured by fortune and with a conveniently hidden base of -supplies--one of which, a petrol-base, I indicated to the authorities -on March 15th--either afloat or ashore, submarines might do an enormous -amount of damage on our trade routes. - -A few dramatic successes may, of course, produce a scare and send -insurance and freight rates soaring. Moreover, the submarine is -exceedingly difficult to attack: it presents a very tiny mark to -gunfire, and when it sights a hostile ship capable of attacking it, it -can always seek safety by submerging. But, when all is said and done, -the number of German submarines, given all the good fortune they could -wish, is quite inadequate seriously to threaten the main body of either -our commerce or our Navy. - -We are told, and quite properly, nothing of the methods which the -Admiralty are adopting to deal with German pirates. But it will not -have escaped the public attention that the submarines have scored no -great success against British warships since the _Hawke_ was sunk -in the Channel. I think we may fairly conclude, therefore, that our -Admiralty have succeeded in devising new means of defence against the -new means of attack. We know that at the time of writing two enemy -submarines have been sunk by the Navy, and it seems fairly certain -that another was rammed and destroyed in the Channel by the steamer -_Thordis_. Whatever, therefore, may be our views on the general subject -of the war, it seems clear that we can safely treat the submarine -menace as the product of the super-heated Teutonic imagination. - -We know of, and can guard against, the risks we run of any armed attack -from Germany. But there is another peril which will face us when the -war is over--a renewal of the commercial invasion which we have seen in -progress on a gigantic scale for years past. - -We know how the British market has, for years, been flooded with -shoddy German imitations of British goods to the grave detriment of -our home trade. We know, too, how the German worker, over here "to -learn the language," has wormed himself into the confidence of the -foolish English employer, and has abused that confidence by keeping -his real principals--those in Germany--fully posted with every scrap -of commercial information which might help them to capture British -trade. We know, though we do not know the full story, that hundreds -of "British" companies have been, in fact, owned, organised, and -controlled solely by Germans. We know that for years German spies and -agents, ostensibly engaged in business here, have plotted our downfall. - -Are we going to permit, when the war is over, a repetition of all this? - -I confess I look upon this matter with the gravest uneasiness. It is -all very well to say that after the war Germans will be exceedingly -unpopular in every civilised community. That fact is not likely to keep -out the German, who is anything but thin-skinned. And, I regret to say, -there are only too many British employers who are likely to succumb to -the temptation to make use of cheap German labour, regardless of the -fact that they will thus be actively helping their country's enemies. - -Germans to-day are carrying on business in this country with a freedom -which would startle the public, if it were known. I will mention -two instances which have come to my knowledge lately. The first is -the case of a company with an English name manufacturing certain -electric fittings. Up to the time the war broke out, every detail -of this company's business was regularly transmitted once a week to -Germany: copies of every invoice, every bill, every letter, were sent -over. Though the concern was registered as an "English" company, the -proprietorship and control were purely and wholly German. That concern -is carrying on business to-day, and in the city of London, protected, -no doubt, by its British registration. And the manager is an Englishman -who, before the war, explained very fully to my informant the entire -system on which the business was conducted. - -The second case is similar, with the exception that the manager is a -German, at least in name and origin, who speaks perfect English, and -is still, or was very recently, conducting the business. In this case, -as in the first, every detail of the business was, before war broke -out, regularly reported to the head office of the firm in Germany. I -wonder whether English firms are being permitted to carry on business -in Berlin to-day! - -Whether we shall go on after the war in the old haphazard style of -rule-of-thumb rests solely with public opinion. And if public opinion -will tolerate the employment of German waiters in our hotels in time -of war, I see very little likelihood of any effort to stay the German -invasion which will, assuredly, follow the declaration of peace. Then -we shall see again the unscrupulous campaign of commercial and military -espionage which has cost us dear in the past, and may cost us still -more in the future. Our foolish tolerance of the alien peril will be -used to facilitate the war of revenge for which our enemy will at once -begin to prepare. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE PERIL OF STIFLING THE TRUTH - - -Ignorance of the real truth about the war--an ignorance purposely -imposed upon us by official red-tape--is, I am convinced, the gravest -peril by which our beloved country is faced at the present moment. - -I say it is the gravest peril for the simple reason that it is the -root-peril from which spring all the rest. And this ignorance springs -not from official apathy, or from the public wilfully shutting its -eyes to disagreeable truths. It is born of the deliberate suppression -of unpleasant facts, of the deliberate and ridiculous exaggeration -of minor successes. In a word, it is the result of the public having -been fooled and bamboozled under the specious plea of safeguarding -our military interests. Are we children to believe such official -fairy-tales? The country is not being told the truth about the war. -I don't say, and I do not believe, that it is being fed with false -news of bogus victories. But untruths can as easily be conveyed by -suppression as by assertion, and no one who has studied the war with -any degree of attention can escape the impression that the news -presented to us day by day takes on, under official manipulation, a -colour very much more favourable than is warranted by the actual facts. - -Day after day the Press Bureau, of course under official inspiration -from higher sources, issues statements in which the good news is unduly -emphasised and the bad unduly slurred over. Day by day a large section -of the Press helps on, with every ingenious device of big type and -sensational headlines, the official hoodwinking of the public. Many -pay their nimble halfpennies to be gulled. A naval engagement in which -our immensely superior forces crush the weaker squadron of the enemy -is blazoned forth as a "magnificent victory" for our fighting men, -when, in sober truth, the chief credit lies with the silent and utterly -forgotten strategist behind the scenes, whose cool brain worked out the -eternal problem of bringing adequate force to bear at exactly the right -time and in just exactly the right place. - -I say no word to depreciate the heroism of our gallant bluejackets. -They would fight as coolly when they were going to inevitable -death--Cradock's men did in the _Good Hope_ and _Monmouth_--as if they -were in such overwhelming superiority that the business of destroying -the enemy was little more dangerous than the ordinary battle-practice. -My whole point is that by the skilful manipulation of facts a wholly -false impression is conveyed. There is, in truth, nothing "magnificent" -about beating a hopelessly inferior foe, and our sailors would be the -last to claim to be heroes under such conditions. It is, of course, -the business of our naval authorities to be ready whenever a German -squadron shows itself, to hit at once with such crushing superiority -of gunfire that there will be no need to hit again at the same object. -That can only be achieved by sound strategy, for which we are entitled -to claim and give the credit that is due. When our Navy has won a -decisive success against great odds we may be justified in talking -of a "magnificent" victory. To talk of any naval success of the -present war as a "magnificent victory" is simply to becloud the real, -essential, vital facts, and to assist in deceiving a public which is -being studiously kept in the dark. - -By every means possible, short of downright lying of the German type, -the public is being lulled into a false and dangerous belief that all -is well--a blind optimism calculated to produce only the worst possible -results, a state of mental and physical apathy which has already -gone far to rob it of the energy and determination and driving force -which are absolutely necessary if we are to emerge in safety from the -greatest crisis that has faced our country in its thousand years of -stormy history. - -As an example of what the public are told concerning the enemy, a good -illustration is afforded by a well-Known Sunday paper dated March 7th. -Here we find, among other headings in big type, the following: "Stake -of Life and Death!" "Germany's Frantic Appeal for Greater Efforts!" -"Russia's Hammer Blow." "German Offensive from East Prussia Ruined: -Losses 250,000 in a Month." "German Plans Foiled: Enemy's 3,000,000 -Losses." "On Reduced Rations: German Troops Getting Less to Eat." -"Germany Cut Off from the Seas." "Germans Cut in Two: 15,000 Prisoners -and 'Rich Booty' Taken." "Killed to Last Man: Appalling Austrian -Losses." "The Verge of Famine: Bread Doles cut down again in Germany: -Frantic Efforts to Stave Off Starvation." - -And yet, in the centre of the paper, next to the leader, we find a huge -advertisement headed "The Man to be Pitied," calling for recruits, -appealing to their patriotism, and urging them to "Enlist To-day." -Surely it is the reader who is to be pitied! - -Again, we have wilfully neglected the formation of a healthy public -opinion in neutral countries. While Germany has, by every underhand -means in her power, by wireless lies, and by bribery of certain -newspapers in America and in Italy, created an opinion hostile to the -Allies, we have been content to sit by and allow the disgraceful plot -against us to proceed. - -We have, all of us, read the screeches of the pro-German press in the -United States, and in Italy the scandal of how Germany has bribed -certain journals has already been publicly exposed. The Italians have -not been told the truth by us, as they should have been. In Italy the -greater section of the public are in favour of Great Britain and are -ready to take arms against the hated Tedesco, yet on the other hand we -have to face the insidious work of Germany's secret service and the -lure of German gold in a country where, unfortunately, few men, from -contadino to deputy, are above suspicion. We must not close our eyes -to the truth that in neutral countries Germany is working steadily -with all her underhand machinery of diplomacy, of the purchase of -newspapers, of bribery and corruption and the suborning of men in high -places. To what end? To secure the downfall of Great Britain! - -I have myself been present at a private view of an amazing cinema film -prepared at the Kaiser's orders and sent to be exhibited in neutral -countries for the purpose of influencing opinion in favour of Germany. -The pictures have been taken in the fighting zone, both in Belgium and -in East Prussia. So cleverly have they been stage-managed that I here -confess, as I sat gazing at them, I actually began to wonder whether -the stories told of German barbarities were, after all, true! Pictures -were shown of a group of British prisoners laughing and smoking, though -in the hands of their captors; of the kind German soldiery distributing -soup, bread, etc., to the populace in a Belgian village; of soldiers -helping the Belgian peasantry re-arrange their homes; of a German -soldier giving some centimes to a little Belgian child; of great crowds -in Berlin singing German national songs in chorus; of the marvellous -organisation of the German army; of thousands upon thousands of troops -being reviewed by the Kaiser, who himself approaches you with a salute -and a kindly smile. It was a film that must, when shown in any neutral -country--as it is being shown to-day all over the world--create a -good impression regarding Germany, while people will naturally ask -themselves why has not England made a similar attempt, in order to -counteract such an insidious and clever illusion in the public mind. - -Such a mischievous propaganda as that being pursued by Germany in all -neutral countries we cannot to-day afford to overlook. Our enemy's -intention is first to prepare public opinion, and then to produce -dissatisfaction among the Allies by sowing discord. And yet from the -eyes of the British nation the scales have not yet fallen! In our -apathy in this direction I foresee great risk. - -With these facts in view it certainly behoves us to stir ourselves into -activity by endeavouring, ere it becomes too late, to combat Germany's -growing prestige among other nations in the world, a prestige which is -being kept up by a marvellous campaign of barefaced chicanery and fraud. - -The dangerous delusion is prevalent in Great Britain that we are past -the crisis, that everything is going well and smoothly, perhaps even -that the war will soon be over. In some quarters, even in some official -quarters, people to-day are talking glibly of peace by the end of -July, not openly, of course, but in the places where men congregate -and exchange news "under the rose." The general public, taking its -cue from the only authorities it understands or has to rely upon, the -daily papers, naturally responds, with the eager desire of the human -mind to believe what it wishes to be true. Hence there has grown up a -comfortable sense of security, from which we shall assuredly experience -a very rude awakening. - -For, let there be no mistake about it, the war is very far from ended; -indeed, despite our losses, we might almost say it has hardly yet -begun. For eight months we have been "getting ready to begin." To-day -we see Germany in possession of practically the whole of Belgium -and a large strip of Northern France. With the exception of a small -patch of Alsace, she preserves her own territory absolutely intact. -Her fortified lines extend from the coast of Belgium to the border -of Switzerland, and behind that seemingly impenetrable barrier she -is gathering fresh hosts of men ready for a desperate defence when -the moment comes, as come it must, for the launching of the Allies' -attack. On her Eastern frontiers she has at least held back the Russian -attack, she has freed East Prussia, and not a single soldier is to-day -on German soil. I ask any one who may be inclined to undue optimism -whether the situation is not one to call imperatively for the greatest -effort of which the British nation and the British Empire are capable? - -We are assured by the official inspirers of optimism that time is on -the side of the Allies, and is working steadily against the Germans. -In a sense, of course, this is true, but it is not the whole truth. -I place not the slightest reliance upon the stories industriously -circulated from German sources of Germany being short of food; all the -evidence we can get from neutrals who have just returned from Germany -condemns them _in toto_. The Germans are a methodical and far-seeing -people, and no doubt they are very rightly looking ahead and prudently -conserving their resources. But that there is any real scarcity of -either food or munitions of war there is not a trace of reliable -evidence, and those journals, one of which I have quoted, which delight -to represent our enemy as being in a state of semi-starvation are doing -a very bad service to our country. The Germans can unquestionably hold -out for a very considerable time yet, and we are simply living in a -fool's paradise if we try to persuade ourselves to the contrary. If -it were true that Germany is really short of food, that our blockade -was absolutely effective, and that no further supplies could reach the -enemy until the next harvest, it might be true to say that time was on -the side of the Allies. But supposing, as I believe, that the tales of -food shortage have been deliberately spread by the Germans themselves -with the very definite object of working upon the sympathies of the -United States, what position are we in? Here, in truth, we come down to -a position of the very deepest gravity. It is a position which affects -the whole conduct and conclusion of the war, and which cannot fail to -exercise the most vital influence over our future. - -Speaking at the Lord Mayor's banquet last November, Mr. Asquith said: - - "We shall never sheathe the sword, which we have not lightly drawn, - until Belgium recovers in full measure all, and more than all, she - has sacrificed; until France is adequately secure against the menace - of aggression; until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe - are placed on an unassailable foundation; and until the military - domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." - -Those noble words, in which the great soul of Britain is expressed in -half a dozen lines, should be driven into the heart and brain of the -Empire. For they are, indeed, a great and eloquent call to Britain to -be up and doing. Four months later, Mr. Asquith repeated them in the -House of Commons, adding: - - "I hear sometimes whispers--they are hardly more than whispers--of - possible terms of peace. Peace is the greatest of all blessings, - but this is not the time to talk of peace. Those who do so, however - excellent their intentions, are, in my judgment, the victims, I will - not say of a wanton but a grievous self-delusion. The time to talk of - peace is when the great purposes for which we and our Allies embarked - upon this long and stormy voyage are within sight of accomplishment." - -Every thinking man must realise the truth and force of what the -Premier said. The question inevitably follows--are we acting with such -swiftness and decision that we shall be in a position, before the -opportunity has passed, to make those words good? - -There is a steadily growing volume of opinion among men who are in a -position to form a cool judgment that, partly for financial and partly -for physical reasons, a second winter campaign cannot possibly be -undertaken by any of the combatants engaged in the present struggle. -If that view be well founded, it follows that peace on some terms or -other will be concluded by October or November at the latest. We, more -than any other nation, depend upon the issue of this war to make our -existence, as a people and an Empire, safe for a hundred years to come. -Have we so energetically pushed on the preparations that, by the time -winter is upon us again, we shall, with the help of our gallant Allies, -have dealt Germany such a series of crushing blows as to compel her to -accept a peace which shall be satisfactory to us? - -There, I believe, we have the question which it is vital for us to -answer. If the answer is in the negative, I say, without hesitation, -that time fights not with the Allies but with Germany. If, as many -people think, this war must end somehow before the next winter, we -must, by that time, either have crushed out the vicious system of -Prussian militarism, or we must resign ourselves to a patched-up peace, -which would be but a truce to prepare for a more terrible struggle -to come. Despite our most heroic resolves, it is doubtful whether, -under modern conditions of warfare, the money can be found for a very -prolonged campaign. - -I do not forget, of course, that the Allies have undertaken not -to conclude a separate peace, and I have not the least doubt that -the bargain will be loyally kept. But we cannot lose sight of the -possibility that peace may come through the inability of the combatants -to continue the war, which it is calculated will by the autumn have -cost nine thousand millions of money. And we can take it for granted -that the task of subduing a Germany driven to desperation, standing -on the defensive, and fighting with the blind savagery of a cornered -rat, is going to be a long and troublesome business. We are assured -that the Allies can stand the financial strain better than Germany. -Possibly; but the point is that no one knows just how much strain -Germany can stand before she breaks, and in war it is only common -prudence to prepare for the worst that can befall. This is precisely -what we, most emphatically, are _not_ doing to-day. Thanks to the -reasons I have given--the chief of which is the unwarrantable official -secrecy and the wholly unjustifiable "cooking" of the news--the British -public is _not yet fully aroused to the deadly peril_ in which the -nation and the Empire stand. - -The British people are, as they ever have been, slow of thought and -slower of action. They need much rousing. And in the present war it is -most emphatically true that the right way of rousing them has not been -used. Smooth stories never yet fired British blood. Let an Englishman -think things are going even tolerably well, and he is loth to disturb -himself to make them go still better. But tell him a story of disaster, -show him how his comrades fall and die in great fights against great -odds: bring it home to his slow-working mind that he really has his -back to the wall, and you fan at once into bright flame the smouldering -pride of race and caste that has done, and will yet do, some of the -greatest deeds that have rung in history. Is there, we may well ask, -another race in the world that would have wrested such glory from the -disaster at Mons? And the lads who fought the Germans to a standstill -in the great retreat did so because the very deadliness of the peril -that confronted them called out all that is greatest and noblest and -most enduring in our national character. - -Is there no lesson our authorities at home can learn from that -deathless story? Are they so blind to all the plainest teachings of -history that they fail to realise that the British people cannot be -depressed and frightened into panic by bad news, though, such is -our insular self-confidence, we can be only too easily lulled into -optimism by good news? If the autocrats who spoon-feed the public with -carefully selected titbits truly understood the mental characteristics -of their own countrymen, they would surely realise that the best, -indeed the only, way to arouse the British race throughout the world -to a sense of the real magnitude of the task that lies before them -is to tell them the simple truth. We want no more of the glossing -over of unpleasant facts which seems to be one of the main objects of -the press censorship. We want the real truth, not merely because we -are, naturally, hungry for news, but because the real truth alone is -capable of stimulating Englishmen and Welshmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen, -the world over to take off their coats, turn up their sleeves, and -seriously devote their energies to giving the German bully a sound and -effective thrashing. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -FACTS TO REMEMBER - - -We have heard a good deal about "Business as usual": it would be well -if we heard a little more of the companion saw--"Do it now." For if -this campaign, for good or ill, is to finish before the snows of next -winter come, the need for an instant redoubling of our energies is -pressing beyond words. - -In his gallant defence of the Press Bureau against overwhelming -odds--few people share his admiration for that most unhappy -institution--Sir Stanley Buckmaster denied that information was ever -"kept back." So far as I know no one has ever suggested that the Press -Bureau had anything to say about the circulation of official news: its -unhappily directed energies seem to operate in other directions. But -that it is keeping back news of the very gravest kind admits of no -shadow of doubt. The official reports have assured us of late, with -irritating frequency, that there is "nothin' doin'." Now and again we -hear of a trench being heroically captured. But we hear very little of -the reverse side of the picture, upon which the casualty lists, a month -or six weeks later, throw such a lurid light. - -Time and again lately we have read in the casualty lists of battalions -losing anything from two hundred to four hundred men in killed or -wounded or "missing," which means, in effect, prisoners. Even the -Guards, our very finest regiments, have lost heavily in this last -disagreeable fashion: other regiments have lost even more heavily. -Now British soldiers do not surrender readily, and we can take it for -granted that when a large number of our men are made prisoners it -is not without very heavy fighting. One single daily paper recently -contained the names of very nearly two thousand officers and men -killed, or wounded, or missing, on certain dates in January. Where, -why, or how these men were lost we do not know, and we are told -absolutely nothing. The real fact is that the news is carefully -concealed under a tiny paragraph which announces that a line of -trenches which had been lost have been brilliantly recaptured. We are -glad, of course, to learn of the success, but would it not be well for -the nation to learn of the failure? Can it be supposed for an instant -that the Germans do not know? Is it giving away military information -of value to the enemy to publish here in Great Britain news with which -they are already perfectly well acquainted? Is it not rather that -in their anxiety to say smooth things the authorities deliberately -suppress the news of reverses, and tell us only the story of our -triumph? - -The most injurious suppression of news by the Government has made its -effect felt in practically every single department of our public life -which has the remotest connection with the prosecution of the war. - -Take recruiting as an example. Recruiting is mainly stimulated, such -is the curious temper of our people, either by a great victory or a -great disaster. Failing one or other of these, the flow of men sinks -to what we regard as "normal proportions," which means in effect that -the public is lukewarm on the subject. It is perfectly well known -that a specially heroic deed of a particular regiment will bring to -that regiment a flood of recruits, as was the case after the gallant -exploit of the London Scottish had been published to the world. And -what is true of the regiment, is true of the Army. Yet with all their -enthusiastic advertising for recruits, the military authorities have -neglected the quickest and easiest way of filling the ranks: instead -of telling our people in bold stirring words of the heroic deeds of -our individual regiments, they have, except in a few instances, fought -the war with a degree of anonymity which may be creditable to their -modesty, but does no tribute to their intelligence. - -Turn the shield to the darker side: every reverse has stimulated -patriotism and brought more men to the colours. What, I wonder, was the -value of the Scarborough raid as compared with the recruiting posters? -The sense of insult bit deep, as it always does in the English mind. -The Kaiser's own particular insult--his jibing reference to "General -French's contemptible little Army"--probably did more to rouse the -fighting blood of our men than all the German attacks. The splendid -story of the retreat from Mons flushed our hearts to pride, and men -poured to the colours. Is there no lesson here for the wiseacres of -Whitehall? Does the knowledge that Englishmen may be led, but cannot be -driven, convey nothing to them? Are they unaware that the Englishman -is the worst servant in the world if he is not trusted, but the very -best if full confidence is extended to him? Can they not see that their -foolish policy of suppressing ugly facts is, day by day, breeding -greater distrust and apathy? - -I confess to feeling very strongly on the Clyde strikes, which, for -a wretched industrial dispute--probably engineered by German secret -agents--held up war material of which we stood in the gravest need. I -cannot understand how Scotsmen, belonging to a nation which has proved -its glorious valour on a hundred hard-fought fields, could have ceased -work when they were assured that their claims would be investigated -by an impartial tribunal. The bare idea, to me, is as shocking as it -must be to most people. And I can only hope and believe that the action -the men took is mainly attributable to the simple fact that they did -not understand the real gravity of the position; that they did not -appreciate the desperate character of our need, and that they utterly -failed to realise that to cease work at such a time was as truly -desertion in the face of the enemy as if they had been soldiers on duty -in the trenches. I confess I would rather think this than put the cause -down to laziness, or lack of patriotism, or drink. But if this, indeed, -be the real cause--a lack of knowledge of the essential facts of the -situation--whom have we to thank? Those, surely, who have cozened a -great people with fair words; those, surely, who have spoken as though -our enemy were in desperate straits, that all goes well, and that the -war will soon be over. - -With regard to the alien peril, it is a source of great gratification -to me that His Majesty's Government have adopted my suggestion of -closing the routes to Holland to all who cannot furnish to the Foreign -Office guarantees of their _bona fides_. In my book, "German Spies in -England," I suggested this course, and in addition, that the intending -traveller should apply personally for a permit, that he should furnish -a photograph of himself, his passport, his certificate of registration, -if an alien, and two references from responsible British individuals -stating the reason for the journey and the nature of the business to -be transacted. Within a fortnight of the publication of my suggestion -the Government adopted it, and have established a special department -at the Home Office for the purpose of interviewing all intending to -leave England for Holland. The regulations are now most stringent. And, -surely, not before they were required. - -Thus one step has been taken to reduce the enemy alien peril. But more -remains to be done. If we wish to end it, once and for all, we should -follow the example of our Allies, the Russians, who were well aware of -the network of spies spread over their land. In Russia every German, -whether naturalised or not, has been interned, every German woman and -child has been sent out of the country, and all property belonging to -German companies, or individuals, has been confiscated for ever by the -Government. - -One result of this confiscation is that factories in first-class -condition can now be purchased from the Russian Government for what the -bricks are worth. In addition, there is a fine upon all persons heard -speaking German in public. In the opinion of Russians, Germany was, as -in England, a kind of octopus, and now they have the opportunity they -have thrown it off for ever. Why should we still pursue the policy of -the kid-glove and allow the peril to daily increase when the Government -could, by a stroke of the pen, end it for ever, as Russia has done? - -Now there is one remedy, and only one, for the national apathy. The -truth must be told, and with all earnestness I beg of my readers, -each as opportunity offers, to do all in his power to stimulate public -opinion in the right direction until the demand for the truth becomes -so universal, and so insistent, that no Government in this country can -afford to ignore it. Many Members of Parliament have appealed in vain; -the great newspapers have fought unweariedly for the cause of honesty -and common sense. The real remedy lies in the hands of the people. -Democracy may not bring us unmixed blessings, but it does, at least, -mean that, in the long run, the will of the people must rule. If the -people insist on the truth, the truth must be told, and in so insisting -the people of England, I firmly believe, will be doing a great work for -themselves, for our Empire, and for the cause of civilisation. - -They will be working for the one thing necessary above all others to -hearten the strong, to strengthen the weak, to resolve the hesitation -of the doubters, to nerve Britons as a whole for a stupendous effort -which shall bring nearer, by many months, the final obliteration of the -greatest menace which has ever confronted civilisation--the infamous -doctrine that might is right, that faith and honour are but scraps of -paper, that necessity knows no law but the law of self-interest, that -the plighted word of a great nation can be heedlessly broken, and that -the moral reprobation of humanity counts for nothing against material -success. - - -THE END - - -_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._ - - -GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND - -An Exposure: By William Le Queux - -(60th THOUSAND) 1/- Net - - -What Great Men Think - -THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON says:-- - -"Your new book deserves the serious attention of the authorities, as it -vividly depicts a very grave national peril." - -THE EARL OF HALSBURY says:-- - -"The public has not yet appreciated the extent to which Germany has -expended money and pains in spying. Your book will help to make it -known." - -THE EARL OF PORTSMOUTH says:-- - -"Your book is most instructive. The national democratic movement -aroused by the war should be employed to expiate all hostile aliens, -from the highest to the lowest." - -VISCOUNT GALWAY says:-- - -"Your book is most interesting. I sincerely hope it will cause more -attention to be paid to the danger to England from German spies." - -THE EARL OF CRAWFORD says:-- - -"I am glad attention is being so prominently drawn to this most -important subject." - -LORD LEITH OF FYVIE says:-- - -"Your book is most serviceable. The Emperor William's speech shows how -treacherously brutal is his madness for world power, and it opens the -eyes of all Americans who are inclined to admire the Emperor. It shows -his intention to run the elections and to boss the United States. I -hope you will be able to demonstrate who are the degenerates who are -betraying their country by active sympathy and assistance to the enemy." - - -What the Press Thinks - -_THE DAILY MAIL_ says:-- - -"It is a book which should be carefully studied from cover to cover. -The present arrangement for dealing with Spies Mr. Le Queux pronounces -altogether unsatisfactory." - -_THE DAILY TELEGRAPH_ says:-- - -"The discovery of the German Spy system has, we believe, been made -in time, and Mr. Le Queux must take his share in the credit of the -discovery. His self-sacrificing energy is vindicated to the world. -The stories which he tells will come as an alarming revelation to the -public." - -_THE GLOBE_ says:-- - -"The audacity of some German agents in England, as revealed by Mr. Le -Queux, is only equalled by their enterprise. Mr. Le Queux emphasises -the point that it is those rich Germans of the Schulenberg type, for -whom some one in our Government or administration seems to have so -unwholesome a tenderness, who are the most dangerous. There are many -astonishing statements in this most amazing book." - -_THE PALL MALL GAZETTE_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux has devoted special attention to German Spies, and his -book will be read with much interest." - -_THE EVENING STANDARD_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux has here written on Spies and spying, as sensational a -book as any of his romances. Indeed, it may be questioned whether Mr. -Le Queux would have gone the length of introducing into a fictional -plot so extraordinary a chapter as that in which he reports one of the -Kaiser's speeches." - -_THE SCOTSMAN_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux gives a résumé of espionage methods. He goes over the -recent Spy convictions, and describes a considerable number of other -cases, unpunished, which have come under his own observation. He has -certainly laboured hard to impress the danger of the German system of -spying on the mind of the British public, and gives several instances -of the ease with which communication with Germany can still be carried -out." - -A clear account of how the present burdens of taxation, high prices, -and low wages can be changed to individual and national prosperity. - -THE CURE FOR POVERTY - -BY - -JOHN CALVIN BROWN - -_In Crown 8vo. Cloth gilt. 5s. net_ - - -Mr. H. PAGE CROFT, M.P., writes: - -"I hope this valuable book will be widely read, for it deals with the -two greatest difficulties with which the British People are faced--that -of raising revenue for National Defence and Social Reform and that of -Industrial Unrest--and points to the only possible road to solution." - -Sir CHARLES ALLEN, V.D., J.P., writes: - -"I am convinced the book will prove to be one of the most useful and -best compiled editions on fiscal subjects ever circulated in this -country. It deals with the subject in the most refreshing manner; there -is hardly a page that is not deeply interesting." - - LONDON - STANLEY PAUL & CO - 31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C. - - - - -WAR UP TO DATE - -A Vade-Mecum of Modern Methods of Warfare, together with a Naval .. and -Military Dictionary.. - -BY - -CHARLES E. PEARCE - -F'cap. 8vo (6-1/8 × 3-1/8), with Illustrations, including 120 -Reproductions of Naval and Military Badges. - -_Canvas, round corners, 1/- net; Cloth, 1/6 net; Leather, 2/- net_ - -An attempt to bring together in a handy and readable form the various -developments of warfare, for service to the man-in-the-street who may -be desirous of gaining information on essential points. 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Temple Thurston - 20 The Love of His Life Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 19 A Charity Girl Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 18 The House of Sunshine Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 17 Dare and Do Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 16 Beneath a Spell Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 15 The Man She Married Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 14 The Mistress of the Farm Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 13 Little Lady Charles Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 12 A Splendid Destiny Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 11 Cornelius Mrs. Henry de la Pasture - 10 Traffic E. Temple Thurston - 9 St. Elmo Augusta Evans Wilson - 8 Indiscretions Cosmo Hamilton - 7 The Trickster G.B. Burgin - 6 The City of the Golden Gate E. Everett-Green - 5 Shoes of Gold Hamilton Drummond - 4 Adventures of a Pretty Woman Florence Warden - 3 Troubled Waters Headon Hill - 2 The Human Boy Again Eden Phillpotts - 1 Stolen Honey Ada & Dudley James - - - - -THE PRINCESS MATHILDE BONAPARTE - - By Philip W. Sergeant, Author of "The Last Empress of the French," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Princess Mathilde Bonaparte, the niece of the great Emperor, died -only ten years ago. She was the first serious passion of her cousin, -the Emperor Napoleon III, and she might have been, if she had wished, -Empress of the French. Instead, she preferred to rule for half a -century over a salon in Paris, where, although not without fault, she -was known as "the good princess." - - -FROM JUNGLE TO ZOO - - By Ellen Velvin, F.Z.S., Author of "Behind the Scenes with Wild - Animals," etc. - - _Large crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many remarkable photographs, 6/- - net_. - -A fascinating record of the many adventures to which wild animals and -their keepers are subject from the time the animals are captured until -their final lodgment in Zoo or menagerie. The author has studied wild -animals for sixteen years, and writes from personal knowledge. The -book is full of exciting stories and good descriptions of the methods -of capture, transportation and caging of savage animals, together with -accounts of their tricks, training, and escapes from captivity. - - -THE ADMIRABLE PAINTER: A study of Leonardo da Vinci - - By A.J. Anderson, Author of "The Romance of Fra Filippo Lippi," "His - Magnificence," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net._ - -In this book we find Leonardo da Vinci to have been no absorbed, -religious painter, but a man closely allied to every movement of the -brilliant age in which he lived. Leonardo jotted down his thoughts in -his notebooks and elaborated them with his brush, in the modelling of -clay, or in the planning of canals, earthworks and flying-machines. -These notebooks form the groundwork of Mr. Anderson's fascinating -study, which gives us a better understanding of Leonardo, the man, as -well as the painter, than was possible before. - - -WOMEN OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA - - By Lieut.-Col. Andrew C.P. Haggard, D.S.O., Author of "Remarkable - Women of France, 1431-1749," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Lieut.-Col. Haggard has many times proved that history can be made as -fascinating as fiction. Here he deals with the women whose more or less -erratic careers influenced, by their love of display, the outbreak -which culminated in the Reign of Terror. Most of them lived till after -the beginning of the Revolution, and some, like Marie Antoinette, -Théroigne de Méricourt and Madame Roland, were sucked down in the -maelstrom which their own actions had intensified. - - -THE MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE de ST. SIMON - - Newly translated and edited by Francis Arkwright. - - _In six volumes, demy 8vo, handsomely bound in cloth gilt, with - illustrations in photogravure, 10/6 net each volume._ (_Volumes I. and - II. are now ready._) - -No historian has ever succeeded in placing scenes and persons so -vividly before the eyes of his readers as did the Duke de St. Simon. -He was a born observer; his curiosity was insatiable; he had a keen -insight into character; he knew everybody, and has a hundred anecdotes -to relate of the men and women he describes. He had a singular knack -of acquiring the confidential friendship of men in high office, -from whom he learnt details of important state affairs. For a brief -while he served as a soldier. Afterwards his life was passed at the -Court of Louis XIV, where he won the affectionate intimacy of the -Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Burgundy. St. Simon's famous Memoirs -have recently been much neglected in England, owing to the mass of -unnecessary detail overshadowing the marvellously fascinating chronicle -beneath. In this edition, however, they have been carefully edited and -should have an extraordinarily wide reception. - - -BY THE WATERS OF GERMANY - - By Norma Lorimer, Author of "A Wife out of Egypt," etc. With a Preface - by Douglas Sladen. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other - illustrations by_ Margaret Thomas _and_ Erna Michel, _12/6 net_. - -This fascinating travel-book describes the land of the Rhine and -the Black Forest, at the present time so much the centre of public -interest. The natural and architectural beauties of Germany are too -supreme for even the sternest German-hater to deny; and this book -describes them and the land around them well. But apart from the -love-story which Miss Lorimer has weaved into the book, a particularly -great interest attaches to her description of the home life of the men -who, since she saw them, have deserved and received the condemnation of -the whole civilized world. - - -BY THE WATERS OF SICILY - - By Norma Lorimer, Author of "By the Waters of Germany," etc. - - _New and Cheaper Edition, reset from new type, Large Crown 8vo, cloth - gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other illustrations, 6/-._ - -This book, the predecessor of "By the Waters of Germany," was called at -the time of its original publication "one of the most original books of -travel ever published." It had at once a big success, but for some time -it has been quite out of print. Full of the vivid colour of Sicilian -life, it is a delightfully picturesque volume, half travel-book, half -story; and there is a sparkle in it, for the author writes as if glad -to be alive in her gorgeously beautiful surroundings. - - - THE NEW FRANCE, Being a History from the accession of Louis Philippe - in 1830 to the Revolution of 1848, with Appendices - - By Alexandre Dumas. Translated into English, with an introduction and - notes by R.S. Garnett. - - _In two volumes, Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, profusely illustrated with a - rare portrait of Dumas and other pictures after famous artists. 24/- - net._ - -The map of Europe is about to be altered. Before long we shall be -engaged in the marking out. This we can hardly follow with success -unless we possess an intelligent knowledge of the history of our -Allies. It is a curious fact that the present generation is always -ignorant of the history of that which preceded it. Everyone or nearly -everyone has read a history--Carlyle's or some other--of the French -Revolution of 1789 to 1800; very few seem versed in what followed and -culminated in the revolution of 1848, which was the continuation of the -first. - -Both revolutions resulted from an idea--the idea of _the people_. In -1789 the people destroyed servitude, ignorance, privilege, monarchical -despotism; in 1848 they thrust aside representation by the few and -a Monarchy which served its own interests to the prejudice of the -country. It is impossible to understand the French Republic of to-day -unless the struggle in 1848 be studied: for every profound revolution -is an evolution. - -A man of genius, the author of the most essentially French book, both -in its subject and treatment, that exists (its name is _The Three -Musketeers_) took part in this second revolution, and having taken part -in it, he wrote its history. Only instead of calling his book what -it was--a history of France for eighteen years--that is to say from -the accession of Louis Philippe in 1830 to his abdication in 1848--he -called it _The Last King of the French_. An unfortunate title, truly, -for while the book was yet a new one the "last King" was succeeded by a -man who, having been elected President, made himself Emperor. It will -easily be understood that a book with such a title by a republican -was not likely to be approved by the severe censorship of the Second -Empire. And, in fact, no new edition of the book has appeared for sixty -years, although its republican author was Alexandre Dumas. - -During the present war the Germans have twice marched over his grave at -Villers Cotterets, near Soissons, where he sleeps with his brave father -General Alexandre Dumas. The first march was en route for Paris; the -second was before the pursuit of our own and the French armies, and -while these events were taking place the first translation of his long -neglected book was being printed in London. _Habent sua fata libelli._ - -Written when the fame of its brilliant author was at its height, -this book will be found eminently characteristic of him. Although a -history composed with scrupulous fidelity to facts, it is as amusing -as a romance. Wittily written, and abounding in life and colour, the -long narrative takes the reader into the battle-field, the Court and -the Hôtel de Ville with equal success. Dumas, who in his early days -occupied a desk in the prince's bureaux, but who resigned it when -the Duc d'Orleans became King of the French, relates much which it -is curious to read at the present time. To his text, as originally -published, are added as Appendices some papers from his pen relating to -the history of the time, which are unknown in England. - - -CROQUET - - By the Rt. Hon. Lord Tollemache. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with 100 photographs and a large coloured plan - of the court, 10/6 net._ - -This work, intended both for the novice and for the skilled player, -explains in clear language the various methods, styles and shots -found after careful thought and practical experiences to have the -best results. It is thoroughly up-to-date, and includes, besides good -advice on the subject of "breaks," a treatise on the Either Ball Game, -explaining how to play it. - - - THE JOLLY DUCHESS: Harriot, Duchess of St. Albans. Fifty Years' Record - of Stage and Society (1787-1837) - - By Charles E. Pearce, Author of "Polly Peachum," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Mr. Charles E. Pearce tells in a lively, anecdotal style the story -of Harriot Mellon, who played merry, hoydenish parts before the -foot-lights a hundred years ago, until her fortunes were suddenly -changed by her amazing marriage to Thomas Coutts, the banker prince, -who died a few years later, leaving her a gigantic fortune. She then -married the Duke of St. Albans. - - - SIR HERBERT TREE AND THE MODERN THEATRE: A Discursive Biography - - By Sidney Dark, Author of "The Man Who Would not be King," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net._ - -Mr. Sidney Dark, the well-known literary and dramatic critic, has -written a fascinating character-study of Sir Herbert Tree both as actor -and as man, and he has used the striking personality of his subject as -a text for a comprehensive survey and criticism of the modern English -stage and its present tendencies. Mr. Dark's opinions have always been -distinctive and individual, and his new book is outspoken, witty, and -brilliantly expressed. - - -THE MASTER PROBLEM - - By James Marchant, F.R.S. Ed., Author of "Dr. Paton," and editor of - "Prevention," etc. With an Introduction by the Rev. F.B. Meyer, D.D. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 5/- net._ - -This book deals with the social evil, its causes and its remedies. -Necessarily, the writer is compelled to present many aspects of the -case, and to describe persons and scenes which he has encountered, as -Director of the National Council of Public Morals, in America, India, -Europe, the Colonies, etc.; the overruling object of the book, however, -is the more difficult and more useful task of discovering the root -causes of this vice and of suggesting lasting remedies. - - - THE FRIEND OF FREDERICK THE GREAT: The Last Earl Marischall of Scotland - - By Edith E. Cuthell, F.R.Hist.S., Author of "A Vagabond Courtier," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 2 vols., 24/- net._ - -George Keith, a gallant young colonel of Life Guards under Marlborough -and Ormonde, fought at Sheriffmuir, led the ill-fated Jacobite -expedition from Spain, and was a prominent figure in all the Jacobite -plottings before and after the '45. He was the ambassador and friend of -Frederick the Great and the friend and correspondent of Voltaire, Hume, -Rousseau and d'Alembert. This excellent biography is to be followed -later by a work on James Keith, Frederick the Great's Field-Marshal, -who was killed in attempting to retrieve the reverse of Hochkeich. - - - GAIETY AND GEORGE GROSSMITH: Random Reflections on the Serious - Business of Enjoyment - - By Stanley Naylor. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece, and 50 other - illustrations, 5/- net._ - -Here is Mr. George Grossmith in his moments of leisure, laughing, -joking, relating anecdotes (personal and otherwise), criticising people -and places, and generally expressing a philosophy which has serious -truth behind it, but nevertheless bubbles over here and there with -humour. Through his "Boswell," Mr. Stanley Naylor, he talks of "Love -Making on the Stage and Off," "The Difference Between a Blood and a -Nut," "The Ladies of the Gaiety," and other similar subjects. Mr. -Grossmith in this book is as good as "Gee-Gee" at the Gaiety. What more -need be said? - - - THE HISTORY OF GRAVESEND: From Prehistoric times to the beginning of - the Twentieth Century - - By Alex. J. Philip. - - Edition limited to 365 sets, signed by the Author. - - _In four vols., 9-3/4 × 6-1/2, bound in sealskin, fully illustrated, - 12/6 net each volume._ - -The first volume of this important work is now ready. On historical -grounds it is of value not only to those interested in Gravesend and -its surroundings, but to the wider circle interested in the Britons, -Romans, and Anglo-Saxons, and their life in this country. It also deals -with the early history of the River Thames. - - -AUGUST STRINDBERG: The Spirit of Revolt - - By L. Lind-af-Hageby. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many illustrations, 6/- net._ - -This book tells Strindberg's biography, criticises and explains his -many writings, and describes truly yet sympathetically the struggles -and difficulties of his life and the representativeness and greatness -in him and his work. Miss Hageby has written a fascinating book on a -character of great interest. - - -NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ELBA (1814-1815) - - By Norwood Young, Author of "The Growth of Napoleon," etc.; with a - chapter on the Iconography by A.M. Broadley. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with coloured frontispiece and 50 - illustrations_ (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), _21/- net_. - -This work gives a most interesting account of Napoleon's residence -in the Isle of Elba after his abdication at Fontainebleau on April -11th, 1814. Both Mr. Young and Mr. A.M. Broadley are authorities on -Napoleonic history, and Mr. Broadley's unrivalled collection of MSS. -and illustrations has been drawn upon for much valuable information. - - -NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ST. HELENA (1815-1821) - - By Norwood Young, Author of "Napoleon in Exile at Elba," "The Story of - Rome," etc. - - _In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with two coloured frontispieces - and one hundred illustrations_ (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), - _32/- net_. - -A history of Napoleon's exile on the island of St. Helena after his -defeat at Waterloo, June 18th, 1815. The author is a very thorough -scholar and has spent four years' work on these two books on Napoleon -in Exile. He has studied his subject on the spot as well as in France -and England, and gives a very informative study of the least-known -period of Napoleon's life. - - -TRAINING FOR THE TRACK, FIELD & ROAD - - By Harry Andrews, Official Trainer to the A.A.A., etc. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth, with illustrations, 2/- net._ - -The athlete, "coming and come," has in this volume a training manual -from the brain and pen of our foremost athlete trainer to-day. -Every runner knows the name of Harry Andrews and his long list of -successes--headed by that wonderful exponent, Alfred Shrubb. It is, -however, for the self-training man that the Author explains the -needed preparation and methods for every running distance. This -most authoritative and up-to-date book should therefore prove of -immeasurable assistance to every athlete, amateur or professional, -throughout the Empire. - - -PAUL'S SIMPLICODE - - _Crown 8vo, cloth, 1/- net._ - -A simple and thoroughly practical and efficient code for the use of -Travellers, Tourists, Business Men, Departmental Stores, Shopping by -Post, Colonial Emigrants, Lawyers, and the general public. Everyone -should use this, the cheapest code book published in English. A -sentence in a word. - - -THE MARIE TEMPEST BIRTHDAY BOOK - - Giving an extract for each day of the year from the various parts - played by Miss Marie Tempest. - - _Demy 18mo, cloth gilt, with an introductory appreciation and 9 - portraits in photogravure, 1/6 net._ - -Miss Marie Tempest is undoubtedly one of the most popular actresses of -the English stage. She has created for herself a distinctive character, -into which is weaved much of her own personality, and the charm of that -personality is illustrated by these happy quotations from the parts -she has played. The illustrations, show her at various periods in her -theatrical career, while the introductory appreciation by Mr. Sidney -Dark is especially illuminating. - - -A GARLAND OF VERSE FOR YOUNG PEOPLE - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. - - _Handsome cloth gilt, 2/6 net._ - -A collection of verse for children. The pieces, selected from a wide -field, are graded to suit age and classified to facilitate reference, -and many new pieces are included to help nature-study and interest -children in collateral studies. Never before has an attempt been made -to cover in one volume such a wide range of pieces at so small a price. - - -THIS IS MY BIRTHDAY - - By Anita Bartle. With an introduction by Israel Zangwill. - - _Handsomely bound, gilt and gilt top, 756 pages, 2/6 net. Also in - various leather bindings._ - -This is a unique volume, being a birthday-book of the great, living -and dead, whether poets, artists, philosophers, statesmen, warriors, -or novelists. A page of beautiful and characteristic quotations is -appropriated to each name, and the page opposite is left blank for -the filling in of new names. Everyone likes to know the famous people -who were born on their natal day, and few will refuse to add their -signatures to such a birthday book as this. Mr. Zangwill has written a -charming introduction to the book, and there is a complete index. - - -STORIES OF THE KAISER AND HIS ANCESTORS - - By Clare Jerrold, Author of "The Early Court of Queen Victoria," and - "The Married Life of Queen Victoria," etc. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with portraits, 2/6 net; paper, 2/- net._ - -In this book Mrs. Clare Jerrold presents in anecdotal fashion incidents -both tragic and comic in the career of the Kaiser Wilhelm and his -ancestors. The frank and fearless fashion in which Mrs. Jerrold has -dealt with events in her earlier books will pique curiosity as to this -new work, in which she shows the Kaiser as an extraordinary example of -heredity--most of his wildest vagaries being foreshadowed in the lives -and doings of his forebears. - - -A NEW SERIES OF RECITERS - -96 pages large 4to, double-columns, clear type on good paper, handsome -cover design in three colours, 6d. net. Also in cloth, 1/- net. - - -THE FIRST FAVOURITE RECITER - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. Valuable Copyright and other Pieces by - Robert Louis Stevenson, Sir Edwin Arnold, Austin Dobson, Sir W.S. - Gilbert, Edmund Gosse, Lord Lytton, Coulson Kernahan, Campbell - Rae-Brown, Tom Gallon, Artemus Ward, and other Poets, wits, and - Humorists. - -Mr. Miles' successes in the reciter world are without parallel. Since -he took the field in 1882 with his A1 Series, he has been continually -scoring, reaching the boundary of civilisation with every hit. For -nearly 30 years he has played a famous game, and his score to date -is a million odd, not out! The secret is, he captains such wonderful -elevens, and places them with so much advantage in the field. Who could -not win with such teams as those named above? - - -_Uniform with the above in Style and Price_: - - -THE UP-TO-DATE RECITER - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. Valuable Copyright and other Pieces by - great Authors, including Hall Caine, Sir A. Conan Doyle, Robert - Buchanan, William Morris, Christina Rossetti, Lord Tennyson, Robert - Browning, Mark Twain, Bret Harte, Max Adeler, and other Poets and - Humorists. - -"An ideal gift for your girls and youths for Christmas. It is just -as admirable a production for grown-ups, and many a pleasant hour -in the cold evenings can be spent by the fire with 'The Up-to-date -Reciter.'"--_Star._ - -"A very handy collection of recitations has been gathered here by Mr. -Alfred H. Miles. The Editor has aimed at including poems and prose -pieces which are not usually to be found in volumes of recitations, as -well as a few of the old favourites.... The grave and gay occasions are -equally well provided for. A sign of the times is here, too, shown by -the inclusion of such pieces as 'Woman and Work' and 'Woman,' both from -the chivalrous pen of the Editor."--_The Bookman._ - -"A marvellous production for sixpence, excellent in every -respect."--_Colonial Bookseller._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SERIES - -Edited by Gertrude Paul. - -Books on Household Subjects, giving a recipe or hint for every day in -the year, including February 29th. - -_In Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 1/- net each._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SOUP BOOK - -By G.P. - -Recipes for soups, purées, and broths of every kind for a quiet dinner -at home or an aldermanic banquet. - - -THE EVERYDAY PUDDING BOOK - -By F.K. - -One of the most valuable cookery books in existence. It gives 366 ways -of making puddings. - - -THE EVERYDAY VEGETABLE BOOK - -By F.K. - -This includes sauces as well as vegetables and potatoes. It gives an -unexampled list of new and little-known recipes. - - -THE EVERYDAY ECONOMICAL COOKERY BOOK - -By A.T.K. - -"Very practical."--_Westminster Gazette._ "Really economical and -good."--_World._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SAVOURY BOOK - -By Marie Worth. - -"A practical book of good recipes."--_Spectator._ - - -CAMP COOKERY: A Book for Boy Scouts - -By Lincoln Green. - -_Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 6d. net._ - -This is the officially approved book for the Boy Scouts' Association, -and contains a clear account of the methods, materials, dishes, and -utensils appropriate to camp life. It also describes the construction -of an inexpensive cooking apparatus. - - -THE LAUGHTER LOVER'S VADE-MECUM - - Good stories, epigrams, witty sayings, jokes, and rhymes. _In F'cap - 8vo (6-1/8 × 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net; leather, 2/- - net_ (uniform with Diner's Out Vade-Mecum). - -Whoever wishes to secure a repertoire of amusing stories and smart -sayings to be retailed for the delight of his family and friends, -cannot possibly do better than get "The Laughter Lover's Vade-Mecum"; -and those who seek bright relief from worries little and big should -take advantage of the same advice. - - -THE DINER'S-OUT VADE-MECUM - - A Pocket "What's What" on the Manners and Customs of Society - Functions, etc., etc. By Alfred H. Miles. _In Fcap. 8vo (6-1/8 × - 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net.; leather, 2/- net._ - -This handy book is intended to help the diffident and inexperienced -to the reasonable enjoyment of the social pleasures of society by -an elementary introduction to the rules which govern its functions, -public and private, at Dinners, Breakfasts, Luncheons, Teas, At Homes, -Receptions, Balls and Suppers, with hints on Etiquette, Deportment, -Dress, Conduct, After-Dinner Speaking, Entertainment, Story-Telling, -Toasts and Sentiments, etc., etc. - -_A new Edition reset from new type._ - - -COLE'S FUN DOCTOR - - First series. One of the two funniest books in the world. By E.W. - Cole; _576 pp., cr. 8vo, cloth, 2/6_. - -The mission of mirth is well understood, "Laugh and Grow Fat" is a -common proverb, and the healthiness of humour goes without saying. - -This book, therefore, should find a place in every home library. It -is full of fun from beginning to end. Fun about babies; fun about bad -boys; fun about love, kissing, courting, proposing, flirting, marrying; -fun about clergymen, doctors, teachers; fun about lawyers, judges, -magistrates, jurymen, witnesses, thieves, vagabonds, etc., etc. It is -doubtful if any man living could read any page without bursting into a -hearty laugh. - - -COLE'S FUN DOCTOR - - Second series. The other of the two funniest books in the world. By - E.W. Cole; _440 pp., crown 8vo, cloth, 2/6_. - -Dr. Blues had an extensive practice until the Fun Doctor set up in -opposition, but now Fun Doctors are in requisition everywhere. - -"The Second Series of _Cole's Fun Doctor_ is as good as the first. -It sparkles thoroughout, with laughs on every page, and will put -the glomiest curmudgeon into cheery spirits ... it is full of -fun."--_Evening Standard._ - - - BALLADS OF BRAVE WOMEN. Records of the Heroic in Thought, Action and - Endurance. - - By Alfred H. Miles and other writers. - - _Large crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth, gilt, 1/6 net; paste - grain, gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt top (boxed), 4/- net._ - -"Ballads of Brave Women" is a collection of Poems suitable for -recitation at women's meetings and at gatherings and entertainments of -a more general character. Its aim is to celebrate the bravery of women -as shown in the pages of history, on the field of war, in the battle of -life, in the cause of freedom, in the service of humanity, and in the -face of death. - -The subjects dealt with embrace Loyalty, Patriotism, In War, In -Domestic Life, For Love, Self-Sacrifice, For Liberty, Labour, In -Danger, For Honour, The Care of the Sick, In Face of Death, etc., by -a selection of the world's greatest writers, and edited by Alfred H. -Miles. - -"The attention which everything appertaining to the woman's movement -is just now receiving has induced Mr. Alfred H. Miles to collect and -edit these 'Ballads of Brave Women.' He has made an excellent choice, -and produced a useful record of tributes to woman's heroism in thought, -action and endurance."--_Pall Mall Gazette._ - - -MY OWN RECITER - - Alfred H. Miles. Original Poems, Ballads and Stories in Verse, Lyrical - and Dramatic, for Reading and Recitation. _Crown 8vo, 1/- net._ - - -DRAWING-ROOM ENTERTAINMENTS - - A book of new and original Monologues, Duologues, Dialogues, and - Playlets for Home and Platform use. By Catherine Evelyn, Clare - Shirley, Robert Overton, and other writers. Edited by Alfred H. Miles. - _In crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth gilt, 1/6 net; paste grain, - gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt (boxed), 4/- net._ - -_Extract from Editor's preface_, "The want of a collection of short -pieces for home use, which, while worthy of professional representation -shall not be too exacting for amateur rendering, and shall be well -within the limits of drawing-room resources, has often been pressed -upon the Editor, and the difficulty of securing such pieces has alone -delayed his issue of a collection. - -"Performances may be given in drawing-rooms, school rooms, and lecture -halls, privately or for charitable purposes unconditionally, except -that the authorship and source _must_ be acknowledged on any printed -programmes that may be issued, but permission must be previously -secured from the Editor, who, in the interests of his contributors -reserves all dramatic rights for their performance in theatres and -music halls or by professionals for professional purposes." - - - - - * * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Two occurences of unpaired duouble quotation marks could not be -corrected with confidence. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL*** - - -******* This file should be named 61040-8.txt or 61040-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/1/0/4/61040 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: Britain's Deadly Peril</p> -<p> Are We Told the Truth?</p> -<p>Author: William Le Queux</p> -<p>Release Date: December 28, 2019 [eBook #61040]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Graeme Mackreth,<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/britainsdeadlype00lequrich"> - https://archive.org/details/britainsdeadlype00lequrich</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="pg" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<p class="ph1">BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL</p> - -<p class="ph2" >BRITAIN'S<br /> -DEADLY PERIL</p> - -<p class="ph3">Are we Told the Truth?</p> - -<p class="ph6" style="margin-top: 5em;">BY</p> -<p class="ph4">WILLIAM LE QUEUX</p> -<p class="ph6">AUTHOR OF "GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND"</p> - - -<p class="ph5" style="margin-top: 5em;">LONDON</p> -<p class="ph4">STANLEY PAUL & CO</p> -<p class="ph5">31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C.</p> - - -<p class="ph6" style="margin-top: 10em;"><i>First published in 1915</i></p> - -<p class="ph6"><i>Copyright in the United States of America by<br /> -William Le Queux, 1915</i></p> - - -<p class="ph2">CONTENTS</p> - -<table summary="toc" width="60%"> -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#FOREWORD">FOREWORD</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td></td><td align="right">PAGE</td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Unknown To-morrow</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of "Muddling Through"</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of Exploiting the Poor</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of not Doing Enough</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of the Censorship</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of the Press Bureau</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> - - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of the Enemy Alien</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of Deluding the Public</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Peril of Invasion</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td ><span class="smcap">The Peril of Apathy</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td ><span class="smcap">The Peril of Stifling the Truth</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td></tr> - -<tr ><td align="center" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Facts to Remember</span></td> <td align="right"><a href="#Page_171">171</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="FOREWORD" id="FOREWORD">FOREWORD</a></p> - - -<p class="ph4">THE UNKNOWN TO-MORROW</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> following pages—written partly as a sequel to my book "German -Spies in England," which has met with such wide popular favour—are, -I desire to assure the reader, inspired solely by a stern spirit of -patriotism.</p> - -<p>This is not a book of "scaremongerings," but of plain, hard, -indisputable facts.</p> - -<p>It is a demand for the truth to be told, and a warning that, by the -present policy of secrecy and shuffle, a distinct feeling of distrust -has been aroused, and is growing more and more apparent. No sane man -will, of course, ask for any facts concerning the country's resources -or its intentions, or indeed any information upon a single point which, -in the remotest way, could be of any advantage to the barbaric hordes -who are ready to sweep upon us.</p> - -<p>But what the British people to-day demand is a sound and definite -pronouncement which will take them, to a certain extent, into the -confidence of the Government—as apart from the War Office, against -which no single word of criticism should be raised—and at the same -time deal effectively with certain matters which, being little short of -public scandals, have irritated and inflamed public opinion at an hour -when every man in our Empire should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> put forth his whole strength for -his God, his King, and his country.</p> - -<p>Germany is facing the present situation with a sound, businesslike -policy, without any vacillation, or any attempt to shift responsibility -from one Department of the State to another. Are we doing the same?</p> - -<p>What rule or method can be discerned, for example, in a system which -allows news to appear in the papers in Scotland which is suppressed in -the newspapers in England? Why, indeed, should one paper in England be -permitted to print facts, and another, published half a mile away, be -debarred from printing the self-same words?</p> - -<p>The public—who, since August 4th last, are no longer school-children -under the Head-Mastership of the Prime-Minister-for-the-Time-Being—are -now wondering what all this curious censorship means, and for what -reason such an unreliable institution—an institution not without its -own scandals, and employing a thousand persons of varying ideas and -warped notions—should have been established. They can quite understand -the urgent necessity of preventing a horde of war correspondents, at -the front, sending home all sorts of details regarding our movements -and intentions, but they cannot understand why a Government offer of -£100 reward, published on placards all over Scotland for information -regarding secret bases of petrol, should be forbidden to be even -mentioned in England.</p> - -<p>They cannot understand why the Admiralty should issue a notice warning -the public that German spies, posing as British officers, are visiting -Government factories while at the same time the Under-Secretary for -War declares that all enemy aliens are known, and are constantly -under police<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> surveillance. They cannot understand either why, in -face of the great imports of foodstuffs, and the patriotic movement -on the part of Canada and our Overseas Dominions concerning our wheat -supply, prices should have been allowed to increase so alarmingly, and -unscrupulous merchants should be permitted to exploit the poor as they -have done. They are mystified by the shifty shuttlecock policy which -is being pursued towards the question of enemy aliens, and the marked -disinclination of the authorities to make even the most superficial -inquiry regarding cases of suspected espionage, notwithstanding the -fact that German spies have actually been recognised among us by -refugees from Antwerp and other Belgian cities.</p> - -<p>The truth, which cannot be disguised, is that by the Government's -present policy, and the amusing vagaries of its Press Censorship, the -public are daily growing more and more apathetic concerning the war. -While, on the one hand, we see recruiting appeals in all the clever -guises of smart modern advertising, yet on the other, by the action of -the authorities themselves, the man-in-the-street is being soothed into -the belief that all goes well, and that, in consequence, no more men -are needed and nobody need worry further.</p> - -<p>We are told by many newspapers that Germany is at the end of her -tether: that food supplies are fast giving out, that she has lost -millions of men, that her people are frantic, that a "Stop the War" -party has already arisen in Berlin, and that the offensive on the -eastern frontier is broken. At home, the authorities would have -us believe that there is no possibility of invasion, that German -submarines are "pirates"—poor consolation indeed—that all alien -enemies are really a deserving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> hardworking class of dear good people, -and that there is no spy-peril. A year ago the British public would, -perhaps, have believed all this. To-day they refuse to do so. Why -they do not, I have here attempted to set out; I have tried to reveal -something of the perils which beset our nation, and to urge the reader -to pause and reflect for himself. Every word I have written in this -book, though I have been fearless and unsparing in my criticism, has -been written with an honest and patriotic intention, for I feel that it -is my duty, as an Englishman, in these days of national peril to take -up my pen—without political bias—solely for the public good.</p> - -<p>I ask the reader to inquire for himself, to ascertain how cleverly -Germany has hoodwinked us, and to fix the blame upon those who -wilfully, and for political reasons, closed their eyes to the truth. I -would ask the reader to remember the formation in Germany—under the -guidance of the Kaiser—of the Society for the Promotion of Better -Relations between Germany and England, and how the Kaiser appointed, -as president, a certain Herr von Holleben. I would further ask the -reader to remember my modest effort to dispel the pretty illusion -placed before the British public by exposing, in <i>The Daily Telegraph</i>, -in March 1912, the fact that this very Herr von Holleben, posing as a -champion of peace, was actually the secret emissary sent by the Kaiser -to the United States in 1910, with orders to make an anti-English press -propaganda in that country! And a week after my exposure the Emperor -was compelled to dismiss him from his post.</p> - -<p>Too long has dust been thrown in our eyes, both abroad and at home.</p> - -<p>Let every Briton fighting for his country, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> working for his -country's good, remember that even though there be a political -truce to-day, yet the Day of Awakening must dawn sooner or later. -On that day, with the conscience of the country fully stirred, the -harmless—but to-day powerless—voter will have something bitter and -poignant to say when he pays the bill. He will then recollect some hard -facts, and ask himself many plain questions. He will put to himself -calmly the problem whether the present German hatred of England is -not mainly due to the weak shuffling sentimentalism and opportunism -of Germanophils in high places. And he will then search out Britain's -betrayers, and place them in the pillory.</p> - -<p>Assuredly, when the time comes, all these things—and many more—will -be remembered. And the dawn of the Unknown To-morrow will, I feel -assured, bring with it many astounding and drastic changes.</p> - -<p> -<span style="margin-left: 45%;"><span class="smcap">William Le Queux.</span></span><br /> -<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;"><span class="smcap">Devonshire Club, S.W.</span></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 10%;"><i>April 1915.</i></span><br /> -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2">BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF "MUDDLING THROUGH"</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Has</span> Britain, in the course of her long history, ever been prepared for -a great war? I do not believe she has; she certainly was not ready last -August, when the Kaiser launched his thunderbolt upon the world.</p> - -<p>Perhaps, paradoxical as it may seem, this perpetual unreadiness may be, -in a sense, part of Britain's strength.</p> - -<p>We are a people slow of speech, and slow to anger. It takes much—very -much—to rouse the British nation to put forth its full strength. -"Beware of the wrath of the man slow to anger" is a useful working -maxim, and it may be that the difficulty of arousing England is, in -some degree, a measure of her terrible power once she is awakened.</p> - -<p>Twice or thrice, at least, within living memory we have been caught -all unready when a great crisis burst upon us—in the Crimea, in South -Africa, and now in the greatest world-conflict ever seen. Hitherto, -thanks to the amazing genius for improvisation which is characteristic -of our race, we have "muddled through" somehow, often sorely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> smitten, -sorely checked, but roused by reverses to further and greater efforts.</p> - -<p>The bulldog tenacity that has ever been our salvation has been aroused -in time, and we have passed successfully through ordeals which might -have broken the spirit and crushed the resistance of nations whose -mental and physical fibre was less high and less enduring.</p> - -<p>We have "muddled through" in the past: shall we "muddle through" again? -It is the merest truism—patent to all the world—that when Germany -declared war, we were quite unready for a contest. For years the nation -had turned a deaf ear to all warnings. The noble efforts of the late -Lord Roberts, who gave the last years of his illustrious life—despite -disappointments, and the rebuffs of people in high places who ought -to have known—nay, who did know—that his words were literally true, -passed unheeded.</p> - -<p>Lord Roberts, the greatest soldier of the Victorian era, a man wise in -war, and of the most transcendent sincerity, was snubbed and almost -insulted, inside and outside the House of Commons, by a parcel of -upstarts who, in knowledge and experience of the world and of the -subject, were not fit to black his boots. "An alarmist and scaremonger" -was perhaps the least offensive name that these worthies could find for -him: and it was plainly hinted that he was an old man in his dotage. -Lulled into an unshakable complacency by the smooth assurances of -placeholders in comfortable jobs, the nation remained serenely asleep, -and never was a country less ready for the storm that burst upon us -last August. I had, in my writings—"The Invasion of England" and other -works—also endeavoured to awaken the public; but if they would not -listen to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> "Bobs," it was hardly surprising that they jeered at me.</p> - -<p>I am speaking of the nation as a whole. To their eternal honour let it -be said that there were nevertheless some who, for years, had foreseen -the danger, and had done what lay in their power to meet it. Foremost -among these we must place Mr. Winston Churchill, and the group of -brilliant officers who are now the chiefs of the British Army on the -Continent. To them, at least, I hope history will do full justice. -It was no mere coincidence that just before the outbreak of war our -great fleet—the mightiest Armada that the world has ever seen—was -assembled at Spithead, ready, to the last shell and the last man, for -any eventuality.</p> - -<p>It was no mere coincidence that the magnificent First Division at -Aldershot, trained to the minute by men who knew their business, were -engaged when war broke out in singularly appropriate "mobilisation -exercises." All honour to the men who foresaw the world-peril, and did -their utmost to make our pitiably insufficient forces ready, as far as -fitness and organisation could make them ready, for the great Day when -their courage and endurance were to be so severely tested.</p> - -<p>But when all this is said and admitted, it is clear that our safety, -in the early days of the war, hung by a hair. Afloat, of course, we -were more than a match for anything Germany could do, and our Fleet -has locked our enemy in with a strangling grip that we hope is slowly -choking out her industrial and commercial life. Ashore, however, our -position was perilous in the extreme. Men's hair whitened visibly -during those awful days when the tiny British Army, fighting heroically -every step of the way against overwhelming odds, was driven ever<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> back -and back until, on the banks of the Marne, it suddenly turned at bay -and, by sheer matchless valour, hurled the legions of the Kaiser back -to ruin and defeat. The retreat was stayed, the enemy was checked and -driven back, but the margin by which disaster was averted and turned -into triumph was so narrow that nothing but the most superb heroism on -the part of our gallant lads could have saved the situation. We had -neglected all warnings, and we narrowly escaped paying an appalling -price in the destruction of the flower of the British Army. With -insufficient forces, we had again "muddled through" by the dogged -valour of the British private.</p> - -<p>To-day we are engaged in "muddling through" on a scale unexampled in -our history. The Government have taken power to raise the British -Army to a total of three million men. In our leisurely way we have -begun to make new armies in the face of an enemy who for fifty years -has been training every man to arms, in the face of an enemy who for -ten or fifteen years at least has been steadily, openly, and avowedly -preparing for the Day when he could venture, with some prospect of -success, to challenge the sea supremacy by which we live, and move, and -have our being, and lay our great Empire in the dust.</p> - -<p>We neglected all warnings; we calmly ignored our enemy's avowed -intentions; we closed our eyes and jeered at all those who told the -truth; we deliberately, and of choice, elected to wait until war was -upon us to begin our usual process of "muddling through." Truly we -are an amazing people! Yet we should remember that the days when one -Englishman was better than ten foreigners have passed for ever.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span></p> - -<p>Naturally, our preference for waiting till the battle opened before -we began to train for the fight led us into some of the most amazing -muddles that even our military history can boast of. When the tocsin of -war rang out, our young men poured to the colours from every town and -village in the country. Everybody but the War Office expected it. The -natural result followed: recruiting offices were simply "snowed under" -with men, and for weeks we saw the most amazing chaos. The flood of -men could neither be equipped nor housed, nor trained, and confusion -reigned supreme. We had an endless series of scandals at camps, into -which I do not propose to enter: probably, with all the goodwill in -the world, they were unavoidable. Still the flood of men poured in. -The War Office grew desperate. It was, clearly, beyond the capacity -of the organisation to handle the mass of recruits, and then the War -Office committed perhaps its greatest blunder. Unable to accept more -men, it raised the physical standard for recruits. No one seems to have -conceived the idea that it would have been better to take the names -of the men and call them up as they were needed. Naturally the public -seized upon the idea that enough men had been obtained, and there was -an instant slump in recruiting which, despite the most strenuous of -advertising campaigns—carried out on the methods of a vendor of patent -medicines—has, unfortunately, not yet been overcome.</p> - -<p>Following, came a period of unexampled chaos at the training-centres. -Badly lodged, badly fed, clothed in ragged odds and ends of "uniforms," -without rifles or bayonets, it is simply a marvel that the men stuck -to their duty, and it is surely a glowing testimony to their genuine -patriotism. I do not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> wish to rake up old scandals, and I am not going -to indulge in carping criticism of the authorities because they were -not able to handle matters with absolute smoothness when, each week, -they were getting very nearly a year's normal supply of recruits. -Confusion and chaos were bound to be, and I think the men—on the -whole—realised the difficulties, and made the best of a very trying -situation. But they were Britons! My object is simply to show how -serious was our peril through our unpreparedness. If our enemy, in that -time of preparation, could have struck a blow directly at us, we must, -inevitably, have gone under in utter ruin. Happily, our star was in the -ascendant. The magnificent heroism of Belgium, the noble recovery of -the French nation after their first disastrous surprise, the unexampled -valour of our Army, and the silent pressure of the Navy, saved us from -the peril that encompassed us. Once again we had "muddled through" -perhaps the worst part of our task.</p> - -<p>No one can yet say that we are safe. This war is very far indeed from -being won, for there is yet much to do, and many grave perils still -threaten us. It is, perhaps, small consolation to know that most of -the perils we brought upon ourselves by our persistent and foolish -refusal to face plain and obvious facts: by our toleration of so-called -statesmen who, fascinated by the Kaiser's glib talk, came very near -to betraying England by their refusal to tell the country the truth, -or even, without telling the country, to make adequate preparations -to meet a danger which had been foreseen by every Chancellory in -Europe for years past. It can never be said that we were not warned, -plainly and unmistakably. The report of the amazing speech<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> of the -Kaiser, which I have recorded elsewhere, I placed in the hands of the -British Secret Service as early as 1908, and the fact that it had been -delivered was soon abundantly verified by confidential inquiries in -official circles in Berlin. Yet, with the knowledge of that speech -before them, Ministers could still be found to assure us that Germany -was our firm and devoted friend!</p> - -<p>The Kaiser, in the course of the secret speech in question, openly -outlined his policy and said:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"Our plans have been most carefully laid and prepared by our General -Staff. Preparations have been made to convey at a word a German army -of invasion of a strength able to cope with any and all the troops -that Great Britain can muster against us. It is too early yet to fix -the exact date when the blow shall be struck, but I will say this: -that we shall strike as soon as I have a sufficiently large fleet -of Zeppelins at my disposal. I have given orders for the hurried -construction of more airships of the improved Zeppelin type, and when -these are ready we shall destroy England's North Sea, Channel, and -Atlantic fleets, after which nothing on earth can prevent the landing -of our army on British soil and its triumphal march to London.</p> - -<p>"You will desire to know how the outbreak of hostilities will be -brought about. I can assure you on this point. Certainly we shall -not have to go far to find a just cause for war. My army of spies, -scattered over Great Britain and France, as it is over North and South -America, as well as all the other parts of the world where German -interests may come to a clash with a foreign Power, will take good -care of that. I have issued already some time since secret orders that -will at the proper moment accomplish what we desire.</p> - -<p>"I shall not rest and be satisfied until all the countries and -territories that once were German, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> where greater numbers of my -former subjects now live, have become a part of the great mother -country, acknowledging me as their supreme lord in war and peace. -Even now I rule supreme in the United States, where almost one-half -of the population is either of German birth or of German descent, and -where three million German voters do my bidding at the Presidential -elections. No American Administration could remain in power against -the will of the German voters, who ... control the destinies of the -vast Republic beyond the sea.</p> - -<p>"I have secured a strong foothold for Germany in the Near East, and -when the Turkish 'pilaf' pie will be partitioned, Asia Minor, Syria, -and Palestine—in short, the overland route to India—will become our -property. But to obtain this we must first crush England and France."</p></blockquote> - -<p>And, in the face of those words, we still went on money-grubbing and -pleasure-seeking!</p> - -<p>If ever the British Empire, following other great Empires of the past, -plunges downward to rack and ruin, we may rest assured that the reason -will be our reliance on our ancient and stereotyped policy of "muddling -through."</p> - -<p>I am glad to think that in the conduct of the present campaign we have -been spared those scandals of the baser type which, in the past, have -been such an unsavoury feature of almost every great war in which -we have been engaged. Minor instances of fraud and peculation, of -supplying doubtful food, etc., have no doubt occurred. Human nature -being what it is, it could hardly be expected that we could raise, -train, equip, and supply an army numbered by millions without some -unscrupulous and unpatriotic individuals seizing the opportunity to -line their pockets by unlawful means.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> We hear occasional stories of -huts unfit for human habitation, of food in camp hardly fit for human -consumption. On the whole, however, it is cordially agreed—and it is -only fair to say—that there has been an entire absence of the shocking -scandals of the type which revolted the nation during the Crimean -campaign. Much has been said about the War Office arrangement with Mr. -Meyer for the purchase of timber. But the main allegation, even in -this case, is that the War Office made an exceedingly bad and foolish -bargain, and Mr. Meyer an exceedingly good one. Indeed it is not even -suggested that the transaction involved anything in the nature of -fraud. It seems rather to be a plea that the purely commercial side of -war would be infinitely better conducted by committees of able business -men than by permanent officials of the War Office, who are, after all, -not very commercial.</p> - -<p>Undoubtedly this is true. We should be spared a good deal of the -muddling and waste involved in our wars if, on the outbreak of -hostilities, the War Office promptly asked the leading business men -of the community to form committees and take over and manage for the -benefit of the nation the purely commercial branches of the work. Yet I -suppose, under our system of government, such an obvious common-sense -procedure as this could hardly be hoped for. We continue to leave vast -commercial undertakings in the hands of the men who are not bred in -business, with the result that money is wasted by millions, and so are -lucky if we are not swindled on a gigantic scale by the unscrupulous -contractors. It is usually in an army's food and clothing that scandals -of this nature are revealed, and it is only just to the War Office to -say that in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> this campaign, for once, food has been good and clothing -fair.</p> - -<p>Most of our muddling, so far, has been of a nature tending to prolong -the duration of the war. Our persistent policy of unreadiness has -simply meant that for four, five, or six long months we have not been -ready to take the field with the forces imperatively necessary if the -Germans are to be hurled, neck and crop, out of Belgium and France -across the Rhine, and their country finally occupied and subjugated.</p> - -<p>Already another new and graver peril is threatening us—the peril -of a premature and inconclusive peace. Already the voice of the -pacifist—that strangely constituted being to whom the person of the -enemy is always sacred—is being heard in the land. We heard it in the -Boer War from the writers and speakers paid by Germany. Already the -plea is going up that Germany must not be "crushed"—that Germany, -who has made Belgium a howling wilderness, who has massacred men, -women, and even little children, in sheer cold-blooded lust, shall be -treated with the mild consideration we extend to a brave and honourable -opponent. Sure it is, therefore, that if Britain retires from this -war with her avowed purpose unfulfilled, we shall have been guilty of -muddling compared with which the worst we have ever done in the past -will be the merest triviality.</p> - -<p>If this war has proved one thing more clearly than another, it -has proved that the German is utterly and absolutely unfit to -exercise power, that he is restrained by no moral consideration from -perpetuating the most shocking abominations in pursuit of his aims, -that the most sacred obligations are as dust in the balance when they -conflict with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> his supposed interests. It has proved too, beyond the -shadow of a doubt, that England is the real object of Germany's foaming -hate. We are the enemy! France and Russia are merely incidental foes. -It is England that stands between Germany and the realisation of -her insane dream of world dominion, and unless Great Britain to-day -completes, with British thoroughness, the task to which she has set -her hand, this generation, and the generations that are to come, will -never be freed from the blighting shadow of Teutonic megalomania. It is -quite conceivable that a peace which would be satisfactory to Russia -and France would be profoundly unsatisfactory to us. Happily, the -Allies are solemnly bound to make peace jointly or not at all, and I -trust there will be no wavering on this point. For us there is but one -line of safety: the Germanic power for mischief must be finally and -irretrievably broken before Britain consents to sheathe the sword.</p> - -<p>Against the prosecution of the war to its final and crushing end, the -bleating pacifists are already beginning to raise their puny voices. I -am not going to give these gentlemen the free advertisement that their -hearts delight in by mentioning them by name: it is not my desire to -assist, in the slightest degree, their pestilential activity. They -form one of those insignificant minorities who are inherently and -essentially unpatriotic. Their own country is invariably wrong, and -other countries are invariably right. To-day they are bleating, in -the few unimportant journals willing to publish their extraordinary -views, that Germany ought to be spared the vengeance called for by her -shameful neglect of all the laws of God and man.</p> - -<p>Is there a reader of these lines who will heed them? Surely not.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p> - -<p>Burke said it was impossible to draw up an indictment against a -nation: Germany has given him the lie. Our pro-German apologists and -pacifists are fond of laying the blame of every German atrocity, upon -the shoulders of that mysterious individual—the "Prussian militarist." -I reply—and my words are borne out by official evidence published in -my recent book "German Atrocities"—that the most shameful and brutal -deeds of the German Army, which, be it remembered, is the German people -in arms, are cordially approved by the mass of that degenerate nation. -The appalling record of German crime in Belgium, the entire policy of -"frightfulness" by land and sea, the murder of women and children at -Scarborough, the sack of Aerschot and of Louvain, the massacre of seven -hundred men, women, and children in Dinant, the piratical exploits of -the German submarines, are all hailed throughout Germany with shrieks -of hysterical glee. And why? Because it is recognised that, in the long -run and in the ultimate aim, they are a part and parcel of a policy -which has for its end the destruction of our own beloved Empire. Hatred -of Britain—the one foe—has been, for years, the mainspring that has -driven the German machine. The Germans do not hate the French, they do -not hate the Russians, they do not even hate the "beastly Belgians," -whose country they have laid waste with fire and sword. The half-crazed -Lissauer shrieks aloud that Germans "have but one hate, and one -alone—England," and the mass of the German people applaud him to the -echo.</p> - -<p>Very well, let us accept, as we do accept, the situation. Are we going -to neglect the plainest and most obvious warning ever given to a -nation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> and permit ourselves to muddle into a peace that would be no -peace, but merely a truce in which Germany would bend her every energy -to the preparation of another bitter war of revenge?</p> - -<p>Here lies one of the gravest perils by which our country is to-day -faced, and it is a peril immensely exaggerated by the foolish -peace-talk in which a section of malevolent busybodies are already -indulging. It is as certain as the rising of to-morrow's sun that, -when this war is over, Germany would, if the power were left within -her, embark at once on a new campaign of revenge. We have seen how, -for forty-five long years, the French have cherished in their hearts -the hope of recovering the fair provinces wrested from them in the -war of 1870-1871. And the French, be it remembered, are not a nation -capable of nourishing a long-continued national hatred. Generous, -proud, and intensely patriotic they are; malicious and revengeful they -emphatically are not. As patriotic in their own way as the French, the -Germans have shown themselves capable of a paroxysm of national hatred -to which history offers no parallel.</p> - -<p>They have realised, with a sure instinct, that Britain, and Britain -alone, has stood in the way of the realisation of their grandiose -scheme of world-dominion, and it is certain that for long years -to come, possibly for centuries, they will, if we give them the -opportunity, plot our downfall and overthrow us. Are we to muddle the -business of making peace as we muddled the preparations for war? If we -do we shall, assuredly, deserve the worst fate that can be reserved for -a nation which deliberately shuts its eyes to the logic of plain and -demonstrable fact.</p> - -<p>Germany can never be adequately punished for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> the crimes against God -and man which she has committed in Belgium and France. The ancient law -of "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" is the only one under -which adequate punishment could be meted out, and whatever happens -we know that the soldiers of the Allies will never be guilty of the -unspeakable calendar of pillage and arson and murder which has made -the very name of "German" a byword throughout civilisation throughout -all the ages that are to come. However thoroughly she is humbled to -the dust, Germany will never taste the unspeakable horror that she -has brought upon the helpless and unoffending victims of her fury -and lust in Belgium and in parts of France. It may be that if they -fall into our hands we should hang, as they deserve to be hanged, the -official instigators of atrocities whose complicity could be clearly -proved—though we, to-day, give valets to the Huns at Donington Hall. -We cannot lay the cities of Germany in ruin, and massacre the civilian -population on the approved German plan. What we can do, and ought to -do, is to make sure that, at whatever cost of blood and treasure to us, -Germany is deprived of any further capacity to menace the peace of the -world. It is the plain and obvious duty of the Allies to see that the -hateful and purely German doctrine that might is the only right shall, -once and for all, be swept from the earth. It is for us to make good -the noble words of Mr. Asquith—that Britain will prosecute the war -to the finish. It is for us to see that there shall be no "muddling -through" when the treaty of peace is finally signed in Berlin.</p> - -<p>When the war was forced upon us, the best business brains of this -country recognised that one of the surest and speediest means of -securing an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> efficient guarantee that Germany should not be able -to injure us in the future would be a strenuous effort to capture -her enormous foreign trade. Modern wars, it must be remembered, are -not merely a matter of the clash of arms on the stricken field. The -enormous ramifications of commercial undertakings, immeasurably greater -to-day than at any time in history, mean that, in the conduct of a -great campaign, economic weapons may be even more powerful than the -sword of the big battalions. This unquestionable fact has been fully -realised by our leading thinkers. Thoughtless people have been heard -to say that, if France and Russia wish to conclude peace, England must -necessarily join with them because she cannot carry on the war alone. -There could be no greater mistake.</p> - -<p>Just so long as the British Fleet holds the command of the sea, -Germany's foreign trade is in the paralysing grip of an incubus which -cannot be shaken off. In the meantime, all the seas of all the world -are free to our ships and our commerce, and, though the volume of -world-trade is necessarily diminished by the war, there remains open to -British manufacturers an enormous field which has been tilled hitherto -mainly by German firms.</p> - -<p>We may now ask ourselves whether our business men are taking full -advantage of this priceless opportunity offered them for building up -and consolidating a commercial position which in the future, when -the war is ended, will be strong enough to defy even the substantial -attacks of their German competitors. I sincerely wish I could see some -evidence of it. I wish I could feel that our business men of England -were looking ahead, studying methods and markets, and planning the -campaigns which, in the days to come, shall reach their full<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> fruition. -But alas! they are not. We heard many empty words, when war broke out, -of the war on Germany's trade, but I am very much afraid—and my view -is shared by many business acquaintances—that the early enthusiasm of -"what we will do" has vanished, and that when the time for decisive -action comes we shall be found still relying upon the traditional but -fatal policy of "muddling through" which has for so long been typical -of British business as well as official methods.</p> - -<p>We shall still, I fear, be found clinging to the antiquated and -worn-out business principles and stiff conventionalities which, during -the past few years, have enabled the German to oust us from markets -which for centuries we have been in the habit of regarding as our own -peculiar preserves. That, in view of the enormous importance of the -commercial warfare of to-day, I believe to be a very real peril.</p> - -<p>King George's famous "Wake up, England!" is a cry as necessary to-day -as ever. I do not believe Germany will ever be able to pay adequate -indemnity for the appalling monetary losses she has brought upon us, -and if those losses are to be regained it can only be by the capture of -her overseas markets, and the diversion of her overseas profits into -British pockets. Shall we seize the opportunity or shall we "muddle -through"?</p> - -<p>This is not a political book, for I am no politician, and, further, -to-day we have no politics—at least of the Radical and Conservative -type. "Britain for the Briton" should be our battle-cry. There is -one subject, however, which, even though it may appear to touch -upon politics, cannot be omitted from our consideration. If the war -has taught us many lessons, perhaps the greatest is its splendid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> -demonstration of the essential solidarity of the British Empire. We -all know that the German writers have preached the doctrine that the -British Empire was as ramshackle a concern as that of Austria-Hungary; -that it must fall to pieces at the first shock of war. To-day the -British Empire stands before the world linked together, literally, by a -bond of steel. From Canada, from Australia, from India, even—despite -a jarring note struck by German money—from South Africa, "the -well-forged link rings true." Germany to-day is very literally face to -face with the British Empire in arms, with resources in men and money -to which her own swaggering Empire are relatively puny, and with, I -hope and believe, a stern determination no less strong and enduring -than her own. The lesson assuredly will not be lost upon her: shall we -make sure that it is not lost upon us?</p> - -<p>For some years past there has been a steadily growing opinion—stronger -in the Overseas Dominions, perhaps, than here at home—that the -British Empire should, in business affairs, be much more of a "family -concern" than it is. Either at home, or overseas, our Empire produces -practically everything which the complexity of our modern social and -industrial system demands. Commerce is the very life-blood of our -modern world: is it not time we took up in earnest the question of -doing our international business upon terms which should place our -own people, for the first time, in a position of definite advantage -over the stranger? Is it not time we undertook the task of welding the -Empire into a single system linked as closely by business ties as by -the ties of flesh and blood and sentiment? That, I believe, will be one -of the great questions which this war will leave us for solution.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the past, Germany's chief weapon against us has been her commercial -enterprise and activity. It should now be part of our business to -prevent her harming us in the future, and, in the commercial field, the -strongest weapon in our armoury has hitherto remained unsheathed. Shall -we, in the days that are to come, do our imperial trading on a great -family scale—British goods the most favoured in British markets—or -shall we here again "muddle through" on a policy which gives the -stranger and the enemy alien at least as friendly a welcome as we -extend to our own sons?</p> - -<p>Perhaps, in the days that are coming, that in itself will be a question -upon which the future of the British Empire will depend.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF EXPLOITING THE POOR</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">No</span> phenomenon of the present serious situation is more remarkable, or -of more urgent and vital concern to the nation, than the amazing rise -in food prices which we have witnessed during the past six months. At a -time when the British Navy dominates the trade routes, when the German -mercantile flag has been swept from every ocean highway in the world, -when the German "High Seas" fleet lies in shelter of the guns of the -Kiel Canal fortifications, we have seen food prices steadily mounting, -until to-day the purchasing power of the sovereign has declined to -somewhere in the neighbourhood of fifteen shillings, as compared with -the period immediately preceding the outbreak of hostilities.</p> - -<p>Now this is a fact of the very gravest significance, and unless the -price of food falls it will inevitably be the precursor of very serious -events. Matters are moving so rapidly, at the time I write, that before -these lines appear in print they may well be confirmed by the logic of -events. Ominous mutterings are already heard, the spectre of labour -troubles has raised its ugly head, and, unless some <i>modus vivendi</i> be -found, it seems more than probable that we shall witness a very serious -extension of the strikes which have already begun.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span></p> - -<p>The most important of our domestic commodities are wheat, flour, -meat, sugar, and coal. Inquiries made by a Committee of the Cabinet -have shown that, as compared with the average prices ruling in the -three years before the war, the price of wheat and flour has risen by -something like 66 per cent.! Sugar has increased 43 per cent., coal -about 60 per cent., imported meat about 19 per cent., and British -meat 12 per cent. The rise in prices is falling upon the very poor -with a cruelty which can only be viewed with horror. Imagine, for -a moment, the plight of the working-class family with an income of -thirty shillings a week, and perhaps five or six mouths to feed. Even -in normal times their lot is not to be envied: food shortage is almost -inevitable. Suddenly they find that for a sovereign they can purchase -only fifteen shillings' worth of food. Hunger steps in at once: the -pinch of famine is felt acutely, and, thanks to the appalling price to -which coal has been forced, it is aggravated by intense suffering from -the cold, which ill-nurtured bodies are in no condition to resist.</p> - -<p>I am not contending that there is any very abnormal amount of distress -throughout the country, taking the working-classes as a whole. Thanks -to the withdrawal of the huge numbers of men now serving in the Army, -the labour market, for once in a way, finds itself rather under than -over-stocked, and the ratio of unemployment is undoubtedly lower than -it has been for some considerable time. The better-paid artisans, whose -wages are decidedly above the average at the present moment, are not -suffering severely, even with the high prices now ruling. But they are -exasperated, and some of them are making all kinds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> of unpatriotic -threats, to which I shall allude presently.</p> - -<p>The real sufferers, and there are too many of them, are the families -of the labouring classes of the lower grades, whose weekly wage is -small and whose families, as a rule, are correspondingly numerous. -At the best of times these people seldom achieve more than a bare -existence: at the present moment they are suffering terribly. Yet all -the consolation they get from the Government is the assurance that they -ought to be glad they did not live in the days of the Crimean War, -and the pious hope that "within a few weeks"—oh! beautifully elastic -term!—prices will come down—if we, by forcing the Dardanelles, -liberate the grain accumulated in the Black Sea ports. No doubt the -best possible arrangements have been made towards that issue, and -we all hope for a victorious end, but our immediate business is to -investigate the distress among the very poor, and to check the ominous -threats of labour troubles which have been freely bandied about and -have even been translated into action—or inaction—which has had the -effect of delaying some of the country's preparations for carrying on -the war.</p> - -<p>The average retail prices paid by the working-classes for food in -eighty of the principal towns on March 9th and a year ago are compared -in the following table issued by the President of the Board of Trade:</p> - -<table summary="prices" width="65%"> -<tr><td></td><td colspan="2" align="center">Last Year</td> <td> </td> <td colspan="2" align="center">Now</td></tr> -<tr><td></td><td align="right"><i>s.</i></td> <td align="right"><i>d.</i></td><td> </td> <td align="right"><i>s.</i></td> <td align="right"><i>d.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>Bread, per 4 lbs.</td> <td align="right" >0</td><td align="right">5½</td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td><td align="right">7¾</td></tr> -<tr><td>Butter, per lb.</td> <td align="right">1</td> <td align="right">3¾</td><td> </td> <td align="right">1</td> <td align="right">4½</td></tr> -<tr><td>Jam, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">5 </td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">5¾</td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span>Cheese, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">8¾</td><td> </td><td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">10¼</td></tr> -<tr><td>Bacon (streaky), per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">11 </td><td> </td> <td align="right">1</td> <td align="right">0 </td></tr> -<tr><td>Beef, English, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td><td align="right">9¾</td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td><td align="right">11 </td></tr> -<tr><td>Beef, chilled or frozen, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td><td align="right">7¼</td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td><td align="right">8¾</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mutton, English, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">10¼</td><td> </td><td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">11¼</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mutton, frozen, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">6¾</td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">8¼</td></tr> -<tr><td>Tea, per lb.</td> <td align="right">1</td> <td align="right">6 </td><td> </td> <td align="right">1</td> <td align="right">9¼</td></tr> -<tr><td>Sugar, granulated, per lb.</td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">2 </td><td> </td> <td align="right">0</td> <td align="right">3½</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>A few more facts. Though the matter was constantly referred to, yet -we had been at war for five months before the Government could be -prevailed upon to prohibit the exportation of cocoa; with what result? -In December, January, and February last our exports of cocoa to neutral -countries were 16,575,017 lbs., whilst for the corresponding period for -1913 the exports were but 3,584,003 lbs.! Before the war, Holland was -an <i>exporter</i> of cocoa to this country; since the war she has been the -principal <i>importer</i>; and there is a mass of indisputable evidence to -show that nearly the whole of our exports of cocoa have found their way -to Germany through this channel.</p> - -<p>The prohibition is now removed, so we may expect that the old game of -supplying the German Army with cocoa from England will begin again!</p> - -<p>The German Army must also have tea. Let us see how we have supplied -it. During the first fortnight of war, export was restricted and -only 60,666 lbs. were sent out of the country, whereas for the -corresponding period of the previous year 179,143 lbs. were exported. -During the next three months the restrictions were removed, when no -less a quantity than 15,808,628 lbs. was sent away—the greater part -of it by roundabout channels to Germany—against 1,146,237 lbs. for -the corre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>sponding period in 1913. After three months a modified -restriction was placed upon the export of tea, but after reckoning the -whole sum it is found that <i>during the time we have been at war we have -sent abroad over 20,000,000 lbs. of tea</i>, while in the corresponding -period of the previous year we sent only a little over 2,000,000 lbs.!</p> - -<p>Now where has it gone? In August and September last, Germany received -from Holland 16,000,000 lbs. whereas in that period of 1913 she only -received 1,000,000 lbs. Tea is given as a stimulant to German troops in -the field, so we see how the British Government have been tricked into -<i>actually feeding the enemy</i>!</p> - -<p>And again, let us see how the poor are being exploited by the policy of -those in high authority. At the outbreak of war the market price of tea -was 7½<i>d.</i> per lb. As soon as exportation was allowed, the price was -raised to the buyer at home to 9<i>d.</i> Then when exports were restricted, -it fell to 8¼<i>d.</i> But as soon as the restrictions on exports were -removed altogether, the price rose until, to-day, the very commonest -leaf-tea fetches 10<i>d.</i> a lb.—a price never equalled, save in the -memories of octogenarians.</p> - -<p>Who is to blame for this fattening of our enemies at the expense of the -poor? Let the reader put this question seriously to himself.</p> - -<p>Generally speaking, of course, prices of all articles are regulated -by the ordinary laws of supply and demand; if the supply falls or the -demand increases, prices go up. But there is another factor which -sometimes comes into play which is very much in evidence at the present -moment—the existence of "rings" of unscrupulous financiers who, with -ample resources in cash and organisation, see in every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> national crisis -a heaven-sent opportunity of increasing their gains at the expense of -the suffering millions of the poor. It is quite evident, to my mind, -that something of the kind is going on to-day, as it has gone on in -every great war in history. The magnates of Mark Lane and the bulls of -the Chicago wheat pit care nothing for the miseries of the unknown and -unheeded millions whose daily bread may be shortened by their financial -jugglings. They are out to make money. It may be true, as Mr. Asquith -said, that we cannot control the price of wheat in America. But, at -least, it cannot be said that the price of bread to-day is due to -shortage of supply. During the last six months of 1914, as compared -with the last six months of 1913, there was actually a rise of 112,250 -tons in the quantities of wheat, flour, and other grain equivalent -imported into this country. Where, then, can be the shortage, and what -explanation is there of the prevailing high prices except the fact that -large quantities of food are being deliberately held off the market in -order that <i>the price may be artificially enhanced</i>? This is not the -work of the small men, but of the big firms who can buy largely enough, -probably in combination, to control and dominate the market.</p> - -<p>When the subject was recently debated in the House of Commons the -voice of the Labour member was heard unmistakably. Mr. Toothill said -bluntly that if it was impossible for the Government to prevent the -prices of food being "forced up" unduly, then it remained for Labour -members to request employers to meet the situation by an adequate -advance in wages. That request has since been made in unmistakable -terms. Mr. Clynes was even more emphatic. "Though the Labour party -were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> as anxious as any to keep trade going in the country," he said, -"it was clear to them that the truce in industry could not be continued -unless some effective relief were given in regard to the prices under -discussion." In other words, the Labour "organisers" will call for -strikes—perhaps hold up a large part of our war preparations—unless -the employers, most of whom are making no increased profit out of the -price of food, are prepared to shoulder the entire burden.</p> - -<p>It is quite clear, to my mind, that the prices of food are being forced -up by gigantic unpatriotic combines, either in this country or abroad, -or both. I do not think that mere shortage of supply is sufficient -to account for the extraordinary advances that have taken place. -Whether the Government can take steps to defeat the wheat rings, as -they did to prevent the cornering of sugar, is a question with which -I am not concerned here. My purpose is merely to point out that the -constant rise in food prices, brought about by gangs of unscrupulous -speculators, is bringing about a condition of affairs fraught with -grave peril to our beloved country.</p> - -<p>If we turn to coal we find the scandal ten times greater than in the -case of flour and meat. It is at least possible that agencies outside -our own country may be playing a great part in forcing up the prices of -food; they can have no effect upon the price of coal, which we produce -ourselves and of which we do not import an ounce. Coal to-day is simply -at famine prices. It is impossible to buy the best house coal for less -than 38<i>s.</i> per ton, while the cheapest is being sold at 34<i>s.</i> per -ton, and the very poor, who buy from the street-trolleys only inferior -coal and in small quantities, are being fleeced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> to the extent of 1<i>s.</i> -11<i>d.</i> or 2<i>s.</i> per cwt. This is an exceedingly serious matter, and it -is not to be explained, even under present conditions, by the ordinary -laws of supply and demand. Why should coal in a village on the banks of -the Thames be actually cheaper than the corresponding quality of coal -when sold in London?</p> - -<p>There can be only one answer—the London supply is in the hands of -the coal "ring" which has compelled all the London coal merchants -to come into line. So extensive and powerful is the organisation of -this ring, that the small men, unless they followed the lead of the -big dealers, would be immediately faced with ruin: they would not -only find it difficult to obtain coal at all, but would promptly be -undersold—as the Standard Oil Company undersold thousands of small -competitors—until they were compelled to put up their shutters.</p> - -<p>The big coal men, the men who make the profit—and with their -ill-gotten gains will purchase Birthday honours later on—of course -blame the war for everything. The railways, they say, cannot handle the -coal; so much labour has been withdrawn for the Army that production -has fallen below the demand. But I am assured, on good authority, -that coal bought before the war, and delivered to London depots at -16<i>s.</i> or 17<i>s.</i> per ton, is being retailed to-day at between 36<i>s.</i> -and 40<i>s.</i> per ton. The big dealers know that, cost what it may, the -public must have coal, and they are taking advantage of every plausible -excuse the war offers them to wring from the public the very highest -prices possible. "The right to exploit," in fact, is being pushed to -its logical extreme in the face of the country's distress, and the -worst sufferers, as usual, are the very poor, who for their pitiful -half-hundred-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>weights of inferior rubbish pay at a rate which would -be ample for the finest coal that could grace the grate of a West-End -drawing-room.</p> - -<p>Can we shut our eyes to the fact that in this shameful exploiting of -the very poor by the unpatriotic lie all the elements of a very serious -danger? Let us not forget the noble services the working-classes of -Britain are rendering to our beloved country. They have given the -best and dearest of their manhood in the cause of the Empire, and it -is indeed a pitiful confession of weakness, and an ironic commentary -on the grandiose schemes of "social reform" with which they have been -tempted of late years, if the Government cannot or will not protect -them from the human leeches—the Birthday knights in the making—who -suck their ill-gotten gains from those least able to protect themselves.</p> - -<p>The Government have promised an inquiry which may, if unusual -expedition is shown, make a "demonstration" with the coal-dealers just -about the time the warm weather arrives. Prices will then tumble, the -Government will solemnly pat itself upon the back for its successful -interference, and the coal merchants, having made small or large -fortunes as the case may be during the winter, will make a great virtue -of reducing their demands to oblige the Government. In the meantime, -the poor are being fleeced in the interests of an unscrupulous combine. -Is there no peril here to our beloved country? Are we not justified in -saying that the machinations of these gangs of unscrupulous capitalists -are rapidly tending to produce a condition of affairs which may, at -any moment, expose us to a social upheaval which would contain all the -germs of an unparalleled disaster?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span></p> - -<p>Let the condition of affairs in certain sections of the labour world -speak in answer. I have already quoted the thinly-veiled threat of Mr. -Clynes. Others have gone beyond threats and have begun a war against -their country on their own account. There is an unmistakable tendency, -fostered as usual by agitators of the basest class, towards action -which is, in effect, helping the Germans against our brave soldiers -and sailors who are enduring hardships of war such as have not been -equalled since the days of the Crimea.</p> - -<div class="bbox" > -<table summary="supplies" width="70%"> -<tr><td colspan="2" align="center">HOW WE SUPPLY THE GERMAN ARMY WITH FOOD</td></tr> - - -<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><span class="smcap">Exports of Cocoa to Neutral Countries<br /> (for the German Market)</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="br">Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914</td> <td>Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915</td></tr> -<tr><td class="br">3,584,003 lbs.</td> <td>16,575,017 lbs.</td></tr> - - -<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><span class="smcap">Exports of Tea to Neutral Countries<br /> (for the German Market)</span></td> -</tr> - -<tr><td class="br">Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914</td> <td>Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915</td></tr> -<tr><td class="br">1,146,237 lbs.</td> <td>15,808,628 lbs.</td></tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>As I wrote these lines, strikes on a large scale had begun on the -Clyde and on the Tyne, two of our most important shipbuilding centres, -where great contracts—essential to the success of our arms—are being -carried on, and in the London Docks, where most of the food of London's -teeming millions is handled. London dockers, to the number of some -25,000, are agitating for a rise in wages; between 5,000 and 6,000 of -them have struck work at the Victoria and Albert Dock on the question, -forsooth, whether they shall be engaged inside the docks, or outside. -In other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> words, the expeditious handling of London's sorely needed -food is being jeopardised by a ridiculous squabble which one would -think half a dozen capable business men could settle in five minutes. -But here, as usual, the poorest are the victims of their own class.</p> - -<p>In spite of the well-meaning but idiotic young women who have gone -about distributing white feathers to men who, in their opinion, ought -to have joined the Army, common-sense people will recognise that the -skilled workers in many trades are just as truly fighting the battles -of their country as if they were serving with the troops in Belgium -or France. If every able-bodied man joined the Army to-day the nation -would collapse for want of supplies to feed the fighting lines. It is -not my purpose here to discuss whether the men or the masters are right -in the disputes in the engineering trades. Probably the authorities -have not done enough to bring home to the men the knowledge that, -in executing Government work, they are in fact helping to fight the -country's battles. None the less the men who strike at the present -moment delay work which is absolutely essential to the safety of our -country. We know from Lord Kitchener's own lips that they have done so.</p> - -<p>Our war organisation to-day may be divided into three parts—the Navy -fighting on the sea, the Army fighting on land, and the industrial -army providing supplies for the other two. It must be brought home -to the last named, by every device in our power, that their duties -are just as important to our success as the work of their brothers on -the storm-swept North Sea, or in the mud and slush and peril of the -trenches in Flanders. This war is very largely a war of supplies, and -our fighting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> must be done not only in the far-flung battle lines, but -in the factory and workshop, whose outputs are essential to the far -deadlier work which we ask of the men who are heroically facing the -shells and bullets of the common enemy.</p> - -<p>Now there is no disguising the fact that the industrial army at home -contains far too large a percentage of "slackers."</p> - -<p>That is the universal testimony of men who know. There are thousands -of workmen who will not keep full time, for the simple reason that -they are making more money than they really need and are so lazy -and unpatriotic that they will not make the extra effort which the -necessities of the situation so urgently demand. What we need to-day -is, above all things, determined hard work: we do not want to see our -fighting forces starved for want of material caused by the shirking -of the "slackers" or by unpatriotic disputes and squabbles. To-day we -are fighting for our lives. The privates of the industrial army ought -to realise that "slacking" or striking is just as much a criminal -offence as desertion in the face of the enemy would be in the case of -a soldier. It is true, as a recent writer has said, that "those who -fight industrially, working long hours in a spirit of high patriotism, -may not seem very heroic," but it is none the less the fact that they -are fighting: they are doing the work that is essential to our national -safety and welfare. Do they—at least do some of them—realise this? -The following extract from <i>Engineering</i>, the well-known technical -journal, shows very clearly that among certain classes of highly -paid workers there is a total disregard of our national necessity -which is positively appalling. As the result of a series of inquiries -<i>Engineering</i> says:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"Every reply received indicates that there is slackness in many -trades. Be it remembered that high wages can be earned; for relatively -unskilled although somewhat arduous work, 30<i>s.</i> a day can be earned.</p> - -<p>"Time-and-a-quarter to time-and-a-half is paid for Saturday afternoon -work, and double time for Sunday work. Men could earn from £7 to £10 -per week—and pay no income-tax.</p> - -<p>"Men will work on Saturday and Sunday, when they get handsomely paid, -but will absent themselves on other days or parts of days.</p> - -<p>"The head of a firm, who has shown a splendid example in his work, and -is most kindly disposed to all workers, states in his reply to us: -'Our trouble is principally with the ironworkers, especially riveters, -who appear to have a definite standard of living, and who regulate -their wages accordingly; they seem to aim at making £3 per week: if -they can make this in four days, good and well; but if they can make -it in three days, better still.... The average working-man of to-day -does not wish to earn more money, and put by something for a 'rainy -day,' but is quite content to live from hand to mouth, so long as he -has as easy a time as possible."</p></blockquote> - -<p>What words are strong enough to condemn the action of such men who, -safe in their homes from the perils of the serving soldier, and -infinitely better paid than the man who daily risks his life in the -trenches, are ready deliberately to jeopardise the safety of our Empire -by taking advantage of the gravest crisis in our history to levy what -is nothing less than industrial blackmail? It cannot be pretended that -these men are under-paid: they can earn far more than many members of -the professional classes. Just as truly as the coal and wheat "rings" -are exploiting the miseries of the very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> poor, so these aristocrats of -the labour world are playing with the lives of their fellows and the -destinies of our Empire. They are helping the enemy just as surely as -the German who is fighting in his country's ranks. They are, in short, -taking advantage of a national danger to demand rates of pay which, in -times of safety and peace, they could not possibly secure.</p> - -<p>For years past we have been striving to arrive at some means of -settling these unhappy labour disputes which have probably done more -harm to British trade than all the German competition of which we -have heard so much. In every district machinery has been set up for -conciliation and settlement where a settlement is sincerely desired by -both parties to a dispute. And if this machinery is not set in motion -at the present moment, it is because one party or the other is so blind -and self-willed that it would rather jeopardise the Empire than abate -a jot of its demands. Could anything be more heart-breaking to the men -who are fighting and dying in the trenches?</p> - -<p>Whatever may be the merits of any dispute, there must be no stoppage -of War Office or Admiralty work at the present moment, and if any -body of men refuse at this juncture to submit their dispute to the -properly organised conciliation boards, and to abide by the result, -they are traitors in the fullest sense of the world. How serious the -crisis is, and how grave a peril it constitutes to our country, may be -judged from the fact that the Government found it necessary to appoint -a special Committee to inquire into the production in engineering and -shipbuilding establishments engaged in Government work. The Committee's -view of the case, which I venture to think will be endorsed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> every -thinking man, may be judged by the following extract from their report:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"We are strongly of opinion that, during the present crisis, employers -and workmen should under no circumstances allow their differences to -result in a stoppage of work.</p> - -<p>"Whatever may be the rights of the parties at normal times, -and whatever may be the methods considered necessary for the -maintenance and enforcement of these rights, we think there can be -no justification whatever for a resort to strikes or lockouts under -present conditions, when the resulting cessation of work would prevent -the production of ships, guns, equipment, stores, or other commodities -required by the Government for the purposes of the war."</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Committee went on to recommend that in cases where the parties -could not agree, the dispute should be referred to an impartial -tribunal, and the Government accordingly appointed a special Committee -to deal with any matters that might be brought before it.</p> - -<p>I do not think it is possible to exaggerate the seriousness of the -danger with which we must be threatened if these unhappy disputes are -not brought to a close, and I know of no incident since the war began -that has shown us up in so unfavourable a light as compared with our -enemy. Whatever we may think of Germany's infamous methods; whatever -views we may hold of her monstrous mistakes; whatever our opinion may -be as to the final outcome of the war, we must, at least, grant to the -Germans the virtue of patriotism. The German Socialists are, it is -notorious, as strongly opposed to war as any people on earth. But they -have, since the great struggle began, shown themselves willing to sink -their personal views when the safety of the Father<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>land is threatened -in what, to them, is a war of aggression, deliberately undertaken by -their enemies. We have heard, since the war began, a great deal of -wild and foolish talk about economic distress in Germany. We have been -told, simply because the German Government has wisely taken timely -precautions to prevent a possible shortage of food, that the German -nation is on the verge of starvation. But would Germany, who for seven -years prepared for war, overlook the vital question of her food supply? -Probably it is true that the industrial depression in Germany, thanks -to the destruction by our Navy of her overseas trade, is very much -worse than it is in England. But no one has yet suggested that the -Krupp workmen are threatening to come out on strike and paralyse the -defensive forces if their demands for higher wages are not instantly -conceded. It is more than probable that any one who suggested such a -course, even if he escaped the heavy hand of the Government, would -be speedily suppressed in very rough-and-ready fashion by his own -comrades. The Germans, at least, will tolerate no treachery in their -midst, and unless the leaders among the English trade unionists can -bring their men to a realisation of the wickedness involved in strikes -at the present moment, they will assuredly forfeit every vestige of -public respect and confidence.</p> - -<p>I am not holding a brief either for the masters or the men. Let ample -inquiry be made, by all means, into the subject of the dispute. If the -masters raise any objection to either the sitting or the finding of -the Government Commission, they deserve all the blame that naturally -attaches to the strikers. The inquiry should be loyally accepted by -both sides, and its findings as loyally respected.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> <i>Prima facie</i>, men -who can earn the wages mentioned in the extract from <i>Engineering</i> -which I have already quoted are well off—far better off than their -comrades who are doing trench duty in France, and are free from the -hourly risk to which the fighting forces are exposed. There may be, -however, good and valid reasons why they should be paid even better. -If there are, the Government inquiry should find them out. But to stop -work now, to hold up the production of the ships, guns, and materials -necessary to carry on the war, is criminal, wicked, and unpatriotic in -the highest degree. It is setting an evil example only too likely to be -followed, and, if it is persisted in, may well be the first step of our -beloved nation on the downward road which leads to utter destruction.</p> - -<p>Mr. Archibald Hurd, a writer always well informed, has summed up the -situation in the <i>Daily Telegraph</i> in the following words, which are -worth quotation:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"The recruiting movement has shown that the great industrial -classes are not, as a whole, unconscious of the stake for which we -are fighting—the institutions which we cherish and our freedom. -Probably if the workers at home were reminded of the importance of -their labours, they would speedily fall into line—if not, well, the -resources of civilisation are not exhausted, and the Government should -be able to ensure that not an unnecessary day, or even hour, shall -be lost in pressing forward the work of equipping the new Fleet and -the new Army which is essential to our salvation. The Government is -exercising authority under martial law over Army and Navy; cannot it -get efficient control over the industrial army?</p> - -<p>"In France and Germany these powers exist, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> are employed. We are -not less committed to the great struggle than France and Germany."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Those are wise and weighty words, and it may be that they point the way -to a solution of what may become a very grave problem.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF NOT DOING ENOUGH</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> vast issues raised by the war make it a matter of most imperative -necessity that Great Britain and her Allies shall put forward, at the -earliest possible moment, the greatest and supremest efforts of which -they are capable, in order that the military power of the Austro-German -alliance should be definitely and completely crushed for ever.</p> - -<p>It must never be forgotten that the prize for which Germany is fighting -is the mastership of Europe, the humbling of the power of Great -Britain, and the imposition of a definitely Teutonic "Kultur" over -the whole of Western civilisation. That the free and liberty-loving -British peoples should ever come under the heel of the Prussian Junker -spirit involves such a monstrous suppression of national thought and -feeling as to be almost unbelievable. Yet, assuredly, that would be -our fate and the fate of every nationality in Europe should Germany -emerge victorious from this Titanic struggle she has so rashly and -presumptuously provoked.</p> - -<p>With our very existence as the ruling race at stake it is clear that -our own dear country cannot afford to be sparing in her efforts. -Whatever the cost; whatever the slaughter; whatever the action of our -Allies may be in the future, when the terrific out-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>pouring of wealth -will have bled Europe white, we, at least, cannot afford to falter. For -our own land, the struggle is really, and in very truth, a struggle of -life and death.</p> - -<p>If we endure and win, civilisation, as we understand it to-day, will -be safe; if we lose, then Western civilisation and the British Empire -will go down together in the greatest cataclysm in human history. Now -are we doing everything in our power to avert the threatening peril? -Moreover—and this is of greatest importance—are our Allies persuaded -<i>that we are really making the great efforts the occasion demands</i>? -This gives us to pause.</p> - -<p>Let us admit we are not, and we have never pretended to be, a military -nation in the sense that France, Russia, and Germany have been military -nations. We have been seamen for a thousand years, and the frontiers -of England are the salt waves which girdle our coasts. Seeking no -territory on the Continent of Europe, and unconcerned in European -disputes unless they directly—as in the present instance—threaten -our national existence, our armed forces have ever been regarded as -purely defensive, yet not aggressive. For our defence we have relied -on our naval power; perhaps in days gone by we have assumed, rather -too rashly, that we should never be called upon to take part in -land-fighting on a continental scale.</p> - -<p>Even after the present war had broken out, it was possible for the -Parliamentary correspondent of a London Liberal paper to write that -certain Liberal Members of the House of Commons were protesting against -the sending of British troops to the Continent on the ground that they -were too few in number to exercise any influence in a European war! -Perish that thought for ever! I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> mention this amazing contention merely -to show how imperfectly the issues raised by the present conflict -were appreciated in the early days of the struggle. To-day we see the -establishment of the British Army raised by Parliamentary sanction to -3,000,000 men without a single protest being uttered against a figure -which, had it been even hinted at, a year ago would have been received -with yells of derision. Yet, in spite of that vast number, I still ask -"Are we doing enough?" In other words, looking calmly at the stupendous -gravity of the issues involved, is there any further effort we could -possibly make to shorten the duration of the war?</p> - -<p>For eight months German agents, armed with German gold, have been -industriously propagating, in France and in Russia, the theory that -those countries were, in fact, pulling the chestnuts out of the fire -for England. German agents are everywhere. We were represented as -holding the comfortable view that our fleet was doing all that we could -reasonably be called upon to undertake; that, secure behind our sea -barriers, we were simply carrying on a policy of "business as usual" -with the minimum of effort and loss and the maximum of gain through -our principal competitors in the world's commerce being temporarily -disabled. The object of this manœuvre was plain. Germany hoped to -sow the seeds of jealousy and discord, and to thrust a wedge into the -solid alliance against her. Now it is, to-day, beyond all question -that, to some extent at least, this manœuvre was successful. A -certain proportion of people in both France and Russia, perhaps, -grew restive. In the best-informed circles it was, of course, fully -recognised that Britain, with her small standing Army, could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> not, by -any possibility, instantly fling huge forces into the field. The less -well informed, influenced by the German propaganda, began to think we -were too slow. This feeling began to gather strength, and it was not -until M. Millerand, the French Minister for War, whom I have known for -years, had actually visited England and seen the preparations that were -in progress, that French opinion, fully informed by a series of capable -articles in the French Press, settled down to the conviction that -England was really in earnest. Unquestionably, M. Millerand rendered -a most valuable service to the cause of the Allies by his outspoken -declarations, and he was fully supported by the responsible leaders -of French thought and opinion. The cleverly laid German plot failed, -and our Allies to-day realise that we have unsheathed our sword in the -deadliest earnest.</p> - -<p>In spite of this, however, the thoughtful section of the public have -been asking themselves whether, in fact, our military action is not -slower than it should have been. Germany, we must remember, started -this war with all the tremendous advantage secured by years of steady -and patient preparation for a contest she was fully resolved to -precipitate as soon as she judged the moment opportune. She lost the -first trick in the game, thanks to the splendid heroism of Belgium, -the unexpected rapidity of the French and Russian mobilisation, and -lastly, the wholly surprising power with which Britain intervened in -the fray—the pebble in the cog-wheels of the German machinery.</p> - -<p>The end of the first stage, represented, roughly, by the driving of -the Germans from the Marne to the Aisne, temporarily exhausted all the -combatants, and there followed a long period of comparative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> inaction, -during which all the parties to the quarrel, like boxers in distress, -sparred to gain their "second wind." Now just as Germany was better -prepared when the first round opened, so she was, necessarily, more -advanced in her preparations for the second stage. Thanks to her scheme -of training, there was a very real risk that her vast masses of new -levies would be ready before our own—and this has actually proved to -be the case.</p> - -<p>New troops are to-day being poured on to both the eastern and western -fronts at a very rapid pace, probably more rapidly than our own. We -know that it was, in great part, their new levies that inflicted the -very severe reverse upon the Russians in East Prussia and undid, in -a single fortnight, months of steady and patient work by our Allies. -It is also probably true that Germany's immense superiority in fully -trained fighting men is steadily decreasing, owing partly to the -enormous losses she has sustained through her adherence to methods of -attack which are hopeless in the teeth of modern weapons. But she is -still very much ahead of what any one could have expected after seven -months of strenuous war, and we must ask ourselves very seriously -whether, by some tremendous national effort, it is not possible to -expedite the raising of our forces to the very maximum of which the -nation and the Empire are capable. It is not a question of cost: the -cost would be as nothing as compared with the havoc wrought by the -prolongation of the war. If there is anything more that we can do, -we ought, emphatically, to do it. It is our business to see that at -no single point in the conduct of the war are we out-stripped by any -effort the Germans can make.</p> - -<p>Now it is a tolerably open secret that we are not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> to-day getting the -men we shall want before we can bring the war to a conclusion. Why? -When our men read of the utter disregard of the spy question, of the -glaring untruths told by Ministers in the House of Commons, of how we -are providing German barons with valets on prison ships—comfortable -liners, by the way—of the letting loose of German prisoners from -internment camps, and how German officers have actually been allowed, -recently, to depart from Tilbury to Holland to fight against us, is -it any wonder that they hesitate to come forward to do their share? -Let the reader ask himself. Are all Departments of the Government -patriotic? Is it not a fact that the public are daily being misled and -bamboozled? Let the reader examine the evidence and then think.</p> - -<p>Now, though no figures as to the progress of recruiting have been -published for some months, it is practically certain that we are still -very far from the three million men we still assuredly require as a -minimum before victory, definite and unmistakable, crowns our effort. -I have not the slightest doubt that before this struggle ends we shall -see practically <i>the entire male population</i> of the country called to -the colours in some capacity, and unfortunately that is an aspect of -the case which is certainly not yet recognised by the democracy as a -whole. We have done much, it is true. We have surprised our friends -and our enemies alike—perhaps we have even surprised ourselves—by -what has been achieved, but on the technical side of the war, under -the tremendous driving energy of Lord Kitchener, amazing progress has -been made in the provision of equipment, and the latest information I -have been able to obtain suggests that before long the early shortage -of guns, rifles, uniforms, and other war material<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> will have been -entirely overcome, and that we shall be experiencing a shortage, not of -supplies—but alas! of men.</p> - -<p>That day cannot be far off, and when it dawns the problem of raising -men will assume an urgency of which hitherto we have had no experience. -Up to now we have been content to tolerate the somewhat leisurely drift -of the young men to the colours for the simple reason that we had not -the facilities for training and equipping them. We cannot, and we must -not, tolerate any slackness in the future. The wastage of modern war is -appallingly beyond the average conception, and when our big new armies -take the field, that wastage will rise to stupendous figures. It must -be made good without the slightest delay by constant drafts of new, -fully trained men, and when that demand rises, as it inevitably will, -to a pitch of which we have hitherto had no experience, it will have -to be met. Can it be met by the leisurely methods with which we have -hitherto been content?</p> - -<p>I do not think so for a moment, and I am convinced that our responsible -Ministers should at once take the country fully into their confidence -and tell us plainly and unmistakably what the man-in-the-street has -to expect. I have so profound an admiration for the men who have -voluntarily come forward in the hour of their country's need that I -hope, with all my heart, their example will be followed—and followed -quickly—to the full extent of our nation's needs. But I confess -I am not sanguine. The recent strikes in the engineering trade on -the Clyde have gone far to convince me that, even now, a very large -proportion of our industrial classes do not even to-day realise the -real seriousness of the position, for it is incredible that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> Britons -who understood that we are actually engaged in a struggle for our very -existence should seriously jeopardise and delay, through a miserable -industrial squabble, the supply of war material upon which the safety -of our Empire might depend. The strike on the Clyde was, to me, the -most evil symptom of apathy and lack of all patriotic instincts which -the war has brought forth; it was, to my mind, proof conclusive that -a section at least of our working-classes are entirely dead to the -great national impulse by which, in the past, the British people have -been so profoundly swayed. Is the Government doing enough to rekindle -those impulses? Has it taken the people fully and frankly into its -confidence? Above all, has it made it sufficiently clear to the masses -that we are not getting the men we need, and that unless those men come -forward voluntarily, some method of compulsory selection will become -inevitable?</p> - -<p>No, it has not!</p> - -<p>We come back to the question in which, I am firmly convinced, lies the -solution of many of our present difficulties—are we being told the -truth about the war? Has the nation had the clear, ringing call to -action that, unquestionably, it needs?</p> - -<p>No, it has not!</p> - -<p>I shall try to show, in the pages of this modest work, that the -country has not been given the information to which it is plainly -entitled respecting the actual military operations which have been -accomplished. It is certainly not too much to say that the country -has not been really definitely and clearly informed as to the measure -of the effort it will be called upon to make in the future. I am not -in the secrets of the War Office, and it is impossible to say what -the policy of the Government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> will be, or what trump cards they hold, -ready to play them when the real crisis comes. But there certainly is -an urgent and growing need for very plain speaking. I speak plainly -and without fear. We should like to be assured that the recruiting -problem, upon the solution of which our final success must depend, is -being dealt with on broad, wise, and statesmanlike lines, and that the -Government will shrink from no measure which shall ensure our absolute -military efficiency. I have no doubt that Lord Kitchener has a very -accurate estimate of the total number of men he proposes to put into -the field before the great forward movement begins, of the probable -total wastage, and of the period for which, on the present basis of -recruiting, that wastage can be made good.</p> - -<p>The country would welcome some very definite and explicit statement, -either from Mr. Asquith or Lord Kitchener, as to the real position, -and as to whether the Government has absolute confidence that the -requirements of the military authorities can be met under the existing -condition of affairs. The time is, indeed, more than ripe for some -grave and solemn warning to the people if, as I believe, the effort we -have made up to now, great though it has undoubtedly been, has not been -sufficient. We to-day need an authoritative declaration on the subject. -There is far too strong a tendency, fostered by the undue reticence of -the irresponsible Press Bureau and the screeching "victories" of the -newspapers, to believe that things are going as well and smoothly as -we could wish; and though I would strenuously deprecate an attitude of -blank pessimism, the perils which hedge around a fatuous optimism are -very great.</p> - -<p>My firm conviction, and I think my readers will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> share in it, is -that the great mass of public opinion is daily growing more and more -apathetic towards the war, and truly that is not the mental attitude -which will bring us with safety and credit through the tremendous -ordeal which lies before us. The Government is not doing enough to -drive home the fact that greater and still greater efforts will be -required before the spectre of Prussian domination is finally laid to -rest: the country at large, befogged by the newspapers, and sullenly -angry at being kept in the dark to an extent hitherto unheard of, is in -no mood to make the supreme sacrifices upon which final victory must -depend. We are, as a result, not exercising our full strength: we are -not doing enough, and our full strength will not be exerted until the -Government takes the public into its confidence and tells them exactly -what it requires and what it intends to have. That it would gain, -rather than lose, by doing so, I have not the slightest doubt, while -the gain to the world through the throwing into the scale of the solid -weight of a fully aroused Britain would be simply incalculable.</p> - -<p>While writing this, came the extraordinarily belated news of the -decision of the Government to declare a strict blockade of the German -coasts. It has been a matter of supreme bewilderment to every student -of the war why this decision was not taken long before. Why should we -have failed for so long to use the very strongest weapon which our -indisputed control of the sea has placed in our hands, is one of those -things which "no fellah can understand." We have been foolish enough -to allow food, cotton, and certain other articles of "conditional -contraband" free access to Germany, and it is beyond question that in -so doing we have enormously prolonged the war. And all this, be it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> -remembered, at a time when Germany <i>was violating every law of God and -man</i>! Assume a reversal of the prevailing conditions: would Germany -have been so foolishly indulgent towards us? Would she have treated us -with more consideration than she showed towards the starving population -of Paris in 1871? The very fact of our long inaction in this respect -adds enormously to the strong suspicion that in other directions we -are not doing as much as we should. Lord Fisher is credited with -the saying, "The essence of war is violence: moderation in war is -imbecility. Hit first, hit hard, hit everywhere."</p> - -<p>I think it is safe to say that in more than one direction we have -displayed an imbecility of moderation which has tended to encourage -the Germans in the supreme folly of imagining that they are at liberty -to play fast and loose with the opinion of the civilised world. Our -treatment of German spies and enemy aliens in our midst is a classic -example of our contemptuous tolerance of easily removable perils, just -as much as is our incredible folly in neglecting to make the fullest -use of our magnificent naval resources. Thanks to our tolerance, the -Germans have been freely importing food and cotton, with probably an -enormous quantity of copper smuggled through in the same ships. We -have paid in the blood and lives of our gallant soldiers, husbands, -brothers, lovers, while the Germans have laughed at us—and not without -justice—as a nation of silly dolts and imbeciles. Yet we have tardily -decided upon "retaliatory measures" which we were perfectly entitled to -take the instant war was declared, only under the pressure of Germany's -campaign of murder and piracy at sea! Are we doing enough in other -directions?</p> - -<p>Equally belated, and equally calculated to give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> the impression -that we have been too slow in using our strength, is the attack -upon the Dardanelles. It has long been a mystery why, in view of -the tremendous results involved in such a blow at Germany's deluded -ally, this attack was not made earlier. We do not know, and the -Government do not enlighten us. But the delay has helped to send the -price of bread to famine prices through blocking up the Russian wheat -in the Black Sea ports; it has given the Turks and the Germans time -to enormously strengthen the defences, and has prevented us from -sending to our Russian friends that support in munitions of war of -which they undoubtedly stood in need. There may, of course, have been -good reasons for the delay, but if they exist, they have baffled the -investigation of the most competent military and naval critics. It must -never be forgotten that the reopening of the Dardanelles and the fall -of Constantinople must exercise a far more potent influence on the -progress of the war than, say, the relief of Antwerp—another example -of singularly belated effort! It must, in fact, transform the whole -position of the war and react with fatal effect through Turkey upon -her Allies. Yet the war had been in progress for seven months before a -serious attempt was made at what, directly Turkey joined in the war, -must have been one of the primary objects of the Allies. What added -price, I wonder, shall we be compelled to pay for that inexplicable -delay, not merely in the increased cost of the necessaries of life -at home and the expenses of the war abroad, but in the lives of our -fighting men? For it must not be forgotten that a decisive blow at -Turkey would do much to shorten the duration of the war. It would be a -serious blow at Germany, and would be more than likely to precipitate -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> entrance into the struggle, on the side of the Allies, of Italy -and the wavering Balkan States. In hard cash, the war is costing us -nearly a million and a half a day. We have to pay it, sooner or later. -The loss of life is more serious than the loss of wealth, and there -is no doubt that both must be curtailed by any successful operation -against the Turks.</p> - -<p>The Army has, beyond question, lost thousands of recruits of the very -best class owing to the parsimony displayed in the matter of making -provision for the dependents of men who join the fighting forces. The -scale originally proposed, it will be remembered, produced an outburst -of indignation, and it was very soon amended in the right direction, -but when all is said and done it operates with amazing injustice. -One of the most striking features of the war has been the splendid -patriotism shown by men who, in social rank, are decidedly above the -average standard of recruits.</p> - -<p>Many comparatively rich men have joined the Army as privates, and -the roll descends in the social scale until we come down to the day -labourer. We draw no distinction between the loyalty and devotion of -any of our new soldiers, but it cannot be denied that the working of -the system of separate allowances is exceedingly unfair to the men of -the middle classes.</p> - -<p>Financially, the family of the working-man is frequently better off -through the absence of the husband and father at the front than it -has ever been before—sometimes very much better off indeed. I am not -complaining of that. But when we ascend a little in the scale we find -a glaring inequality. The man earning, say, £250 a year, and having -a wife and one child, finds, too often, that the price he has to pay -for patriotism is to leave his family<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> dependent upon the Government -allowance of 17<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> per week. Is it a matter for wonder that so -many have hesitated to join? Can we praise too highly the patriotism -of those who, even under such circumstances, have answered the call of -duty?</p> - -<p>The truth is that the whole system of separation allowances, framed to -meet the necessity of recruits of the ordinary standard, is inelastic -and unsuitable to a campaign which calls, or should call, the entire -nation to arms. It is throwing a great strain on a man's loyalty to ask -him to condemn his wife and family to what, in their circumstances, -amounts to semi-starvation, in order that he may serve his country, -particularly when he sees around him thousands of the young and healthy -at theatres and picture palaces, free from any domestic ties, who -persistently shut their eyes to their country's need, and whom nothing -short of some measure of compulsion would bring into the ranks. I am -not going to suggest that every man who joins the Army should be paid -the salary he could earn in civil life, but I think we are <i>not doing -nearly enough</i> for thousands of well-bred and gently nurtured women who -have given up husbands and brothers in the sacred cause of freedom.</p> - -<p>And now I come to perhaps the saddest feature of the war—the case -of the men who will return to England maimed and disabled in their -country's cause. That, for them, is supreme glory, though many of -them would have infinitely preferred giving their lives for their -country. They will come back to us in thousands, the maimed, the -halt, and the blind: pitiful wrecks of glorious manhood, with no hope -before them but to drag out the rest of their years in comparative -or absolute helplessness. Their health and their strength<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> will have -gone; there will be no places for them in the world where men in -full health and strength fight the battle of life in the fields of -commerce and industry. <i>Are we doing enough</i>—have we, indeed, begun -to do anything—for these poor victims of war's fury, much more to be -pitied than the gallant men who sleep for ever where they fell on the -battle-fields of France and Belgium?</p> - -<p>Too often in the past it has been the shame and the reproach of Britain -that she cast aside, like worn-out garments, the men who have spent -their health and strength in her cause. Have we not heard of Crimean -veterans dying in our workhouses? With all my heart I hope that, after -the war, we shall never again be open to that reproach and shame. We -must see that never again shall a great and wealthy Empire disgrace -itself by condemning its crippled heroes to the undying bitterness -of the workhouse during life, and the ignominy of a pauper's grave -after death. Cost what it may, the future of the unhappy men "broke in -our wars" must be the nation's peculiar care. I do not suggest—they -themselves would not desire it—that all our wounded should become -State pensioners <i>en masse</i> and live out their lives in idleness. -The men who helped to fling back the Kaiser's barbaric hordes in the -terrible struggle at Ypres are not the men who will seek for mere -charity, even when it takes the form of a deserved reward for their -heroic deeds.</p> - -<p>Speaking broadly, the State will have the responsibility of caring -for two classes of wounded men—those who are condemned to utter and -lifelong disablement and those who, less seriously crippled, are yet -unable to obtain employment in ordinary commercial or industrial life. -As to the former<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> class, the duty of the State is clear: they must be -suitably maintained for the rest of their lives at the State's charges. -With regard to the second class, I do most sincerely hope that they -will not be thrown into the world with a small wounds pension and left -to sink or swim as fortune and their scattered abilities may dictate. -It is for us to remember that these men have given their health and -strength that we might live in safety and peace, and we shall be -covering ourselves with infamy if we fail to make proper provision for -them.</p> - -<p>As I have already said, they do not want charity. They want work, and -I venture to here make an earnest appeal to the public to take up the -cause of these men with all its generous heart. First and foremost, -such of them as are capable should be given absolute preference in -Government and municipal offices, where there are thousands of posts -that can be filled even by men who are partially disabled. Every -employer of labour should make it his special duty to find positions -for as many of these men as possible: there are many places in business -houses that can be quite adequately filled by men of less than ordinary -physical efficiency. Most of all, however, I hope the Government will, -without delay, take up the great task of finding a way of setting -these men to useful work of some kind. In the past much has been done -in this direction by the various private agencies which interest -themselves in the care of discharged soldiers. A war of such magnitude -as the present, however, must bring in its wake a demand for work and -organisation on a scale far beyond private effort; and if the disabled -soldier is to be adequately cared for, only the resources of the State -can be equal to the need.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span></p> - -<p><i>Are we doing enough</i>, I ask again, for the gallant men who have served -us so well? There are those who fear that, comparatively speaking, the -war has only just begun. However this may be, the tale of casualties -and disablement rises day by day at a terrible pace, and there is a -growing need to set on foot an organisation which, when the time comes, -shall be ready to grapple at once with what will perhaps be the most -terrible legacy the war can leave us.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF THE CENSORSHIP</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">War</span> brings into discussion many subjects upon which men differ widely -in their opinions, and the present war is no exception to the general -rule.</p> - -<p>Amateur and expert alike argue on a thousand disputed points of -tactics, of strategy, and of policy: it has always been so: probably it -will be so for ever. But the censorship imposed by the Government, on -the outbreak of war, has achieved a record.</p> - -<p>It has earned the unanimous and unsparing condemnation of everybody. -Men who have agreed on no other point shake hands upon this. For sheer, -blundering ineptitude, for blind inability to appreciate the mind and -temper of our countrymen, in its utter ignorance of the psychological -characteristics of the nation and of the Empire, to say nothing of the -rest of the world, the methods of the censorship, surely, approach very -closely the limits of human capacity for failure.</p> - -<p>When I say "the censorship" I mean, of course, the system, speaking in -the broadest sense. It matters nothing whether the chief censor, for -the moment, be, by the circumstance of the day, Mr. F.E. Smith or Sir -Stanley Buckmaster. Both, I make no doubt, have done their difficult -work to the best of their ability, and have been loyally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> followed, to -the best of their several abilities, by their colleagues. The faults -and failures of the censorship have their roots elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Now to avoid, at the outset, any possibility of misunderstanding, I -want to make it absolutely clear that in all the numerous criticisms -that have been levelled at the censorship, objection has been taken not -to the <i>fact</i> that news is censored, but to the <i>methods</i> employed and -to the extent to which the suppression of news has been carried.</p> - -<p>I believe that no single newspaper in the British Isles has objected -to the censorship, as such. I am quite sure that the public would very -definitely condemn any demand that the censorship should be abolished. -Much as we all desire to learn the full story of the war, it is obvious -that to permit the indiscriminate publication of any and every story -sent over the wires, would be to make the enemy a present of much -information of almost priceless value. Early and accurate information -is of supreme importance in war time, and certainly no Englishman -worthy of the name would desire that the slightest advantage should be -offered to our country's enemies by the premature publication of news -which, on every military consideration, ought to be kept secret.</p> - -<p>This is, unquestionably, the attitude of the great daily newspapers in -London and the provinces, which have been the worst sufferers by the -censor's eccentricities. They realise, quite clearly, the vital and -imperative necessity for the suppression of information which would be -of value to the enemy, and, as a matter of fact, the editors of the -principal journals exercise themselves a private censorship which is -quite rigid, and far more intelligently applied than the veto of the -official bureau. It would surprise a good many people to learn of the -vast amount<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> of information which, by one channel or another, reaches -the offices of the great dailies long before the Press Bureau gives -a sign that it has even heard of the matters in question. The great -retreat from Mons is an excellent instance. It was known perfectly -well, at the time, that the entire British Expeditionary Force was in a -position of the gravest peril, and it is, perhaps, not too much to say -that had the public possessed the same knowledge there would have been -a degree of depression which would have made the "black week" of the -South African War gay and cheerful by comparison, even if there had not -been something very nearly approaching an actual panic.</p> - -<p>But the secret was well and loyally kept within the walls of the -newspaper offices, as I, personally, think it should have been: I do -not blame the military authorities in the least for holding back the -fact that the position was one of extreme gravity. Bad news comes soon -enough in every war, and it would be senseless folly to create alarm -by telling people of dangers which, as in this case, may in the end be -averted. The public quarrel with the censorship rests on other, and -totally different, grounds.</p> - -<p>That a strict censorship should be exercised over military news which -might prove of value to the enemy will be cheerfully admitted by every -one. We all know, despite official assurances to the contrary, that -German spies are still active in our midst, and, even now, there is—or -at any rate until quite recently there was—little or no difficulty in -sending information from this country to Germany. No one will cavil at -any restrictions necessary to prevent the enemy anticipating our plans -and movements, and if the censorship had not gone beyond this, no one -would have had any reason to complain.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span></p> - -<p>What may perhaps be called the classic instance of the perils of -premature publication occurred during the Franco-Prussian War of -1870-71. In those days there was no censorship, and France, in -consequence, received a lesson so terrible that it is never likely -to be forgotten. It is more than likely, indeed, that it is directly -responsible for the merciless severity of the French censorship to-day.</p> - -<p>A French journal published the news that MacMahon had changed the -direction in which his army was marching. The news was telegraphed -to England and published in the papers here. It at once came to the -attention of one of the officials of the German Embassy in London, who, -realising its importance, promptly cabled it to Germany. For Moltke the -news was simply priceless, and the altered dispositions he promptly -made resulted in MacMahon and his entire force capitulating at Metz. -Truly a terrible price to pay for the single indiscretion of a French -newspaper!</p> - -<p>It is not to be denied that to some extent certain of the "smarter" -of the British newspapers are responsible for the severity of the -censorship in force to-day. In effect, the censorship of news in this -country dates from the last war in South Africa. Some of the English -journals, in their desire to secure "picture-stories," forgot that the -war correspondent has very great responsibilities quite apart from the -mere purveying of news.</p> - -<p>The result was the birth of a war correspondent of an entirely new -type. The older men—the friends of my youth, Forbes, Burleigh, Howard -Russell, and the like—had seen and studied war in many phases: they -knew war, and distinguished with a sure instinct the news that was -permissible as well as interesting, from the news that was interesting -but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> <i>not</i> permissible. Their work, because of their knowledge, showed -discipline and restraint, and it can be said, broadly, that they wrote -nothing which would advantage the enemy in the slightest degree.</p> - -<p>In the war in South Africa we saw a tremendous change. Many of the -men sent out were simply able word-spinners, supremely innocent of -military knowledge, knowing absolutely nothing of military operations, -unable to judge whether a bit of news would be of value to the enemy -or not. Their business was to get "word-pictures"—and they got them. -In doing so they sealed the doom of the war correspondent. The feeble -and inefficient censorship established at Cape Town, for want of -intelligent guidance, did little or nothing to protect the Army, and -the result was that valuable information, published in London, was -promptly telegraphed to the Boer leaders by way of Lourenço Marques. -Many skilfully planned British movements, in consequence, went -hopelessly to pieces, and by the time war was over, Lord Roberts and -military men generally were fully agreed that, when the next war came, -it would be absolutely necessary to establish a censorship of a very -drastic nature.</p> - -<p>We see that censorship in operation to-day, but far transcending -its proper function. It was established—or it should have been -established—for the sole purpose of preventing the publication of news -likely to be of value to the enemy. Had it stopped there, no one could -have complained.</p> - -<p>I contend that in point of fact it has, throughout the war, operated -not merely to prevent the enemy getting news which it was highly -desirable should be kept from him, but to suppress news which the -British public—the most patriotic and level-headed public in all the -world—has every right to demand.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> We are not a nation of board-school -children or hysterical girls. Over and over again the British public -has shown that it can bear bad news with fortitude, just as it can -keep its head in victory. Those of us who still remember the terrible -"black week" in South Africa, with its full story of the horror of -defeat at Colenso, Magersfontein, and Stormberg, remember how the only -effect of the disaster was the ominous deepening of the grim British -determination to "see it through": the tightening of the lips and the -hardening of the jaws that meant unshakable resolve; the silent, dour, -British grip on the real essentials of the situation that, once and for -all, settled the fate of Kruger's ambitions.</p> - -<p>Are Britons to-day so changed from the Britons of 1899 that they cannot -bear the truth; that they cannot face disaster; that they are indeed -the degenerates they have been labelled by boastful Germans? Perish the -thought! Britain is not decadent; she is to-day as strong and virile -as of old and her sons are proving it daily on the plains of Flanders, -as they proved it when they fought the Kaiser's hordes to a standstill -on the banks of the Marne during the "black week" of last autumn. Why -then <i>should</i> the public be treated as puling infants spoon-fed on tiny -scraps of good news when it is happily available, and left in the bliss -of ignorance when things are not going quite so well?</p> - -<p>From November 20th, 1914, up to February 17th, 1915—a period of three -months of intense anxiety and strain—not one single word of news -from the Commander-in-Chief of the greatest Army Britain has ever put -into the field was vouchsafed to the British public. For that, of -course, it is impossible to blame Sir John French. But the bare fact -is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> sufficient condemnation of the entirely unjustifiable methods of -secrecy with which we are waging a war on which the whole future of -our beloved nation and Empire depends. The public was left to imagine -that the war had reached something approaching a "deadlock." The -ever-mounting tale of casualties showed that, in very truth, there had -been, in that silent period of three months, fighting on a scale to -which this country has been a stranger for a century.</p> - -<p>Will any one outside the Government contend that this absurd secrecy -can be justified, either by military necessity or by a well-meant but, -as I think, hopelessly mistaken regard for the feelings of the public?</p> - -<p>We are not Germans that it should be necessary to lull us into a -lethargic sleep with stories of imaginary victories, or to refrain -from harrowing our souls when, as must happen in all wars, things -occasionally go wrong.</p> - -<p><i>We want the truth</i>, and we are entitled to have it!</p> - -<p>I do not say that we have been deliberately told that which is not -true. I believe the authorities can be acquitted of any deliberate -falsification of news. But I do say, without hesitation, that much news -was kept back which the country was entitled to know, and which could -have been made public without the slightest prejudice to our military -position. At the same time, publication has been permitted of wholly -baseless stories, such as that of the great fight at La Bassée, to -which I will allude later, which the authorities must have known to be -unfounded.</p> - -<p>It is not for us to criticise the policy of our gallant Allies, the -French. We must leave it to them to decide how much or how little -they will reveal to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> their own people. I contend, with all my heart, -that the British public should not have been fobbed off with the -studiously-guarded French official report, with its meaningless—so -far as the general public is concerned—daily recital of the capture -or loss of a trench here and there, or with the chatty disquisitions -of our amiable "Eye-Witness" at the British Headquarters, who manages -to convey the minimum of real information in the maximum of words. It -is highly interesting, I admit, to learn of that heroic soldier who -brained four Germans "on his own" with a shovel; it is very interesting -to read of the "nut" making his happy and elaborate war-time toilet -in the open air; and we are glad to hear all about German prisoners -lamenting the lack of food. But these things, and countless others of -which "Eye-Witness" has told us, are not the root of the matter. We -want the true story of the campaign, and the plain fact is that we do -not get it, and no one pretends that we get it.</p> - -<p>Cheerful confidence is an excellent thing in war, as well as in all -other human undertakings. Blind optimism is a foolhardy absurdity; -blank pessimism is about as dangerous a frame of mind as can be -conceived. I am not quite sure, in my own mind, whether the methods of -the censorship are best calculated to promote dangerous optimism, or -the reverse, but I am perfectly certain that they are not calculated -to evoke that calm courage and iron resolve, in the face of known -perils, which is the best augury of victory in the long run. Probably -they produce a result varying according to the temperament of the -individual. One day you meet a man in the club who assures you that -everything is going well and that we have the Germans "in our pocket." -That is the foolishness of optimism,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> produced by the story of success -and the suppression of disagreeable truths.</p> - -<p>Twenty-four hours later you meet a gloomy individual who assures you we -are no nearer beating the Germans than we were three months ago. That -is the depths of pessimism. Both frames of mind are derived from the -"official news" which the Government thinks fit to issue.</p> - -<p>Here and there, if you are lucky, you meet the man who realises that we -are up against the biggest job the Empire has ever tackled, and that, -if we are to win through, the country must be plainly told the facts -and plainly warned that it is necessary to make the most strenuous -exertions of which we are capable. That is the man who forms his -opinions not from the practically worthless official news, but from -independent study of the whole gigantic problem. And that is the only -frame of mind which will enable us to win this war. It is a frame of -mind which the official news vouchsafed to us is not, in the least -degree, calculated to produce.</p> - -<p>In the prosecution of a war of such magnitude as the present unhappy -conflict the public feeling of a truly democratic country such as ours -is of supreme importance. It is, in fact, the most valuable asset of -the military authorities, and it is a condition precedent for success -that the nation shall be frankly told the truth, so far as it can be -told without damage to our military interests.</p> - -<p>Mr. Bonar Law, in the House of Commons, put the case in a nutshell when -he said that—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"He had felt, from the beginning of the war, that as much information -was not being given as might be given without damage to national -interests. Nothing could be worse for the country than to do what the -Japanese did—conceal disasters until the end of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> the war. He did not -say that there had been any concealment, but the one thing necessary -was to let the people of this and other countries feel that our -official news was true, and could be relied upon. He wondered whether -the House realised what a tremendous event the battle of Ypres, in -November, was. The British losses there, he thought, were bigger than -any battle in which purely English troops were engaged. It was a -terrible fight, against overwhelming odds, out of which British troops -came with tremendous honour. All the account they had had was Sir -John French's despatch. Surely the country could have more than that. -Whoever was in charge, when weighing the possible damage which might -be brought about by the giving of news, should also bear in mind the -great necessity for keeping people in this country as well informed as -possible."</p></blockquote> - -<p>That, I venture to think, is a perfectly fair and legitimate criticism. -The battle of Ypres was fought in November. Mr. Law was speaking in -February. Who can say what the country would have gained in recruiting, -in strength of determination, in everything that goes to make up the -<i>morale</i> so necessary for the vigorous conduct of a great campaign, had -it been given, at once, an adequate description of the "terrible fight -against overwhelming odds" out of which the British Thomas Atkins came -with so much honour?</p> - -<p>The military critics of our newspapers have, perhaps, been one of -the greatest failures of the entire campaign. One of them, on the -day before Namur fell, assured us that the place could hold out for -three months. Another asserted that the Russians would be in Berlin by -September 10th. Another, just before the Germans drove the Russians for -the second time out of East Prussia, declared that Russia's campaign -was virtually ended! Besides,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> all the so-called "histories" of the -war published have been utter failures. Personally, I do not think the -nation is greatly perturbed, at the present moment, about the conduct -of the actual military operations. No one is a politician to-day, -and there is every desire, happily, to support the Government in any -measure necessary to bring the war to a conclusion. We have not the -materials, even if it were desirable, to criticise the conduct or write -the history of the war, and we have no wish to do so. But we desire to -learn, and we have the <i>right</i> to learn, the facts.</p> - -<p>It has always been an unhappy characteristic of the military mind -that it has been quite unable, perhaps unwilling, to appreciate the -mentality of the mere civilian who only has to pay the bill, and look -as pleasant as possible under the ordeal. And I suspect, very strongly, -that it is just this feeling which lies at the root of a good deal of -what we have had to endure under the censorship. In its essence, the -censorship is a military precaution, perfectly proper and praiseworthy, -but only if applied according to the real needs of the situation. -Quite properly the military mind is impatient of the intrusion of the -civilian in purely military affairs, and I have no doubt whatever that -that fact explains the gratifying presence—in defiance of our long -usage and to the annoyance of a certain type of politician—of Lord -Kitchener at the War Office to-day. But military domination of the -war situation, however admirable from the military point of view, has -failed to take into sufficient account the purely civilian interest in -the progress of the war and the extent to which the military arm must -rely upon the civilian in carrying the war to a successful conclusion.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span></p> - -<p>Our military organisation, rightly or wrongly, is based upon the -voluntary system. We cannot, under present conditions, obtain, as the -conscriptionist countries do, the recruits we require merely by calling -to the Colours, with a stroke of the pen, men who are liable for -service. We have to request, to persuade, to advertise, and to lead men -to see their duty and to do it. To enable us to do this satisfactorily, -public opinion must be kept well informed, must be stimulated by a -knowledge of the real situation. When war broke out, and volunteers -were called for, a tremendous wave of enthusiasm swept over the -country. The recruiting organisation broke down, and, as I have pointed -out, the Government found themselves with more men on their hands than -they could possibly train or equip at the moment. Instead of taking -men's names, telling them the exact facts, and sending them home to -wait till they could be called for, the War Office <i>raised the physical -standard for recruits</i>, and this dealt a blow at popular enthusiasm -from which it has never recovered. Recruiting dropped to an alarming -degree, and, so recently as February, Mr. Tennant, in the House of -Commons, despite the efforts that had been made in the meantime, was -forced to drop a pretty strong hint that "a little more energy" was -advisable.</p> - -<p>Now the connection between the manner in which the recruiting question -was handled, and the general methods adopted by the censorship, is -a good deal closer than might be imagined at first sight. Both show -the same utter failure on the part of the military authorities to -appreciate the psychology of the civilian. Psychology, the science of -the public opinion of the nation, must, in any democratic country, -play a very large part in the successful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> conduct of a great war; and -in sympathetic understanding of the temper of the masses, our military -authorities, alike in regard to the censorship and recruiting question, -have been entirely outclassed by the autocratic officials of Germany. I -do not advocate German methods. The gospel of hate and lies—which has -kept German people at fever-heat—would fail entirely here. We need no -"Hymns of Hate" or lying bulletins to induce Britons to do their duty -if the needs of the situation are thoroughly brought home to them.</p> - -<p>But we have to face this disquieting fact, that, whatever the methods -employed, the German people to-day are far more enthusiastic and -determined in their prosecution of the war than we are.</p> - -<p>That is a plain and unmistakable truth. I do not believe the great mass -of the British public realises, even to-day, vitally and urgently, the -immense gravity of the situation, and for that I blame the narrow and -pedantic views that have kept the country in comparative ignorance of -the real facts of the situation.</p> - -<p>We have been at war for eight months and we have not yet got the men -we require. Recruits have come forward in large numbers, it is true, -and are still coming forward. But there is a very distinct lack of -that splendid and enduring enthusiasm which a true realisation of the -facts would inevitably evoke. Priceless opportunities for stimulating -that enthusiasm have been, all along, lost by the persistent refusal to -allow the full story of British heroism and devotion to be told.</p> - -<p>We can take the battle of Ypres as a single outstanding example. The -full story of that great fight would have done more for recruiting in a -week than all the displayed advertisements and elaborate pla<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>cards with -which our walls are so profusely adorned could achieve in a month!</p> - -<p>Sir John French's despatch, as a military record, bears the hall-mark -of military genius, but it is idle to pretend that it is a literary -document calculated to stir the blood and fire the imagination of our -countrymen. Admirable in its firm restraint from the military point of -view, it takes no account of the civilian imagination. That is not Sir -John French's business. He is a great soldier, and it is no reproach to -him that his despatch is not exactly what is required by the urgency -of the situation. Moreover, it came too late to exercise its full -effect. Had the story of Ypres been given to the public promptly, and -in the form in which it would have been cast by a graphic writer who -understood the subject with which he was dealing and the public for -whom he was writing, we should probably have been better off to-day -by thousands and thousands of the much-needed recruits. The failure -to take advantage of such a glorious opportunity for the stimulation -of enthusiasm by purely legitimate means, convicts our censorship -authorities of a total failure to appreciate the mentality of the -public whose supposed interests they serve.</p> - -<p>And as with successes, so with failures. It is the peculiar -characteristic of the British people that either a great victory or -a great disaster has the immediate result of nerving them to fuller -efforts. We saw that in South Africa: it has been seen a hundred -times in our long history. Let us turn for a moment to the affair at -Givenchy on December 20th. Sir John French's despatch makes it clear -that the repulse of the Indian Division on that occasion was a very -serious matter, so serious, in fact, that it required the full effort -of the entire First<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> Division, under Sir Douglas Haig, to restore the -position. Yet, at the time, the British public was very far from fully -informed of what had happened: much of our information, indeed, was -derived from German sources; and these sources being naturally suspect, -the magnitude of the operations was never realised.</p> - -<p>There may have been excellent military reasons for concealing, for the -moment, the real position, though I strongly suspect that the Germans -were quite as well informed about it as we were. But there could be no -possible reason for concealing the fact from the public for a couple of -months, and thus losing another opportunity of powerfully stimulating -our national patriotism and determination.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF THE PRESS BUREAU</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">It</span> is one of the curses of our Parliamentary system that every piece of -criticism is immediately ascribed to either party or personal motives, -and politicians whose conduct or methods are impugned, for whatever -reason, promptly assume, and try to make others believe, that their -opponents are actuated by the usual party or personal methods.</p> - -<p>At the present moment, happily, we have, for the first time within our -memory, no politics; the nation stands as one man in its resolve to -make an end of the Teutonic aggression against the peace of the world. -In the recent discussion in the House of Commons, however, Sir Stanley -Buckmaster, head of the Press Bureau, upon whom has fallen the rather -ruffled and uncomfortable mantle discarded by Mr. F.E. Smith, seems -to have interpreted the very unanimous criticism of the censorship as -a personal attack upon himself. As a brilliant lawyer, of course he -had no difficulty in making a brilliant reply to a fallacy originated -entirely in his own brain.</p> - -<p>In very truth the personality of Sir Stanley Buckmaster concerns us -not at all. He is a loyal Englishman. He does not originate the news -which the Press Bureau deals out with such belated parsimony. No one -blames him for the fact that the nation is kept so completely in the -dark on the subject of the war. If it were possible for Sir Stanley -Buckmaster,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> personally, to censor every piece of news submitted to the -Press Bureau, there would, I venture to think, be a speedy end to the -system—or want of system—which permits an item of intelligence to be -published in Edinburgh or Liverpool, but not in London; and that the -speeches of Cabinet Ministers, reported in our papers verbatim, would -be allowed free passage to the United States or to the Colonies. I wish -here to do the head of the Press Bureau the justice to say that he is -an Englishman who knows his own mind, and has the courage of his own -convictions. Yet that does not alter the fact that the Press censorship -as a system has worked unevenly, with very little apparent method, and -with an amazing disregard of the best foreign and colonial opinion -which, all along, it has been our interest to keep fully informed of -the British side of the case.</p> - -<p>When the subject was last before the House of Commons, some very -caustic things were said. Mr. Joseph King, the Radical member for North -Somerset, moved, and Sir William Byles, the Radical member for North -Salford, seconded, the following rather terse motion:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"That the action of the Press Bureau in restricting the freedom of the -Press, and in withholding information about the war, has been actuated -by no clear principle and has been calculated to cause suspicion and -discontent."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Now it will be noted that there is, in the first place, no possibility -of attributing this motion to political hostility. Both the mover -and the seconder are supporters of the Government, not merely at the -present moment, as of course all Englishmen are, but in the ordinary -course of nightly political warfare. Mr. King did not mince matters. -He roundly charged the Press Bureau with exercising inequality,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> -particularly in denying the publication in London of news permitted -to be published in the provinces and on the Continent. He pressed, -too, for the issue of an official statement two or three times a week. -This, of course, has since been granted, and it is a very decided -improvement. Mr. Joynson-Hicks, from the Conservative benches, very -truly emphasised the fact that the people of this country want the -truth, even if it meant bad news, and added that they also wanted to -hear about the heroism of our troops and the valorous deeds of any -individual regiments.</p> - -<p>Sir Stanley Buckmaster, in reply, denied somewhat vehemently that he -had ever withheld, for five minutes, any information he had about the -war, and asserted that nothing had ever been issued from his office -that was not literally and absolutely true.</p> - -<p>Now, as I have said, Sir Stanley Buckmaster's hide-bound department -does not originate news, and cannot be held responsible for either -the fullness or the accuracy of the official statements. When Sir -Stanley Buckmaster tells us that he has <i>never delayed</i> news I accept -his word without demur. But when he says nothing has been issued from -his department which is not "literally and absolutely true," then I -ask him what he means by "literally and absolutely true"? If he means -that the news which his department has issued has contained no actual -misstatements on a point of fact, I believe his claim to be fully -justified. If he means, on the other hand, that the Press Bureau, or -those behind it, have told the nation the whole truth, he makes an -assertion which the nation with its gritted teeth to-day will decline, -and with very good reason, to accept. To quote Mr. Bonar Law's words -again: "from the beginning of the war as much informa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span>tion has not been -given as might have been given without damage to national interests." -To such full information as may be given without damage to national -interests the nation is entitled, and no amount of official sophistry -and hair-splitting can alter that plain and demonstrable fact.</p> - -<p>Mr. King, in the resolution I have quoted, charged the head of the -Bureau with exercising inequality as between different newspapers. Now -this amounts to a charge of deliberate unfairness which it is very -difficult indeed to accept. The House of Commons, in fact, did not -accept it. None the less, the fact remains that not once or twice, but -over and over again, news has been allowed publication in one paper and -refused in another, not merely as between London and the provinces, but -as between London newspapers which are, necessarily, keen rivals. In -support of this assertion I will quote one of the strongest supporters -of the Government among the London newspapers—the <i>Daily Chronicle</i>. -There will be no question of political partisanship about this.</p> - -<p>After quoting the views of the <i>Times</i> and two Liberal papers—the -<i>Star</i> and the <i>Westminster Gazette</i>—the <i>Daily Chronicle</i> said:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"The methods of the Censor are, certainly, a little difficult to -understand. There reached this office yesterday afternoon, from our -correspondent at South Shields, a long story of the sinking of vessels -in the North Sea. It was submitted to us by the Censor, who made a -number of excisions in it. The telegram was returned to us with the -following note by our representative at the Press Bureau:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"'The Censor particularly requests that South Shields be not -mentioned, though we can state "from our East Coast correspondent."'</p></blockquote> - -<p>"In the meantime the evening newspapers appeared with accounts of some -occurrences in which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> most of the deletions made by the Censor in the -<i>Daily Chronicle</i> report <i>were given</i>! The Censor made the following -remarks and excisions in the 'copy' submitted to him by the <i>Daily -Chronicle</i> representative at the Press Bureau:</p> -</blockquote> - -<table summary="reports" width="90%"> - -<tr><td class="td1"><span class="smcap">Excisions in "Daily -Chronicle" Report</span></td> - -<td class="td1"><span class="smcap">Where the Forbidden Passages -Appeared</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdr">"Please do not <span class="smcap">mention</span> -that this came from South -Shields." (Note by the -Censor.)</td> - -<td>Shields occurred in the reports -<i>Star</i> (three times), - <i>Evening News</i> (once), <i>Pall Mall -Gazette</i> (three times), <i>Globe</i> -(three times), <i>Evening Standard</i> -(three times), <i>Westminister Gazette</i> -(once).</td></tr> - - -<tr><td>"Within twenty miles of -the mouth of Shields harbour"—(passage -eliminated).</td> - -<td><i>Star</i> report stated: "The -trawler was sunk thirty miles -E.N.E. of the Tyne."</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdr">"Landed a cargo of fish -at Grimsby." -("At Grimsby" was eliminated.)</td> - -<td>This identical phrase, or its -effect, appeared in the <i>Star</i>, -<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, <i>Globe</i>, <i>Evening -Standard</i>, <i>Westminister -Gazette</i>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td>"Landed by North Shields fishing steamer. -("North Shields" eliminated.)</td> - -<td>The North Shields trawler -was mentioned by the <i>Star</i>, -<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, <i>Globe</i>, <i>Evening -Standard</i>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdr">"Bound for Blyth." ("Blyth" eliminated.)</td> - -<td> This phrase appeared in the -<i>Star</i>, <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, <i>Globe</i>, -and <i>Evening Standard</i>.</td></tr> - - -<tr><td class="tdr">From the <i>Daily Chronicle</i> -Special Correspondent.</td> - -<td>A Central News telegram -from Paris ran as follows -(passed by Cable Censor):</td></tr> - -<tr><td><i>Paris, August 27th.</i> </td> - -<td><i>Paris, Thursday</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td>The Ministry of War -issued this afternoon the -following note: "In the -region between——" -(here the the Censor has cut out a -short passage) "our troops -continue to progress."</td> - -<td class="tdr">The following official communiqué -is issued to the Press -at 2.15 this afternoon: "In -region between the Vosges -and Nancy our troops continue -to progress."</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p> - -<blockquote> -<p> -"Thus we were free to mention the offending passage on the -authority of the Central News Agency, but not on that of 'our own -correspondent'! What can be more ridiculous than this?"</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>The importance of the last portion of the <i>Daily Chronicle</i> article -lies in the fact that we have here a clear case of mutilation of the -French <i>official</i> despatch, which the French papers even were free to -publish!</p> - -<p>The <i>Daily Chronicle</i> also mentioned another case in which its special -correspondent in Paris sent a long despatch giving, on the authority of -M. Clemenceau, a statement published in Paris, that the 15th Army Corps -gave way in a moment of panic. The Censor refused permission to publish -it, but another journal published a quotation under the heading: -"French Soldiers who wavered: Officers and Men punished by Death."</p> - -<p>I ought, in fairness, to say, in passing, that the instances quoted -above took place before Sir Stanley Buckmaster assumed control of the -Press Bureau, and that no responsibility attaches to him in respect of -any of them.</p> - -<p>Now, bad as has been the effect of the censorship on public opinion at -home, it has been even worse abroad, and particularly in the United -States, where the German propaganda had full play, while the British -case was sternly withheld. The American Press has not hesitated to say -that our censors were incompetent and discriminated unfairly between -one paper and another. This was untrue in the sense in which it was -meant, but it was certainly unfortunate, to put it mildly, that the -news of the declaration of war was allowed to be issued by one New York -journal, and withheld for seven hours from the Associated Press, which -represents 9,000<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> American and Canadian newspapers. It was, perhaps, -still more unfortunate that even the speeches of Mr. Asquith and Sir -Edward Grey on the subject of the declaration of war should have been -similarly delayed. Why? Telegraphic reports of these speeches were -held up for <i>four days</i> by the censors at cable offices and were then -"censored" before they were despatched. I ask, could mischievous and -bungling stupidity go farther than this?</p> - -<p>Here is another case. In one of his speeches, Mr. Asquith, on a Friday -night in Dublin, announced that the Indian troops were, that day, -landing at Marseilles. The speech, and the statement, were reported -next day in the London newspapers. <i>After</i> the publication of this, the -Press Bureau forbade any mention of the <i>landing</i> of the Indian troops!</p> - -<p>In the House of Commons, on September 10th, Mr. Sherwell exposed -another instance of the ridiculous vagaries of the unequal censorship. -In the <i>Daily Chronicle</i>, he said, there was published a brilliant -article by Mr. Philip Gibbs—who was with me during the first Balkan -campaign—describing the actual operations of Sir John French's army -up to the last few days. That article was published without comment -and without criticism in the <i>Daily Chronicle</i>, yet the cable censor -refused to allow it to be sent to the <i>New York Times</i>. Again why?</p> - -<p>It is, or should be, the function of the Press Bureau not merely to -supply the public with accurate news, but to make sure that false -or misleading reports are promptly suppressed. The reason for this -is obvious. We do not wish to be depressed by unfounded stories of -disaster, nor do we wish to experience the inevitable reaction which -follows when we learn that we have been deluded by false news of a -great victory. Whatever may be the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> <i>raison d'être</i> of the Press -Bureau, it is assuredly not maintained for the purpose of assisting in -the circulation of utterly futile fiction about the progress of the -campaign.</p> - -<p>Again: <i>Are we told the truth?</i></p> - -<p>Early in January a report—passed of course by the Censor—appeared in -practically every newspaper in the country, and probably in thousands -of papers in all parts of the British Empire, announcing the capture by -the British troops of a very important German position at La Bassée. -The engagement was described as a brilliant one, in which the enemy -lost heavily; circumstantial details were added, and on the face of it -the news bore every indication of being based on trustworthy reports -from the fighting line. It is true that it was not official, but the -circumstances made it so important that, inasmuch as it had been passed -by the Censor, it was naturally assumed by every newspaper editor to be -accurate. A few days later every one was amazed to learn, from official -sources, that there was not a word of truth in the whole story! Yet the -Censor had actually passed it for publication. And so the public pay -their halfpennies to be gulled!</p> - -<p>I say, without hesitation, that this incident casts the very gravest -reflection on the discretion and efficiency of the whole censorship. -To permit the publication of an utterly baseless story of this nature, -is simply to assist in hoaxing the public and the crying of false -news. We await the next hoax. We may have it to-morrow. Who knows? The -Censors in the matter are on the threshold of a dilemma. If the story -in question were true, it ought to have been published on official -authority without delay: as it was untrue, its publication should have -on no account been permitted.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p> - -<p>Consider the circumstances. Sir John French, on November 20th, stated -that throughout the battle of Ypres-Armentières, the position at La -Bassée had defied all efforts at capture, and naturally the most -intense anxiety had been felt for news of a definite success in this -region. Yet the public, after hearing, by official sanction, the news -of a success which would clearly have resulted in the Germans being -driven pell-mell out of La Bassée, were calmly told, a few days later, -that the entire story was a lie. To my mind, and I think the reader -will agree with me, we could have no stronger illustration of the utter -futilities and farcical eccentricities of the censorship as it to-day -exists. Are we told the truth about the war? No, I declare—<i>We are -not!</i></p> - -<p>I will go a step farther. The suppression of news by the censorship is -bad enough, but what are we to think of a deliberate attempt to stifle -perfectly legitimate criticisms of Ministers and their methods?</p> - -<p>As those who read these pages are aware, I have taken a prominent part -in the effort to bring home to the public the dire peril to which we -are exposed through the presence in our midst of hordes of uncontrolled -enemy aliens. I deal with this subject elsewhere, and I should not -mention it here except that it is connected in a very special way with -an attempt on the part of the Press Bureau to stifle public discussion -on a matter of the gravest importance.</p> - -<p>The <i>Globe</i> newspaper has, with commendable patriotism, devoted much -attention to the question of the presence of alien spies in our midst, -and, on many occasions, its correspondence and editorial columns have -contained valuable information and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> comments. On September 10th last -the <i>Globe</i> published the following letter:</p> - - -<blockquote> -<p> - -"<span class="smcap">Press Bureau</span>,<br /> -"<span class="smcap">40, Charing Cross</span>.<br /> -"<i>September 7th, 1914.</i><br /> -<br /> -"<span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,<br /> -</p> - -<p>"Mr. F.E. Smith desires me to draw your attention to a letter headed -'A German's Outburst,' which appeared in your issue of the 2nd -instant, and a facsimile of which appeared in your issue of the 4th -instant. This letter has received the notice of the Home Secretary, -who expresses the view that 'the articles and letters in the <i>Globe</i> -are causing something in the nature of a panic in the matter of spies' -and desires that they should be suppressed at once. In view of this -expression of opinion by the Home Secretary, Mr. Smith has no doubt -that you will refrain, in the future, from publishing articles or -letters of a similar description.</p> - -<p> -"Yours very truly,<br /> -"<span class="smcap">Harold Smith</span>, <i>Secretary</i>."<br /> -</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>Very properly, the <i>Globe</i> pointed out that, in this matter, "nothing -less is at stake than the liberty of the Press to defend the public -interest and criticise the administrative acts of a Minister of the -Crown." The unwarrantable attempt of the Home Secretary, through the -Press Bureau, to suppress criticism of this nature, to stop the mouths -of those who insisted on warning the public of a peril which he has, -all along, blindly refused to see, raises a constitutional issue of the -very gravest kind. The <i>Globe</i> promptly asked the Press Bureau under -what authority it claimed the "power to suppress the free expression -of opinion in the English press on subjects wholly unconnected with -military or naval movements." Mr. Harold Smith's reply was the amazing -assertion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> that such powers were conferred by the Defence of the Realm -Acts. He wrote:</p> - -<blockquote> -<p> -"<span class="smcap">Press Bureau</span>,<br /> -"<span class="smcap">40, Charing Cross</span>.<br /> -"<i>September 8th, 1914.</i><br /> -<br /> -"<span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,<br /> -</p> - -<p> -"I am instructed by Mr. F.E. Smith to acknowledge your letter of -to-day's date. On Mr. Smith's direction, I wrote you a letter, which, -on re-reading, you will perceive was intended to convey to you the -opinion of the Home Office, rather than an expressed intention -of censorship in this Bureau. You will, of course, use your own -discretion in the matter, but Mr. Smith thinks that a consideration -of the terms of the Defence of the Realm Acts (Nos. 1 and 2), and the -regulations made thereunder, will satisfy you that the Secretary of -State is not without the legal powers necessary to make his desire for -supervision effective. -</p> - -<p> -"Yours faithfully,<br /> -"<span class="smcap">Harold Smith</span>, <i>Secretary</i>."<br /> -</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>This reads very much like a threat to try the editor of the <i>Globe</i> -by court-martial for the heinous offence of suggesting that Mr. -McKenna's handling of the spy-peril was not exactly what was required -by the exigencies of the public safety. I must say that when I read -the correspondence I was inclined to tremble for my own head! So -far, however, it is still safe upon my shoulders. I, as a patriotic -Englishman who has dared to speak his mind, have no intention of -desisting—even at the risk of being court-martialled—from the efforts -I have continued for so long to arouse my countrymen to a realisation -of the dangers to which we are exposed by the obstinate refusal of the -Government to face facts.</p> - -<p>The privilege of the Press to criticise Ministers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> was boldly asserted -by the <i>Globe</i>, which, in a leading article, said:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"That correspondence ... raises issues directly affecting the -independence of the Press and its right to frank and unfettered -criticism. At the time when we are receiving from our ever-increasing -circle of readers many gratifying tributes to the sanity of our -views, and the informing character of our columns, we are accused of -publishing matter calculated to induce panic, and we have been called -upon to suppress at once the articles and letters directing attention -to the dangers arising from the lax methods of the Home Secretary in -dealing with the alien enemy in our midst."</p></blockquote> - -<p>After referring to a statement made by Mr. McKenna in the House of -Commons the previous day as likely "to do something to allay public -anxiety" on the subject, the <i>Globe</i> proceeded:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"We are content with the knowledge that the attitude of the <i>Globe</i> -has done something to convince the Government of the widespread -feeling that the danger from the alien enemy we harbour is real, and -the fear justified. Here we should be content to leave the question -for the present, but for the attitude of the Home Secretary in seeking -to prevent comment and criticism on his administrative acts, coupled -with the veiled suggestion from the Press Bureau of power possessed -under an Emergency Act. This attempt at pressure is made through a -department set up for quite other and legitimate purposes.... If a -Government Department, under cover of an Order in Council made for a -wholly different purpose, is to shield itself from an exposure of its -inefficiency, a dangerous precedent is set up, dangerous alike to the -community and the Press."</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span></p> - -<p>We have to bear in mind, in this connection, that the Press Bureau -had just been reorganised. Mr. F. E. Smith had resigned, on leaving -for the front, and <i>the Home Secretary was the Minister responsible -to Parliament for its conduct</i>. At his request the Press Bureau -endeavoured to prevent the <i>Globe</i> continuing to criticise his action, -or rather inaction. Well indeed might the <i>Globe</i> say: "We must reserve -to ourselves the right, at all times, to give expression to views on -Ministerial policy and even to dare to criticise the action of the Home -Secretary." And I venture to say that, but for the jealousy inherent -among British newspapers, the <i>Globe</i> would have had the unanimous -support of every metropolitan and provincial journal, every single one -of which was vitally affected by the Home Secretary's preposterous -claim.</p> - -<p>The claim of the country for fuller information has been expressed in -many ways, and by many people, and it has been admitted by no less a -personage than Mr. Asquith himself. In the House of Commons early in -September Mr. Asquith said the Government felt "that the public is -entitled to prompt and authentic information of what has happened at -the front, and they are making arrangements which they hope will be -more adequate."</p> - -<p>That was months ago, and, up to the present, very few signs of the -"prompt and authentic information" have been perceptible.</p> - -<p>Even more significant is the following passage from the latest -despatches of Sir John French, which covered the period from November -20th to the beginning of February:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"I regard it as most unfortunate that circumstances have prevented -any account of many splendid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> instances of courage and endurance, in -the face of almost unparalleled hardship and fatigue of war, coming -regularly to the knowledge of the public."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Now I do not want to read into Sir John French's words a meaning that -he did not intend to convey, but this passage certainly strikes me, as -it has struck many others, as a very definite plea for the presence at -the front of duly accredited and responsible war correspondents.</p> - -<p>And why not? News could be still censored so that no information of -value could reach the enemy. We should not be prejudiced one iota, but, -on the other hand, should get prompt and trustworthy news, written by -skilled journalists in a fashion that would make an irresistible appeal -to the manhood of Britain. And we should be far nearer than we are -to-day to learning "the truth about the war."</p> - -<p>It has been urged, on behalf of the Press Bureau, that of late -matters have been very much improved. My journalistic friends tell -me that so far as the actual working is concerned this is a fact. -There has undoubtedly been less of the haphazard methods which were -characteristic of the early days. But there is still too much of what -the <i>Times</i> very properly calls the "throttling" of permissible news, -and, in spite of the fact that two despatches a week are now published -from Sir John French, we are still in the dark as to the <i>real</i> story -of the great campaign. Neither our successes nor our failures are -adequately described. We are still not told "the truth about the war."</p> - -<p>And I cannot help saying that the deficiencies of the official -information are not made up by the tactics of certain sections of -the Press. There is too much of a tendency to magnify the good -and minimise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> the bad. There are too many "Great Victories" to be -altogether convincing. As the <i>Morning Post</i> put it:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"There seems to be a large section of the public which takes its news -as an old charwoman takes her penn'orth of gin, 'for comfort.' And -some of our contemporaries seem to cater for this little weakness. -Every day there is a 'great advance' or a 'brilliant victory,' and -if a corporal's guard is captured or surrenders we have a flaming -announcement on all the posters."</p></blockquote> - -<p>It is very true. From the fiercest critics of the Press Bureau's -methods we do not to-day get "the truth about the war," even so far as -they know it. Even the <i>Daily News</i> has been moved to raise a protest -against the present state of affairs, and as recently as March 15th -declared that the mind of authority "is being fed on selected facts -that convey a wholly false impression of things."</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF THE ENEMY ALIEN</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"<i>Every enemy alien is known, and is now under constant police -surveillance.</i>"—Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, in the House of -Commons, March 3rd.</p></blockquote> - - -<p><span class="smcap">One</span> of the gravest perils with which the country is still faced is that -of the enemy alien.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding all that has been written and said upon this most -serious question, Ministers are still content to pursue a shuttlecock -policy, in which there is very little satisfaction for any intelligent -patriot.</p> - -<p>Each time the subject is brought up in the House of Commons there is -an apparent intention of the Government to wilfully throw dust into -the eyes of the public, and prevent the whole mystery of the official -protection afforded to our enemies being sifted to the bottom. A -disgraceful illustration of this was given on March 3rd, when Mr. -Joynson-Hicks moved:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"That in the opinion of this House it is desirable that the whole -administration of the Acts and Regulations concerning aliens and -suspected persons should be centred in the hands of one Minister, who -should be responsible to the House."</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span></p> - -<p>The debate which followed was illuminating. Sir Henry Dalziel, who -is strongly in favour of a Central Board to deal with spies among -us—a suggestion I made in my recent book "German Spies in England," -as a satisfactory solution of the problem—said, in the course of a -splendid speech, that the Government knew that, at the present moment, -there was a settled spy-system, and there was no use denying it. As -the <i>Daily Telegraph</i> on the following day pointed out, that there is -such a system is almost as natural an assumption as that the enemy -possesses an army service organisation or a Press censorship. I have -already pointed out, in various books I have written, that systematic -espionage is, and has been for many years, a most cherished part of -German war administration, developed with characteristic thoroughness. -The question is whether that department of the enemy's activity has, or -has not, been stamped out as regards this country; and it would be idle -to pretend that there is any public confidence that it has been stamped -out.</p> - -<p>There is an absence of vigour and an absence of system about the -dealing with this source of danger, and I maintain that the national -safety requires the taking of this matter more seriously, and the -placing of it upon a satisfactory footing. The Government admitted -that, on March 3rd, <i>seven hundred male enemy aliens</i> were living in -the East Coast prohibited area, and we know that arrangements for their -control are so futile as to leave, quite unmolested, some individuals -whose known connections expose them to the highest degree of suspicion. -Of one such notorious case, Mr. Bonar Law—who cannot, surely, be -accused of spy-mania—declared that he would as soon have allowed a -German army to land as allow the person in question to be at large in -this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> country. How the arrangement has worked in another particular -case was exposed in some detail by Mr. Butcher. The lady concerned is -closely related to more than one of those in power in Germany. Her -case was reported to the War Office. The War Office called upon the -General Officer commanding in the Northern District to take action. He -requested the police to make inquiries, and the Chief Constable of the -East Riding subsequently reported, "strongly recommending" the removal -of the lady from the prohibited area. The General accepted this advice, -and an order was made for her removal on January 25th. It was never -executed; and on February 7th it was withdrawn.</p> - -<p>Such is one illustration of the utter hopelessness of the present state -of affairs. And yet, in face of it, Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for -War, actually rose and made the definite assertion <i>that every enemy -alien was known and constantly watched</i>!</p> - -<p>Could any greater and more glaring official untruth be told?</p> - -<p>Is every enemy alien known, I ask? Let us examine a case in point, one -in which I have made personal investigation, and to the truth of which -a dozen officers of His Majesty's service, and also civilians, are -ready to testify.</p> - -<p>Investigations recently made in certain German quarters in London, -notably in the obscure foreign restaurants in the neighbourhood of -Tottenham Court Road, where men—many of them recently released from -internment-camps—and women meet nightly and toast to the Day of -Britain's destruction, revealed to me a startling fact. Here, posing -as an Italian and a neutral, I learnt facts regarding the movements -of German aircraft long before they were known either to our own -authorities or to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> the Press. For several weeks this fact, I confess, -caused me considerable thought. Some secret means of communication -must, I realised, exist between the enemy's camp and London, perhaps by -wireless, perhaps by the new German-laid cable, the shore-end of which -is at Bacton, in Norfolk, and which, eighteen months ago, in company -with the German telegraph-engineers, I assisted to test as it was laid -across the North Sea to Nordeney. In the archives of the Intelligence -Department of the War Office will be found my report, together with a -copy of the first message transmitted by the new cable from Norfolk to -Germany, a telegram from one of the Kaiser's sons who happened to be in -Scotland at the time, and addressed to the Emperor, which read: "Hurrah -for a strong navy!"—significant indeed in the light of recent events!</p> - -<p>I was wondering if, by any secret means, this cable could be in -operation when, on the afternoon of February 23rd, an officer of the -Naval Armoured Car Squadron called upon me and invited me to assist in -hunting spies in Surrey. The suggestion sounded exciting. Signals had -been seen for a month or so past, flashed from a certain house high -upon the Surrey hills. Would I assist in locating them, and prosecuting -a full inquiry?</p> - -<p>Within half an hour I was in a car speeding towards the point where -mystery brooded, and which we did not reach till after dark. A -gentleman living three miles across the valley, whose house commanded -full view of the house under suspicion—a large one with extensive -grounds—at once placed a room at our disposal, wherein we sat and -watched. In the whole of these investigations I was assisted by an -officer who was an expert in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> signalling and wireless, a signaller of -the service, two other officers equally expert in reading the Morse -code, while I myself have qualified both in Morse and wireless, and -hold the Postmaster-General's licence.</p> - -<p>On the previous evening an all-night vigil had been kept, and messages -had been read, but I only here record my own experiences of this -exciting spy-hunt. On reaching our point of vantage I learned that -suspicion had first been aroused by a mysterious and intense white -light being shown from a window in the country mansion in question, -which was situated upon so strategic a point that it could be seen very -many miles in the direction of London. And there, sure enough, was the -one brilliant light—at all other windows of the house the blinds being -drawn—shining like a beacon all over the country. It had shone first -at 6.30 p.m. that night, and, as I watched, it showed till 6.48, when -it disappeared. After three minutes it was shown till 7.30 exactly, -when suddenly it signalled in Morse the code-letters "S.M." repeated -twice, and then disappeared till 9 o'clock, when again the same signal -was made. The light remained full on for ten minutes, and was then -suddenly switched off.</p> - -<p>This was certainly remarkable. The officers with me—all experts in -signalling—were unanimous as to the two letters, and also to their -repetition. These signals, I learned, had been seen times without -number, but until the smart young officer who had called upon me had -noticed them, no action had been taken.</p> - -<p>Having established that mysterious signalling was really in -progress, I set forth upon further investigation. Taking my own -signalling-appara<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span>tus, a very strong electric lamp with accumulators -and powerful reflectors, which would show for fifteen miles or more, -I got into the car with my companions—who were eager to assist—and, -having consulted ordnance-maps and compass, we went to a spot high-up -in an exposed position, where I anticipated the answering light from -the mansion might be seen.</p> - -<p>We found ourselves in a private park, upon a spot which, by day, -commands an immense stretch of country, and from which it is said that -upon a clear day the Sussex coast can be seen. Here we erected our -signalling-apparatus and waited in patience. The night proved bitterly -cold, and as the hours crept slowly by, the sleet began to cut our -faces. Yet all our eyes were fixed upon that mysterious house which had -previously signalled.</p> - -<p>For hours we waited in vain until, of a sudden, quite unexpectedly from -the direction of London, we saw another intense white light shining -from out the darkness. For a full half-hour it remained there, a beacon -like the other. Then suddenly it began winking, and this was the -code-message it sent:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"S.H.I.S. (pause) H. 5. (pause) S.H.I.S.F. (pause with the light full -on for two minutes). I.S. I.E. (pause) E.S.T. (light out)."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Turning my signal-lamp in its direction, I repeated the first portion -of the mysterious message, and then, pretending not to understand, -asked for a repetition. At once this was given, and, with my -companions, I received it perfectly clearly!</p> - -<p>Sorely tempted as I was to signal further, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> refrained for fear of -arousing suspicion, and, actuated by patriotic motives, we agreed at -once to prosecute our inquiry further, and then leave it to "the proper -authorities" to deal with the matter.</p> - -<p>Through the whole of that night—an intensely cold one—we remained on -watch upon one of the highest points in Surrey, a spot which I do not -here indicate for obvious reasons—and not until the grey dawn at last -appeared did we relinquish our watchfulness.</p> - -<p>All next day, assisted by the same young officer who had first noticed -the unusual lights, I spent in making confidential inquiry regarding -the mysterious house and elicited several interesting facts, one -being that the family, who were absent from the house showing the -lights, employed a servant who, though undoubtedly German—for, by a -ruse, I succeeded in obtaining the address of this person's family in -Germany—was posing as Swiss. That a brisk correspondence had been kept -up with persons in Germany was proved in rather a curious way, and by -long and diligent inquiry many other highly interesting facts were -elicited. With my young officer friend and a gentleman who rendered -us every assistance, placing his house and his car at our disposal, -we crept cautiously up to the house in the early hours one morning, -narrowly escaping savage dogs, while one adventure of my own was to -break through a boundary fence, only to find myself in somebody's -chicken-run!</p> - -<p>That night was truly one of adventure. Nevertheless, it established -many things—one being that in the room whence the signals emanated was -a three-branch electrolier with unusually strong bulbs, while behind -it, set over the mantelshelf, was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> mirror, or glazed picture, to act -as a reflector in the direction of London. The signals were, no doubt, -made by working the electric-light switch.</p> - -<p>The following night saw us out again, for already reports received had -established a line of signals from a spot on the Kent coast to London -and farther north, other watchers being set in order to compare notes -with us. Again we watched the beacon-light on the mysterious house. We -saw those mysterious letters "S.M."—evidently of significance—winked -out in Morse, and together we watched the answering signals. All the -evening the light remained full on until at 1.30 a.m. we once more -watched "S.M." being sent, while soon after 2 a.m. the light went out.</p> - -<p>In the fourteen exciting days and nights which followed, I motored many -hundreds of miles over Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, instituting inquiries -and making a number of amazing discoveries, not the least astounding of -which was that, only one hour prior to the reception of that message -on the first evening of our vigil—"H. 5"—five German aeroplanes -had actually set out from the Belgian coast towards England! That -secret information was being sent from the Kent coast to London was -now proved, not only at one point, but at several, where I have since -waited and watched, and, showing signals in the same code, have been at -once answered and repeated. And every night, until the hour of writing, -this same signalling from the coast to London is in progress, and has -been watched by responsible officers of His Majesty's Service.</p> - -<p>After the first nights of vigilance, I had satisfied myself that -messages in code were being sent, so I reported—as a matter of -urgency—to the Intelligence Department of the War Office—that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> -department of which Mr. McKenna, on March 3rd, declared, "There is no -more efficient department of the State." The result was only what the -public might expect. Though this exposure was vouched for by experts in -signalling, men wearing His Majesty's uniform, all the notice taken of -it has been</p> - - - -<blockquote> - -<p> - -<span style="margin-left:45%;"><i>War Office,</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left:50%;"><i>Whitehall,</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left:55%;"><i>S.W.</i></span><br /> -<br /> -<span style="margin-left:45%;">27th February 1915.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>The Director of Military Operations presents his compliments to</i> Mr. -W. Le Queux, <i>and begs to acknowledge, with thanks, the receipt of his -letter of the</i> 25th inst. <i>which is receiving attention</i>.</p> -</blockquote> - -<p>a mere <i>printed acknowledgment</i>—reproduced above—that my report had -been received, while to my repeated appeals that proper inquiry be made -I have not even received a reply!</p> - -<p>But further. While engaged in watching in another part of Surrey on the -night of March 3rd, certain officers of the Armoured Car Squadron, who -were keeping vigil upon the house of mystery, saw<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> some green and white -rockets being discharged from the top of the hill. Their suspicions -aroused, they searched and presently found, not far from the house in -question, a powerful motor-car of German make containing three men. -The latter when challenged gave no satisfactory account of themselves, -therefore the officers held up the car while one of them telephoned to -the Admiralty for instructions. The reply received was "that they had -no right to detain the car!" But, even in face of this official policy -of do-nothing, they took off the car's powerful searchlight, which was -on a swivel, and sent it to the Admiralty for identification.</p> - -<p>This plain straightforward statement of what is nightly in progress -can be substantiated by dozens of persons, and surely, in face of the -observations taken by service men themselves—the names of whom I will -readily place at the disposal of the Government—it is little short -of a public scandal that no attempt has been made to inquire into the -matter or to seize the line of spies simultaneously. It really seems -plain that to-day the enemy alien may work his evil will anywhere as -a spy. On the other hand, it is a most heinous offence for anybody to -ride a cycle without a back-lamp!</p> - -<p>It will be remembered that in Norfolk it has been found, by Mr. -Holcombe Ingleby, M.P. for King's Lynn, that the Zeppelin raid on the -East Coast was directed by a mysterious motor-car with a searchlight. -Therefore the apathy of the Admiralty in not ordering full inquiry into -the case in question will strike the reader as extraordinary.</p> - -<p>This is the sort of proceeding that gives force to the contention -of those supporting the motion of Mr. Joynson-Hicks in the House of -Commons, that the whole matter of spies ought to be placed in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> -hands of a special authority devoted to it alone, and responsible to -Parliament. As things stand, the country is certainly in agreement with -Mr. Bonar Law in believing that the Government "have not sufficiently -realised the seriousness of this danger, and have not taken every step -to make it as small as possible." Most people will agree with Mr. John -S. Scrimgeour, who, commenting upon the shuffling of the Government, -said:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"Let the Press cease from blaming the strikers. Also let 'the men in -power' cease from their censuring, for very shame. Can I, or any man -in the street, believe that we are 'fighting for our lives' while -the enemy lives contentedly among us? Read the debate, and take as -samples mentioned therein—'Brother of the Governor of Liége,' 'German -Financial Houses,' and 'Baron von Bissing.' Don't make scapegoats of -these working-men, or even of the non-enlisting ones, while such is -the case. Neither they, nor any one else in his senses, can believe -in the seriousness of this 'life struggle' while the above state of -things continues. It is laughable—or deadly."</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Intelligence Department of the War Office—that Department so -belauded by Mr. McKenna—certainly did not display an excess of zeal in -the case of signalling in Surrey, for, to my two letters begging that -inquiry be made as a matter of urgency, I was not even vouchsafed the -courtesy of a reply. Yet I was not surprised, for in a case at the end -of January in which two supposed Belgian refugees, after living in one -of our biggest seaports and making many inquiries there, being about -to escape to Antwerp, I warned that same Department and urged that -they should be questioned before leaving London. I gave every detail, -even to the particular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> boat by which they were leaving for Flushing. -No notice, however, was taken of my report, and not until <i>three days -after they had left for the enemy's camp</i> did I receive the usual -<i>printed acknowledgment</i> that my report had been received!"</p> - -<p>That night-signalling has long been in progress in the South of England -is shown by the following. Written by a well-known gentleman, it -reached me while engaged in my investigations in Surrey. He says:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"The following facts have been brought to my notice, and may be of -interest to you. In the first week of October six soldiers were out on -patrol duty around Folkestone looking for spies—always on night-duty.</p> - -<p>"One night they saw Morse signalling going on on a hill along the sea -outside Folkestone. The signalling was in code. They divided into two -parties of three, and proceeded to surround the place. On approaching, -a shot was heard, and a bullet went through the black oilskin coat of -one man (they were all wearing these over their khaki). They went on -and discovered two Germans with a strong acetylene lamp, one of them -having a revolver with six chambers, and one discharged, also ten -spare rounds of ammunition.</p> - -<p>"They secured them and took them to the police station, but all that -happened was that they were shut up in a concentration camp! This -story was told me by one of the six who were on duty, and assisted at -the capture."</p></blockquote> - -<p>To me, there is profound mystery in the present disinclination of -the Intelligence Department of the War Office to institute inquiry. -As a voluntary worker in that department under its splendid chief, -Col. G.W.M. Macdonogh—now, alas! transferred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> elsewhere—my modest -reports furnished from many places, at home and abroad, always received -immediate attention and a private letter of thanks written in the -Chief's own hand.</p> - -<p>On the outbreak of war, however, red-tape instantly showed itself, -and I received a letter informing me that I must, in future, address -myself to the Director of Military Operations—the department which is -supposed to deal with spies.</p> - -<p>I trust that the reader will accept my words when I say that I am -not criticising Lord Kitchener's very able administration. If I felt -confident that he, and he alone, was responsible for the surveillance -of enemy aliens in our midst, then I would instantly lay down my -pen upon the subject. But while the present grave peril continues, -and while the Government continue in their endeavour to bewilder -and mislead us by placing the onus first upon the police, then, in -turn, upon the Home Office—which, it must be remembered, made an -official statement early in the war and assured us that there were no -spies—then upon the War Office, then upon the Admiralty War Staff, -while they, in turn, shift the responsibility on to the shoulders of -the local police-constable in uniform, then I will continue to raise my -voice in protest, and urge upon the public to claim their right to know -the truth.</p> - -<p>This enemy alien question is one of Britain's deadliest perils, and -yet, by reason of some mysterious influence in high quarters, Ministers -are straining every muscle to still delude and mislead the public. -These very men who are audacious enough to tell us that there are no -German spies in Great Britain are the same who, by that secret report -of the Kaiser's speech and his intention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> to make war upon us which I -furnished to the British Secret Service in 1908,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> knew the truth, -yet nevertheless adopted a policy that was deliberately intended to -close the eyes of the British public and lull it to sleep, so that, in -August, our beloved nation nearly met with complete disaster.</p> - -<p>But the British public to-day are no longer children, nor are they in -the mood to be trifled with and treated as such. The speeches made -by Mr. McKenna in the House of Commons on March 3rd have revealed to -us that the policy towards aliens is one of untruth and sham. The -debate has aroused an uneasiness in the country which will only be -restored with the greatest difficulty. To be deliberately told that -the Intelligence Department of the War Office is cognisant of every -enemy alien—in face of what I have just related—is to ask the public -to believe a fiction. And, surely, fiction is not what we want to-day. -We want hard fact—substantiated fact. We are not playing at war—as -so many people seem to think because of the splendid patriotism of the -sons of Britain—but we are fighting with all our force in defence of -our homes and our loved ones, who, if weak-kneed counsels prevail, will -most assuredly be butchered to make the Kaiser a German holiday.</p> - -<p>That public opinion is highly angered in consequence of the refusal -of the Government to admit the danger of spies, and face the problem -in a proper spirit of sturdy patriotism, is shown by the great mass -of correspondence which has reached me in consequence of my exposures -in "German Spies in England." The letters I have received from all -classes, ranging from peers to working-men, testify<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> to an astounding -state of affairs, and if the reader could but see some of this flood -of correspondence which has overwhelmed me, he would realise the -widespread fear of the peril of enemy aliens, and the public distrust -of the apathy of the Government towards it.</p> - -<p>Surely this is not surprising, even if judged only by my own personal -experiences.</p> - - -<div class="bbox"> -<p class="center">HOW THE PUBLIC ARE DELUDED!</p> - -<table summary="news" width="95%"> -<tr> -<td> -<p><i>The "Times," February 17th</i></p> - - -<p>The Secretary of the Admiralty makes the following announcement:</p> - -<p>Information has been received that two persons, posing as an officer -and sergeant, and dressed in khaki, are going about the country -attempting to visit military works, etc.</p> - -<p>They were last seen in the Midlands on the 6th instant, when they -effected an entry into the works of a firm who are doing engineer's -work for the Admiralty. They made certain inquiries as to the presence -or otherwise of anti-aircraft guns, which makes it probable that they -are foreign agents in disguise.</p> - -<p>All contractors engaged on work for H.M. Navy are hereby notified with -a view to the apprehension of these individuals, and are advised that -no persons should be admitted to their works unless notice has been -received beforehand of their coming.</p> -</td> -<td> </td> -<td class="tdr"> -<p><i>The "Times," March 4th</i></p> - -<p>Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, during the debate in the -House of Commons upon the question of enemy aliens, raised by Mr. -Joynson-Hicks, said he could give the House the assurance that every -single enemy alien was <i>known</i>, and was <i>at the present moment</i> under -constant police surveillance. He wished to inform the House and the -country that they had at the War Office a branch which included -the censorship and other services all directed to the one end of -safeguarding the country from the operations of undesirable persons. -It would not be right to speak publicly of the activities of that -branch, but it was doing most admirable service, and he repudiated -with all earnestness the suggestion that the department did not take -this matter of espionage with the utmost seriousness.</p> -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>Let us further examine the facts. Mr. McKenna, in a speech made in the -House of Commons on November 26th on the subject, said: "The moment the -War Office has decided upon the policy, the Home Office places at the -disposal of the War Office the whole of its machinery." On March 3rd -the Home Secretary repeated that statement, and declared, in a retort -made to Mr. Joynson-Hicks, that he was not shirking responsibility, as -<i>he had never had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> any</i>! Now, if this be true, why did Mr. McKenna make -the communiqué to the Press soon after the outbreak of war, assuring us -that there were no spies in England, and that all the enemy aliens were -such dear good people? I commented upon it in the <i>Daily Telegraph</i> on -the following day, and over my own name apologised to the public for -my past offence of daring to mention that such gentry had ever existed -among us. If Lord Kitchener were actually responsible, then one may ask -why had the Home Secretary felt himself called upon to tell the public -that pretty fairy-tale?</p> - -<p>Now with regard to the danger of illicit wireless. Early in January -1914—seven months before the outbreak of war—being interested in -wireless myself, and president of a Wireless Association, my suspicions -were aroused regarding certain persons, some of them connected with an -amateur club in the neighbourhood of Hatton Garden. Having thoroughly -investigated the matter, and also having been able to inspect some of -the apparatus used by these persons, I made, on February 17th, 1914, a -report upon the whole matter to the Director of Military Intelligence, -pointing out the ease with which undesirable persons might use -wireless. The Director was absent on leave, and no action was taken in -the matter.</p> - -<p>A month later I went to the Wireless Department of the General Post -Office, who had granted me my own licence, and was received there with -every courtesy and thanked for my report, which was regarded with -such seriousness that it was forwarded at once to the Admiralty, who -have wireless under their control. In due course the Admiralty gave -it over to the police to make inquiries, and the whole matter was, I -suppose—as is usual in such cases—<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span>dealt with and reported upon by a -constable in uniform.</p> - -<p>Here let me record something further.</p> - -<p>In February last I called at New Scotland Yard in order to endeavour to -get the police to make inquiry into two highly suspicious cases, one -of a person at Winchester, and the other concerning signal-lights seen -north-east of London in the Metropolitan District. I had interviews -with certain officials of the Special Department, and also with -one of the Assistant Commissioners, and after much prevarication I -gathered—not without surprise—that no action could be taken <i>without -the consent of the Home Office</i>! How this latter fact can be in -accordance with the Home Secretary's statement in the House of Commons -I confess I fail to see.</p> - -<p>But I warn the Government that the alien peril—now that so many civil -persons have been released from the internment camps—is a serious and -growing one. The responsibility should, surely, not be placed upon, -or implied to rest upon, Lord Kitchener, who is so nobly performing a -gigantic task. If the public believed that he was really responsible, -then they, and myself, would at once maintain silence. The British -public believes in Lord Kitchener, and, as one man, will follow him to -the end. But it certainly will not believe or tolerate this see-saw -policy of false assurances and delusion, and the attempt to stifle -criticism—notably the case of the <i>Globe</i>—of which the Home Office -have been guilty. There is a rising feeling of wrath, as well as a -belief that the peril from within with which the country is faced—the -peril of the thousands of enemy aliens in our midst—most of whom are -not under control—together with the whole army of spies ready and -daily awaiting, in impatience, the signal to strike<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> simultaneously—is -wilfully disregarded. Even the police themselves—no finer body of men -than whom exists anywhere in the world—openly express disgust at the -appalling neglect of the mysterious so-called "authorities" to deal -with the question with a firm and strong hand.</p> - -<p>Naturally, the reader asks why is not inquiry made into cases of real -suspicion reported by responsible members of the community. I have -before me letters among others from peers, clergymen, solicitors, -justices of the peace, members of city councils, a well-known -shipowner, a Government contractor, Members of Parliament, baronets, -etc., all giving me cases of grave suspicion of spies, and all -deploring that no inquiry is made, application to the police being -fruitless, and asking my advice as to what quarter they should report -them.</p> - -<p>All these reports, and many more, I will willingly place at the service -of a proper authority, appointed with powers to effectively deal -with the matter. At present, however, after my own experience as an -illustration of the sheer hopelessness of the situation, the reader -will not wonder that I am unable to give advice.</p> - -<p>Could Germany's unscrupulous methods go farther than the scandal -exposed in America, in the late days of February, of how Captain -Boy-Ed, Naval Attaché of the German Embassy at Washington, and the -Kaiser's spy-master in the United States, endeavoured to induce the -man Stegler to cross to England and spy on behalf of Germany? In this, -Germany is unmasked. Captain Boy-Ed was looked upon as one of the -ablest German naval officers. He is tall and broad-shouldered, speaks -English fluently, and in order to Americanise his appearance has -shaved off his "Prince Henry"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> whiskers which German naval officers -traditionally affect. When he took up his duties at Washington he -was a man of about forty-five, and ranked in the German navy as -lieutenant-commander. But his career of usefulness as Naval Attaché, -with an office in the shipping quarters of New York, has been -irretrievably impaired by the charges of Stegler, whose wife produced -many letters in proof of the allegation that the attaché was the -mainspring of a conspiracy to secure English-speaking spies for service -to be rendered by German submarines and other German warships on the -British side of the Atlantic.</p> - -<p>The plot, exposed in every paper in the United States, was a low -and cunning one, and quite in keeping with the methods of the men -of "Kultur." Mrs. Stegler, a courageous little woman from Georgia, -saw how her husband—an export clerk in New York—was being drawn -into the German net as a spy, and she stimulated her husband to give -the whole game away. To the United States police, Stegler, at his -wife's suggestion, was perfectly frank and open. He exposed the whole -dastardly plot. He stated that Captain Boy-Ed engineered the spy-plot -that cost Lody his life, and declared that in his dealings with the -attaché the matter of going to England as a spy progressed to a point -where the money that was to be paid to his wife for her support while -he was in England was discussed. Captain Boy-Ed, Stegler went on to -say, agreed to pay Mrs. Stegler £30 a month while he was in England, -and furthermore agreed that if the British discovered his mission and -he met the fate of Lody, Mrs. Stegler was to receive £30 a month from -the German Government as long as she lived!</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p> - -<p>Stegler said he told his wife of the agreement to pay to her the amount -named, and that she asked him what guarantee he could give that the -money would be paid as promised. At that time Mrs. Stegler did not know -the perilous nature of the mission that her husband had consented to -undertake. When Stegler reported fully to his American wife, and she -got from him the entire story of his proposed trip to England, she, -like a brave woman, determined to foil the conspiracy. Captain Boy-Ed -was not convincing regarding the payment to her for the services of -her husband as a spy by the German Government for life, and she told -her husband that the German Government would probably treat Captain -Boy-Ed's promise to pay as a "mere scrap of paper." Having been urged -to study the recent history of Belgium, Stegler confessed that he had -his doubts. Finally he resolved to reveal the existence of a plot to -supply German spies from New York.</p> - -<p>Could any facts be more illuminating than these? Surely no man in -Great Britain, after reading this, can further doubt the existence of -German-American spies among us.</p> - -<p>There is not, I think, a single reader of these pages who will not -agree with the words of that very able and well-informed writer who -veils his identity in the <i>Referee</i> under the <i>nom-de-plume</i> of -"Vanoc." On March 14th he wrote:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"This is no question of Party. I am not going to break the Party -truce. In the interests of the British Empire, however, I ask that -a list of all the men of German stock or of Hebrew-German stock who -have received distinctions, honours, titles, appointments, contracts, -or sinecures, both inside or outside the House of Commons, House of -Lords, and Privy Coun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span>cil, shall be prepared, printed, and circulated. -Also a list of Frenchmen, Russians, and Colonials so honoured. It is -also necessary for a clear understanding of the spy-question that -the public should know whether it is a fact that favoured German -individuals have contributed large sums to political Party funds -on both sides, and whether the tenderness that is shown Teutons or -Hebrew-Teutons decorated or rewarded with contracts, favours, or -distinctions is due to the obvious fact that if dangerous spies -were not allowed their freedom Party government would be exposed, -discredited, and abolished."</p></blockquote> - -<p>This is surely a demand which will be heartily supported by every one -who has the welfare of his country at heart. Too long have we been -misled by the bogus patriotism of supposed "naturalised" Germans, who, -in so many cases, have purchased honours with money filched from the -poor. "Vanoc" in his indictment goes on to say:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"The facts are incredible. I know of one case of a German actually -employed on Secret Service at the War Office. This German is the son -of the agent of a vast German enterprise engaged in making munitions -and guns for the destruction of the sons, brothers, and lovers of the -very Englishwomen who are now engaged most wisely and energetically -in waking the country to a sense of the spy-peril that lurks in our -midst. The British public does not understand a decimal point of a -tithe of the significance of the spy-peril. Nonsense is talked about -spies. Energy is concentrated on the little spies, who don't count. -Much German money is wasted on unintelligent spies. The British -officers to whom is entrusted the duty of spy-taking, if they are -outside the political influence which is poisonous to our national -life, are probably the best in the world. The big spies are still -potent in control of our national life."</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span></p> - -<p>Are we not, indeed, coddling the Hun?</p> - -<p>Even the pampering of German officers at Donington Hall pales into -insignificance when we recollect that, upon Dr. Macnamara's admission, -£86,000 a month, or £1,000,000 per year, is being paid for the hire of -ships in which to intern German prisoners, and this is at a time when -the scarcity of shipping is sending up the cost of every necessity! The -Hague Convention, of course, forbids the use of gaols for prisoners -of war, yet have we not many nice comfortable workhouses, industrial -schools, and such-like institutions which could be utilised? We all -know how vilely the Germans are treating our officers and men who -are their prisoners, even depriving them of sufficient rations, and -forbidding tobacco, fruit, or tinned vegetables. With this in view, the -country are asking, and not without reason, why we should treat those -in our hands as welcome guests. Certainly our attitude has produced -disgust in the Dominions.</p> - -<p>How Germany must be laughing at us! How the enemy aliens in certain -quarters of London are jeering at us, openly, and toasting to the -Day of our Downfall, I have already described. How the spies among -us—unknown in spite of Mr. Tennant's amazing assertion—must be -laughing in their sleeves and chuckling over the panic and disaster -for which they are waiting from day to day in the hope of achieving. -The signal—the appearance of Zeppelins over London—has not yet been -given. Whether it will ever be given we know not. All we know is that -an unscrupulous enemy, whose influence is widespread over our land, -working insidiously and in secret, has prepared for us a blow from -within our gates which, when it comes, will stagger even Mr. McKenna -himself.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span></p> - -<p>With the example of how spies, in a hundred guises, have been found in -Belgium, in France, in Russia, in Egypt, and even in gallant little -Serbia, can any sane man believe that there are none to-day in Great -Britain? No. The public know it, and the Government know it, but the -latter are endeavouring to hoodwink those who demand action in the -House of Commons, just as they endeavour to mystify the members of the -public who present reports of suspicious cases.</p> - -<p>The question is: <i>Are we here told the Truth?</i></p> - -<p>I leave it to the reader of the foregoing pages to form his own -conclusions, and to say whether he is satisfied to be further deluded -and mystified without raising his voice in protest for the truth to -be told, and the spy-peril to be dealt with by those fully capable of -doing so, instead of adopting methods which are daily playing into -Germany's hands and preparing us upon the altar of our own destruction.</p> - -<p>I have here written the truth, and I leave it to the British public -themselves to judge me, and to judge those who, failing in their duty -at this grave crisis of our national history, are courting a disaster -worse than that which overtook poor stricken Belgium.</p> - - - -<div class="footnotes"><p class="ph3">FOOTNOTES:</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For a full report of this astounding speech see "German -Spies in England," by William Le Queux, 1915.</p></div></div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span></p> - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF DELUDING THE PUBLIC</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">As</span> showing the trend of public opinion regarding the spy-peril, I may -perhaps be permitted to here give a few examples taken haphazard from -the huge mass of correspondence with which I have been daily flooded -since the publication of my exposure on that subject.</p> - -<p>Many of my correspondents have, no doubt, made discoveries of -serious cases of espionage. Yet, as spies are nobody's business, the -authorities, in the majority of cases, have not even troubled to -inquire into the allegations made by responsible persons. I freely -admit that many wild reports have been written and circulated by -hysterical persons who believe that every twinkling light they see is -the flashing of signals, and that spies lurk in houses in every quiet -and lonely spot. It is so very easy to become affected with spy-mania, -especially when one recollects that every German abroad is patriotic, -and his first object is to become a secret agent of the Fatherland. In -this connection I have no more trust in the so-called "naturalised" -German than in the full-blooded and openly avowed Prussian. Once -a man is born a German he is always a German, and in taking out -naturalisation papers he is only deliberately cheating the country -which grants them, because, according to the Imperial law of his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> -land, he cannot change his own nationality. So let us, once and for -all, dismiss for ever the hollow farce of naturalisation, for its very -act is one of fraud, and only attempted with some ulterior motive.</p> - -<p>As regards "unnaturalised" Germans the inquirer may perhaps be -permitted to ask why Baron von Ow-Wachendorf, a lieutenant in the -Yellow Uhlans of Stuttgart, just under thirty years of age, was -permitted to practise running in Hyde Park so as to fit himself for his -military duties, and why was he on March 1st allowed to leave Tilbury -for Holland to fight against us? Again, has not Mr. Ronald McNeill put -rather a delicate problem before the Under-Secretary for War in asking, -in the House, whether Count Ergon von Bassewitz and his brother, Count -Adalbert von Bassewitz, were brought to England as prisoners of war; -whether either was formerly on the Staff of the Germany Embassy in -London, and well known in London Society; whether one, and which, of -the two brothers was recently set at liberty, and is now at large in -London; whether he was released on any and what conditions; and for -what reason this German officer, possessing exceptional opportunities -for obtaining information likely to be useful to the enemy, is allowed -freedom in England at the present time.</p> - -<p>The man-in-the-street who has, in the past, laughed at the very idea -of spies—and quite justly, because he has been so cleverly misled -and bamboozled by official assurances—has now begun to see that -they do exist. He has read of a hundred cases abroad where spies -have formed a vanguard of the invading German armies, and how no -fewer than fifty-seven German spies were arrested and <i>convicted</i> in -Switzerland during the month of August, therefore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> he cannot disguise -from himself that the same dastardly vanguard is already here among us. -Then he at once asks, and very naturally too, why do the authorities -officially protect them? What pro-German influence in high quarters -can be at work to connive at our undoing? It is that which is to-day -undermining public confidence. Compare our own methods with those of -methodical matter-of-fact Germany? Are we methodical; are we thorough? -The man-in-the-street who daily reads his newspaper—if he pauses or -reflects—sees quite plainly that instead of facing the alien peril, -those in authority prefer to allow us to sit upon the edge of the -volcano, and have, indeed, already actually prepared public opinion to -accept a disclaimer of responsibility if disaster happens. The whole -situation is truly appalling. Little wonder is it that, because I -should have dared to lay bare the canker in Britain's heart, I should -be written to by despairing hundreds who have lost all confidence in -certain of our rulers.</p> - -<p>Some of these letters the reader may find of interest.</p> - -<p>From one, written by a well-known gentleman living in Devonshire, I -take the following, which arouses a new reflection. He says:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"I may be wrong, but one important point seems to have been -overlooked, viz. the daily publication of somewhat cryptic messages -and advertisements appearing in the Personal Columns of the British -Press. For instance:</p> - -<p>"'M.—Darling. Meet as arranged. Letter perfect. Should I also write? -To "the Day, and Kismet."—Vilpar.'</p> - -<p>"Such a message may be, as doubtless it is, perfectly innocent; but -what is to prevent spies in our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> midst utilising this method of -communicating information to the enemy. The leading British newspapers -are received in Germany, and even the enclosed pseudo-medical -advertisement may be the message of a traitor. It seems to me that the -advertisement columns of our Press constitute the safest medium for -the transmission of information.</p> - -<p>"Pray do not think I am suggesting that the British Press would -willingly lend their papers to such an infernal use, but unless they -are exercising the strictest precautions the loophole is there. -I am somewhat impressed by the number of refugees to be found in -these parts—Ilfracombe, Combe Martin, Lynton, etc., coast towns and -villages of perhaps minor strategic importance, but situated on the -Bristol Channel and facing important towns like Swansea, Cardiff, etc. -I notice particularly that their daily walks abroad are usually taken -along the coastal roads. I've never met them inland. Apologising for -the length of this letter and trusting that your splendid efforts will -in due time receive their well-deserved reward."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Here my correspondent has certainly touched upon a point which should -be investigated. We know that secret information is daily sent from -Great Britain to Berlin, and we also know some of the many methods -adopted.</p> - -<p>Indeed, I have before me, as I write, a spy's letter sent from Watford -to Amsterdam, to be collected by a German agent and reforwarded to -Berlin. It is written upon a column of a London daily newspaper, -various letters of which are ticked in red ink in several ways, -some being underlined, some crossed, some dotted underneath—a very -ingenious code indeed—but one which has, happily, been decoded by an -expert. This newspaper, after the message had been written upon it, had -been placed in a news<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span>paper-wrapper and addressed to an English name -in Amsterdam. This is but one of the methods. Another is the use of -invisible ink with which spies write their messages upon the pages of -newspapers and magazines. A third is, no doubt, the publication of -cryptic advertisements, as suggested by my correspondent.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>HOW THE GOVERNMENT HAVE ADOPTED MR. LE QUEUX'S SUGGESTION</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>"<i>German Spies in England," by William Le Queux. Published February -17th, 1915.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>The first step to stop the activity of spies should be the absolute -closing of the sea routes from these shores to all persons, excepting -those who are vouched for by the British Foreign Office. Assume that -the spy is here; how are we to prevent him getting out?</p> - -<p>By closing the sea routes to all who could not produce to our Foreign -Office absolutely satisfactory guarantees of their <i>bona fides</i>. The -ordinary passport system is not sufficient; the Foreign Office should -demand, and see that it gets, not only a photograph, but a very clear -explanation of the business of every person who seeks to travel from -England to the Continent, backed by unimpeachable references from -responsible British individuals, banks, or firms.</p> - -<p>In every single case of application for a passport it should be -personal, and the most stringent inquiries should be made. I see no -other means of putting an end to a danger which, whatever the official -apologists may say, is still acute, and shows no signs of diminishing.</p> - -<p>Under the best of conditions some leakage may take place. But our -business is to see, by every means we can adopt, that the leakage is -reduced to the smallest possible proportions.</p> - - -<p><i>"Daily Mail," March 11th, 1915.</i></p> - -<p>Holiday-makers or business men who wish to travel to Holland now find -that their preliminary arrangements include much more than the purchase -of a rail and steamship ticket.</p> - -<p>New regulations, which came into force on Monday, necessitate not -only a passport, but a special permit to travel from the Home Office. -Application for this permit must be made in person three clear days -before sailing. Passport, photograph, and certificate of registration -must be produced and the names and addresses of two British subjects -furnished as references.</p> - -<p>The Home Office erected a special building for this department, which -was opened on Thursday last, the first day on which application could -be made. Before lunch over 250 applications had been received. By four -o'clock, the official hour for closing, nearly 500 persons had been -attended to, and the crowd was even then so great that the doors had to -be closed to prevent any more entering. Intending travellers included -British, French, and Dutch business men, but quite a large number of -Belgian refugees attended for permits to return to their country. The -Tilbury route was the only one open to them. Not all the applications -were granted. It is necessary to furnish reasonable and satisfactory -evidence as to the object of the journey, and some of the applicants -were unable to do this.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Of other means of communication, namely, night-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span>signalling—of which -I have given my own personal experience in the previous chapter—my -correspondents send me many examples.</p> - -<p>The same code-signal as a prefix—the letters "S.M."—are being seen at -points as far distant as Herne Bay and Alnwick, on both the Yorkshire -and Fifeshire coasts, above Sidmouth and at Ilfracombe. Dozens of -reports of night-signalling lie before me—not mere statements of -fancied lights, but facts vouched for by three and four reliable -witnesses. Yet, in face of it all, the authorities pooh-pooh it, and in -some counties we have been treated to the ludicrous spectacle of the -civil and military authorities falling at loggerheads over it!</p> - -<p>Belgian refugees writing to me have, in more than one instance, -reported highly interesting facts. In one case an ex-detective of the -Antwerp police, now a refugee in England, has identified a well-known -German spy who was in Antwerp before the Germans entered there, and who -came to England in the guise of a refugee! This individual is now in -an important town in Essex, while my informant is living in the same -town. Surely such a case is one for searching inquiry, and the more so -because the suspect poses as an engineer, and is in the employ of a -firm of engineers who do not suspect the truth. But before whom is my -friend, the Belgian ex-detective, to place his information?</p> - -<p>True, he might perhaps lay the information before the Chief Constable -of the County of Essex, but in his letter to me he asks, and quite -naturally, is it worth while? If the Intelligence Department of the -War Office—that Department so belauded in the House of Commons by Mr. -McKenna on March 3rd—refuses to investigate the case of signalling in -Surrey, cited in the last chapter, and vouched for by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> the officers -themselves, then what hope is there that they would listen to the -report of a mere refugee—even though he be an ex-detective?</p> - -<p>As I turn over report after report before me I see another which seems -highly suspicious. A hard-up German doctor—his name, his address, -and many facts are given—living at a Kent coast town, where he was a -panel doctor, suddenly, on the outbreak of war, removes to another Kent -coast town not far from Dover, takes a large house with grounds high -up overlooking the sea, and retires from practice. My informant says -he has written to the Home Office about it, but as usual no notice has -been taken of his letter.</p> - -<p>Another correspondent, a well-known shipowner, writing me from one of -our seaports in the north, asks why the German ex-consul should be -allowed to remain in that city and do shipping business ostensibly with -Rotterdam? By being allowed his freedom he can obtain full information -as to what is in progress at this very important Scotch port, and, -knowing as we do that every German consul is bound to send secret -information to Berlin at stated intervals, it requires but little -stretch of one's imagination to think what happens. But the matter has -already been reported to the police and found to be, as elsewhere, -nobody's business. Phew! One perspires to think of it!</p> - -<p>Take another example—that of a German hotel-keeper who, living on -the coast north of the Firth of Forth, was proved to have tapped the -coast-guard telephone, and yet he was allowed to go free!</p> - -<p>A lady, well known in London society, writes to me requesting me to -assist her, and says: "I have been working for five months to get a -very suspicious case looked into, and all the satisfaction I get<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> -is that 'the party is being watched.' I <i>know</i> to what extent this -same person has been working against my country and I should much -appreciate an interview with you. I could tell you very much that would -be of great benefit to the country, but it of course falls on deaf -ears—officially."</p> - -<p>Another correspondent asks why Germans, naturalised or unnaturalised, -are allowed to live in the vicinity of Herne Bay when none are allowed -either at Westgate or Margate. In this connection it is curious that it -is from Herne Bay the mysterious night-signals already described first -appear, and are then transmitted to various parts of the country.</p> - -<p>In another letter the grave danger of allowing foreign servants to -be employed at various hotels at Plymouth is pointed out, and it is -asked whether certain houses in that city are not hot-beds of German -intrigue. Now with regard to this aspect of affairs Mr. McKenna, -answering Mr. Fell in Parliament on March 10th, said he had no power -to impose conditions on the employment of waiters, British or alien, -and so the suggested notice outside hotels employing aliens was not -accepted.</p> - -<p>From Tunbridge Wells two serious cases of suspicion are reported, and -near Tenterden, in Kent, there undoubtedly lives one of our "friends" -the night-signallers, while in a certain village in Sussex the husband -of the sub-postmistress is a German, whose father, a tradesman in a -neighbouring town, I hear, often freely ventilates his patriotism to -his Fatherland.</p> - -<p>That the "pirate" submarines are receiving petrol in secret is an -undoubted fact. At Swansea recently a vessel bound for Havre was found -to have taken on board as part of her stores 400 gallons of petrol. She -was not a motor-boat, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> Customs authorities were very properly -suspicious, but the captain insisted that the petrol was wanted as -stores, and that there were no means by which we could prevent that -petrol going. Where did it go to? There were boats no doubt in the -neighbourhood which wanted petrol. <i>They were enemy submarines!</i></p> - -<p>Of isolated reports of espionage, and of the work of Germany's secret -agents, dozens lie before me, many of which certainly call for -strictest investigation. But who will do this work if the "authorities" -so steadily refuse, in order to bamboozle the public, to perform their -duty?</p> - -<p>Some of these reports are accompanied by maps and plans. One is from -a well-known solicitor, who is trustee for an estate in Essex where, -adjoining, several men a month or so ago purchased a small holding -consisting of a homestead and a single acre of land. They asserted -that they had come from Canada, and having dug up the single acre in -question for the purpose of growing potatoes, as they say, they are -now living together, their movements being highly suspicious. On more -than one occasion mysterious explosions have been heard within the -house—which is a lonely one, and a long way from any other habitation.</p> - -<p>The wife of a well-known Scotch Earl who has been diligent in -making various inquiries into suspicious cases in Scotland, and has -endeavoured to stir up the authorities to confirm the result of her -observations, has written to me in despair. She has done her best, -alas! without avail.</p> - -<p>And again, in yet another case, the widow of an English Earl, whose -name is as a household word, has written to me reporting various -matters which have come to her notice and deploring that no heed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> has -been taken of her statements by the supine "powers-that-be."</p> - -<p>Beside this pile of grave reports upon my table, I have opened a big -file of reports of cases of espionage which reached me during the year -1909. In the light of events to-day they are, indeed, astounding.</p> - -<p>Here is one, the name and address of my correspondent I do not here -print, but it is at the disposal of the authorities. He says:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"Staying recently at North Queensferry I made the acquaintance of a -young German, who was there, he informed me, for quiet and health -reasons. He was a man of rather taciturn and what I put down to -eccentric disposition, for he spoke very little, and, from the time -he went away in the morning early, he never put in an appearance -until dusk. One day, as was my wont, I was sitting in the front -garden when I noticed a fair-sized red morocco notebook lying on the -grass. I picked it up, and on my opening it up, what was my surprise -and amazement to find that it was full to overflowing with sketches -and multitudinous information regarding the Firth of Forth. All the -small bays, buoys, etc., together with depth of water at the various -harbour entrances at high and low tide, were admirably set out. I -also found, neatly folded up, a letter addressed to my friend which -had contained an enclosure of money from the German Government. I -hesitated no longer, for I sent notebook, etc., to the authorities at -London. Three days after I had sent the letter off, a stranger called -to see my friend the German. They both left together, and I have never -heard any more about it since. The German's trunk still lies at North -Queensferry awaiting its owner's return."</p></blockquote> - -<p>The following reached me on March 11th:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span></p><blockquote> - -<p>"I note what you mention regarding Weybourne in Norfolk, and would -trespass on your time to relate an occurrence which took place about -the autumn of 1908, when I was living at Overstrand. I had walked -over to Weybourne and was about to return by train when two men, -dressed more or less as tramps, entered the station to take their -tickets; they were followed by a tall, handsome man, unmistakably a -German officer, who spoke to them, looked at their tickets and walked -straight up the platform. The men sat down on a bench to wait for -the train, and I took a seat near them with a view to overhearing -their conversation. It appeared to be in German dialect and little -intelligible. The officer, meanwhile, who had reached the end of the -platform, turned round and, quickening his steps, came and placed -himself directly in front of us: the men at once were silent, and the -officer remained where he was, casting many scowls in my direction. On -the following day I met him, on this occasion alone, on the pathway -leading from the 'Garden of Sleep' to Overstrand. He recognised me -at once, scowled once again, and passed on to the Overstrand Hotel. -I mentioned the subject to a gentleman resident in Overstrand, who -asked me to write an account of the matter to be placed before the -War Office, but I believe that my friend forgot to forward the paper. -A retired officer in Cromer informed me that the German officer -in question was well known as the head of the German spies in the -neighbourhood. Some questions happened to be asked in the House of -Commons that very week as to the existence of spies in Norfolk. The -Home Secretary, the present Lord Gladstone, I think, replied to these -in the manner which might be expected of him.</p> - -<p>"From the first I recognised the fact that the men were spies. I -imagined that they had been surveying, at Weybourne, but in the light -of recent events I think a <i>gun emplacement</i> or a <i>petrol store</i> may -have been their 'objective.' The two men were rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> undersized, -badly dressed, and more or less covered with mud, probably mechanics. -One I remember had extraordinary teeth, about the size of the -thickness of one's little finger. The officer, as I have said, was -a fine man, broad and well-proportioned, from thirty to forty years -of age. Oddly enough I thought that I recognised him recently on a -cinematograph film depicting the staff of the German Emperor. I left -the neighbourhood not long after, otherwise I should certainly have -made further investigations, convinced as I was of the shady nature -of these individuals. The officer, I am sure, recognised that I was a -detective."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Another report is from a steward on a liner, who writes:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"At the Queen's Hotel, at Leith, one day I overheard these words from -a man speaking in German. 'What's this! Your Highness's servants—when -did they come North?' Now one of these I have met several times. I -have travelled with him from Antwerp, and I was in his company between -Leith and London. He was of a cheerful disposition, and played the -violin well, but would not allow any one to go into his cabin, not -even the steward! One day, while he was playing to the passengers on -the promenade deck, and the sailors were washing down the poop deck, I -had to go into his berth to shut his port-hole; to my surprise I found -that he had been working out the draft of a plan, and was marking in -the coast defence stations, and all the information he had obtained -from the ship's officers and passengers. There were also various other -drawings of the Forth and other bridges, and plans of the sea coast -from the Firth of Forth to Yarmouth, while in his box were all kinds -of mathematical instruments, together with some envelopes addressed -to Count von X. [the name is given] of Bremen. He told me that he -was going to London for a year's engagement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> at a music hall, yet, -strangely enough, two weeks later I found this same German on the -Carron Company's steamer <i>Avon</i> bound for Grangemouth. For some time -I lost all trace of him, but last October I met the same German at -the new Dock at Kirkcaldy, posing as a photographer. At that time the -name on his bag was H. Shindler. We had a drink together, but, on my -asking why he had changed his profession, he laughed mysteriously, and -admitted that he had made a long tour of England and Wales, taking -many interesting pictures. Each time I met him he had considerably -altered his appearance, and the last I saw of him was when I saw him -into the train on his way to Dunfermline."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Yet another I pick out at haphazard. It is from an actor whose name -is well known, and is, as are all the others, at the disposal of any -official inquirers. He writes to me:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"I was engaged to play in the 'panto' of 'Sinbad the Sailor.' We were -to rehearse and play a week at the 'Prince's Theatre,' Llandudno. I -was in the habit of visiting a certain barber's shop, and was always -attended to by a German assistant. He seemed a man of about forty -years of age, and his name was K—— [the actual name is given]. On -the first Saturday of my sojourn in the place I called at the shop, -along with another member of our company. When about to leave, my -'pal' and myself were rather startled by the 'attendant' inviting the -two of us to come for a drive on the following day, Sunday. Naturally -we accepted the invitation, at the same time thinking it rather -strange that a man earning say 30<i>s.</i> a week could afford such a -luxury as a drive. At noon, next day, my friend and I turned up at the -rendezvous, and sure enough our friend was there with a <i>landau</i> and -pair. This was certainly doing the 'big thing,' but more was to follow.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span></p> -<p>"We drove to Conway, stabled there, and then went for a stroll round -the picturesque old castle. Our friend then proposed that we adjourn -for something to eat, so, as our appetites were a bit keen by this -time, we went to the 'White Hart Hotel.' Here another surprise awaited -us, for dinner was all set and ready. And what a dinner! My 'pal' and -I had visions of a huge bill, but on our friend squaring the amount we -sat in open-mouthed surprise.</p> - -<p>"By this time we were anxious to know a little about our 'host,' but -not until he had had a few brandy-and-sodas did he tell us much. He -then said he had some estates in Germany, and ultimately confessed (in -strict confidence) that he held an important Government appointment. -After a few hours in Conway we drove back to Llandudno, and as our -friend of the 'soap and brush' was in a hilarious mood, nothing -would do but that we drive to his rooms. And what rooms! Fit for a -prince! We had a splendid supper followed by wine and cigars. He then -proceeded to show my friend and me a great number of photographs (all -taken by himself, he explained) of all the coast mountains and roads -for many miles around Llandudno. It was not till we mentioned the -affair to some gentlemen in Llandudno that we were informed that our -barber friend was, in all probability, a spy in the pay of the German -Government!"</p></blockquote> - -<p>Here is another, from a correspondent at Glasgow:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"Down by the shipping, along the Clydeside, are many barbers' shops, -etc., owned by foreigners, and in one of these I think I have spotted -an individual whose movements and behaviour entitle me to regard him -as a spy. The party in question is a German of middle age, a man of -remarkably refined appearance—in fact, not the class of man that one -would ordinarily associate with a barber's shop. One has but to engage -him in conversation to dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>cover that he is no stupid foreigner, but a -man very much up to date as regards our methods and things happening -in this country. Our language, too, he speaks like a native, and, were -it not for his markedly Teutonic features, he might pass for one of -ourselves.</p> - -<p>"What excited my suspicions first regarding this personage was the -fact that he was continually quizzing and putting to me questions -regarding my employment of a decidedly delicate nature, and conversing -freely on subjects about which I thought few people knew anything. I -also noticed, when in his shop, that he was most lavish in his remarks -to customers, especially to young engineers and draughtsmen who came -to him from the neighbouring shipbuilding yards, leading them on to -talk about matters concerning the Navy and shipbuilding; their work in -the various engineering shops and drawing offices; and the time likely -to be taken to complete this or that gunboat, etc. Indeed, with some -of these young engineers and draughtsmen I have not failed to notice -that he is particularly 'chummy,' and I also know, for a fact, that -on several occasions he has been 'up town' with them, visiting music -halls and theatres, and that they have spent many evenings together. -On these occasions no doubt, under the influence of liquor, many -confidences will have been exchanged, and many 'secrets' regarding -work and methods indiscreetly revealed.</p> - -<p>"But so much for the above. On surmise alone my conclusions regarding -this man might have been entirely wrong, but for the fact that I, -one evening, met with a former employee of his, also a German, in -another barber's shop in the city. This youngster, evidently nursing a -grievance against his late employer for something or other, was quick -to unburden himself to me regarding him, and gave me the following -particulars. He said that his late master was not what he appeared to -be, and that his barbering was all a blind to cover something else; in -fact<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> (and this he hinted pretty broadly) that his presence over here -in this country was for no good. He further said that he was still a -member of the German Army (although in appearance he looks to be long -past military service), and that regularly money was sent to him from -Berlin; that he was an agent for the bringing in to this country of -crowds of young Germans, male and female, who came over here to learn -our language and study our methods; that his shop was the rendezvous -for certain members of his own nationality, who met there periodically -at night for some secret purpose which he had never been able to -fathom; that he was often away from the shop for weeks at a time, no -one knew where, the business in his absence then being looked after -by a brother. In addition to the above, I may say that the walls of -his shop are positively crowded with pictures of such celebrities as -Lord Roberts, Lord Kitchener, General French, etc., etc., the face -of the Kaiser being a noticeable absentee, doubtless on purpose. He -likes you, too, to believe in his affection for this country, which he -openly parades, although I am told that in private he sneers at us, at -our soldiers and people. From the above, I think I have established my -case against this wily Teuton, who, while masquerading as a barber, is -yet all the time here for a totally different purpose, <i>i.e.</i> to spy -upon us."</p></blockquote> - -<p>How a German secret agent altered a British military message is told by -another of my correspondents, who says:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"The time of the incident was during the visit of the Kaiser to the -Earl of Lonsdale at Lowther Castle. I was employed at an hotel in -Keswick, and my duties were to look after a billiard-room. Among my -customers was a foreign gentleman, who was always rather inquisitive -if any military matter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> was under discussion, and our many chats -brought us on very friendly terms. Well, about the last week of the -Emperor's visit, the Earl of Lonsdale arranged a drive for the Emperor -and the house-party for the purpose of letting them see the English -Lake District. The route lay via Patterdale, Windermere, Thirlmere, -then on to Keswick, from there by train to Penrith, and again drive -the three or four miles back to Lowther Castle.</p> - -<p>"It must be remembered that, the Emperor's visit being a private -one, military displays would be out of place, but on the day of -the above-mentioned drive a telegram was received from the officer -in command of the Penrith Volunteers asking if permission could be -granted for the volunteers to mount a guard of honour at the station -on the arrival of the Emperor's train at Penrith. Now, as I was going -up home to the 'Forge' I met my father coming to Keswick, and as he -seemed out of wind, I undertook to take his message, which was the -reply to the above 'wire.' The text of the answer only contained two -words, which were to the point: 'Certainly not,' and signed by the -commanding officer at headquarters. When I got within half a mile -of Keswick I was overtaken by my foreign acquaintance, who was on -a bicycle, and on his asking me why I was hurrying, I told him I -had a rather urgent 'wire' to send. He kindly undertook to have it -despatched, as he was passing the Post Office, and I unsuspectingly -consented. On the arrival of the royal train at Penrith you may judge -the surprise and disgust of the officers, some of whom had in private -travelled in the royal train to see the volunteers lining the station -approach! Inquiries were made—the post office authorities produced -the telegram, as handed in, with the word 'not' carefully erased, -making the message mean the opposite. I never from that day saw my -foreign friend again, but many times have wondered was it one of -the Kaiser's wishes to see if his agents could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> play a trick on the -volunteers for his own eyes to see!"</p></blockquote> - -<p>Here is a curious story of a German commercial spy, the writer of which -gives me his <i>bona fides</i>. He writes:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"In a glucose factory where I worked, the head of the firm had a -bookkeeper who went wrong. If that bookkeeper had never gone wrong, we -should never have known of the German who worked hard in England for -a whole year for nothing. One day the head—I'll call him Mr. Brown -for short—received a letter from a young German saying that he would -like to represent the glucose manufacturer among the merchants of this -country, whose trade, he said, he could secure. He said he would be -willing to postpone the consideration of salary pending the result of -his services. Well, Brown turned the German over to the bookkeeper, -who found that the German had splendid credentials from his own -country. So Brown told the bookkeeper to engage the German, and pay -him £40 a month to start. At the end of six months the German's -service had proved so satisfactory that Brown told his bookkeeper to -pay the German £50 a month till further notice; and three months later -the salary was again raised by Brown to £60. Along about the time the -German's year was up, he suddenly disappeared. That is, he failed -one morning to put in an appearance at the office at the usual time. -Brown noticed that morning that his bookkeeper, who was also cashier, -was extremely absent-minded and looked altogether unhappy. 'What's -the matter with you?' said Brown, addressing the bookkeeper. 'This -is the matter,' was the reply, and thereupon the bookkeeping cashier -laid before his employer a cheque for hundreds of pounds. It was made -payable to the order of the absent German, and was signed with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> the -personal signature of the bookkeeper. 'What's this mean?' asked Brown. -'It means,' said the wild-eyed bookkeeper, 'that I have never paid -that German his salary—not one penny in all the time he has been -here. He never asked for money, always had plenty, so I pocketed from -month to month the money due to him. But it's killing me. I didn't -need to do it. I just couldn't resist the temptation. I had money of -my own, and knew I could pay him any time. Yesterday when you said -that I must again raise his salary I realised for the first time the -enormity of the thing I was doing. I resolved to tell the German the -whole story this morning, and give him his money in full. This is the -cheque for the money I have stolen from him. I have money in the bank -to meet it. I want him to have it, I don't care what follows.' Brown, -gazing spellbound at his clerk, said: 'But I don't understand. Did -the German never ask for his salary?' 'No,' replied the bookkeeper. -'He always had money; he seemed only to want the situation—to be -connected with this house; he has some mysterious influence over the -German trade in this country.' A weather-beaten man in a sea-jacket an -hour or two later unceremoniously shuffled into the office. He handed -Brown a note, who read it aloud: 'I am aboard ship by this time,' the -letter said, 'bound for my country. Receive my sincere regrets at the -abrupt termination of our pleasant relations. Through connection with -your firm, I have found out the secret of glucose-making, and am going -back to impart it to the firm which I belong to in Germany. You owe me -nothing."</p></blockquote> - -<p>These few cases I print here because I think it but right to show that -both before the war, and since, the public have not been so utterly -blinded to the truth as the authorities had hoped.</p> - -<p>Many of the other cases before me are of such a character that I do not -propose to reveal them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> to the public, still hoping against hope that -proper inquiry may be instituted by a reliable Board formed to deal -with the whole matter. And, for obvious reasons, premature mention of -them might defeat the ends of justice by warning the spies that their -"game" is known.</p> - -<p>I here maintain that there is a peril—a very grave and imminent -peril—in attempting to further delude the public, and, by so doing, -further influence public opinion.</p> - -<p>The seed of distrust in the Government has, alas! been sown in the -public mind, and each day, as the alien question is evaded, it takes a -firmer and firmer root.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF INVASION</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">There</span> are few questions upon which experts differ more profoundly than -that of a possible invasion of this country by Germans.</p> - -<p>Here, in England, opinion may be roughly divided into two schools. It -is understood generally that the naval authorities assert that the -position of our Fleet is such that even a raid by say ten thousand -men, resolved to do us the greatest possible damage and cause the -maximum of alarm even if the penalty be annihilation, is out of the -question. On the other hand, the military authorities hold the view—a -view expressed to me by the late Lord Roberts—that it would be quite -possible for the Germans to land a force in Great Britain which would -do an enormous amount of damage, physically and morally, before it was -finally rounded up and destroyed by the overwhelming numbers of troops -we could fling against it.</p> - -<p>What we think of the matter, however, is of less importance than what -the enemy thinks, and it is beyond question that, at any rate until -quite recently, the German War Staff regarded the invasion of England -as perfectly practicable, and had made elaborate plans for carrying out -their project.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span></p> - -<p>When writing my forecast "The Invasion of England," in 1905, I received -the greatest advice and kind assistance from the late Lord Roberts, who -spent many hours with me, and who personally revised and elaborated the -German plan of campaign which I had supposed. Without his assistance -the book would never have been written. I am aware of the strong views -he held on the subject, and how indefatigable he was in endeavouring -to bring the grave peril of invasion home to an apathetic nation. Poor -"Bobs"! The public laughed at him and said: "Yes, of course. He is -getting so old!"</p> - -<p>Old! When I came home from the last Balkan War I brought him some -souvenirs from the battle-fields of Macedonia, and he sent me a -telegram to meet him at 8 a.m. at a quiet West End hotel—where he was -in the habit of staying. I arrived at that hour and he grasped my hand, -welcomed me back from many months of a winter campaign with the Servian -headquarters staff, and, erect and smiling, said: "Now, let's talk. -I've already done my correspondence and had my breakfast. I was up at -half-past five,"—when I had been snoring!</p> - -<p>Roberts was a soldier of the old school. He knew our national weakness, -and he knew our stubborn stone-wall resistance. After the outbreak of -war he told me that he would deplore racing, football, and cricket—our -national sports—while we were at death-grips with Germany, because, -as he put it, if we race and play games, the people will not take this -world-war seriously. Then he turned in his chair in my room, and, -looking me straight in the face, said: "What did I tell you, Le Queux, -when you were forecasting 'The Invasion'—that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> the British nation will -not be awakened by us—but only by a war upon them. They are at last -awakened. I will never seek to recall the past, but my duty is to do my -best for my King and my Country."</p> - -<p>And so he died—cut off at a moment when he was claiming old friendship -of those from India whom he knew so well. The night before he left -England to go upon the journey to the front which proved fatal, he -wrote me a letter—which I still preserve—deploring the atrocities -which the Germans had committed in Belgium.</p> - -<p>Ever since the war broke out we have heard of great concentration -of troops, and ships intended to carry them, at Wilhelmshaven and -Cuxhaven, a strong indication that something in the nature of a raid -was in contemplation. It is quite possible that opinion, both in -Germany and in this country, has been very profoundly modified by the -fate which befell the last baby-killing expedition launched against -our eastern coasts, which came to grief through the vigilance of -Admiral Beatty. The terrible mauling sustained by the German squadron, -the loss of the <i>Blucher</i> and the battering of the <i>Seydlitz</i> and -<i>Derfflinger</i>, may have done a good deal to drive home into the German -mind the conviction that in the face of an unbeaten—and to Germany -unbeatable—battle-fleet, the invasion of England would be, at the -very best, an undertaking of the most hazardous nature which would be -foredoomed to failure and in which the penalty would be annihilation.</p> - -<p>Perhaps, however, the enemy are only waiting. We know from German -writings that the plans for the invasion of England have usually -postulated that our Fleet shall be, for the time being, absent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> from -the point of danger, probably out of home waters altogether, and that -the attack would be sprung upon us as a surprise. We do not know, and -we do not seek to know, the exact position of the British Fleet, but -we can be perfectly certain that, with the invention of wireless, the -moment at which the Germans might have sprung a surprise upon us has -gone for ever. There is good reason for believing that the Germans -intended to strike at us without any formal declaration of war, and -I have been informed, on good authority, that before war broke out, -certain dispositions had actually been made which were brought to -naught only by a singularly bold and daring manœuvre on the part of -our naval authorities. No doubt, in the course of time, this incident, -with many others of a similar nature, will be made public. I can only -say at present that when the startling truth becomes known, further -evidence will be forthcoming that Germany deliberately planned the war, -and was ready to strike long before war was declared.</p> - -<p>People who say that an invasion of our shores is impossible usually do -so with the reservation, expressed or implied, that the effort would be -unsuccessful—that is, that it could not succeed so far as to compel -Britain to make peace. But, even if the Germans believe this as firmly -as we do, it by no means follows that they may not make the attempt.</p> - -<p>It is a part of the Germans' theory and practice to seek, by every -possible means, to create a panic, to do the utmost moral and material -damage by the most inhuman and revolting means, and it is more than -likely that they would hold the loss of even fifty or sixty thousand -men as cheap indeed, if, before they were destroyed, they could, if -only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> for a few days, vent German wrath and hatred on British towns and -on British people.</p> - -<p>To say they could not do this would be exceedingly foolish. Few people -would be daring enough to say that it would be impossible for the -Germans, aided undoubtedly by spies on shore, to land suddenly in -the neighbourhood of one of the big East Coast towns a force strong -enough to overpower, for the moment, the local defences, and establish -itself—if only for a few days—in a position where it could lay waste -with fire and sword a very considerable section of country. And we must -never forget that, if ever the Germans get the chance, their atrocious -treatment of the British population will be a thousand times worse than -anything they have done in France and Belgium. That fact ought to sink -deeply into the public mind. A German Expedition into this country -would be undertaken with the one definite object of striking terror and -producing a panic which would force our Government to sue for peace. To -secure that end, the Germans would spare neither young nor old—every -man, woman, and child within their power would be slaughtered without -mercy, and without regard for age or sex. We have heard something, -though not all, of the infamies perpetrated by German troops upon the -helpless Belgians even before the world had realised how much Belgium -had done to foil their plans. And we must not overlook the fact that -certain German officers—enjoying the services of valets and other -luxuries at Donington Hall, fitted up by us at a cost of £13,000—were -those who ordered the wholesale massacre of women and children. We -relieve the poor Belgian refugees, and caress their murderers.</p> - -<p>If the flood-gates of German hatred were opened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> upon us, what measure -would the enemy mete out to us who, as they now bitterly realise, have -stood between the Kaiser and his megalomaniac dreams? I do not think -we need be in any doubt as to what the German answer to that question -would be!</p> - -<p>Recent events have made it vividly apparent that the Germans have -already reached a pitch of desperation in which they are willing to try -any and every scheme which, at whatever cost to themselves, offered a -prospect of injuring their enemies. They feel the steel net slowly, but -very surely, tightening around them; like caged wild beasts they are -flinging themselves frantically at the bars, now here, now there, in -mad paroxysms of rage. Their wonderful military machine, if it has not -absolutely broken down, is at any rate badly out of gear, though there -is a huge strength still left in it. Their vaunted fleet skulks behind -fortifications, and whenever it ventures to poke its head outside is -hit promptly and hit hard. Their boasted Zeppelins, which were to -lay ever so many "eggs" on London, have certainly, up to the time of -writing, failed utterly.</p> - -<p>We frequently hear the man-in-the-street jeer at the Zeppelin peril, -and declare that it is only a "bogey" raised to frighten us. To a -certain extent I think it is, but the fact that Zeppelins have not yet -appeared over London is, surely, no reason why they should not come -and commit havoc and cause panic as the vanguard of the raid which may -be intended upon us. There is much in our apathy which is more than -foolish—it is criminal. Had the country, ten years ago, listened to -the warnings of Lord Roberts and others, instead of being immersed -in their own pleasure-seeking and money-grubbing, we should have had -no war. The public, who are happily to-day filled with a spirit of -patriotism<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> because they have learnt wisdom by experience, now realise -their error. They see how utterly foolish they were to jeer at my -warnings in the <i>Daily Mail</i>; and by singing in the music halls "Are we -Down-'earted—No!" they have gallantly admitted it—as every Britisher -admits where he is wrong—and have come forward to stem the tide of -barbarians who threaten us.</p> - -<p>As one who has done all that mortal man can do to try to bring home to -his country a sense of its own danger, and who, by the insidious action -of "those in power," narrowly escaped financial ruin for <i>daring</i> to -be a patriot, I cast the past aside and rejoice in the fine spirit of -the younger generation of men, actuated by the fact that they are still -Britons.</p> - -<p>But, after this war, there will be men—men whose names are to-day as -household words—who must be indicted before the nation for leading us -into the trap which Germany so cunningly prepared for us. Those are men -who knew, by the Kaiser's declaration in 1908, what was intended, and -while posing as British statesmen—save the mark!—lied to the public, -and told them that Germany was our best friend, and that war would -never be declared—"not in our time."</p> - -<p>There will be a day, ere long, when the pro-German section of what -Britons foolishly call their "rulers"—certain members of that -administration who are now struggling to atone for their past follies -in being misled by the cunning of the enemy—will be arraigned and -swept out of the public ken, as they deserve to be. The blood of -a million mothers of sons in Great Britain boils at thoughts of -the ghastly truth, and the wholesale sacrifice of their dear ones, -because the diplomacy of Great Britain, with all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> its tinsel, its -paraphernalia of attachés, secretaries (first, second, and third), its -entertainments, its fine "residences," its whisperings and jugglings, -and its "conversations," was quite incapable of thwarting the German -plot.</p> - -<p>By our own short-sightedness we have been led into this conflict, in -which the very lives of our dear ones and ourselves are at stake. Yet, -to-day, we in England have not fully realised that we are at war. -Illustrated papers publish fashion numbers, and the butterflies of the -fair sex rush to adorn themselves in the latest <i>mode</i> from Paris—the -capital of a threatened nation! Stroll at any hour in any street in -London, or any of our big cities. Does anything remind the thoughtful -man that we are at war? No. Our theatres, music halls, and picture -palaces are full. Our restaurants are crowded, our night-clubs drive a -thriving trade—and nobody cares for to-morrow.</p> - -<p>Why? Read the daily newspapers, and learn the lesson of how the public -are being daily deluded by false assertions that all is well, and that -we have great Imperial Germany—the country which has, for twenty -years, plotted against us—in the hollow of our hand.</p> - -<p>The public are not told the real truth, and there lies the grave -scandal which must be apparent to every person in the country. But, I -ask, will the malevolent influence which is protecting the alien enemy -among us, and refusing to allow inquiry into spying, <i>ever permit the -truth to be told</i>?</p> - -<p>Let the reader pause, and think.</p> - -<p>Despite the cast-iron censorship, and the most docile Press the world -has ever seen, the German people must, on the other hand, to-day be -suspecting the truth. Germans may be braggarts, but they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> are not -fools, and it is safe to say that the hysterical spasms of hatred of -Great Britain—by which the entire nation seems to be convulsed—have -their origin in an ever-growing conviction of failure and a very -accurate perception of where that failure lies.</p> - -<p>In this frame of mind they may venture on anything, and it is for this -reason that I believe they may yet, in spite of all that has happened, -attempt a desperate raid on these shores.</p> - -<p>What are we doing to meet that peril?</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF APATHY</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">There</span> is an apathy towards any peril of invasion that is astounding.</p> - -<p>Of our military measures, pure and simple, I shall say nothing except -that it is the bounden duty of every Briton to place implicit reliance -upon Lord Kitchener and the military authorities and, if necessary, -to assist them by every means in his power. We can do no good by -criticising measures of the true meaning of which we know nothing.</p> - -<p>There are some other points, however, on which silence would -be culpable, and one of these is the amazing lack of any clear -instructions as to the duties of the civil population in the event of a -German attack.</p> - -<p>Now it is perfectly obvious that one of the first things necessary in -the face of a German landing would be to get the civilian population -safely beyond the zones threatened by the invaders. It is simply -unthinkable that men, women, and children shall be left to the tender -mercies of the German hordes. Yet, so far as I am able to ascertain, no -steps have yet been taken to warn inhabitants at threatened points what -they shall do. They have been <i>advised</i>, it is true, to continue in -their customary avocations and to remain quietly at home. Does any sane -human being, remembering the treatment of Belgian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> civilians who just -did this, expect that such advice will be followed? We can take it for -granted that it will not, and I contend that in all districts along the -East Coast, where, it is practically certain, any attempt at landing -must be made, the inhabitants should at once be told, in the clearest -and most emphatic manner, just what is required of them, and the best -and quickest way to get out of harm's way, leaving as little behind -them as possible to be of any use to the invaders, and leaving a clear -field of operations for our own troops.</p> - -<p>A century ago, when the peril of a French invasion overshadowed the -land, the most careful arrangements were made for removing the people -from the threatened areas, and the destruction of food and fodder. Is -there any reason why such arrangements should not be taken in hand -to-day, and the people made thoroughly familiar with all the conditions -necessary for carrying out a swift and systematic evacuation?</p> - -<p>I am aware, of course, that already certain instructions have been -issued to Lord-lieutenants of the various counties in what may be -called the zone of possible invasion. But I contend that the public -at large should be told plainly what is expected of them. It is not -enough to say that when the moment of danger comes they should blindly -obey the local policeman. In the event of a withdrawal from any part -of the coast-line becoming necessary, it ought not to be possible that -the inhabitants should be taken by surprise; their course ought to be -mapped out for them quite clearly, and in advance, so that all will -know just what they have to do to get away with the minimum of delay -and without impeding the movements of our defensive forces. Whatever -we may say or do, the appearance off the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> British coast of a raiding -German force would be the signal for a rush inland, and there is every -reason to take steps for ensuring that that rush shall be orderly -and controlled, and in no sense a blind and panic flight which would -be alike unnecessary and disastrous. It may well be, and it is to be -hoped, that the danger will never come. That does not absolve us from -the necessity of being ready to meet it. War is an affair of surprises, -and Germany has sprung many surprises upon the world since last August.</p> - -<p>The refusal of the War Office authorities to extend any sympathetic -consideration towards the new Civilian Corps, which are striving, -despite official discouragement, to fit themselves for the duty of home -defence in case the necessity should arise, is another instance of -the lack of imagination and insight which has shown itself in so many -ways during our conduct of the campaign. These Corps now number well -over a million men. All that the Army Council has done for them is to -extend to such of them as became affiliated to the Central Volunteer -Training Association the favour of official "recognition" which will -entitle them to rank as combatants in the event of invasion. Even that -recognition is coupled with a condition that has given the gravest -offence and which threatens, indeed, to go far towards paralysing the -movement altogether.</p> - -<p>It is in the highest degree important, as will readily be admitted, -that these Corps should not interfere with recruiting for the Regular -Army. That the Volunteers themselves fully recognise. But to secure -this non-interference the Government have made it a condition of -recognition that any man under military age joining a Corps shall sign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> -a declaration that he will enlist in the Regular Army when called upon -unless he can show some good and sufficient reason why he should not do -so.</p> - -<p>Here we have the cause of all the trouble. The Army Council, in spite -of all entreaties, obstinately refuses to state what constitutes a -good and sufficient reason for non-enlistment. One such reason, it is -admitted, is work on Government contracts. But it is impossible for us -to shut our eyes to the fact that there are many thousands of men of -military age and good physique who, however much they may desire to do -their duty, are fully absolved by family or business reasons from the -duty of joining the Regular Army. Many of them have dependents whom -it is simply impossible for them to leave to the blank poverty of the -official separation allowance; many of them are in businesses which -would go to rack and ruin in their absence; many of them are engaged on -work which is quite as important to the country as anything they could -do in the field, even though they may not be in Government employ. To -withdraw every able-bodied man from his employment would simply mean -that industry would be brought to a standstill, and as this country -must, to some extent, act as general provider for the Allies, it is, -plainly, our duty to keep business going as well as to fight.</p> - -<p>Rightly or wrongly, this particular provision is looked upon as an -attempt to introduce a veiled form of compulsion. It has been pointed -out that there is no power to compel men to enlist, even if they have -signed such a declaration as is required. But the men, very properly, -say that Britain has gone to war in defence of her plighted word, and -that they are not prepared to give their word and then break it.</p> - -<p>What is the result? Many thousands of capable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> men, fully excused by -their own consciences from the duty of joining the Regular Army, find -that, unless they are prepared to take up a false and wholly untenable -position, they are <i>not even allowed to train</i> for the defence of -their country in such a grave crisis that all other considerations but -the safety of the Empire must go by the board. I am not writing of -the slackers who want to "swank about in uniform" at home when they -ought to be doing their duty in the trenches. I refer to the very -large body of genuinely patriotic men who, honestly and sincerely, -feel that, whatever their personal wishes may be, their duty at the -moment is to "keep things going" at home. For men over military age -the Volunteer Corps offer an opportunity of getting ready to strike a -blow for England's sake should the time ever come when every man who -can shoulder a rifle must take his place in the ranks. And it certainly -argues an amazing want of sympathy and foresight that, for the lack of -a few words of intelligible definition, a splendid body of men should -lose the only chance offered them of getting a measure of military -education which in time to come may be of priceless value.</p> - -<p>No one complains that the Army Council does not immediately rush to -arm and equip the Volunteers. Undoubtedly, there is still much to be -done in the way of equipping the regular troops and accumulating the -vast reserves that will be required when the great forward move begins. -Much could be done even now, however, to encourage the Volunteers to -persevere with their training. It should not be beyond the power of the -military authorities, in the very near future, to arm and equip such -of the Corps as have attained a reasonable measure of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> efficiency in -simple military movements, and in shooting with the miniature rifle. At -the same time some clear definition ought to be forthcoming of what, -in the opinion of the Army Council, constitutes a valid reason, in the -case of a man of military age, for not joining the regular forces. It -is certain that when the time comes for the Allies to take a strong -offensive we shall be sending enormous numbers of trained men out of -the country, and, the wastage of war being what it is, huge drafts -will be constantly required to keep the fighting units up to full -strength. In the meantime large numbers of Territorials in this country -are chained to the irksome—though very necessary—duty of guarding -railways, bridges, and other important points liable to be attacked. -There seems to be no good reason why a great deal, if not the whole, -of this work should not be undertaken by Volunteers. This would free -great numbers of Territorials for more profitable forms of training and -would, undoubtedly, enable us to send far more men out of the country -if the necessity should arise.</p> - -<p>If the Volunteers were regarded by those in authority with the proper -sympathy which their patriotism deserves, it would be seen that they -provide, in effect, a class of troops closely corresponding to the -German Landsturm, which is already taking its part in the war. It is -important to remember that, up to the present time, we have enlisted -none but picked men, every one of whom has had to pass a strict -medical and physical examination. We have left untouched, in fact, -our real reserves. Those reserves, apparently scorned by the official -authorities, are capable, if they receive adequate encouragement, of -providing an immense addition to our fighting forces.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span></p> - -<p>No one pretends, of course, that the entire body of Volunteers whom we -see drilling and route-marching day by day are capable of the exertions -involved in a strenuous campaign. But a very large percentage of them -are quite capable of being made fit to serve in a home-defence army, -and it is a feeble and shortsighted policy to give them the official -cold shoulder and nip their enthusiasm in the bud. At the present -moment they cost nothing, and they are doing good and useful work. Is -it expecting too much to suggest that their work should be encouraged -with something a little more stimulating than a scarlet arm-band and a -form of "recognition" which, upon close analysis, will be found to mean -very little indeed?</p> - -<p>There has been too strong a tendency in the past to praise, in -immoderate terms, German methods and German efficiency. But, -undoubtedly, there are certain things which we can learn from the -enemy, and one of them is the speed and energy with which the Germans, -at the present moment, are turning to their advantage popular -enthusiasm of exactly the same nature as that which has produced the -Volunteer movement here. It is a popular misconception that in a -conscriptionist country every man, without distinction, is swept into -the ranks for his allotted term. This is by no means the case. There -are many reasons for exemption, and a very large proportion of the -German people, when war broke out, had never done any military duty.</p> - -<p>Travellers who have recently returned from Germany report that the -Volunteer movement there has made gigantic strides. Men have come -forward in thousands, and the Government, with German energy and -foresight, has pounced upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> this splendid volume of material and is -rapidly licking it into shape. I don't believe, for one moment, the -highly coloured stories which represent Germany as being short of -rifles, ammunition, and other munitions of war: she has, apparently, -more than sufficient to arm her forces in the field and to permit her -<i>to arm her volunteers as well</i>.</p> - -<p>Whether I am right or wrong, the German Government is taking full -advantage of the patriotic spirit of its subjects, and there does not -appear to be any good reason why our Government should not take a leaf -out of the enemy's book. If they would do so and help the Volunteer -movement by sympathy and encouragement, and the assurance that more -would be done at the earliest possible moment, we should be in a better -condition to meet an invasion than we are to-day, in that we should -have an enormous reserve of strength for use in case of emergency. -No doubt the military authorities, after the most careful study of -the subject, feel convinced that our safety is assured: my point is, -that in a matter of such gravity it is impossible to have too great -a margin of safety. It is no use blinking the fact that, despite the -efforts we have made, and are making, the time may come when the entire -manhood of the United Kingdom must be called upon to take part in a -deadly struggle for national existence. Trust-worthy reports state -that the Germans are actually arming something over four million fresh -troops—some of them have already been in action—and if this estimate -prove well founded, it is quite clear that the crisis of the world-war -is yet to come. I do not think any one will deny that when it does come -we shall need every man we can get.</p> - -<p>Closely allied with the subject of invasion are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> the German methods -of "frightfulness" by means of their submarines and aircraft. Of the -latter, it would seem, we are justified in speaking with absolute -contempt. Three attempts at air raids on our shores have been made, and -though, unhappily, some innocent lives were lost through the enemy's -indiscriminate bomb-dropping, the military effect up to the day I pen -these lines has been absolutely nil, except to assist us in bringing -more recruits to the colours. Several of the vast, unwieldy Zeppelins, -of which the Germans boasted so loudly, have been lost either through -gunfire or in gales, while we have official authority for saying -that our own air-service is so incomparably superior to that of the -enemy that the German aviators, like the baby-killers of Scarborough, -seek safety in retreat directly they are confronted by the British -fliers. No doubt the German air-men have their value as scouts and -observers, but it is abundantly clear that, as a striking unit, they -are hopelessly outclassed. They have done nothing to compare with the -daring raids on Friedrichshafen and Düsseldorf, to say nothing of the -magnificent and devastating attack by the British and French air-men on -Zeebrugge, Ostend, and Antwerp.</p> - -<p>The submarine menace stands on another and very different footing, -for the simple reason that luck, pure and simple, enters very largely -into the operations of the underwater craft. It is quite conceivable -that, favoured by fortune and with a conveniently hidden base of -supplies—one of which, a petrol-base, I indicated to the authorities -on March 15th—either afloat or ashore, submarines might do an enormous -amount of damage on our trade routes.</p> - -<p>A few dramatic successes may, of course, pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span>duce a scare and send -insurance and freight rates soaring. Moreover, the submarine is -exceedingly difficult to attack: it presents a very tiny mark to -gunfire, and when it sights a hostile ship capable of attacking it, it -can always seek safety by submerging. But, when all is said and done, -the number of German submarines, given all the good fortune they could -wish, is quite inadequate seriously to threaten the main body of either -our commerce or our Navy.</p> - -<p>We are told, and quite properly, nothing of the methods which the -Admiralty are adopting to deal with German pirates. But it will not -have escaped the public attention that the submarines have scored no -great success against British warships since the <i>Hawke</i> was sunk -in the Channel. I think we may fairly conclude, therefore, that our -Admiralty have succeeded in devising new means of defence against the -new means of attack. We know that at the time of writing two enemy -submarines have been sunk by the Navy, and it seems fairly certain -that another was rammed and destroyed in the Channel by the steamer -<i>Thordis</i>. Whatever, therefore, may be our views on the general subject -of the war, it seems clear that we can safely treat the submarine -menace as the product of the super-heated Teutonic imagination.</p> - -<p>We know of, and can guard against, the risks we run of any armed attack -from Germany. But there is another peril which will face us when the -war is over—a renewal of the commercial invasion which we have seen in -progress on a gigantic scale for years past.</p> - -<p>We know how the British market has, for years, been flooded with -shoddy German imitations of British goods to the grave detriment of -our home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> trade. We know, too, how the German worker, over here "to -learn the language," has wormed himself into the confidence of the -foolish English employer, and has abused that confidence by keeping -his real principals—those in Germany—fully posted with every scrap -of commercial information which might help them to capture British -trade. We know, though we do not know the full story, that hundreds -of "British" companies have been, in fact, owned, organised, and -controlled solely by Germans. We know that for years German spies and -agents, ostensibly engaged in business here, have plotted our downfall.</p> - -<p>Are we going to permit, when the war is over, a repetition of all this?</p> - -<p>I confess I look upon this matter with the gravest uneasiness. It is -all very well to say that after the war Germans will be exceedingly -unpopular in every civilised community. That fact is not likely to keep -out the German, who is anything but thin-skinned. And, I regret to say, -there are only too many British employers who are likely to succumb to -the temptation to make use of cheap German labour, regardless of the -fact that they will thus be actively helping their country's enemies.</p> - -<p>Germans to-day are carrying on business in this country with a freedom -which would startle the public, if it were known. I will mention -two instances which have come to my knowledge lately. The first is -the case of a company with an English name manufacturing certain -electric fittings. Up to the time the war broke out, every detail -of this company's business was regularly transmitted once a week to -Germany: copies of every invoice, every bill, every letter, were sent -over. Though the concern was registered as an "English" company,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> the -proprietorship and control were purely and wholly German. That concern -is carrying on business to-day, and in the city of London, protected, -no doubt, by its British registration. And the manager is an Englishman -who, before the war, explained very fully to my informant the entire -system on which the business was conducted.</p> - -<p>The second case is similar, with the exception that the manager is a -German, at least in name and origin, who speaks perfect English, and -is still, or was very recently, conducting the business. In this case, -as in the first, every detail of the business was, before war broke -out, regularly reported to the head office of the firm in Germany. I -wonder whether English firms are being permitted to carry on business -in Berlin to-day!</p> - -<p>Whether we shall go on after the war in the old haphazard style of -rule-of-thumb rests solely with public opinion. And if public opinion -will tolerate the employment of German waiters in our hotels in time -of war, I see very little likelihood of any effort to stay the German -invasion which will, assuredly, follow the declaration of peace. Then -we shall see again the unscrupulous campaign of commercial and military -espionage which has cost us dear in the past, and may cost us still -more in the future. Our foolish tolerance of the alien peril will be -used to facilitate the war of revenge for which our enemy will at once -begin to prepare.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">THE PERIL OF STIFLING THE TRUTH</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Ignorance</span> of the real truth about the war—an ignorance purposely -imposed upon us by official red-tape—is, I am convinced, the gravest -peril by which our beloved country is faced at the present moment.</p> - -<p>I say it is the gravest peril for the simple reason that it is the -root-peril from which spring all the rest. And this ignorance springs -not from official apathy, or from the public wilfully shutting its -eyes to disagreeable truths. It is born of the deliberate suppression -of unpleasant facts, of the deliberate and ridiculous exaggeration -of minor successes. In a word, it is the result of the public having -been fooled and bamboozled under the specious plea of safeguarding -our military interests. Are we children to believe such official -fairy-tales? The country is not being told the truth about the war. -I don't say, and I do not believe, that it is being fed with false -news of bogus victories. But untruths can as easily be conveyed by -suppression as by assertion, and no one who has studied the war with -any degree of attention can escape the impression that the news -presented to us day by day takes on, under official manipulation, a -colour very much more favourable than is warranted by the actual facts.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> - -<p>Day after day the Press Bureau, of course under official inspiration -from higher sources, issues statements in which the good news is unduly -emphasised and the bad unduly slurred over. Day by day a large section -of the Press helps on, with every ingenious device of big type and -sensational headlines, the official hoodwinking of the public. Many -pay their nimble halfpennies to be gulled. A naval engagement in which -our immensely superior forces crush the weaker squadron of the enemy -is blazoned forth as a "magnificent victory" for our fighting men, -when, in sober truth, the chief credit lies with the silent and utterly -forgotten strategist behind the scenes, whose cool brain worked out the -eternal problem of bringing adequate force to bear at exactly the right -time and in just exactly the right place.</p> - -<p>I say no word to depreciate the heroism of our gallant bluejackets. -They would fight as coolly when they were going to inevitable -death—Cradock's men did in the <i>Good Hope</i> and <i>Monmouth</i>—as if they -were in such overwhelming superiority that the business of destroying -the enemy was little more dangerous than the ordinary battle-practice. -My whole point is that by the skilful manipulation of facts a wholly -false impression is conveyed. There is, in truth, nothing "magnificent" -about beating a hopelessly inferior foe, and our sailors would be the -last to claim to be heroes under such conditions. It is, of course, -the business of our naval authorities to be ready whenever a German -squadron shows itself, to hit at once with such crushing superiority -of gunfire that there will be no need to hit again at the same object. -That can only be achieved by sound strategy, for which we are entitled -to claim and give the credit that is due. When our Navy has won a -decisive success against great odds we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> may be justified in talking -of a "magnificent" victory. To talk of any naval success of the -present war as a "magnificent victory" is simply to becloud the real, -essential, vital facts, and to assist in deceiving a public which is -being studiously kept in the dark.</p> - -<p>By every means possible, short of downright lying of the German type, -the public is being lulled into a false and dangerous belief that all -is well—a blind optimism calculated to produce only the worst possible -results, a state of mental and physical apathy which has already -gone far to rob it of the energy and determination and driving force -which are absolutely necessary if we are to emerge in safety from the -greatest crisis that has faced our country in its thousand years of -stormy history.</p> - -<p>As an example of what the public are told concerning the enemy, a good -illustration is afforded by a well-Known Sunday paper dated March 7th. -Here we find, among other headings in big type, the following: "Stake -of Life and Death!" "Germany's Frantic Appeal for Greater Efforts!" -"Russia's Hammer Blow." "German Offensive from East Prussia Ruined: -Losses 250,000 in a Month." "German Plans Foiled: Enemy's 3,000,000 -Losses." "On Reduced Rations: German Troops Getting Less to Eat." -"Germany Cut Off from the Seas." "Germans Cut in Two: 15,000 Prisoners -and 'Rich Booty' Taken." "Killed to Last Man: Appalling Austrian -Losses." "The Verge of Famine: Bread Doles cut down again in Germany: -Frantic Efforts to Stave Off Starvation."</p> - -<p>And yet, in the centre of the paper, next to the leader, we find a huge -advertisement headed "The Man to be Pitied," calling for recruits, -appealing to their patriotism, and urging them to "Enlist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> To-day." -Surely it is the reader who is to be pitied!</p> - -<p>Again, we have wilfully neglected the formation of a healthy public -opinion in neutral countries. While Germany has, by every underhand -means in her power, by wireless lies, and by bribery of certain -newspapers in America and in Italy, created an opinion hostile to the -Allies, we have been content to sit by and allow the disgraceful plot -against us to proceed.</p> - -<p>We have, all of us, read the screeches of the pro-German press in the -United States, and in Italy the scandal of how Germany has bribed -certain journals has already been publicly exposed. The Italians have -not been told the truth by us, as they should have been. In Italy the -greater section of the public are in favour of Great Britain and are -ready to take arms against the hated Tedesco, yet on the other hand we -have to face the insidious work of Germany's secret service and the -lure of German gold in a country where, unfortunately, few men, from -contadino to deputy, are above suspicion. We must not close our eyes -to the truth that in neutral countries Germany is working steadily -with all her underhand machinery of diplomacy, of the purchase of -newspapers, of bribery and corruption and the suborning of men in high -places. To what end? To secure the downfall of Great Britain!</p> - -<p>I have myself been present at a private view of an amazing cinema film -prepared at the Kaiser's orders and sent to be exhibited in neutral -countries for the purpose of influencing opinion in favour of Germany. -The pictures have been taken in the fighting zone, both in Belgium and -in East Prussia. So cleverly have they been stage-managed that I here -confess, as I sat gazing at them, I actually began to wonder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> whether -the stories told of German barbarities were, after all, true! Pictures -were shown of a group of British prisoners laughing and smoking, though -in the hands of their captors; of the kind German soldiery distributing -soup, bread, etc., to the populace in a Belgian village; of soldiers -helping the Belgian peasantry re-arrange their homes; of a German -soldier giving some centimes to a little Belgian child; of great crowds -in Berlin singing German national songs in chorus; of the marvellous -organisation of the German army; of thousands upon thousands of troops -being reviewed by the Kaiser, who himself approaches you with a salute -and a kindly smile. It was a film that must, when shown in any neutral -country—as it is being shown to-day all over the world—create a -good impression regarding Germany, while people will naturally ask -themselves why has not England made a similar attempt, in order to -counteract such an insidious and clever illusion in the public mind.</p> - -<p>Such a mischievous propaganda as that being pursued by Germany in all -neutral countries we cannot to-day afford to overlook. Our enemy's -intention is first to prepare public opinion, and then to produce -dissatisfaction among the Allies by sowing discord. And yet from the -eyes of the British nation the scales have not yet fallen! In our -apathy in this direction I foresee great risk.</p> - -<p>With these facts in view it certainly behoves us to stir ourselves into -activity by endeavouring, ere it becomes too late, to combat Germany's -growing prestige among other nations in the world, a prestige which is -being kept up by a marvellous campaign of barefaced chicanery and fraud.</p> - -<p>The dangerous delusion is prevalent in Great Britain that we are past -the crisis, that everything<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> is going well and smoothly, perhaps even -that the war will soon be over. In some quarters, even in some official -quarters, people to-day are talking glibly of peace by the end of -July, not openly, of course, but in the places where men congregate -and exchange news "under the rose." The general public, taking its -cue from the only authorities it understands or has to rely upon, the -daily papers, naturally responds, with the eager desire of the human -mind to believe what it wishes to be true. Hence there has grown up a -comfortable sense of security, from which we shall assuredly experience -a very rude awakening.</p> - -<p>For, let there be no mistake about it, the war is very far from ended; -indeed, despite our losses, we might almost say it has hardly yet -begun. For eight months we have been "getting ready to begin." To-day -we see Germany in possession of practically the whole of Belgium -and a large strip of Northern France. With the exception of a small -patch of Alsace, she preserves her own territory absolutely intact. -Her fortified lines extend from the coast of Belgium to the border -of Switzerland, and behind that seemingly impenetrable barrier she -is gathering fresh hosts of men ready for a desperate defence when -the moment comes, as come it must, for the launching of the Allies' -attack. On her Eastern frontiers she has at least held back the Russian -attack, she has freed East Prussia, and not a single soldier is to-day -on German soil. I ask any one who may be inclined to undue optimism -whether the situation is not one to call imperatively for the greatest -effort of which the British nation and the British Empire are capable?</p> - -<p>We are assured by the official inspirers of optimism that time is on -the side of the Allies, and is working<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> steadily against the Germans. -In a sense, of course, this is true, but it is not the whole truth. -I place not the slightest reliance upon the stories industriously -circulated from German sources of Germany being short of food; all the -evidence we can get from neutrals who have just returned from Germany -condemns them <i>in toto</i>. The Germans are a methodical and far-seeing -people, and no doubt they are very rightly looking ahead and prudently -conserving their resources. But that there is any real scarcity of -either food or munitions of war there is not a trace of reliable -evidence, and those journals, one of which I have quoted, which delight -to represent our enemy as being in a state of semi-starvation are doing -a very bad service to our country. The Germans can unquestionably hold -out for a very considerable time yet, and we are simply living in a -fool's paradise if we try to persuade ourselves to the contrary. If -it were true that Germany is really short of food, that our blockade -was absolutely effective, and that no further supplies could reach the -enemy until the next harvest, it might be true to say that time was on -the side of the Allies. But supposing, as I believe, that the tales of -food shortage have been deliberately spread by the Germans themselves -with the very definite object of working upon the sympathies of the -United States, what position are we in? Here, in truth, we come down to -a position of the very deepest gravity. It is a position which affects -the whole conduct and conclusion of the war, and which cannot fail to -exercise the most vital influence over our future.</p> - -<p>Speaking at the Lord Mayor's banquet last November, Mr. Asquith said:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"We shall never sheathe the sword, which we have not lightly drawn, -until Belgium recovers in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> full measure all, and more than all, she -has sacrificed; until France is adequately secure against the menace -of aggression; until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe -are placed on an unassailable foundation; and until the military -domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Those noble words, in which the great soul of Britain is expressed in -half a dozen lines, should be driven into the heart and brain of the -Empire. For they are, indeed, a great and eloquent call to Britain to -be up and doing. Four months later, Mr. Asquith repeated them in the -House of Commons, adding:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>"I hear sometimes whispers—they are hardly more than whispers—of -possible terms of peace. Peace is the greatest of all blessings, -but this is not the time to talk of peace. Those who do so, however -excellent their intentions, are, in my judgment, the victims, I will -not say of a wanton but a grievous self-delusion. The time to talk of -peace is when the great purposes for which we and our Allies embarked -upon this long and stormy voyage are within sight of accomplishment."</p></blockquote> - -<p>Every thinking man must realise the truth and force of what the -Premier said. The question inevitably follows—are we acting with such -swiftness and decision that we shall be in a position, before the -opportunity has passed, to make those words good?</p> - -<p>There is a steadily growing volume of opinion among men who are in a -position to form a cool judgment that, partly for financial and partly -for physical reasons, a second winter campaign cannot possibly be -undertaken by any of the combatants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> engaged in the present struggle. -If that view be well founded, it follows that peace on some terms or -other will be concluded by October or November at the latest. We, more -than any other nation, depend upon the issue of this war to make our -existence, as a people and an Empire, safe for a hundred years to come. -Have we so energetically pushed on the preparations that, by the time -winter is upon us again, we shall, with the help of our gallant Allies, -have dealt Germany such a series of crushing blows as to compel her to -accept a peace which shall be satisfactory to us?</p> - -<p>There, I believe, we have the question which it is vital for us to -answer. If the answer is in the negative, I say, without hesitation, -that time fights not with the Allies but with Germany. If, as many -people think, this war must end somehow before the next winter, we -must, by that time, either have crushed out the vicious system of -Prussian militarism, or we must resign ourselves to a patched-up peace, -which would be but a truce to prepare for a more terrible struggle -to come. Despite our most heroic resolves, it is doubtful whether, -under modern conditions of warfare, the money can be found for a very -prolonged campaign.</p> - -<p>I do not forget, of course, that the Allies have undertaken not -to conclude a separate peace, and I have not the least doubt that -the bargain will be loyally kept. But we cannot lose sight of the -possibility that peace may come through the inability of the combatants -to continue the war, which it is calculated will by the autumn have -cost nine thousand millions of money. And we can take it for granted -that the task of subduing a Germany driven to desperation, standing -on the defensive, and fighting with the blind savagery of a cornered -rat, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> going to be a long and troublesome business. We are assured -that the Allies can stand the financial strain better than Germany. -Possibly; but the point is that no one knows just how much strain -Germany can stand before she breaks, and in war it is only common -prudence to prepare for the worst that can befall. This is precisely -what we, most emphatically, are <i>not</i> doing to-day. Thanks to the -reasons I have given—the chief of which is the unwarrantable official -secrecy and the wholly unjustifiable "cooking" of the news—the British -public is <i>not yet fully aroused to the deadly peril</i> in which the -nation and the Empire stand.</p> - -<p>The British people are, as they ever have been, slow of thought and -slower of action. They need much rousing. And in the present war it is -most emphatically true that the right way of rousing them has not been -used. Smooth stories never yet fired British blood. Let an Englishman -think things are going even tolerably well, and he is loth to disturb -himself to make them go still better. But tell him a story of disaster, -show him how his comrades fall and die in great fights against great -odds: bring it home to his slow-working mind that he really has his -back to the wall, and you fan at once into bright flame the smouldering -pride of race and caste that has done, and will yet do, some of the -greatest deeds that have rung in history. Is there, we may well ask, -another race in the world that would have wrested such glory from the -disaster at Mons? And the lads who fought the Germans to a standstill -in the great retreat did so because the very deadliness of the peril -that confronted them called out all that is greatest and noblest and -most enduring in our national character.</p> - -<p>Is there no lesson our authorities at home can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> learn from that -deathless story? Are they so blind to all the plainest teachings of -history that they fail to realise that the British people cannot be -depressed and frightened into panic by bad news, though, such is -our insular self-confidence, we can be only too easily lulled into -optimism by good news? If the autocrats who spoon-feed the public with -carefully selected titbits truly understood the mental characteristics -of their own countrymen, they would surely realise that the best, -indeed the only, way to arouse the British race throughout the world -to a sense of the real magnitude of the task that lies before them -is to tell them the simple truth. We want no more of the glossing -over of unpleasant facts which seems to be one of the main objects of -the press censorship. We want the real truth, not merely because we -are, naturally, hungry for news, but because the real truth alone is -capable of stimulating Englishmen and Welshmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen, -the world over to take off their coats, turn up their sleeves, and -seriously devote their energies to giving the German bully a sound and -effective thrashing.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="ph2"><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></p> - -<p class="ph4">FACTS TO REMEMBER</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">We</span> have heard a good deal about "Business as usual": it would be well -if we heard a little more of the companion saw—"Do it now." For if -this campaign, for good or ill, is to finish before the snows of next -winter come, the need for an instant redoubling of our energies is -pressing beyond words.</p> - -<p>In his gallant defence of the Press Bureau against overwhelming -odds—few people share his admiration for that most unhappy -institution—Sir Stanley Buckmaster denied that information was ever -"kept back." So far as I know no one has ever suggested that the Press -Bureau had anything to say about the circulation of official news: its -unhappily directed energies seem to operate in other directions. But -that it is keeping back news of the very gravest kind admits of no -shadow of doubt. The official reports have assured us of late, with -irritating frequency, that there is "nothin' doin'." Now and again we -hear of a trench being heroically captured. But we hear very little of -the reverse side of the picture, upon which the casualty lists, a month -or six weeks later, throw such a lurid light.</p> - -<p>Time and again lately we have read in the casualty lists of battalions -losing anything from two hundred to four hundred men in killed or -wounded or "missing," which means, in effect, prisoners. Even the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> -Guards, our very finest regiments, have lost heavily in this last -disagreeable fashion: other regiments have lost even more heavily. -Now British soldiers do not surrender readily, and we can take it for -granted that when a large number of our men are made prisoners it -is not without very heavy fighting. One single daily paper recently -contained the names of very nearly two thousand officers and men -killed, or wounded, or missing, on certain dates in January. Where, -why, or how these men were lost we do not know, and we are told -absolutely nothing. The real fact is that the news is carefully -concealed under a tiny paragraph which announces that a line of -trenches which had been lost have been brilliantly recaptured. We are -glad, of course, to learn of the success, but would it not be well for -the nation to learn of the failure? Can it be supposed for an instant -that the Germans do not know? Is it giving away military information -of value to the enemy to publish here in Great Britain news with which -they are already perfectly well acquainted? Is it not rather that -in their anxiety to say smooth things the authorities deliberately -suppress the news of reverses, and tell us only the story of our -triumph?</p> - -<p>The most injurious suppression of news by the Government has made its -effect felt in practically every single department of our public life -which has the remotest connection with the prosecution of the war.</p> - -<p>Take recruiting as an example. Recruiting is mainly stimulated, such -is the curious temper of our people, either by a great victory or a -great disaster. Failing one or other of these, the flow of men sinks -to what we regard as "normal proportions," which means in effect that -the public is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> lukewarm on the subject. It is perfectly well known -that a specially heroic deed of a particular regiment will bring to -that regiment a flood of recruits, as was the case after the gallant -exploit of the London Scottish had been published to the world. And -what is true of the regiment, is true of the Army. Yet with all their -enthusiastic advertising for recruits, the military authorities have -neglected the quickest and easiest way of filling the ranks: instead -of telling our people in bold stirring words of the heroic deeds of -our individual regiments, they have, except in a few instances, fought -the war with a degree of anonymity which may be creditable to their -modesty, but does no tribute to their intelligence.</p> - -<p>Turn the shield to the darker side: every reverse has stimulated -patriotism and brought more men to the colours. What, I wonder, was the -value of the Scarborough raid as compared with the recruiting posters? -The sense of insult bit deep, as it always does in the English mind. -The Kaiser's own particular insult—his jibing reference to "General -French's contemptible little Army"—probably did more to rouse the -fighting blood of our men than all the German attacks. The splendid -story of the retreat from Mons flushed our hearts to pride, and men -poured to the colours. Is there no lesson here for the wiseacres of -Whitehall? Does the knowledge that Englishmen may be led, but cannot be -driven, convey nothing to them? Are they unaware that the Englishman -is the worst servant in the world if he is not trusted, but the very -best if full confidence is extended to him? Can they not see that their -foolish policy of suppressing ugly facts is, day by day, breeding -greater distrust and apathy?</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> - -<p>I confess to feeling very strongly on the Clyde strikes, which, for -a wretched industrial dispute—probably engineered by German secret -agents—held up war material of which we stood in the gravest need. I -cannot understand how Scotsmen, belonging to a nation which has proved -its glorious valour on a hundred hard-fought fields, could have ceased -work when they were assured that their claims would be investigated -by an impartial tribunal. The bare idea, to me, is as shocking as it -must be to most people. And I can only hope and believe that the action -the men took is mainly attributable to the simple fact that they did -not understand the real gravity of the position; that they did not -appreciate the desperate character of our need, and that they utterly -failed to realise that to cease work at such a time was as truly -desertion in the face of the enemy as if they had been soldiers on duty -in the trenches. I confess I would rather think this than put the cause -down to laziness, or lack of patriotism, or drink. But if this, indeed, -be the real cause—a lack of knowledge of the essential facts of the -situation—whom have we to thank? Those, surely, who have cozened a -great people with fair words; those, surely, who have spoken as though -our enemy were in desperate straits, that all goes well, and that the -war will soon be over.</p> - -<p>With regard to the alien peril, it is a source of great gratification -to me that His Majesty's Government have adopted my suggestion of -closing the routes to Holland to all who cannot furnish to the Foreign -Office guarantees of their <i>bona fides</i>. In my book, "German Spies in -England," I suggested this course, and in addition, that the intending -traveller should apply personally for a permit, that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> should furnish -a photograph of himself, his passport, his certificate of registration, -if an alien, and two references from responsible British individuals -stating the reason for the journey and the nature of the business to -be transacted. Within a fortnight of the publication of my suggestion -the Government adopted it, and have established a special department -at the Home Office for the purpose of interviewing all intending to -leave England for Holland. The regulations are now most stringent. And, -surely, not before they were required.</p> - -<p>Thus one step has been taken to reduce the enemy alien peril. But more -remains to be done. If we wish to end it, once and for all, we should -follow the example of our Allies, the Russians, who were well aware of -the network of spies spread over their land. In Russia every German, -whether naturalised or not, has been interned, every German woman and -child has been sent out of the country, and all property belonging to -German companies, or individuals, has been confiscated for ever by the -Government.</p> - -<p>One result of this confiscation is that factories in first-class -condition can now be purchased from the Russian Government for what the -bricks are worth. In addition, there is a fine upon all persons heard -speaking German in public. In the opinion of Russians, Germany was, as -in England, a kind of octopus, and now they have the opportunity they -have thrown it off for ever. Why should we still pursue the policy of -the kid-glove and allow the peril to daily increase when the Government -could, by a stroke of the pen, end it for ever, as Russia has done?</p> - -<p>Now there is one remedy, and only one, for the national apathy. The -truth must be told, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> with all earnestness I beg of my readers, -each as opportunity offers, to do all in his power to stimulate public -opinion in the right direction until the demand for the truth becomes -so universal, and so insistent, that no Government in this country can -afford to ignore it. Many Members of Parliament have appealed in vain; -the great newspapers have fought unweariedly for the cause of honesty -and common sense. The real remedy lies in the hands of the people. -Democracy may not bring us unmixed blessings, but it does, at least, -mean that, in the long run, the will of the people must rule. If the -people insist on the truth, the truth must be told, and in so insisting -the people of England, I firmly believe, will be doing a great work for -themselves, for our Empire, and for the cause of civilisation.</p> - -<p>They will be working for the one thing necessary above all others to -hearten the strong, to strengthen the weak, to resolve the hesitation -of the doubters, to nerve Britons as a whole for a stupendous effort -which shall bring nearer, by many months, the final obliteration of the -greatest menace which has ever confronted civilisation—the infamous -doctrine that might is right, that faith and honour are but scraps of -paper, that necessity knows no law but the law of self-interest, that -the plighted word of a great nation can be heedlessly broken, and that -the moral reprobation of humanity counts for nothing against material -success.</p> - - -<p class="center">THE END</p> - - -<p class="center"><i>Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top:15em;">Advertisements</p> -<p >GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND</p> - -<p>An Exposure: By William Le Queux</p> - -<p>(60th THOUSAND) 1/- Net</p> - - -<p>What Great Men Think</p> - -<p>THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON says:—</p> - -<p>"Your new book deserves the serious attention of the authorities, as it -vividly depicts a very grave national peril."</p> - -<p>THE EARL OF HALSBURY says:—</p> - -<p>"The public has not yet appreciated the extent to which Germany has -expended money and pains in spying. Your book will help to make it -known."</p> - -<p>THE EARL OF PORTSMOUTH says:—</p> - -<p>"Your book is most instructive. The national democratic movement -aroused by the war should be employed to expiate all hostile aliens, -from the highest to the lowest."</p> - -<p>VISCOUNT GALWAY says:—</p> - -<p>"Your book is most interesting. I sincerely hope it will cause more -attention to be paid to the danger to England from German spies."</p> - -<p>THE EARL OF CRAWFORD says:—</p> - -<p>"I am glad attention is being so prominently drawn to this most -important subject."</p> - -<p>LORD LEITH OF FYVIE says:—</p> - -<p>"Your book is most serviceable. The Emperor William's speech shows how -treacherously brutal is his madness for world power, and it opens the -eyes of all Americans who are inclined to admire the Emperor. It shows -his intention to run the elections and to boss the United States. I -hope you will be able to demonstrate who are the degenerates who are -betraying their country by active sympathy and assistance to the enemy."</p> - - -<p>What the Press Thinks</p> - -<p><i>THE DAILY MAIL</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"It is a book which should be carefully studied from cover to cover. -The present arrangement for dealing with Spies Mr. Le Queux pronounces -altogether unsatisfactory."</p> - -<p><i>THE DAILY TELEGRAPH</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"The discovery of the German Spy system has, we believe, been made -in time, and Mr. Le Queux must take his share in the credit of the -discovery. His self-sacrificing energy is vindicated to the world. -The stories which he tells will come as an alarming revelation to the -public."</p> - -<p><i>THE GLOBE</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"The audacity of some German agents in England, as revealed by Mr. Le -Queux, is only equalled by their enterprise. Mr. Le Queux emphasises -the point that it is those rich Germans of the Schulenberg type, for -whom some one in our Government or administration seems to have so -unwholesome a tenderness, who are the most dangerous. There are many -astonishing statements in this most amazing book."</p> - -<p><i>THE PALL MALL GAZETTE</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"Mr. Le Queux has devoted special attention to German Spies, and his -book will be read with much interest."</p> - -<p><i>THE EVENING STANDARD</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"Mr. Le Queux has here written on Spies and spying, as sensational a -book as any of his romances. Indeed, it may be questioned whether Mr. -Le Queux would have gone the length of introducing into a fictional -plot so extraordinary a chapter as that in which he reports one of the -Kaiser's speeches."</p> - -<p><i>THE SCOTSMAN</i> says:—</p> - -<p>"Mr. Le Queux gives a résumé of espionage methods. He goes over the -recent Spy convictions, and describes a considerable number of other -cases, unpunished, which have come under his own observation. He has -certainly laboured hard to impress the danger of the German system of -spying on the mind of the British public, and gives several instances -of the ease with which communication with Germany can still be carried -out."</p> - -<p>A clear account of how the present burdens of taxation, high prices, -and low wages can be changed to individual and national prosperity.</p> - -<p>THE CURE FOR POVERTY</p> - -<p>BY</p> - -<p>JOHN CALVIN BROWN</p> - -<p><i>In Crown 8vo. Cloth gilt. 5s. net</i></p> - - -<p>Mr. H. PAGE CROFT, M.P., writes:</p> - -<p>"I hope this valuable book will be widely read, for it deals with the -two greatest difficulties with which the British People are faced—that -of raising revenue for National Defence and Social Reform and that of -Industrial Unrest—and points to the only possible road to solution."</p> - -<p>Sir CHARLES ALLEN, V.D., J.P., writes:</p> - -<p>"I am convinced the book will prove to be one of the most useful and -best compiled editions on fiscal subjects ever circulated in this -country. It deals with the subject in the most refreshing manner; there -is hardly a page that is not deeply interesting."</p> - -<p> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">LONDON</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">STANLEY PAUL & CO</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C.</span><br /> -</p> - - - - -<p class="ph2">WAR UP TO DATE</p> - -<p>A Vade-Mecum of Modern Methods of Warfare, together with a Naval .. and -Military Dictionary..</p> - -<p>BY</p> - -<p>CHARLES E. PEARCE</p> - -<p>F'cap. 8vo (6-1/8 × 3-1/8), with Illustrations, including 120 -Reproductions of Naval and Military Badges.</p> - -<p><i>Canvas, round corners, 1/- net; Cloth, 1/6 net; Leather, 2/- net</i></p> - -<p>An attempt to bring together in a handy and readable form the various -developments of warfare, for service to the man-in-the-street who may -be desirous of gaining information on essential points. Every care has -been taken to consult reliable authorities, and the book, it is hoped, -will satisfy a want which no other popular book of reference on the -subject has hitherto supplied in a concrete form.</p> - -<p> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">LONDON</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">STANLEY PAUL & CO</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C.</span><br /> -</p> - - - - -<p>DAILY MAIL says:—"<i>Mr. Will Dyson has the most virile style of any -British cartoonist.... Wonderful ... striking War Cartoons.</i>"</p> - -<p>KULTUR CARTOONS</p> - -<p>BY</p> - -<p>WILL DYSON</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>Foreword by H.G. WELLS. 20 Original War Cartoons, each mounted on a -dark background (suitable for framing). Imperial 4to, cover design, -2s. net. A limited edition of 500 copies, numbered and signed by the -artist, 5s. net each.</p></blockquote> - -<p><i>The Observer.</i>—"Mr. Will Dyson will have to be reckoned with as one -of the leading illustrators of the present day ... his poignant humour -strikes a deeper and more thrilling note than that of any other graphic -humorist of to-day."</p> - -<p> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">LONDON</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">STANLEY PAUL & CO</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C.</span><br /> -</p> - - - - -<p class="ph2">NEW SIX SHILLING NOVELS</p> - - -<table summary="list" width="70%"> -<tr><td>The Sails of Life</td> <td>Cecil Adair</td></tr> -<tr><td>A Gentlewoman of France</td> <td>René Boylesve</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Prussian Terror </td><td>Alexandre Dumas</td></tr> -<tr><td>Greater than the Greatest </td> <td>Hamilton Drummond</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Heiress of Swallowcliffe</td> <td>E. Everett-Green</td></tr> -<tr><td>Herndale's Heir</td> <td>E. Everett-Green</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Persistent Lovers</td> <td>A. Hamilton Gibbs</td></tr> -<tr><td>Passion and Faith</td> <td>Dorothea Gerard</td></tr> -<tr><td>Three Gentlemen from New Caledonia</td> <td>R.D. Hemingway and Henry de Halsalle</td></tr> -<tr><td>The House of Many Mirrors</td> <td>Violet Hunt</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Creeping Tides</td> <td>Kate Jordan</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Old Order Changeth</td> <td>Archibald Marshall</td></tr> -<tr><td>On Desert Altars </td> <td>Norma Lorimer</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Black Lake</td> <td>Sir William Magnay, Bart.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Miss Billy's Decision</td> <td>Eleanor H. Porter</td></tr> -<tr><td>Miss Billy Married </td> <td>Eleanor H. Porter</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Ink-Slinger</td> <td>"Rita"</td></tr> -<tr><td>The School for Lovers</td> <td>E.B. de Rendon</td></tr> -<tr><td>Fantômas</td> <td>Pierre Souvestre and Marcel Allain</td></tr> -<tr><td>Tainted Gold</td> <td>H. Noel Williams</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>London: STANLEY PAUL & CO., 31 Essex St., Strand, W.C.</p> - - - - -<p class="ph2">STANLEY PAUL'S '<i>CLEAR TYPE</i>' SIXPENNY NOVELS<br /> - -NEW TITLES.</p> - -<table summary="list" width="80%"> - -<tr><td align="right">46</td> <td>Edelweiss</td> <td>"<span class="smcap">Rita</span>"</td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">45</td> <td>Only an Actress</td> <td>"<span class="smcap">Rita</span>"</td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">44</td> <td>The Apple of Eden</td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Temple Thurston</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">43</td> <td>Gay Lawless</td> <td><span class="smcap">Helen Mathers</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">42</td> <td>The Dream—and the Woman </td> <td><span class="smcap">Tom Gallon</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">41</td> <td>Love Besieged</td> <td><span class="smcap">Charles E. Pearce</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">40</td> <td>A Benedick in Arcady</td> <td><span class="smcap">Halliwell Sutcliffe</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">39</td> <td>Justice of the King</td> <td><span class="smcap">Hamilton Drummond</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">38</td> <td>The Man in Possession</td> <td>"<span class="smcap">Rita</span>"</td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">37</td> <td>A Will in a Well</td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Everett-Green</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">36</td> <td>Edward and I and Mrs. Honeybun</td> <td><span class="smcap">Kate Horn</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">35</td> <td>Priscilla of the Good Intent</td> <td><span class="smcap">Halliwell Sutcliffe</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">34</td> <td>Fatal Thirteen </td> <td><span class="smcap">William Le Queux</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">33</td> <td>A Struggle for a Ring</td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">32</td> <td>A Shadowed Life</td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">31</td> <td>The Mystery of Coldo Fell</td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">30</td><td> A Woman's Error</td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">29</td> <td>Claribel's Love Story </td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">28</td> <td>At the Eleventh Hour </td> <td><span class="smcap">Charlotte Brame</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">27</td> <td>Love's Mask</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">26</td> <td>The Wooing of Rose</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">25</td> <td>White Abbey</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">24</td> <td>Heart of his Heart</td> <td><span class="smcap">Madame Albanesi</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">23</td> <td>The Wonder of Love</td> <td><span class="smcap">Madame Albanesi</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">22</td> <td>Co-Heiresses </td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Everett-Green</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">21</td> <td>The Evolution of Katherine</td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Temple Thurston</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">20</td> <td>The Love of His Life</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">19</td> <td>A Charity Girl</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">18</td> <td>The House of Sunshine</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">17</td> <td>Dare and Do</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">16</td> <td>Beneath a Spell</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">15</td> <td>The Man She Married</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">14</td> <td>The Mistress of the Farm</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">13</td> <td>Little Lady Charles</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">12</td> <td>A Splendid Destiny</td> <td><span class="smcap">Effie Adelaide Rowlands</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">11</td> <td>Cornelius</td> <td><span class="smcap">Mrs. Henry de la Pasture</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">10</td> <td>Traffic</td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Temple Thurston</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">9</td> <td>St. Elmo</td> <td><span class="smcap">Augusta Evans Wilson</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">8</td> <td>Indiscretions</td> <td><span class="smcap">Cosmo Hamilton</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">7</td><td> The Trickster</td> <td><span class="smcap">G.B. Burgin</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">6</td> <td>The City of the Golden Gate</td> <td><span class="smcap">E. Everett-Green</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">5</td> <td>Shoes of Gold</td> <td><span class="smcap">Hamilton Drummond</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">4</td> <td>Adventures of a Pretty Woman</td> <td><span class="smcap">Florence Warden</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">3</td> <td>Troubled Waters</td> <td><span class="smcap">Headon Hill</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">2</td> <td>The Human Boy Again </td> <td><span class="smcap">Eden Phillpotts</span></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right">1</td> <td>Stolen Honey</td> <td><span class="smcap">Ada & Dudley James</span></td></tr> -</table> - - - - -<p class="ph2">THE PRINCESS MATHILDE BONAPARTE</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Philip W. Sergeant</span>, Author of "The Last Empress of the -French," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Princess Mathilde Bonaparte, the niece of the great Emperor, died -only ten years ago. She was the first serious passion of her cousin, -the Emperor Napoleon III, and she might have been, if she had wished, -Empress of the French. Instead, she preferred to rule for half a -century over a salon in Paris, where, although not without fault, she -was known as "the good princess."</p> - - -<p>FROM JUNGLE TO ZOO</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Ellen Velvin</span>, F.Z.S., Author of "Behind the Scenes with -Wild Animals," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Large crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many remarkable photographs, 6/- -net</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>A fascinating record of the many adventures to which wild animals and -their keepers are subject from the time the animals are captured until -their final lodgment in Zoo or menagerie. The author has studied wild -animals for sixteen years, and writes from personal knowledge. The -book is full of exciting stories and good descriptions of the methods -of capture, transportation and caging of savage animals, together with -accounts of their tricks, training, and escapes from captivity.</p> - - -<p>THE ADMIRABLE PAINTER: A study of Leonardo da Vinci</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">A.J. Anderson</span>, Author of "The Romance of Fra Filippo -Lippi," "His Magnificence," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>In this book we find Leonardo da Vinci to have been no absorbed, -religious painter, but a man closely allied to every movement of the -brilliant age in which he lived. Leonardo jotted down his thoughts in -his notebooks and elaborated them with his brush, in the modelling of -clay, or in the planning of canals, earthworks and flying-machines. -These notebooks form the groundwork of Mr. Anderson's fascinating -study, which gives us a better understanding of Leonardo, the man, as -well as the painter, than was possible before.</p> - - -<p>WOMEN OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By Lieut.-Col. <span class="smcap">Andrew C.P. Haggard</span>, D.S.O., Author of -"Remarkable Women of France, 1431-1749," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Lieut.-Col. Haggard has many times proved that history can be made as -fascinating as fiction. Here he deals with the women whose more or less -erratic careers influenced, by their love of display, the outbreak -which culminated in the Reign of Terror. Most of them lived till after -the beginning of the Revolution, and some, like Marie Antoinette, -Théroigne de Méricourt and Madame Roland, were sucked down in the -maelstrom which their own actions had intensified.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">THE MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE de ST. SIMON</span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Newly translated and edited by <span class="smcap">Francis Arkwright</span>.</p> - -<p><i>In six volumes, demy 8vo, handsomely bound in cloth gilt, with -illustrations in photogravure, 10/6 net each volume.</i> (<i>Volumes I. and -II. are now ready.</i>)</p></blockquote> - -<p>No historian has ever succeeded in placing scenes and persons so -vividly before the eyes of his readers as did the Duke de St. Simon. -He was a born observer; his curiosity was insatiable; he had a keen -insight into character; he knew everybody, and has a hundred anecdotes -to relate of the men and women he describes. He had a singular knack -of acquiring the confidential friendship of men in high office, -from whom he learnt details of important state affairs. For a brief -while he served as a soldier. Afterwards his life was passed at the -Court of Louis XIV, where he won the affectionate intimacy of the -Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Burgundy. St. Simon's famous Memoirs -have recently been much neglected in England, owing to the mass of -unnecessary detail overshadowing the marvellously fascinating chronicle -beneath. In this edition, however, they have been carefully edited and -should have an extraordinarily wide reception.</p> - - -<p>BY THE WATERS OF GERMANY</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Norma Lorimer</span>, Author of "A Wife out of Egypt," etc. With -a Preface by Douglas Sladen.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other -illustrations by</i> <span class="smcap">Margaret Thomas</span> <i>and</i> <span class="smcap">Erna Michel</span>, -<i>12/6 net</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>This fascinating travel-book describes the land of the Rhine and -the Black Forest, at the present time so much the centre of public -interest. The natural and architectural beauties of Germany are too -supreme for even the sternest German-hater to deny; and this book -describes them and the land around them well. But apart from the -love-story which Miss Lorimer has weaved into the book, a particularly -great interest attaches to her description of the home life of the men -who, since she saw them, have deserved and received the condemnation of -the whole civilized world.</p> - - -<p>BY THE WATERS OF SICILY</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Norma Lorimer</span>, Author of "By the Waters of Germany," etc.</p> - -<p><i>New and Cheaper Edition, reset from new type, Large Crown 8vo, cloth -gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other illustrations, 6/-.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This book, the predecessor of "By the Waters of Germany," was called at -the time of its original publication "one of the most original books of -travel ever published." It had at once a big success, but for some time -it has been quite out of print. Full of the vivid colour of Sicilian -life, it is a delightfully picturesque volume, half travel-book, half -story; and there is a sparkle in it, for the author writes as if glad -to be alive in her gorgeously beautiful surroundings.</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p><span class="smcap">THE NEW FRANCE, Being a History from the accession of Louis -Philippe in 1830 to the Revolution of 1848</span>, with Appendices</p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Alexandre Dumas</span>. Translated into English, with an -introduction and notes by <span class="smcap">R.S. Garnett</span>.</p> - -<p><i>In two volumes, Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, profusely illustrated with a -rare portrait of Dumas and other pictures after famous artists. 24/- -net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>The map of Europe is about to be altered. Before long we shall be -engaged in the marking out. This we can hardly follow with success -unless we possess an intelligent knowledge of the history of our -Allies. It is a curious fact that the present generation is always -ignorant of the history of that which preceded it. Everyone or nearly -everyone has read a history—Carlyle's or some other—of the French -Revolution of 1789 to 1800; very few seem versed in what followed and -culminated in the revolution of 1848, which was the continuation of the -first.</p> - -<p>Both revolutions resulted from an idea—the idea of <i>the people</i>. In -1789 the people destroyed servitude, ignorance, privilege, monarchical -despotism; in 1848 they thrust aside representation by the few and -a Monarchy which served its own interests to the prejudice of the -country. It is impossible to understand the French Republic of to-day -unless the struggle in 1848 be studied: for every profound revolution -is an evolution.</p> - -<p>A man of genius, the author of the most essentially French book, both -in its subject and treatment, that exists (its name is <i>The Three -Musketeers</i>) took part in this second revolution, and having taken part -in it, he wrote its history. Only instead of calling his book what -it was—a history of France for eighteen years—that is to say from -the accession of Louis Philippe in 1830 to his abdication in 1848—he -called it <i>The Last King of the French</i>. An unfortunate title, truly, -for while the book was yet a new one the "last King" was succeeded by a -man who, having been elected President, made himself Emperor. It will -easily be understood that a book with such a title by a republican -was not likely to be approved by the severe censorship of the Second -Empire. And, in fact, no new edition of the book has appeared for sixty -years, although its republican author was Alexandre Dumas.</p> - -<p>During the present war the Germans have twice marched over his grave at -Villers Cotterets, near Soissons, where he sleeps with his brave father -General Alexandre Dumas. The first march was en route for Paris; the -second was before the pursuit of our own and the French armies, and -while these events were taking place the first translation of his long -neglected book was being printed in London. <i>Habent sua fata libelli.</i></p> - -<p>Written when the fame of its brilliant author was at its height, -this book will be found eminently characteristic of him. Although a -history composed with scrupulous fidelity to facts, it is as amusing -as a romance. Wittily written, and abounding in life and colour, the -long narrative takes the reader into the battle-field, the Court and -the Hôtel de Ville with equal success. Dumas, who in his early days -occupied a desk in the prince's bureaux, but who resigned it when -the Duc d'Orleans became King of the French, relates much which it -is curious to read at the present time. To his text, as originally -published, are added as Appendices some papers from his pen relating to -the history of the time, which are unknown in England.</p> - - -<p>CROQUET</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By the <span class="smcap">Rt. Hon. Lord Tollemache</span>.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with 100 photographs and a large coloured plan -of the court, 10/6 net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This work, intended both for the novice and for the skilled player, -explains in clear language the various methods, styles and shots -found after careful thought and practical experiences to have the -best results. It is thoroughly up-to-date, and includes, besides good -advice on the subject of "breaks," a treatise on the Either Ball Game, -explaining how to play it.</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>THE JOLLY DUCHESS: <span class="smcap">Harriot, Duchess of St. Albans. Fifty Years' -Record of Stage and Society</span> (1787-1837)</p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Charles E. Pearce</span>, Author of "Polly Peachum," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Mr. Charles E. Pearce tells in a lively, anecdotal style the story -of Harriot Mellon, who played merry, hoydenish parts before the -foot-lights a hundred years ago, until her fortunes were suddenly -changed by her amazing marriage to Thomas Coutts, the banker prince, -who died a few years later, leaving her a gigantic fortune. She then -married the Duke of St. Albans.</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>SIR HERBERT TREE AND THE MODERN THEATRE: <span class="smcap">A Discursive -Biography</span></p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Sidney Dark</span>, Author of "The Man Who Would not be King," -etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Mr. Sidney Dark, the well-known literary and dramatic critic, has -written a fascinating character-study of Sir Herbert Tree both as actor -and as man, and he has used the striking personality of his subject as -a text for a comprehensive survey and criticism of the modern English -stage and its present tendencies. Mr. Dark's opinions have always been -distinctive and individual, and his new book is outspoken, witty, and -brilliantly expressed.</p> - - -<p>THE MASTER PROBLEM</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">James Marchant</span>, F.R.S. Ed., Author of "Dr. Paton," and -editor of "Prevention," etc. With an Introduction by the Rev. F.B. -Meyer, D.D.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 5/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This book deals with the social evil, its causes and its remedies. -Necessarily, the writer is compelled to present many aspects of the -case, and to describe persons and scenes which he has encountered, as -Director of the National Council of Public Morals, in America, India, -Europe, the Colonies, etc.; the overruling object of the book, however, -is the more difficult and more useful task of discovering the root -causes of this vice and of suggesting lasting remedies.</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>THE FRIEND OF FREDERICK THE GREAT: <span class="smcap">The Last Earl Marischall of -Scotland</span></p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Edith E. Cuthell</span>, F.R.Hist.S., Author of "A Vagabond -Courtier," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 2 vols., 24/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>George Keith, a gallant young colonel of Life Guards under Marlborough -and Ormonde, fought at Sheriffmuir, led the ill-fated Jacobite -expedition from Spain, and was a prominent figure in all the Jacobite -plottings before and after the '45. He was the ambassador and friend of -Frederick the Great and the friend and correspondent of Voltaire, Hume, -Rousseau and d'Alembert. This excellent biography is to be followed -later by a work on James Keith, Frederick the Great's Field-Marshal, -who was killed in attempting to retrieve the reverse of Hochkeich.</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>GAIETY AND GEORGE GROSSMITH: <span class="smcap">Random Reflections on the Serious -Business of Enjoyment</span></p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Stanley Naylor</span>.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece, and 50 other -illustrations, 5/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Here is Mr. George Grossmith in his moments of leisure, laughing, -joking, relating anecdotes (personal and otherwise), criticising people -and places, and generally expressing a philosophy which has serious -truth behind it, but nevertheless bubbles over here and there with -humour. Through his "Boswell," Mr. Stanley Naylor, he talks of "Love -Making on the Stage and Off," "The Difference Between a Blood and a -Nut," "The Ladies of the Gaiety," and other similar subjects. Mr. -Grossmith in this book is as good as "Gee-Gee" at the Gaiety. What more -need be said?</p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>THE HISTORY OF GRAVESEND: <span class="smcap">From Prehistoric times to the beginning -of the Twentieth Century</span></p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Alex. J. Philip</span>.</p> - -<p>Edition limited to 365 sets, signed by the Author.</p> - -<p><i>In four vols., 9¾ × 6½, bound in sealskin, fully illustrated, -12/6 net each volume.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>The first volume of this important work is now ready. On historical -grounds it is of value not only to those interested in Gravesend and -its surroundings, but to the wider circle interested in the Britons, -Romans, and Anglo-Saxons, and their life in this country. It also deals -with the early history of the River Thames.</p> - - -<p>AUGUST STRINDBERG: <span class="smcap">The Spirit of Revolt</span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">L. Lind-af-Hageby</span>.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many illustrations, 6/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This book tells Strindberg's biography, criticises and explains his -many writings, and describes truly yet sympathetically the struggles -and difficulties of his life and the representativeness and greatness -in him and his work. Miss Hageby has written a fascinating book on a -character of great interest.</p> - - -<p>NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ELBA (1814-1815)</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Norwood Young</span>, Author of "The Growth of Napoleon," etc.; -with a chapter on the Iconography by A.M. Broadley.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with coloured frontispiece and 50 -illustrations</i> (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), <i>21/- net</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>This work gives a most interesting account of Napoleon's residence -in the Isle of Elba after his abdication at Fontainebleau on April -11th, 1814. Both Mr. Young and Mr. A.M. Broadley are authorities on -Napoleonic history, and Mr. Broadley's unrivalled collection of MSS. -and illustrations has been drawn upon for much valuable information.</p> - - -<p>NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ST. HELENA (1815-1821)</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Norwood Young</span>, Author of "Napoleon in Exile at Elba," "The -Story of Rome," etc.</p> - -<p><i>In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with two coloured frontispieces -and one hundred illustrations</i> (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), -<i>32/- net</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>A history of Napoleon's exile on the island of St. Helena after his -defeat at Waterloo, June 18th, 1815. The author is a very thorough -scholar and has spent four years' work on these two books on Napoleon -in Exile. He has studied his subject on the spot as well as in France -and England, and gives a very informative study of the least-known -period of Napoleon's life.</p> - - -<p>TRAINING FOR THE TRACK, FIELD & ROAD</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Harry Andrews</span>, Official Trainer to the A.A.A., etc.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth, with illustrations, 2/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>The athlete, "coming and come," has in this volume a training manual -from the brain and pen of our foremost athlete trainer to-day. -Every runner knows the name of Harry Andrews and his long list of -successes—headed by that wonderful exponent, Alfred Shrubb. It is, -however, for the self-training man that the Author explains the -needed preparation and methods for every running distance. This -most authoritative and up-to-date book should therefore prove of -immeasurable assistance to every athlete, amateur or professional, -throughout the Empire.</p> - - -<p>PAUL'S SIMPLICODE</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth, 1/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>A simple and thoroughly practical and efficient code for the use of -Travellers, Tourists, Business Men, Departmental Stores, Shopping by -Post, Colonial Emigrants, Lawyers, and the general public. Everyone -should use this, the cheapest code book published in English. A -sentence in a word.</p> - - -<p>THE MARIE TEMPEST BIRTHDAY BOOK</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Giving an extract for each day of the year from the various parts -played by Miss Marie Tempest.</p> - -<p><i>Demy 18mo, cloth gilt, with an introductory appreciation and 9 -portraits in photogravure, 1/6 net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>Miss Marie Tempest is undoubtedly one of the most popular actresses of -the English stage. She has created for herself a distinctive character, -into which is weaved much of her own personality, and the charm of that -personality is illustrated by these happy quotations from the parts -she has played. The illustrations, show her at various periods in her -theatrical career, while the introductory appreciation by Mr. Sidney -Dark is especially illuminating.</p> - - -<p>A GARLAND OF VERSE FOR YOUNG PEOPLE</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Edited by <span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles</span>.</p> - -<p><i>Handsome cloth gilt, 2/6 net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>A collection of verse for children. The pieces, selected from a wide -field, are graded to suit age and classified to facilitate reference, -and many new pieces are included to help nature-study and interest -children in collateral studies. Never before has an attempt been made -to cover in one volume such a wide range of pieces at so small a price.</p> - - -<p>THIS IS MY BIRTHDAY</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Anita Bartle</span>. With an introduction by Israel Zangwill.</p> - -<p><i>Handsomely bound, gilt and gilt top, 756 pages, 2/6 net. Also in -various leather bindings.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This is a unique volume, being a birthday-book of the great, living -and dead, whether poets, artists, philosophers, statesmen, warriors, -or novelists. A page of beautiful and characteristic quotations is -appropriated to each name, and the page opposite is left blank for -the filling in of new names. Everyone likes to know the famous people -who were born on their natal day, and few will refuse to add their -signatures to such a birthday book as this. Mr. Zangwill has written a -charming introduction to the book, and there is a complete index.</p> - - -<p>STORIES OF THE KAISER AND HIS ANCESTORS</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Clare Jerrold</span>, Author of "The Early Court of Queen -Victoria," and "The Married Life of Queen Victoria," etc.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with portraits, 2/6 net; paper, 2/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>In this book Mrs. Clare Jerrold presents in anecdotal fashion incidents -both tragic and comic in the career of the Kaiser Wilhelm and his -ancestors. The frank and fearless fashion in which Mrs. Jerrold has -dealt with events in her earlier books will pique curiosity as to this -new work, in which she shows the Kaiser as an extraordinary example of -heredity—most of his wildest vagaries being foreshadowed in the lives -and doings of his forebears.</p> - - -<p>A NEW SERIES OF RECITERS</p> - -<p>96 pages large 4to, double-columns, clear type on good paper, handsome -cover design in three colours, 6d. net. Also in cloth, 1/- net.</p> - - -<p>THE FIRST FAVOURITE RECITER</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Edited by <span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles</span>. Valuable Copyright and other -Pieces by Robert Louis Stevenson, Sir Edwin Arnold, Austin Dobson, Sir -W.S. Gilbert, Edmund Gosse, Lord Lytton, Coulson Kernahan, Campbell -Rae-Brown, Tom Gallon, Artemus Ward, and other Poets, wits, and -Humorists.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Mr. Miles' successes in the reciter world are without parallel. Since -he took the field in 1882 with his A1 Series, he has been continually -scoring, reaching the boundary of civilisation with every hit. For -nearly 30 years he has played a famous game, and his score to date -is a million odd, not out! The secret is, he captains such wonderful -elevens, and places them with so much advantage in the field. Who could -not win with such teams as those named above?</p> - - -<p><i>Uniform with the above in Style and Price</i>:</p> - - -<p>THE UP-TO-DATE RECITER</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Edited by <span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles</span>. Valuable Copyright and other -Pieces by great Authors, including Hall Caine, Sir A. Conan Doyle, -Robert Buchanan, William Morris, Christina Rossetti, Lord Tennyson, -Robert Browning, Mark Twain, Bret Harte, Max Adeler, and other Poets -and Humorists.</p></blockquote> - -<p>"An ideal gift for your girls and youths for Christmas. It is just -as admirable a production for grown-ups, and many a pleasant hour -in the cold evenings can be spent by the fire with 'The Up-to-date -Reciter.'"—<i>Star.</i></p> - -<p>"A very handy collection of recitations has been gathered here by Mr. -Alfred H. Miles. The Editor has aimed at including poems and prose -pieces which are not usually to be found in volumes of recitations, as -well as a few of the old favourites.... The grave and gay occasions are -equally well provided for. A sign of the times is here, too, shown by -the inclusion of such pieces as 'Woman and Work' and 'Woman,' both from -the chivalrous pen of the Editor."—<i>The Bookman.</i></p> - -<p>"A marvellous production for sixpence, excellent in every -respect."—<i>Colonial Bookseller.</i></p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY SERIES</p> - -<p>Edited by <span class="smcap">Gertrude Paul</span>.</p> - -<p>Books on Household Subjects, giving a recipe or hint for every day in -the year, including February 29th.</p> - -<p><i>In Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 1/- net each.</i></p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY SOUP BOOK</p> - -<p>By G.P.</p> - -<p>Recipes for soups, purées, and broths of every kind for a quiet dinner -at home or an aldermanic banquet.</p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY PUDDING BOOK</p> - -<p>By F.K.</p> - -<p>One of the most valuable cookery books in existence. It gives 366 ways -of making puddings.</p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY VEGETABLE BOOK</p> - -<p>By F.K.</p> - -<p>This includes sauces as well as vegetables and potatoes. It gives an -unexampled list of new and little-known recipes.</p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY ECONOMICAL COOKERY BOOK</p> - -<p>By A.T.K.</p> - -<p>"Very practical."—<i>Westminster Gazette.</i> "Really economical and -good."—<i>World.</i></p> - - -<p>THE EVERYDAY SAVOURY BOOK</p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Marie Worth</span>.</p> - -<p>"A practical book of good recipes."—<i>Spectator.</i></p> - - -<p>CAMP COOKERY: A Book for Boy Scouts</p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Lincoln Green</span>.</p> - -<p><i>Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 6d. net.</i></p> - -<p>This is the officially approved book for the Boy Scouts' Association, -and contains a clear account of the methods, materials, dishes, and -utensils appropriate to camp life. It also describes the construction -of an inexpensive cooking apparatus.</p> - - -<p>THE LAUGHTER LOVER'S VADE-MECUM</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Good stories, epigrams, witty sayings, jokes, and rhymes. <i>In F'cap -8vo (6-1/8 × 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net; leather, 2/- -net</i> (uniform with Diner's Out Vade-Mecum).</p></blockquote> - -<p>Whoever wishes to secure a repertoire of amusing stories and smart -sayings to be retailed for the delight of his family and friends, -cannot possibly do better than get "The Laughter Lover's Vade-Mecum"; -and those who seek bright relief from worries little and big should -take advantage of the same advice.</p> - - -<p>THE DINER'S-OUT VADE-MECUM</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>A Pocket "What's What" on the Manners and Customs of Society -Functions, etc., etc. By <span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles</span>. <i>In Fcap. 8vo -(6-1/8 × 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net.; leather, 2/- -net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>This handy book is intended to help the diffident and inexperienced -to the reasonable enjoyment of the social pleasures of society by -an elementary introduction to the rules which govern its functions, -public and private, at Dinners, Breakfasts, Luncheons, Teas, At Homes, -Receptions, Balls and Suppers, with hints on Etiquette, Deportment, -Dress, Conduct, After-Dinner Speaking, Entertainment, Story-Telling, -Toasts and Sentiments, etc., etc.</p> - -<p><i>A new Edition reset from new type.</i></p> - - -<p>COLE'S FUN DOCTOR</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>First series. One of the two funniest books in the world. By <span class="smcap">E.W. -Cole</span>; <i>576 pp., cr. 8vo, cloth, 2/6</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The mission of mirth is well understood, "Laugh and Grow Fat" is a -common proverb, and the healthiness of humour goes without saying.</p> - -<p>This book, therefore, should find a place in every home library. It -is full of fun from beginning to end. Fun about babies; fun about bad -boys; fun about love, kissing, courting, proposing, flirting, marrying; -fun about clergymen, doctors, teachers; fun about lawyers, judges, -magistrates, jurymen, witnesses, thieves, vagabonds, etc., etc. It is -doubtful if any man living could read any page without bursting into a -hearty laugh.</p> - - -<p>COLE'S FUN DOCTOR</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Second series. The other of the two funniest books in the world. By -<span class="smcap">E.W. Cole</span>; <i>440 pp., crown 8vo, cloth, 2/6</i>.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Dr. Blues had an extensive practice until the Fun Doctor set up in -opposition, but now Fun Doctors are in requisition everywhere.</p> - -<p>"The Second Series of <i>Cole's Fun Doctor</i> is as good as the first. -It sparkles thoroughout, with laughs on every page, and will put -the glomiest curmudgeon into cheery spirits ... it is full of -fun."—<i>Evening Standard.</i></p> - - -<blockquote> - -<p>BALLADS OF BRAVE WOMEN. <span class="smcap">Records of the Heroic in Thought, Action -and Endurance.</span></p> - -<p>By <span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles</span> and other writers.</p> - -<p><i>Large crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth, gilt, 1/6 net; paste -grain, gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt top (boxed), 4/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>"Ballads of Brave Women" is a collection of Poems suitable for -recitation at women's meetings and at gatherings and entertainments of -a more general character. Its aim is to celebrate the bravery of women -as shown in the pages of history, on the field of war, in the battle of -life, in the cause of freedom, in the service of humanity, and in the -face of death.</p> - -<p>The subjects dealt with embrace Loyalty, Patriotism, In War, In -Domestic Life, For Love, Self-Sacrifice, For Liberty, Labour, In -Danger, For Honour, The Care of the Sick, In Face of Death, etc., by a -selection of the world's greatest writers, and edited by <span class="smcap">Alfred H. -Miles</span>.</p> - -<p>"The attention which everything appertaining to the woman's movement -is just now receiving has induced Mr. Alfred H. Miles to collect and -edit these 'Ballads of Brave Women.' He has made an excellent choice, -and produced a useful record of tributes to woman's heroism in thought, -action and endurance."—<i>Pall Mall Gazette.</i></p> - - -<p>MY OWN RECITER</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p><span class="smcap">Alfred H. Miles.</span> Original Poems, Ballads and Stories in -Verse, Lyrical and Dramatic, for Reading and Recitation. <i>Crown 8vo, -1/- net.</i></p></blockquote> - - -<p>DRAWING-ROOM ENTERTAINMENTS</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>A book of new and original Monologues, Duologues, Dialogues, and -Playlets for Home and Platform use. By Catherine Evelyn, Clare -Shirley, Robert Overton, and other writers. Edited by <span class="smcap">Alfred H. -Miles</span>. <i>In crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth gilt, 1/6 net; -paste grain, gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt (boxed), 4/- -net.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p><i>Extract from Editor's preface</i>, "The want of a collection of short -pieces for home use, which, while worthy of professional representation -shall not be too exacting for amateur rendering, and shall be well -within the limits of drawing-room resources, has often been pressed -upon the Editor, and the difficulty of securing such pieces has alone -delayed his issue of a collection.</p> - -<p>"Performances may be given in drawing-rooms, school rooms, and lecture -halls, privately or for charitable purposes unconditionally, except -that the authorship and source <i>must</i> be acknowledged on any printed -programmes that may be issued, but permission must be previously -secured from the Editor, who, in the interests of his contributors -reserves all dramatic rights for their performance in theatres and -music halls or by professionals for professional purposes."</p> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td align="center"> - Transcriber's Note: - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Two occurences of unpaired duouble quotation marks could not be - corrected with confidence. - </td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr class="pg" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 61040-h.htm or 61040-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/1/0/4/61040">http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/0/4/61040</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition.</p> - -<p>Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org</p> - -<p>This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.</p> - -</body> -</html> - diff --git a/old/61040-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/61040-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6618eed..0000000 --- a/old/61040-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/61040.txt b/old/61040.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 423bf7f..0000000 --- a/old/61040.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6261 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Britain's Deadly Peril, by William Le Queux - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Britain's Deadly Peril - Are We Told the Truth? - - -Author: William Le Queux - - - -Release Date: December 28, 2019 [eBook #61040] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL*** - - -E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Graeme Mackreth, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/britainsdeadlype00lequrich - - - - - -BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL - -Are we Told the Truth? - -by - -WILLIAM LE QUEUX - -Author of "German Spies in England" - - - - - - -London -Stanley Paul & Co -31 Essex Street, Strand, W.C. - -First published in 1915 - -Copyright in the United States of America by -William Le Queux, 1915 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - FOREWORD - - PAGE - - The Unknown To-morrow 7 - - CHAPTER I - - The Peril of "Muddling Through" 13 - - CHAPTER II - - The Peril of Exploiting the Poor 31 - - CHAPTER III - - The Peril of not Doing Enough 49 - - CHAPTER IV - - The Peril of the Censorship 66 - - CHAPTER V - - The Peril of the Press Bureau 81 - - CHAPTER VI - - The Peril of the Enemy Alien 96 - - CHAPTER VII - - The Peril of Deluding the Public 119 - - CHAPTER VIII - - The Peril of Invasion 139 - - CHAPTER IX - - The Peril of Apathy 148 - - CHAPTER X - - The Peril of Stifling the Truth 160 - - CHAPTER XI - - Facts to Remember 171 - - - - -FOREWORD - -THE UNKNOWN TO-MORROW - - -The following pages--written partly as a sequel to my book "German -Spies in England," which has met with such wide popular favour--are, -I desire to assure the reader, inspired solely by a stern spirit of -patriotism. - -This is not a book of "scaremongerings," but of plain, hard, -indisputable facts. - -It is a demand for the truth to be told, and a warning that, by the -present policy of secrecy and shuffle, a distinct feeling of distrust -has been aroused, and is growing more and more apparent. No sane man -will, of course, ask for any facts concerning the country's resources -or its intentions, or indeed any information upon a single point which, -in the remotest way, could be of any advantage to the barbaric hordes -who are ready to sweep upon us. - -But what the British people to-day demand is a sound and definite -pronouncement which will take them, to a certain extent, into the -confidence of the Government--as apart from the War Office, against -which no single word of criticism should be raised--and at the same -time deal effectively with certain matters which, being little short of -public scandals, have irritated and inflamed public opinion at an hour -when every man in our Empire should put forth his whole strength for -his God, his King, and his country. - -Germany is facing the present situation with a sound, businesslike -policy, without any vacillation, or any attempt to shift responsibility -from one Department of the State to another. Are we doing the same? - -What rule or method can be discerned, for example, in a system which -allows news to appear in the papers in Scotland which is suppressed in -the newspapers in England? Why, indeed, should one paper in England be -permitted to print facts, and another, published half a mile away, be -debarred from printing the self-same words? - -The public--who, since August 4th last, are no longer school-children -under the Head-Mastership of the Prime-Minister-for-the-Time-Being--are -now wondering what all this curious censorship means, and for what -reason such an unreliable institution--an institution not without its -own scandals, and employing a thousand persons of varying ideas and -warped notions--should have been established. They can quite understand -the urgent necessity of preventing a horde of war correspondents, at -the front, sending home all sorts of details regarding our movements -and intentions, but they cannot understand why a Government offer of -L100 reward, published on placards all over Scotland for information -regarding secret bases of petrol, should be forbidden to be even -mentioned in England. - -They cannot understand why the Admiralty should issue a notice warning -the public that German spies, posing as British officers, are visiting -Government factories while at the same time the Under-Secretary for -War declares that all enemy aliens are known, and are constantly -under police surveillance. They cannot understand either why, in -face of the great imports of foodstuffs, and the patriotic movement -on the part of Canada and our Overseas Dominions concerning our wheat -supply, prices should have been allowed to increase so alarmingly, and -unscrupulous merchants should be permitted to exploit the poor as they -have done. They are mystified by the shifty shuttlecock policy which -is being pursued towards the question of enemy aliens, and the marked -disinclination of the authorities to make even the most superficial -inquiry regarding cases of suspected espionage, notwithstanding the -fact that German spies have actually been recognised among us by -refugees from Antwerp and other Belgian cities. - -The truth, which cannot be disguised, is that by the Government's -present policy, and the amusing vagaries of its Press Censorship, the -public are daily growing more and more apathetic concerning the war. -While, on the one hand, we see recruiting appeals in all the clever -guises of smart modern advertising, yet on the other, by the action of -the authorities themselves, the man-in-the-street is being soothed into -the belief that all goes well, and that, in consequence, no more men -are needed and nobody need worry further. - -We are told by many newspapers that Germany is at the end of her -tether: that food supplies are fast giving out, that she has lost -millions of men, that her people are frantic, that a "Stop the War" -party has already arisen in Berlin, and that the offensive on the -eastern frontier is broken. At home, the authorities would have -us believe that there is no possibility of invasion, that German -submarines are "pirates"--poor consolation indeed--that all alien -enemies are really a deserving hardworking class of dear good people, -and that there is no spy-peril. A year ago the British public would, -perhaps, have believed all this. To-day they refuse to do so. Why -they do not, I have here attempted to set out; I have tried to reveal -something of the perils which beset our nation, and to urge the reader -to pause and reflect for himself. Every word I have written in this -book, though I have been fearless and unsparing in my criticism, has -been written with an honest and patriotic intention, for I feel that it -is my duty, as an Englishman, in these days of national peril to take -up my pen--without political bias--solely for the public good. - -I ask the reader to inquire for himself, to ascertain how cleverly -Germany has hoodwinked us, and to fix the blame upon those who -wilfully, and for political reasons, closed their eyes to the truth. I -would ask the reader to remember the formation in Germany--under the -guidance of the Kaiser--of the Society for the Promotion of Better -Relations between Germany and England, and how the Kaiser appointed, -as president, a certain Herr von Holleben. I would further ask the -reader to remember my modest effort to dispel the pretty illusion -placed before the British public by exposing, in _The Daily Telegraph_, -in March 1912, the fact that this very Herr von Holleben, posing as a -champion of peace, was actually the secret emissary sent by the Kaiser -to the United States in 1910, with orders to make an anti-English press -propaganda in that country! And a week after my exposure the Emperor -was compelled to dismiss him from his post. - -Too long has dust been thrown in our eyes, both abroad and at home. - -Let every Briton fighting for his country, and working for his -country's good, remember that even though there be a political -truce to-day, yet the Day of Awakening must dawn sooner or later. -On that day, with the conscience of the country fully stirred, the -harmless--but to-day powerless--voter will have something bitter and -poignant to say when he pays the bill. He will then recollect some hard -facts, and ask himself many plain questions. He will put to himself -calmly the problem whether the present German hatred of England is -not mainly due to the weak shuffling sentimentalism and opportunism -of Germanophils in high places. And he will then search out Britain's -betrayers, and place them in the pillory. - -Assuredly, when the time comes, all these things--and many more--will -be remembered. And the dawn of the Unknown To-morrow will, I feel -assured, bring with it many astounding and drastic changes. - - William Le Queux. - - Devonshire Club, S.W. - _April 1915._ - - - - -BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE PERIL OF "MUDDLING THROUGH" - - -Has Britain, in the course of her long history, ever been prepared for -a great war? I do not believe she has; she certainly was not ready last -August, when the Kaiser launched his thunderbolt upon the world. - -Perhaps, paradoxical as it may seem, this perpetual unreadiness may be, -in a sense, part of Britain's strength. - -We are a people slow of speech, and slow to anger. It takes much--very -much--to rouse the British nation to put forth its full strength. -"Beware of the wrath of the man slow to anger" is a useful working -maxim, and it may be that the difficulty of arousing England is, in -some degree, a measure of her terrible power once she is awakened. - -Twice or thrice, at least, within living memory we have been caught -all unready when a great crisis burst upon us--in the Crimea, in South -Africa, and now in the greatest world-conflict ever seen. Hitherto, -thanks to the amazing genius for improvisation which is characteristic -of our race, we have "muddled through" somehow, often sorely smitten, -sorely checked, but roused by reverses to further and greater efforts. - -The bulldog tenacity that has ever been our salvation has been aroused -in time, and we have passed successfully through ordeals which might -have broken the spirit and crushed the resistance of nations whose -mental and physical fibre was less high and less enduring. - -We have "muddled through" in the past: shall we "muddle through" again? -It is the merest truism--patent to all the world--that when Germany -declared war, we were quite unready for a contest. For years the nation -had turned a deaf ear to all warnings. The noble efforts of the late -Lord Roberts, who gave the last years of his illustrious life--despite -disappointments, and the rebuffs of people in high places who ought -to have known--nay, who did know--that his words were literally true, -passed unheeded. - -Lord Roberts, the greatest soldier of the Victorian era, a man wise in -war, and of the most transcendent sincerity, was snubbed and almost -insulted, inside and outside the House of Commons, by a parcel of -upstarts who, in knowledge and experience of the world and of the -subject, were not fit to black his boots. "An alarmist and scaremonger" -was perhaps the least offensive name that these worthies could find for -him: and it was plainly hinted that he was an old man in his dotage. -Lulled into an unshakable complacency by the smooth assurances of -placeholders in comfortable jobs, the nation remained serenely asleep, -and never was a country less ready for the storm that burst upon us -last August. I had, in my writings--"The Invasion of England" and other -works--also endeavoured to awaken the public; but if they would not -listen to "Bobs," it was hardly surprising that they jeered at me. - -I am speaking of the nation as a whole. To their eternal honour let it -be said that there were nevertheless some who, for years, had foreseen -the danger, and had done what lay in their power to meet it. Foremost -among these we must place Mr. Winston Churchill, and the group of -brilliant officers who are now the chiefs of the British Army on the -Continent. To them, at least, I hope history will do full justice. -It was no mere coincidence that just before the outbreak of war our -great fleet--the mightiest Armada that the world has ever seen--was -assembled at Spithead, ready, to the last shell and the last man, for -any eventuality. - -It was no mere coincidence that the magnificent First Division at -Aldershot, trained to the minute by men who knew their business, were -engaged when war broke out in singularly appropriate "mobilisation -exercises." All honour to the men who foresaw the world-peril, and did -their utmost to make our pitiably insufficient forces ready, as far as -fitness and organisation could make them ready, for the great Day when -their courage and endurance were to be so severely tested. - -But when all this is said and admitted, it is clear that our safety, -in the early days of the war, hung by a hair. Afloat, of course, we -were more than a match for anything Germany could do, and our Fleet -has locked our enemy in with a strangling grip that we hope is slowly -choking out her industrial and commercial life. Ashore, however, our -position was perilous in the extreme. Men's hair whitened visibly -during those awful days when the tiny British Army, fighting heroically -every step of the way against overwhelming odds, was driven ever back -and back until, on the banks of the Marne, it suddenly turned at bay -and, by sheer matchless valour, hurled the legions of the Kaiser back -to ruin and defeat. The retreat was stayed, the enemy was checked and -driven back, but the margin by which disaster was averted and turned -into triumph was so narrow that nothing but the most superb heroism on -the part of our gallant lads could have saved the situation. We had -neglected all warnings, and we narrowly escaped paying an appalling -price in the destruction of the flower of the British Army. With -insufficient forces, we had again "muddled through" by the dogged -valour of the British private. - -To-day we are engaged in "muddling through" on a scale unexampled in -our history. The Government have taken power to raise the British -Army to a total of three million men. In our leisurely way we have -begun to make new armies in the face of an enemy who for fifty years -has been training every man to arms, in the face of an enemy who for -ten or fifteen years at least has been steadily, openly, and avowedly -preparing for the Day when he could venture, with some prospect of -success, to challenge the sea supremacy by which we live, and move, and -have our being, and lay our great Empire in the dust. - -We neglected all warnings; we calmly ignored our enemy's avowed -intentions; we closed our eyes and jeered at all those who told the -truth; we deliberately, and of choice, elected to wait until war was -upon us to begin our usual process of "muddling through." Truly we -are an amazing people! Yet we should remember that the days when one -Englishman was better than ten foreigners have passed for ever. - -Naturally, our preference for waiting till the battle opened before -we began to train for the fight led us into some of the most amazing -muddles that even our military history can boast of. When the tocsin of -war rang out, our young men poured to the colours from every town and -village in the country. Everybody but the War Office expected it. The -natural result followed: recruiting offices were simply "snowed under" -with men, and for weeks we saw the most amazing chaos. The flood of -men could neither be equipped nor housed, nor trained, and confusion -reigned supreme. We had an endless series of scandals at camps, into -which I do not propose to enter: probably, with all the goodwill in -the world, they were unavoidable. Still the flood of men poured in. -The War Office grew desperate. It was, clearly, beyond the capacity -of the organisation to handle the mass of recruits, and then the War -Office committed perhaps its greatest blunder. Unable to accept more -men, it raised the physical standard for recruits. No one seems to have -conceived the idea that it would have been better to take the names -of the men and call them up as they were needed. Naturally the public -seized upon the idea that enough men had been obtained, and there was -an instant slump in recruiting which, despite the most strenuous of -advertising campaigns--carried out on the methods of a vendor of patent -medicines--has, unfortunately, not yet been overcome. - -Following, came a period of unexampled chaos at the training-centres. -Badly lodged, badly fed, clothed in ragged odds and ends of "uniforms," -without rifles or bayonets, it is simply a marvel that the men stuck -to their duty, and it is surely a glowing testimony to their genuine -patriotism. I do not wish to rake up old scandals, and I am not going -to indulge in carping criticism of the authorities because they were -not able to handle matters with absolute smoothness when, each week, -they were getting very nearly a year's normal supply of recruits. -Confusion and chaos were bound to be, and I think the men--on the -whole--realised the difficulties, and made the best of a very trying -situation. But they were Britons! My object is simply to show how -serious was our peril through our unpreparedness. If our enemy, in that -time of preparation, could have struck a blow directly at us, we must, -inevitably, have gone under in utter ruin. Happily, our star was in the -ascendant. The magnificent heroism of Belgium, the noble recovery of -the French nation after their first disastrous surprise, the unexampled -valour of our Army, and the silent pressure of the Navy, saved us from -the peril that encompassed us. Once again we had "muddled through" -perhaps the worst part of our task. - -No one can yet say that we are safe. This war is very far indeed from -being won, for there is yet much to do, and many grave perils still -threaten us. It is, perhaps, small consolation to know that most of -the perils we brought upon ourselves by our persistent and foolish -refusal to face plain and obvious facts: by our toleration of so-called -statesmen who, fascinated by the Kaiser's glib talk, came very near -to betraying England by their refusal to tell the country the truth, -or even, without telling the country, to make adequate preparations -to meet a danger which had been foreseen by every Chancellory in -Europe for years past. It can never be said that we were not warned, -plainly and unmistakably. The report of the amazing speech of the -Kaiser, which I have recorded elsewhere, I placed in the hands of the -British Secret Service as early as 1908, and the fact that it had been -delivered was soon abundantly verified by confidential inquiries in -official circles in Berlin. Yet, with the knowledge of that speech -before them, Ministers could still be found to assure us that Germany -was our firm and devoted friend! - -The Kaiser, in the course of the secret speech in question, openly -outlined his policy and said: - - "Our plans have been most carefully laid and prepared by our General - Staff. Preparations have been made to convey at a word a German army - of invasion of a strength able to cope with any and all the troops - that Great Britain can muster against us. It is too early yet to fix - the exact date when the blow shall be struck, but I will say this: - that we shall strike as soon as I have a sufficiently large fleet - of Zeppelins at my disposal. I have given orders for the hurried - construction of more airships of the improved Zeppelin type, and when - these are ready we shall destroy England's North Sea, Channel, and - Atlantic fleets, after which nothing on earth can prevent the landing - of our army on British soil and its triumphal march to London. - - "You will desire to know how the outbreak of hostilities will be - brought about. I can assure you on this point. Certainly we shall - not have to go far to find a just cause for war. My army of spies, - scattered over Great Britain and France, as it is over North and South - America, as well as all the other parts of the world where German - interests may come to a clash with a foreign Power, will take good - care of that. I have issued already some time since secret orders that - will at the proper moment accomplish what we desire. - - "I shall not rest and be satisfied until all the countries and - territories that once were German, or where greater numbers of my - former subjects now live, have become a part of the great mother - country, acknowledging me as their supreme lord in war and peace. - Even now I rule supreme in the United States, where almost one-half - of the population is either of German birth or of German descent, and - where three million German voters do my bidding at the Presidential - elections. No American Administration could remain in power against - the will of the German voters, who ... control the destinies of the - vast Republic beyond the sea. - - "I have secured a strong foothold for Germany in the Near East, and - when the Turkish 'pilaf' pie will be partitioned, Asia Minor, Syria, - and Palestine--in short, the overland route to India--will become our - property. But to obtain this we must first crush England and France." - -And, in the face of those words, we still went on money-grubbing and -pleasure-seeking! - -If ever the British Empire, following other great Empires of the past, -plunges downward to rack and ruin, we may rest assured that the reason -will be our reliance on our ancient and stereotyped policy of "muddling -through." - -I am glad to think that in the conduct of the present campaign we have -been spared those scandals of the baser type which, in the past, have -been such an unsavoury feature of almost every great war in which -we have been engaged. Minor instances of fraud and peculation, of -supplying doubtful food, etc., have no doubt occurred. Human nature -being what it is, it could hardly be expected that we could raise, -train, equip, and supply an army numbered by millions without some -unscrupulous and unpatriotic individuals seizing the opportunity to -line their pockets by unlawful means. We hear occasional stories of -huts unfit for human habitation, of food in camp hardly fit for human -consumption. On the whole, however, it is cordially agreed--and it is -only fair to say--that there has been an entire absence of the shocking -scandals of the type which revolted the nation during the Crimean -campaign. Much has been said about the War Office arrangement with Mr. -Meyer for the purchase of timber. But the main allegation, even in -this case, is that the War Office made an exceedingly bad and foolish -bargain, and Mr. Meyer an exceedingly good one. Indeed it is not even -suggested that the transaction involved anything in the nature of -fraud. It seems rather to be a plea that the purely commercial side of -war would be infinitely better conducted by committees of able business -men than by permanent officials of the War Office, who are, after all, -not very commercial. - -Undoubtedly this is true. We should be spared a good deal of the -muddling and waste involved in our wars if, on the outbreak of -hostilities, the War Office promptly asked the leading business men -of the community to form committees and take over and manage for the -benefit of the nation the purely commercial branches of the work. Yet I -suppose, under our system of government, such an obvious common-sense -procedure as this could hardly be hoped for. We continue to leave vast -commercial undertakings in the hands of the men who are not bred in -business, with the result that money is wasted by millions, and so are -lucky if we are not swindled on a gigantic scale by the unscrupulous -contractors. It is usually in an army's food and clothing that scandals -of this nature are revealed, and it is only just to the War Office to -say that in this campaign, for once, food has been good and clothing -fair. - -Most of our muddling, so far, has been of a nature tending to prolong -the duration of the war. Our persistent policy of unreadiness has -simply meant that for four, five, or six long months we have not been -ready to take the field with the forces imperatively necessary if the -Germans are to be hurled, neck and crop, out of Belgium and France -across the Rhine, and their country finally occupied and subjugated. - -Already another new and graver peril is threatening us--the peril -of a premature and inconclusive peace. Already the voice of the -pacifist--that strangely constituted being to whom the person of the -enemy is always sacred--is being heard in the land. We heard it in the -Boer War from the writers and speakers paid by Germany. Already the -plea is going up that Germany must not be "crushed"--that Germany, -who has made Belgium a howling wilderness, who has massacred men, -women, and even little children, in sheer cold-blooded lust, shall be -treated with the mild consideration we extend to a brave and honourable -opponent. Sure it is, therefore, that if Britain retires from this -war with her avowed purpose unfulfilled, we shall have been guilty of -muddling compared with which the worst we have ever done in the past -will be the merest triviality. - -If this war has proved one thing more clearly than another, it -has proved that the German is utterly and absolutely unfit to -exercise power, that he is restrained by no moral consideration from -perpetuating the most shocking abominations in pursuit of his aims, -that the most sacred obligations are as dust in the balance when they -conflict with his supposed interests. It has proved too, beyond the -shadow of a doubt, that England is the real object of Germany's foaming -hate. We are the enemy! France and Russia are merely incidental foes. -It is England that stands between Germany and the realisation of -her insane dream of world dominion, and unless Great Britain to-day -completes, with British thoroughness, the task to which she has set -her hand, this generation, and the generations that are to come, will -never be freed from the blighting shadow of Teutonic megalomania. It is -quite conceivable that a peace which would be satisfactory to Russia -and France would be profoundly unsatisfactory to us. Happily, the -Allies are solemnly bound to make peace jointly or not at all, and I -trust there will be no wavering on this point. For us there is but one -line of safety: the Germanic power for mischief must be finally and -irretrievably broken before Britain consents to sheathe the sword. - -Against the prosecution of the war to its final and crushing end, the -bleating pacifists are already beginning to raise their puny voices. I -am not going to give these gentlemen the free advertisement that their -hearts delight in by mentioning them by name: it is not my desire to -assist, in the slightest degree, their pestilential activity. They -form one of those insignificant minorities who are inherently and -essentially unpatriotic. Their own country is invariably wrong, and -other countries are invariably right. To-day they are bleating, in -the few unimportant journals willing to publish their extraordinary -views, that Germany ought to be spared the vengeance called for by her -shameful neglect of all the laws of God and man. - -Is there a reader of these lines who will heed them? Surely not. - -Burke said it was impossible to draw up an indictment against a -nation: Germany has given him the lie. Our pro-German apologists and -pacifists are fond of laying the blame of every German atrocity, upon -the shoulders of that mysterious individual--the "Prussian militarist." -I reply--and my words are borne out by official evidence published in -my recent book "German Atrocities"--that the most shameful and brutal -deeds of the German Army, which, be it remembered, is the German people -in arms, are cordially approved by the mass of that degenerate nation. -The appalling record of German crime in Belgium, the entire policy of -"frightfulness" by land and sea, the murder of women and children at -Scarborough, the sack of Aerschot and of Louvain, the massacre of seven -hundred men, women, and children in Dinant, the piratical exploits of -the German submarines, are all hailed throughout Germany with shrieks -of hysterical glee. And why? Because it is recognised that, in the long -run and in the ultimate aim, they are a part and parcel of a policy -which has for its end the destruction of our own beloved Empire. Hatred -of Britain--the one foe--has been, for years, the mainspring that has -driven the German machine. The Germans do not hate the French, they do -not hate the Russians, they do not even hate the "beastly Belgians," -whose country they have laid waste with fire and sword. The half-crazed -Lissauer shrieks aloud that Germans "have but one hate, and one -alone--England," and the mass of the German people applaud him to the -echo. - -Very well, let us accept, as we do accept, the situation. Are we going -to neglect the plainest and most obvious warning ever given to a -nation, and permit ourselves to muddle into a peace that would be no -peace, but merely a truce in which Germany would bend her every energy -to the preparation of another bitter war of revenge? - -Here lies one of the gravest perils by which our country is to-day -faced, and it is a peril immensely exaggerated by the foolish -peace-talk in which a section of malevolent busybodies are already -indulging. It is as certain as the rising of to-morrow's sun that, -when this war is over, Germany would, if the power were left within -her, embark at once on a new campaign of revenge. We have seen how, -for forty-five long years, the French have cherished in their hearts -the hope of recovering the fair provinces wrested from them in the -war of 1870-1871. And the French, be it remembered, are not a nation -capable of nourishing a long-continued national hatred. Generous, -proud, and intensely patriotic they are; malicious and revengeful they -emphatically are not. As patriotic in their own way as the French, the -Germans have shown themselves capable of a paroxysm of national hatred -to which history offers no parallel. - -They have realised, with a sure instinct, that Britain, and Britain -alone, has stood in the way of the realisation of their grandiose -scheme of world-dominion, and it is certain that for long years -to come, possibly for centuries, they will, if we give them the -opportunity, plot our downfall and overthrow us. Are we to muddle the -business of making peace as we muddled the preparations for war? If we -do we shall, assuredly, deserve the worst fate that can be reserved for -a nation which deliberately shuts its eyes to the logic of plain and -demonstrable fact. - -Germany can never be adequately punished for the crimes against God -and man which she has committed in Belgium and France. The ancient law -of "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" is the only one under -which adequate punishment could be meted out, and whatever happens -we know that the soldiers of the Allies will never be guilty of the -unspeakable calendar of pillage and arson and murder which has made -the very name of "German" a byword throughout civilisation throughout -all the ages that are to come. However thoroughly she is humbled to -the dust, Germany will never taste the unspeakable horror that she -has brought upon the helpless and unoffending victims of her fury -and lust in Belgium and in parts of France. It may be that if they -fall into our hands we should hang, as they deserve to be hanged, the -official instigators of atrocities whose complicity could be clearly -proved--though we, to-day, give valets to the Huns at Donington Hall. -We cannot lay the cities of Germany in ruin, and massacre the civilian -population on the approved German plan. What we can do, and ought to -do, is to make sure that, at whatever cost of blood and treasure to us, -Germany is deprived of any further capacity to menace the peace of the -world. It is the plain and obvious duty of the Allies to see that the -hateful and purely German doctrine that might is the only right shall, -once and for all, be swept from the earth. It is for us to make good -the noble words of Mr. Asquith--that Britain will prosecute the war -to the finish. It is for us to see that there shall be no "muddling -through" when the treaty of peace is finally signed in Berlin. - -When the war was forced upon us, the best business brains of this -country recognised that one of the surest and speediest means of -securing an efficient guarantee that Germany should not be able -to injure us in the future would be a strenuous effort to capture -her enormous foreign trade. Modern wars, it must be remembered, are -not merely a matter of the clash of arms on the stricken field. The -enormous ramifications of commercial undertakings, immeasurably greater -to-day than at any time in history, mean that, in the conduct of a -great campaign, economic weapons may be even more powerful than the -sword of the big battalions. This unquestionable fact has been fully -realised by our leading thinkers. Thoughtless people have been heard -to say that, if France and Russia wish to conclude peace, England must -necessarily join with them because she cannot carry on the war alone. -There could be no greater mistake. - -Just so long as the British Fleet holds the command of the sea, -Germany's foreign trade is in the paralysing grip of an incubus which -cannot be shaken off. In the meantime, all the seas of all the world -are free to our ships and our commerce, and, though the volume of -world-trade is necessarily diminished by the war, there remains open to -British manufacturers an enormous field which has been tilled hitherto -mainly by German firms. - -We may now ask ourselves whether our business men are taking full -advantage of this priceless opportunity offered them for building up -and consolidating a commercial position which in the future, when -the war is ended, will be strong enough to defy even the substantial -attacks of their German competitors. I sincerely wish I could see some -evidence of it. I wish I could feel that our business men of England -were looking ahead, studying methods and markets, and planning the -campaigns which, in the days to come, shall reach their full fruition. -But alas! they are not. We heard many empty words, when war broke out, -of the war on Germany's trade, but I am very much afraid--and my view -is shared by many business acquaintances--that the early enthusiasm of -"what we will do" has vanished, and that when the time for decisive -action comes we shall be found still relying upon the traditional but -fatal policy of "muddling through" which has for so long been typical -of British business as well as official methods. - -We shall still, I fear, be found clinging to the antiquated and -worn-out business principles and stiff conventionalities which, during -the past few years, have enabled the German to oust us from markets -which for centuries we have been in the habit of regarding as our own -peculiar preserves. That, in view of the enormous importance of the -commercial warfare of to-day, I believe to be a very real peril. - -King George's famous "Wake up, England!" is a cry as necessary to-day -as ever. I do not believe Germany will ever be able to pay adequate -indemnity for the appalling monetary losses she has brought upon us, -and if those losses are to be regained it can only be by the capture of -her overseas markets, and the diversion of her overseas profits into -British pockets. Shall we seize the opportunity or shall we "muddle -through"? - -This is not a political book, for I am no politician, and, further, -to-day we have no politics--at least of the Radical and Conservative -type. "Britain for the Briton" should be our battle-cry. There is -one subject, however, which, even though it may appear to touch -upon politics, cannot be omitted from our consideration. If the war -has taught us many lessons, perhaps the greatest is its splendid -demonstration of the essential solidarity of the British Empire. We -all know that the German writers have preached the doctrine that the -British Empire was as ramshackle a concern as that of Austria-Hungary; -that it must fall to pieces at the first shock of war. To-day the -British Empire stands before the world linked together, literally, by a -bond of steel. From Canada, from Australia, from India, even--despite -a jarring note struck by German money--from South Africa, "the -well-forged link rings true." Germany to-day is very literally face to -face with the British Empire in arms, with resources in men and money -to which her own swaggering Empire are relatively puny, and with, I -hope and believe, a stern determination no less strong and enduring -than her own. The lesson assuredly will not be lost upon her: shall we -make sure that it is not lost upon us? - -For some years past there has been a steadily growing opinion--stronger -in the Overseas Dominions, perhaps, than here at home--that the -British Empire should, in business affairs, be much more of a "family -concern" than it is. Either at home, or overseas, our Empire produces -practically everything which the complexity of our modern social and -industrial system demands. Commerce is the very life-blood of our -modern world: is it not time we took up in earnest the question of -doing our international business upon terms which should place our -own people, for the first time, in a position of definite advantage -over the stranger? Is it not time we undertook the task of welding the -Empire into a single system linked as closely by business ties as by -the ties of flesh and blood and sentiment? That, I believe, will be one -of the great questions which this war will leave us for solution. - -In the past, Germany's chief weapon against us has been her commercial -enterprise and activity. It should now be part of our business to -prevent her harming us in the future, and, in the commercial field, the -strongest weapon in our armoury has hitherto remained unsheathed. Shall -we, in the days that are to come, do our imperial trading on a great -family scale--British goods the most favoured in British markets--or -shall we here again "muddle through" on a policy which gives the -stranger and the enemy alien at least as friendly a welcome as we -extend to our own sons? - -Perhaps, in the days that are coming, that in itself will be a question -upon which the future of the British Empire will depend. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE PERIL OF EXPLOITING THE POOR - - -No phenomenon of the present serious situation is more remarkable, or -of more urgent and vital concern to the nation, than the amazing rise -in food prices which we have witnessed during the past six months. At a -time when the British Navy dominates the trade routes, when the German -mercantile flag has been swept from every ocean highway in the world, -when the German "High Seas" fleet lies in shelter of the guns of the -Kiel Canal fortifications, we have seen food prices steadily mounting, -until to-day the purchasing power of the sovereign has declined to -somewhere in the neighbourhood of fifteen shillings, as compared with -the period immediately preceding the outbreak of hostilities. - -Now this is a fact of the very gravest significance, and unless the -price of food falls it will inevitably be the precursor of very serious -events. Matters are moving so rapidly, at the time I write, that before -these lines appear in print they may well be confirmed by the logic of -events. Ominous mutterings are already heard, the spectre of labour -troubles has raised its ugly head, and, unless some _modus vivendi_ be -found, it seems more than probable that we shall witness a very serious -extension of the strikes which have already begun. - -The most important of our domestic commodities are wheat, flour, -meat, sugar, and coal. Inquiries made by a Committee of the Cabinet -have shown that, as compared with the average prices ruling in the -three years before the war, the price of wheat and flour has risen by -something like 66 per cent.! Sugar has increased 43 per cent., coal -about 60 per cent., imported meat about 19 per cent., and British -meat 12 per cent. The rise in prices is falling upon the very poor -with a cruelty which can only be viewed with horror. Imagine, for -a moment, the plight of the working-class family with an income of -thirty shillings a week, and perhaps five or six mouths to feed. Even -in normal times their lot is not to be envied: food shortage is almost -inevitable. Suddenly they find that for a sovereign they can purchase -only fifteen shillings' worth of food. Hunger steps in at once: the -pinch of famine is felt acutely, and, thanks to the appalling price to -which coal has been forced, it is aggravated by intense suffering from -the cold, which ill-nurtured bodies are in no condition to resist. - -I am not contending that there is any very abnormal amount of distress -throughout the country, taking the working-classes as a whole. Thanks -to the withdrawal of the huge numbers of men now serving in the Army, -the labour market, for once in a way, finds itself rather under than -over-stocked, and the ratio of unemployment is undoubtedly lower than -it has been for some considerable time. The better-paid artisans, whose -wages are decidedly above the average at the present moment, are not -suffering severely, even with the high prices now ruling. But they are -exasperated, and some of them are making all kinds of unpatriotic -threats, to which I shall allude presently. - -The real sufferers, and there are too many of them, are the families -of the labouring classes of the lower grades, whose weekly wage is -small and whose families, as a rule, are correspondingly numerous. -At the best of times these people seldom achieve more than a bare -existence: at the present moment they are suffering terribly. Yet all -the consolation they get from the Government is the assurance that they -ought to be glad they did not live in the days of the Crimean War, -and the pious hope that "within a few weeks"--oh! beautifully elastic -term!--prices will come down--if we, by forcing the Dardanelles, -liberate the grain accumulated in the Black Sea ports. No doubt the -best possible arrangements have been made towards that issue, and -we all hope for a victorious end, but our immediate business is to -investigate the distress among the very poor, and to check the ominous -threats of labour troubles which have been freely bandied about and -have even been translated into action--or inaction--which has had the -effect of delaying some of the country's preparations for carrying on -the war. - -The average retail prices paid by the working-classes for food in -eighty of the principal towns on March 9th and a year ago are compared -in the following table issued by the President of the Board of Trade: - - Last Year Now - _s._ _d._ _s._ _d._ - Bread, per 4 lbs. 0 5-1/2 0 7-3/4 - Butter, per lb. 1 3-3/4 1 4-1/2 - Jam, per lb. 0 5 0 5-3/4 - Cheese, per lb. 0 8-3/4 0 10-1/4 - Bacon (streaky), per lb. 0 11 1 0 - Beef, English, per lb. 0 9-3/4 0 11 - Beef, chilled or frozen, per lb. 0 7-1/4 0 8-3/4 - Mutton, English, per lb. 0 10-1/4 0 11-1/4 - Mutton, frozen, per lb. 0 6-3/4 0 8-1/4 - Tea, per lb. 1 6 1 9-1/4 - Sugar, granulated, per lb. 0 2 0 3-1/2 - -A few more facts. Though the matter was constantly referred to, yet -we had been at war for five months before the Government could be -prevailed upon to prohibit the exportation of cocoa; with what result? -In December, January, and February last our exports of cocoa to neutral -countries were 16,575,017 lbs., whilst for the corresponding period for -1913 the exports were but 3,584,003 lbs.! Before the war, Holland was -an _exporter_ of cocoa to this country; since the war she has been the -principal _importer_; and there is a mass of indisputable evidence to -show that nearly the whole of our exports of cocoa have found their way -to Germany through this channel. - -The prohibition is now removed, so we may expect that the old game of -supplying the German Army with cocoa from England will begin again! - -The German Army must also have tea. Let us see how we have supplied -it. During the first fortnight of war, export was restricted and -only 60,666 lbs. were sent out of the country, whereas for the -corresponding period of the previous year 179,143 lbs. were exported. -During the next three months the restrictions were removed, when no -less a quantity than 15,808,628 lbs. was sent away--the greater part -of it by roundabout channels to Germany--against 1,146,237 lbs. for -the corresponding period in 1913. After three months a modified -restriction was placed upon the export of tea, but after reckoning the -whole sum it is found that _during the time we have been at war we have -sent abroad over 20,000,000 lbs. of tea_, while in the corresponding -period of the previous year we sent only a little over 2,000,000 lbs.! - -Now where has it gone? In August and September last, Germany received -from Holland 16,000,000 lbs. whereas in that period of 1913 she only -received 1,000,000 lbs. Tea is given as a stimulant to German troops in -the field, so we see how the British Government have been tricked into -_actually feeding the enemy_! - -And again, let us see how the poor are being exploited by the policy of -those in high authority. At the outbreak of war the market price of tea -was 7-1/2_d._ per lb. As soon as exportation was allowed, the price was -raised to the buyer at home to 9_d._ Then when exports were restricted, -it fell to 8-1/4_d._ But as soon as the restrictions on exports were -removed altogether, the price rose until, to-day, the very commonest -leaf-tea fetches 10_d._ a lb.--a price never equalled, save in the -memories of octogenarians. - -Who is to blame for this fattening of our enemies at the expense of the -poor? Let the reader put this question seriously to himself. - -Generally speaking, of course, prices of all articles are regulated -by the ordinary laws of supply and demand; if the supply falls or the -demand increases, prices go up. But there is another factor which -sometimes comes into play which is very much in evidence at the present -moment--the existence of "rings" of unscrupulous financiers who, with -ample resources in cash and organisation, see in every national crisis -a heaven-sent opportunity of increasing their gains at the expense of -the suffering millions of the poor. It is quite evident, to my mind, -that something of the kind is going on to-day, as it has gone on in -every great war in history. The magnates of Mark Lane and the bulls of -the Chicago wheat pit care nothing for the miseries of the unknown and -unheeded millions whose daily bread may be shortened by their financial -jugglings. They are out to make money. It may be true, as Mr. Asquith -said, that we cannot control the price of wheat in America. But, at -least, it cannot be said that the price of bread to-day is due to -shortage of supply. During the last six months of 1914, as compared -with the last six months of 1913, there was actually a rise of 112,250 -tons in the quantities of wheat, flour, and other grain equivalent -imported into this country. Where, then, can be the shortage, and what -explanation is there of the prevailing high prices except the fact that -large quantities of food are being deliberately held off the market in -order that _the price may be artificially enhanced_? This is not the -work of the small men, but of the big firms who can buy largely enough, -probably in combination, to control and dominate the market. - -When the subject was recently debated in the House of Commons the -voice of the Labour member was heard unmistakably. Mr. Toothill said -bluntly that if it was impossible for the Government to prevent the -prices of food being "forced up" unduly, then it remained for Labour -members to request employers to meet the situation by an adequate -advance in wages. That request has since been made in unmistakable -terms. Mr. Clynes was even more emphatic. "Though the Labour party -were as anxious as any to keep trade going in the country," he said, -"it was clear to them that the truce in industry could not be continued -unless some effective relief were given in regard to the prices under -discussion." In other words, the Labour "organisers" will call for -strikes--perhaps hold up a large part of our war preparations--unless -the employers, most of whom are making no increased profit out of the -price of food, are prepared to shoulder the entire burden. - -It is quite clear, to my mind, that the prices of food are being forced -up by gigantic unpatriotic combines, either in this country or abroad, -or both. I do not think that mere shortage of supply is sufficient -to account for the extraordinary advances that have taken place. -Whether the Government can take steps to defeat the wheat rings, as -they did to prevent the cornering of sugar, is a question with which -I am not concerned here. My purpose is merely to point out that the -constant rise in food prices, brought about by gangs of unscrupulous -speculators, is bringing about a condition of affairs fraught with -grave peril to our beloved country. - -If we turn to coal we find the scandal ten times greater than in the -case of flour and meat. It is at least possible that agencies outside -our own country may be playing a great part in forcing up the prices of -food; they can have no effect upon the price of coal, which we produce -ourselves and of which we do not import an ounce. Coal to-day is simply -at famine prices. It is impossible to buy the best house coal for less -than 38_s._ per ton, while the cheapest is being sold at 34_s._ per -ton, and the very poor, who buy from the street-trolleys only inferior -coal and in small quantities, are being fleeced to the extent of 1_s._ -11_d._ or 2_s._ per cwt. This is an exceedingly serious matter, and it -is not to be explained, even under present conditions, by the ordinary -laws of supply and demand. Why should coal in a village on the banks of -the Thames be actually cheaper than the corresponding quality of coal -when sold in London? - -There can be only one answer--the London supply is in the hands of -the coal "ring" which has compelled all the London coal merchants -to come into line. So extensive and powerful is the organisation of -this ring, that the small men, unless they followed the lead of the -big dealers, would be immediately faced with ruin: they would not -only find it difficult to obtain coal at all, but would promptly be -undersold--as the Standard Oil Company undersold thousands of small -competitors--until they were compelled to put up their shutters. - -The big coal men, the men who make the profit--and with their -ill-gotten gains will purchase Birthday honours later on--of course -blame the war for everything. The railways, they say, cannot handle the -coal; so much labour has been withdrawn for the Army that production -has fallen below the demand. But I am assured, on good authority, -that coal bought before the war, and delivered to London depots at -16_s._ or 17_s._ per ton, is being retailed to-day at between 36_s._ -and 40_s._ per ton. The big dealers know that, cost what it may, the -public must have coal, and they are taking advantage of every plausible -excuse the war offers them to wring from the public the very highest -prices possible. "The right to exploit," in fact, is being pushed to -its logical extreme in the face of the country's distress, and the -worst sufferers, as usual, are the very poor, who for their pitiful -half-hundred-weights of inferior rubbish pay at a rate which would -be ample for the finest coal that could grace the grate of a West-End -drawing-room. - -Can we shut our eyes to the fact that in this shameful exploiting of -the very poor by the unpatriotic lie all the elements of a very serious -danger? Let us not forget the noble services the working-classes of -Britain are rendering to our beloved country. They have given the -best and dearest of their manhood in the cause of the Empire, and it -is indeed a pitiful confession of weakness, and an ironic commentary -on the grandiose schemes of "social reform" with which they have been -tempted of late years, if the Government cannot or will not protect -them from the human leeches--the Birthday knights in the making--who -suck their ill-gotten gains from those least able to protect themselves. - -The Government have promised an inquiry which may, if unusual -expedition is shown, make a "demonstration" with the coal-dealers just -about the time the warm weather arrives. Prices will then tumble, the -Government will solemnly pat itself upon the back for its successful -interference, and the coal merchants, having made small or large -fortunes as the case may be during the winter, will make a great virtue -of reducing their demands to oblige the Government. In the meantime, -the poor are being fleeced in the interests of an unscrupulous combine. -Is there no peril here to our beloved country? Are we not justified in -saying that the machinations of these gangs of unscrupulous capitalists -are rapidly tending to produce a condition of affairs which may, at -any moment, expose us to a social upheaval which would contain all the -germs of an unparalleled disaster? - -Let the condition of affairs in certain sections of the labour world -speak in answer. I have already quoted the thinly-veiled threat of Mr. -Clynes. Others have gone beyond threats and have begun a war against -their country on their own account. There is an unmistakable tendency, -fostered as usual by agitators of the basest class, towards action -which is, in effect, helping the Germans against our brave soldiers -and sailors who are enduring hardships of war such as have not been -equalled since the days of the Crimea. - - HOW WE SUPPLY THE GERMAN ARMY WITH FOOD - - Exports of Cocoa to Neutral Countries (for the German Market) - - Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914 | Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915 - 3,584,003 lbs. | 16,575,017 lbs. - - Exports of Tea to Neutral Countries (for the German Market) - - Dec. 1, 1913, to Mar. 1, 1914 | Dec. 1, 1914, to Mar. 1, 1915 - 1,146,237 lbs. | 15,808,628 lbs. - -As I wrote these lines, strikes on a large scale had begun on the -Clyde and on the Tyne, two of our most important shipbuilding centres, -where great contracts--essential to the success of our arms--are being -carried on, and in the London Docks, where most of the food of London's -teeming millions is handled. London dockers, to the number of some -25,000, are agitating for a rise in wages; between 5,000 and 6,000 of -them have struck work at the Victoria and Albert Dock on the question, -forsooth, whether they shall be engaged inside the docks, or outside. -In other words, the expeditious handling of London's sorely needed -food is being jeopardised by a ridiculous squabble which one would -think half a dozen capable business men could settle in five minutes. -But here, as usual, the poorest are the victims of their own class. - -In spite of the well-meaning but idiotic young women who have gone -about distributing white feathers to men who, in their opinion, ought -to have joined the Army, common-sense people will recognise that the -skilled workers in many trades are just as truly fighting the battles -of their country as if they were serving with the troops in Belgium -or France. If every able-bodied man joined the Army to-day the nation -would collapse for want of supplies to feed the fighting lines. It is -not my purpose here to discuss whether the men or the masters are right -in the disputes in the engineering trades. Probably the authorities -have not done enough to bring home to the men the knowledge that, -in executing Government work, they are in fact helping to fight the -country's battles. None the less the men who strike at the present -moment delay work which is absolutely essential to the safety of our -country. We know from Lord Kitchener's own lips that they have done so. - -Our war organisation to-day may be divided into three parts--the Navy -fighting on the sea, the Army fighting on land, and the industrial -army providing supplies for the other two. It must be brought home -to the last named, by every device in our power, that their duties -are just as important to our success as the work of their brothers on -the storm-swept North Sea, or in the mud and slush and peril of the -trenches in Flanders. This war is very largely a war of supplies, and -our fighting must be done not only in the far-flung battle lines, but -in the factory and workshop, whose outputs are essential to the far -deadlier work which we ask of the men who are heroically facing the -shells and bullets of the common enemy. - -Now there is no disguising the fact that the industrial army at home -contains far too large a percentage of "slackers." - -That is the universal testimony of men who know. There are thousands -of workmen who will not keep full time, for the simple reason that -they are making more money than they really need and are so lazy -and unpatriotic that they will not make the extra effort which the -necessities of the situation so urgently demand. What we need to-day -is, above all things, determined hard work: we do not want to see our -fighting forces starved for want of material caused by the shirking -of the "slackers" or by unpatriotic disputes and squabbles. To-day we -are fighting for our lives. The privates of the industrial army ought -to realise that "slacking" or striking is just as much a criminal -offence as desertion in the face of the enemy would be in the case of -a soldier. It is true, as a recent writer has said, that "those who -fight industrially, working long hours in a spirit of high patriotism, -may not seem very heroic," but it is none the less the fact that they -are fighting: they are doing the work that is essential to our national -safety and welfare. Do they--at least do some of them--realise this? -The following extract from _Engineering_, the well-known technical -journal, shows very clearly that among certain classes of highly -paid workers there is a total disregard of our national necessity -which is positively appalling. As the result of a series of inquiries -_Engineering_ says: - - "Every reply received indicates that there is slackness in many - trades. Be it remembered that high wages can be earned; for relatively - unskilled although somewhat arduous work, 30_s._ a day can be earned. - - "Time-and-a-quarter to time-and-a-half is paid for Saturday afternoon - work, and double time for Sunday work. Men could earn from L7 to L10 - per week--and pay no income-tax. - - "Men will work on Saturday and Sunday, when they get handsomely paid, - but will absent themselves on other days or parts of days. - - "The head of a firm, who has shown a splendid example in his work, and - is most kindly disposed to all workers, states in his reply to us: - 'Our trouble is principally with the ironworkers, especially riveters, - who appear to have a definite standard of living, and who regulate - their wages accordingly; they seem to aim at making L3 per week: if - they can make this in four days, good and well; but if they can make - it in three days, better still.... The average working-man of to-day - does not wish to earn more money, and put by something for a 'rainy - day,' but is quite content to live from hand to mouth, so long as he - has as easy a time as possible." - -What words are strong enough to condemn the action of such men who, -safe in their homes from the perils of the serving soldier, and -infinitely better paid than the man who daily risks his life in the -trenches, are ready deliberately to jeopardise the safety of our Empire -by taking advantage of the gravest crisis in our history to levy what -is nothing less than industrial blackmail? It cannot be pretended that -these men are under-paid: they can earn far more than many members of -the professional classes. Just as truly as the coal and wheat "rings" -are exploiting the miseries of the very poor, so these aristocrats of -the labour world are playing with the lives of their fellows and the -destinies of our Empire. They are helping the enemy just as surely as -the German who is fighting in his country's ranks. They are, in short, -taking advantage of a national danger to demand rates of pay which, in -times of safety and peace, they could not possibly secure. - -For years past we have been striving to arrive at some means of -settling these unhappy labour disputes which have probably done more -harm to British trade than all the German competition of which we -have heard so much. In every district machinery has been set up for -conciliation and settlement where a settlement is sincerely desired by -both parties to a dispute. And if this machinery is not set in motion -at the present moment, it is because one party or the other is so blind -and self-willed that it would rather jeopardise the Empire than abate -a jot of its demands. Could anything be more heart-breaking to the men -who are fighting and dying in the trenches? - -Whatever may be the merits of any dispute, there must be no stoppage -of War Office or Admiralty work at the present moment, and if any -body of men refuse at this juncture to submit their dispute to the -properly organised conciliation boards, and to abide by the result, -they are traitors in the fullest sense of the world. How serious the -crisis is, and how grave a peril it constitutes to our country, may be -judged from the fact that the Government found it necessary to appoint -a special Committee to inquire into the production in engineering and -shipbuilding establishments engaged in Government work. The Committee's -view of the case, which I venture to think will be endorsed by every -thinking man, may be judged by the following extract from their report: - - "We are strongly of opinion that, during the present crisis, employers - and workmen should under no circumstances allow their differences to - result in a stoppage of work. - - "Whatever may be the rights of the parties at normal times, - and whatever may be the methods considered necessary for the - maintenance and enforcement of these rights, we think there can be - no justification whatever for a resort to strikes or lockouts under - present conditions, when the resulting cessation of work would prevent - the production of ships, guns, equipment, stores, or other commodities - required by the Government for the purposes of the war." - -The Committee went on to recommend that in cases where the parties -could not agree, the dispute should be referred to an impartial -tribunal, and the Government accordingly appointed a special Committee -to deal with any matters that might be brought before it. - -I do not think it is possible to exaggerate the seriousness of the -danger with which we must be threatened if these unhappy disputes are -not brought to a close, and I know of no incident since the war began -that has shown us up in so unfavourable a light as compared with our -enemy. Whatever we may think of Germany's infamous methods; whatever -views we may hold of her monstrous mistakes; whatever our opinion may -be as to the final outcome of the war, we must, at least, grant to the -Germans the virtue of patriotism. The German Socialists are, it is -notorious, as strongly opposed to war as any people on earth. But they -have, since the great struggle began, shown themselves willing to sink -their personal views when the safety of the Fatherland is threatened -in what, to them, is a war of aggression, deliberately undertaken by -their enemies. We have heard, since the war began, a great deal of -wild and foolish talk about economic distress in Germany. We have been -told, simply because the German Government has wisely taken timely -precautions to prevent a possible shortage of food, that the German -nation is on the verge of starvation. But would Germany, who for seven -years prepared for war, overlook the vital question of her food supply? -Probably it is true that the industrial depression in Germany, thanks -to the destruction by our Navy of her overseas trade, is very much -worse than it is in England. But no one has yet suggested that the -Krupp workmen are threatening to come out on strike and paralyse the -defensive forces if their demands for higher wages are not instantly -conceded. It is more than probable that any one who suggested such a -course, even if he escaped the heavy hand of the Government, would -be speedily suppressed in very rough-and-ready fashion by his own -comrades. The Germans, at least, will tolerate no treachery in their -midst, and unless the leaders among the English trade unionists can -bring their men to a realisation of the wickedness involved in strikes -at the present moment, they will assuredly forfeit every vestige of -public respect and confidence. - -I am not holding a brief either for the masters or the men. Let ample -inquiry be made, by all means, into the subject of the dispute. If the -masters raise any objection to either the sitting or the finding of -the Government Commission, they deserve all the blame that naturally -attaches to the strikers. The inquiry should be loyally accepted by -both sides, and its findings as loyally respected. _Prima facie_, men -who can earn the wages mentioned in the extract from _Engineering_ -which I have already quoted are well off--far better off than their -comrades who are doing trench duty in France, and are free from the -hourly risk to which the fighting forces are exposed. There may be, -however, good and valid reasons why they should be paid even better. -If there are, the Government inquiry should find them out. But to stop -work now, to hold up the production of the ships, guns, and materials -necessary to carry on the war, is criminal, wicked, and unpatriotic in -the highest degree. It is setting an evil example only too likely to be -followed, and, if it is persisted in, may well be the first step of our -beloved nation on the downward road which leads to utter destruction. - -Mr. Archibald Hurd, a writer always well informed, has summed up the -situation in the _Daily Telegraph_ in the following words, which are -worth quotation: - - "The recruiting movement has shown that the great industrial - classes are not, as a whole, unconscious of the stake for which we - are fighting--the institutions which we cherish and our freedom. - Probably if the workers at home were reminded of the importance of - their labours, they would speedily fall into line--if not, well, the - resources of civilisation are not exhausted, and the Government should - be able to ensure that not an unnecessary day, or even hour, shall - be lost in pressing forward the work of equipping the new Fleet and - the new Army which is essential to our salvation. The Government is - exercising authority under martial law over Army and Navy; cannot it - get efficient control over the industrial army? - - "In France and Germany these powers exist, and are employed. We are - not less committed to the great struggle than France and Germany." - -Those are wise and weighty words, and it may be that they point the way -to a solution of what may become a very grave problem. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE PERIL OF NOT DOING ENOUGH - - -The vast issues raised by the war make it a matter of most imperative -necessity that Great Britain and her Allies shall put forward, at the -earliest possible moment, the greatest and supremest efforts of which -they are capable, in order that the military power of the Austro-German -alliance should be definitely and completely crushed for ever. - -It must never be forgotten that the prize for which Germany is fighting -is the mastership of Europe, the humbling of the power of Great -Britain, and the imposition of a definitely Teutonic "Kultur" over -the whole of Western civilisation. That the free and liberty-loving -British peoples should ever come under the heel of the Prussian Junker -spirit involves such a monstrous suppression of national thought and -feeling as to be almost unbelievable. Yet, assuredly, that would be -our fate and the fate of every nationality in Europe should Germany -emerge victorious from this Titanic struggle she has so rashly and -presumptuously provoked. - -With our very existence as the ruling race at stake it is clear that -our own dear country cannot afford to be sparing in her efforts. -Whatever the cost; whatever the slaughter; whatever the action of our -Allies may be in the future, when the terrific out-pouring of wealth -will have bled Europe white, we, at least, cannot afford to falter. For -our own land, the struggle is really, and in very truth, a struggle of -life and death. - -If we endure and win, civilisation, as we understand it to-day, will -be safe; if we lose, then Western civilisation and the British Empire -will go down together in the greatest cataclysm in human history. Now -are we doing everything in our power to avert the threatening peril? -Moreover--and this is of greatest importance--are our Allies persuaded -_that we are really making the great efforts the occasion demands_? -This gives us to pause. - -Let us admit we are not, and we have never pretended to be, a military -nation in the sense that France, Russia, and Germany have been military -nations. We have been seamen for a thousand years, and the frontiers -of England are the salt waves which girdle our coasts. Seeking no -territory on the Continent of Europe, and unconcerned in European -disputes unless they directly--as in the present instance--threaten -our national existence, our armed forces have ever been regarded as -purely defensive, yet not aggressive. For our defence we have relied -on our naval power; perhaps in days gone by we have assumed, rather -too rashly, that we should never be called upon to take part in -land-fighting on a continental scale. - -Even after the present war had broken out, it was possible for the -Parliamentary correspondent of a London Liberal paper to write that -certain Liberal Members of the House of Commons were protesting against -the sending of British troops to the Continent on the ground that they -were too few in number to exercise any influence in a European war! -Perish that thought for ever! I mention this amazing contention merely -to show how imperfectly the issues raised by the present conflict -were appreciated in the early days of the struggle. To-day we see the -establishment of the British Army raised by Parliamentary sanction to -3,000,000 men without a single protest being uttered against a figure -which, had it been even hinted at, a year ago would have been received -with yells of derision. Yet, in spite of that vast number, I still ask -"Are we doing enough?" In other words, looking calmly at the stupendous -gravity of the issues involved, is there any further effort we could -possibly make to shorten the duration of the war? - -For eight months German agents, armed with German gold, have been -industriously propagating, in France and in Russia, the theory that -those countries were, in fact, pulling the chestnuts out of the fire -for England. German agents are everywhere. We were represented as -holding the comfortable view that our fleet was doing all that we could -reasonably be called upon to undertake; that, secure behind our sea -barriers, we were simply carrying on a policy of "business as usual" -with the minimum of effort and loss and the maximum of gain through -our principal competitors in the world's commerce being temporarily -disabled. The object of this manoeuvre was plain. Germany hoped to -sow the seeds of jealousy and discord, and to thrust a wedge into the -solid alliance against her. Now it is, to-day, beyond all question -that, to some extent at least, this manoeuvre was successful. A certain -proportion of people in both France and Russia, perhaps, grew restive. -In the best-informed circles it was, of course, fully recognised that -Britain, with her small standing Army, could not, by any possibility, -instantly fling huge forces into the field. The less well informed, -influenced by the German propaganda, began to think we were too -slow. This feeling began to gather strength, and it was not until M. -Millerand, the French Minister for War, whom I have known for years, -had actually visited England and seen the preparations that were in -progress, that French opinion, fully informed by a series of capable -articles in the French Press, settled down to the conviction that -England was really in earnest. Unquestionably, M. Millerand rendered -a most valuable service to the cause of the Allies by his outspoken -declarations, and he was fully supported by the responsible leaders -of French thought and opinion. The cleverly laid German plot failed, -and our Allies to-day realise that we have unsheathed our sword in the -deadliest earnest. - -In spite of this, however, the thoughtful section of the public have -been asking themselves whether, in fact, our military action is not -slower than it should have been. Germany, we must remember, started -this war with all the tremendous advantage secured by years of steady -and patient preparation for a contest she was fully resolved to -precipitate as soon as she judged the moment opportune. She lost the -first trick in the game, thanks to the splendid heroism of Belgium, -the unexpected rapidity of the French and Russian mobilisation, and -lastly, the wholly surprising power with which Britain intervened in -the fray--the pebble in the cog-wheels of the German machinery. - -The end of the first stage, represented, roughly, by the driving of -the Germans from the Marne to the Aisne, temporarily exhausted all the -combatants, and there followed a long period of comparative inaction, -during which all the parties to the quarrel, like boxers in distress, -sparred to gain their "second wind." Now just as Germany was better -prepared when the first round opened, so she was, necessarily, more -advanced in her preparations for the second stage. Thanks to her scheme -of training, there was a very real risk that her vast masses of new -levies would be ready before our own--and this has actually proved to -be the case. - -New troops are to-day being poured on to both the eastern and western -fronts at a very rapid pace, probably more rapidly than our own. We -know that it was, in great part, their new levies that inflicted the -very severe reverse upon the Russians in East Prussia and undid, in -a single fortnight, months of steady and patient work by our Allies. -It is also probably true that Germany's immense superiority in fully -trained fighting men is steadily decreasing, owing partly to the -enormous losses she has sustained through her adherence to methods of -attack which are hopeless in the teeth of modern weapons. But she is -still very much ahead of what any one could have expected after seven -months of strenuous war, and we must ask ourselves very seriously -whether, by some tremendous national effort, it is not possible to -expedite the raising of our forces to the very maximum of which the -nation and the Empire are capable. It is not a question of cost: the -cost would be as nothing as compared with the havoc wrought by the -prolongation of the war. If there is anything more that we can do, -we ought, emphatically, to do it. It is our business to see that at -no single point in the conduct of the war are we out-stripped by any -effort the Germans can make. - -Now it is a tolerably open secret that we are not to-day getting the -men we shall want before we can bring the war to a conclusion. Why? -When our men read of the utter disregard of the spy question, of the -glaring untruths told by Ministers in the House of Commons, of how we -are providing German barons with valets on prison ships--comfortable -liners, by the way--of the letting loose of German prisoners from -internment camps, and how German officers have actually been allowed, -recently, to depart from Tilbury to Holland to fight against us, is -it any wonder that they hesitate to come forward to do their share? -Let the reader ask himself. Are all Departments of the Government -patriotic? Is it not a fact that the public are daily being misled and -bamboozled? Let the reader examine the evidence and then think. - -Now, though no figures as to the progress of recruiting have been -published for some months, it is practically certain that we are still -very far from the three million men we still assuredly require as a -minimum before victory, definite and unmistakable, crowns our effort. -I have not the slightest doubt that before this struggle ends we shall -see practically _the entire male population_ of the country called to -the colours in some capacity, and unfortunately that is an aspect of -the case which is certainly not yet recognised by the democracy as a -whole. We have done much, it is true. We have surprised our friends -and our enemies alike--perhaps we have even surprised ourselves--by -what has been achieved, but on the technical side of the war, under -the tremendous driving energy of Lord Kitchener, amazing progress has -been made in the provision of equipment, and the latest information I -have been able to obtain suggests that before long the early shortage -of guns, rifles, uniforms, and other war material will have been -entirely overcome, and that we shall be experiencing a shortage, not of -supplies--but alas! of men. - -That day cannot be far off, and when it dawns the problem of raising -men will assume an urgency of which hitherto we have had no experience. -Up to now we have been content to tolerate the somewhat leisurely drift -of the young men to the colours for the simple reason that we had not -the facilities for training and equipping them. We cannot, and we must -not, tolerate any slackness in the future. The wastage of modern war is -appallingly beyond the average conception, and when our big new armies -take the field, that wastage will rise to stupendous figures. It must -be made good without the slightest delay by constant drafts of new, -fully trained men, and when that demand rises, as it inevitably will, -to a pitch of which we have hitherto had no experience, it will have -to be met. Can it be met by the leisurely methods with which we have -hitherto been content? - -I do not think so for a moment, and I am convinced that our responsible -Ministers should at once take the country fully into their confidence -and tell us plainly and unmistakably what the man-in-the-street has -to expect. I have so profound an admiration for the men who have -voluntarily come forward in the hour of their country's need that I -hope, with all my heart, their example will be followed--and followed -quickly--to the full extent of our nation's needs. But I confess -I am not sanguine. The recent strikes in the engineering trade on -the Clyde have gone far to convince me that, even now, a very large -proportion of our industrial classes do not even to-day realise the -real seriousness of the position, for it is incredible that Britons -who understood that we are actually engaged in a struggle for our very -existence should seriously jeopardise and delay, through a miserable -industrial squabble, the supply of war material upon which the safety -of our Empire might depend. The strike on the Clyde was, to me, the -most evil symptom of apathy and lack of all patriotic instincts which -the war has brought forth; it was, to my mind, proof conclusive that -a section at least of our working-classes are entirely dead to the -great national impulse by which, in the past, the British people have -been so profoundly swayed. Is the Government doing enough to rekindle -those impulses? Has it taken the people fully and frankly into its -confidence? Above all, has it made it sufficiently clear to the masses -that we are not getting the men we need, and that unless those men come -forward voluntarily, some method of compulsory selection will become -inevitable? - -No, it has not! - -We come back to the question in which, I am firmly convinced, lies the -solution of many of our present difficulties--are we being told the -truth about the war? Has the nation had the clear, ringing call to -action that, unquestionably, it needs? - -No, it has not! - -I shall try to show, in the pages of this modest work, that the -country has not been given the information to which it is plainly -entitled respecting the actual military operations which have been -accomplished. It is certainly not too much to say that the country -has not been really definitely and clearly informed as to the measure -of the effort it will be called upon to make in the future. I am not -in the secrets of the War Office, and it is impossible to say what -the policy of the Government will be, or what trump cards they hold, -ready to play them when the real crisis comes. But there certainly is -an urgent and growing need for very plain speaking. I speak plainly -and without fear. We should like to be assured that the recruiting -problem, upon the solution of which our final success must depend, is -being dealt with on broad, wise, and statesmanlike lines, and that the -Government will shrink from no measure which shall ensure our absolute -military efficiency. I have no doubt that Lord Kitchener has a very -accurate estimate of the total number of men he proposes to put into -the field before the great forward movement begins, of the probable -total wastage, and of the period for which, on the present basis of -recruiting, that wastage can be made good. - -The country would welcome some very definite and explicit statement, -either from Mr. Asquith or Lord Kitchener, as to the real position, -and as to whether the Government has absolute confidence that the -requirements of the military authorities can be met under the existing -condition of affairs. The time is, indeed, more than ripe for some -grave and solemn warning to the people if, as I believe, the effort we -have made up to now, great though it has undoubtedly been, has not been -sufficient. We to-day need an authoritative declaration on the subject. -There is far too strong a tendency, fostered by the undue reticence of -the irresponsible Press Bureau and the screeching "victories" of the -newspapers, to believe that things are going as well and smoothly as -we could wish; and though I would strenuously deprecate an attitude of -blank pessimism, the perils which hedge around a fatuous optimism are -very great. - -My firm conviction, and I think my readers will share in it, is -that the great mass of public opinion is daily growing more and more -apathetic towards the war, and truly that is not the mental attitude -which will bring us with safety and credit through the tremendous -ordeal which lies before us. The Government is not doing enough to -drive home the fact that greater and still greater efforts will be -required before the spectre of Prussian domination is finally laid to -rest: the country at large, befogged by the newspapers, and sullenly -angry at being kept in the dark to an extent hitherto unheard of, is in -no mood to make the supreme sacrifices upon which final victory must -depend. We are, as a result, not exercising our full strength: we are -not doing enough, and our full strength will not be exerted until the -Government takes the public into its confidence and tells them exactly -what it requires and what it intends to have. That it would gain, -rather than lose, by doing so, I have not the slightest doubt, while -the gain to the world through the throwing into the scale of the solid -weight of a fully aroused Britain would be simply incalculable. - -While writing this, came the extraordinarily belated news of the -decision of the Government to declare a strict blockade of the German -coasts. It has been a matter of supreme bewilderment to every student -of the war why this decision was not taken long before. Why should we -have failed for so long to use the very strongest weapon which our -indisputed control of the sea has placed in our hands, is one of those -things which "no fellah can understand." We have been foolish enough -to allow food, cotton, and certain other articles of "conditional -contraband" free access to Germany, and it is beyond question that in -so doing we have enormously prolonged the war. And all this, be it -remembered, at a time when Germany _was violating every law of God and -man_! Assume a reversal of the prevailing conditions: would Germany -have been so foolishly indulgent towards us? Would she have treated us -with more consideration than she showed towards the starving population -of Paris in 1871? The very fact of our long inaction in this respect -adds enormously to the strong suspicion that in other directions we -are not doing as much as we should. Lord Fisher is credited with -the saying, "The essence of war is violence: moderation in war is -imbecility. Hit first, hit hard, hit everywhere." - -I think it is safe to say that in more than one direction we have -displayed an imbecility of moderation which has tended to encourage -the Germans in the supreme folly of imagining that they are at liberty -to play fast and loose with the opinion of the civilised world. Our -treatment of German spies and enemy aliens in our midst is a classic -example of our contemptuous tolerance of easily removable perils, just -as much as is our incredible folly in neglecting to make the fullest -use of our magnificent naval resources. Thanks to our tolerance, the -Germans have been freely importing food and cotton, with probably an -enormous quantity of copper smuggled through in the same ships. We -have paid in the blood and lives of our gallant soldiers, husbands, -brothers, lovers, while the Germans have laughed at us--and not without -justice--as a nation of silly dolts and imbeciles. Yet we have tardily -decided upon "retaliatory measures" which we were perfectly entitled to -take the instant war was declared, only under the pressure of Germany's -campaign of murder and piracy at sea! Are we doing enough in other -directions? - -Equally belated, and equally calculated to give the impression -that we have been too slow in using our strength, is the attack -upon the Dardanelles. It has long been a mystery why, in view of -the tremendous results involved in such a blow at Germany's deluded -ally, this attack was not made earlier. We do not know, and the -Government do not enlighten us. But the delay has helped to send the -price of bread to famine prices through blocking up the Russian wheat -in the Black Sea ports; it has given the Turks and the Germans time -to enormously strengthen the defences, and has prevented us from -sending to our Russian friends that support in munitions of war of -which they undoubtedly stood in need. There may, of course, have been -good reasons for the delay, but if they exist, they have baffled the -investigation of the most competent military and naval critics. It must -never be forgotten that the reopening of the Dardanelles and the fall -of Constantinople must exercise a far more potent influence on the -progress of the war than, say, the relief of Antwerp--another example -of singularly belated effort! It must, in fact, transform the whole -position of the war and react with fatal effect through Turkey upon -her Allies. Yet the war had been in progress for seven months before a -serious attempt was made at what, directly Turkey joined in the war, -must have been one of the primary objects of the Allies. What added -price, I wonder, shall we be compelled to pay for that inexplicable -delay, not merely in the increased cost of the necessaries of life -at home and the expenses of the war abroad, but in the lives of our -fighting men? For it must not be forgotten that a decisive blow at -Turkey would do much to shorten the duration of the war. It would be a -serious blow at Germany, and would be more than likely to precipitate -the entrance into the struggle, on the side of the Allies, of Italy -and the wavering Balkan States. In hard cash, the war is costing us -nearly a million and a half a day. We have to pay it, sooner or later. -The loss of life is more serious than the loss of wealth, and there -is no doubt that both must be curtailed by any successful operation -against the Turks. - -The Army has, beyond question, lost thousands of recruits of the very -best class owing to the parsimony displayed in the matter of making -provision for the dependents of men who join the fighting forces. The -scale originally proposed, it will be remembered, produced an outburst -of indignation, and it was very soon amended in the right direction, -but when all is said and done it operates with amazing injustice. -One of the most striking features of the war has been the splendid -patriotism shown by men who, in social rank, are decidedly above the -average standard of recruits. - -Many comparatively rich men have joined the Army as privates, and -the roll descends in the social scale until we come down to the day -labourer. We draw no distinction between the loyalty and devotion of -any of our new soldiers, but it cannot be denied that the working of -the system of separate allowances is exceedingly unfair to the men of -the middle classes. - -Financially, the family of the working-man is frequently better off -through the absence of the husband and father at the front than it -has ever been before--sometimes very much better off indeed. I am not -complaining of that. But when we ascend a little in the scale we find -a glaring inequality. The man earning, say, L250 a year, and having -a wife and one child, finds, too often, that the price he has to pay -for patriotism is to leave his family dependent upon the Government -allowance of 17_s._ 6_d._ per week. Is it a matter for wonder that so -many have hesitated to join? Can we praise too highly the patriotism -of those who, even under such circumstances, have answered the call of -duty? - -The truth is that the whole system of separation allowances, framed to -meet the necessity of recruits of the ordinary standard, is inelastic -and unsuitable to a campaign which calls, or should call, the entire -nation to arms. It is throwing a great strain on a man's loyalty to ask -him to condemn his wife and family to what, in their circumstances, -amounts to semi-starvation, in order that he may serve his country, -particularly when he sees around him thousands of the young and healthy -at theatres and picture palaces, free from any domestic ties, who -persistently shut their eyes to their country's need, and whom nothing -short of some measure of compulsion would bring into the ranks. I am -not going to suggest that every man who joins the Army should be paid -the salary he could earn in civil life, but I think we are _not doing -nearly enough_ for thousands of well-bred and gently nurtured women who -have given up husbands and brothers in the sacred cause of freedom. - -And now I come to perhaps the saddest feature of the war--the case -of the men who will return to England maimed and disabled in their -country's cause. That, for them, is supreme glory, though many of -them would have infinitely preferred giving their lives for their -country. They will come back to us in thousands, the maimed, the -halt, and the blind: pitiful wrecks of glorious manhood, with no hope -before them but to drag out the rest of their years in comparative -or absolute helplessness. Their health and their strength will have -gone; there will be no places for them in the world where men in -full health and strength fight the battle of life in the fields of -commerce and industry. _Are we doing enough_--have we, indeed, begun -to do anything--for these poor victims of war's fury, much more to be -pitied than the gallant men who sleep for ever where they fell on the -battle-fields of France and Belgium? - -Too often in the past it has been the shame and the reproach of Britain -that she cast aside, like worn-out garments, the men who have spent -their health and strength in her cause. Have we not heard of Crimean -veterans dying in our workhouses? With all my heart I hope that, after -the war, we shall never again be open to that reproach and shame. We -must see that never again shall a great and wealthy Empire disgrace -itself by condemning its crippled heroes to the undying bitterness -of the workhouse during life, and the ignominy of a pauper's grave -after death. Cost what it may, the future of the unhappy men "broke in -our wars" must be the nation's peculiar care. I do not suggest--they -themselves would not desire it--that all our wounded should become -State pensioners _en masse_ and live out their lives in idleness. -The men who helped to fling back the Kaiser's barbaric hordes in the -terrible struggle at Ypres are not the men who will seek for mere -charity, even when it takes the form of a deserved reward for their -heroic deeds. - -Speaking broadly, the State will have the responsibility of caring -for two classes of wounded men--those who are condemned to utter and -lifelong disablement and those who, less seriously crippled, are yet -unable to obtain employment in ordinary commercial or industrial life. -As to the former class, the duty of the State is clear: they must be -suitably maintained for the rest of their lives at the State's charges. -With regard to the second class, I do most sincerely hope that they -will not be thrown into the world with a small wounds pension and left -to sink or swim as fortune and their scattered abilities may dictate. -It is for us to remember that these men have given their health and -strength that we might live in safety and peace, and we shall be -covering ourselves with infamy if we fail to make proper provision for -them. - -As I have already said, they do not want charity. They want work, and -I venture to here make an earnest appeal to the public to take up the -cause of these men with all its generous heart. First and foremost, -such of them as are capable should be given absolute preference in -Government and municipal offices, where there are thousands of posts -that can be filled even by men who are partially disabled. Every -employer of labour should make it his special duty to find positions -for as many of these men as possible: there are many places in business -houses that can be quite adequately filled by men of less than ordinary -physical efficiency. Most of all, however, I hope the Government will, -without delay, take up the great task of finding a way of setting -these men to useful work of some kind. In the past much has been done -in this direction by the various private agencies which interest -themselves in the care of discharged soldiers. A war of such magnitude -as the present, however, must bring in its wake a demand for work and -organisation on a scale far beyond private effort; and if the disabled -soldier is to be adequately cared for, only the resources of the State -can be equal to the need. - -_Are we doing enough_, I ask again, for the gallant men who have served -us so well? There are those who fear that, comparatively speaking, the -war has only just begun. However this may be, the tale of casualties -and disablement rises day by day at a terrible pace, and there is a -growing need to set on foot an organisation which, when the time comes, -shall be ready to grapple at once with what will perhaps be the most -terrible legacy the war can leave us. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE PERIL OF THE CENSORSHIP - - -War brings into discussion many subjects upon which men differ widely -in their opinions, and the present war is no exception to the general -rule. - -Amateur and expert alike argue on a thousand disputed points of -tactics, of strategy, and of policy: it has always been so: probably it -will be so for ever. But the censorship imposed by the Government, on -the outbreak of war, has achieved a record. - -It has earned the unanimous and unsparing condemnation of everybody. -Men who have agreed on no other point shake hands upon this. For sheer, -blundering ineptitude, for blind inability to appreciate the mind and -temper of our countrymen, in its utter ignorance of the psychological -characteristics of the nation and of the Empire, to say nothing of the -rest of the world, the methods of the censorship, surely, approach very -closely the limits of human capacity for failure. - -When I say "the censorship" I mean, of course, the system, speaking in -the broadest sense. It matters nothing whether the chief censor, for -the moment, be, by the circumstance of the day, Mr. F.E. Smith or Sir -Stanley Buckmaster. Both, I make no doubt, have done their difficult -work to the best of their ability, and have been loyally followed, to -the best of their several abilities, by their colleagues. The faults -and failures of the censorship have their roots elsewhere. - -Now to avoid, at the outset, any possibility of misunderstanding, I -want to make it absolutely clear that in all the numerous criticisms -that have been levelled at the censorship, objection has been taken not -to the _fact_ that news is censored, but to the _methods_ employed and -to the extent to which the suppression of news has been carried. - -I believe that no single newspaper in the British Isles has objected -to the censorship, as such. I am quite sure that the public would very -definitely condemn any demand that the censorship should be abolished. -Much as we all desire to learn the full story of the war, it is obvious -that to permit the indiscriminate publication of any and every story -sent over the wires, would be to make the enemy a present of much -information of almost priceless value. Early and accurate information -is of supreme importance in war time, and certainly no Englishman -worthy of the name would desire that the slightest advantage should be -offered to our country's enemies by the premature publication of news -which, on every military consideration, ought to be kept secret. - -This is, unquestionably, the attitude of the great daily newspapers in -London and the provinces, which have been the worst sufferers by the -censor's eccentricities. They realise, quite clearly, the vital and -imperative necessity for the suppression of information which would be -of value to the enemy, and, as a matter of fact, the editors of the -principal journals exercise themselves a private censorship which is -quite rigid, and far more intelligently applied than the veto of the -official bureau. It would surprise a good many people to learn of the -vast amount of information which, by one channel or another, reaches -the offices of the great dailies long before the Press Bureau gives -a sign that it has even heard of the matters in question. The great -retreat from Mons is an excellent instance. It was known perfectly -well, at the time, that the entire British Expeditionary Force was in a -position of the gravest peril, and it is, perhaps, not too much to say -that had the public possessed the same knowledge there would have been -a degree of depression which would have made the "black week" of the -South African War gay and cheerful by comparison, even if there had not -been something very nearly approaching an actual panic. - -But the secret was well and loyally kept within the walls of the -newspaper offices, as I, personally, think it should have been: I do -not blame the military authorities in the least for holding back the -fact that the position was one of extreme gravity. Bad news comes soon -enough in every war, and it would be senseless folly to create alarm -by telling people of dangers which, as in this case, may in the end be -averted. The public quarrel with the censorship rests on other, and -totally different, grounds. - -That a strict censorship should be exercised over military news which -might prove of value to the enemy will be cheerfully admitted by every -one. We all know, despite official assurances to the contrary, that -German spies are still active in our midst, and, even now, there is--or -at any rate until quite recently there was--little or no difficulty in -sending information from this country to Germany. No one will cavil at -any restrictions necessary to prevent the enemy anticipating our plans -and movements, and if the censorship had not gone beyond this, no one -would have had any reason to complain. - -What may perhaps be called the classic instance of the perils of -premature publication occurred during the Franco-Prussian War of -1870-71. In those days there was no censorship, and France, in -consequence, received a lesson so terrible that it is never likely -to be forgotten. It is more than likely, indeed, that it is directly -responsible for the merciless severity of the French censorship to-day. - -A French journal published the news that MacMahon had changed the -direction in which his army was marching. The news was telegraphed -to England and published in the papers here. It at once came to the -attention of one of the officials of the German Embassy in London, who, -realising its importance, promptly cabled it to Germany. For Moltke the -news was simply priceless, and the altered dispositions he promptly -made resulted in MacMahon and his entire force capitulating at Metz. -Truly a terrible price to pay for the single indiscretion of a French -newspaper! - -It is not to be denied that to some extent certain of the "smarter" -of the British newspapers are responsible for the severity of the -censorship in force to-day. In effect, the censorship of news in this -country dates from the last war in South Africa. Some of the English -journals, in their desire to secure "picture-stories," forgot that the -war correspondent has very great responsibilities quite apart from the -mere purveying of news. - -The result was the birth of a war correspondent of an entirely new -type. The older men--the friends of my youth, Forbes, Burleigh, Howard -Russell, and the like--had seen and studied war in many phases: they -knew war, and distinguished with a sure instinct the news that was -permissible as well as interesting, from the news that was interesting -but _not_ permissible. Their work, because of their knowledge, showed -discipline and restraint, and it can be said, broadly, that they wrote -nothing which would advantage the enemy in the slightest degree. - -In the war in South Africa we saw a tremendous change. Many of the -men sent out were simply able word-spinners, supremely innocent of -military knowledge, knowing absolutely nothing of military operations, -unable to judge whether a bit of news would be of value to the enemy -or not. Their business was to get "word-pictures"--and they got them. -In doing so they sealed the doom of the war correspondent. The feeble -and inefficient censorship established at Cape Town, for want of -intelligent guidance, did little or nothing to protect the Army, and -the result was that valuable information, published in London, was -promptly telegraphed to the Boer leaders by way of Lourenco Marques. -Many skilfully planned British movements, in consequence, went -hopelessly to pieces, and by the time war was over, Lord Roberts and -military men generally were fully agreed that, when the next war came, -it would be absolutely necessary to establish a censorship of a very -drastic nature. - -We see that censorship in operation to-day, but far transcending -its proper function. It was established--or it should have been -established--for the sole purpose of preventing the publication of news -likely to be of value to the enemy. Had it stopped there, no one could -have complained. - -I contend that in point of fact it has, throughout the war, operated -not merely to prevent the enemy getting news which it was highly -desirable should be kept from him, but to suppress news which the -British public--the most patriotic and level-headed public in all the -world--has every right to demand. We are not a nation of board-school -children or hysterical girls. Over and over again the British public -has shown that it can bear bad news with fortitude, just as it can -keep its head in victory. Those of us who still remember the terrible -"black week" in South Africa, with its full story of the horror of -defeat at Colenso, Magersfontein, and Stormberg, remember how the only -effect of the disaster was the ominous deepening of the grim British -determination to "see it through": the tightening of the lips and the -hardening of the jaws that meant unshakable resolve; the silent, dour, -British grip on the real essentials of the situation that, once and for -all, settled the fate of Kruger's ambitions. - -Are Britons to-day so changed from the Britons of 1899 that they cannot -bear the truth; that they cannot face disaster; that they are indeed -the degenerates they have been labelled by boastful Germans? Perish the -thought! Britain is not decadent; she is to-day as strong and virile -as of old and her sons are proving it daily on the plains of Flanders, -as they proved it when they fought the Kaiser's hordes to a standstill -on the banks of the Marne during the "black week" of last autumn. Why -then _should_ the public be treated as puling infants spoon-fed on tiny -scraps of good news when it is happily available, and left in the bliss -of ignorance when things are not going quite so well? - -From November 20th, 1914, up to February 17th, 1915--a period of three -months of intense anxiety and strain--not one single word of news -from the Commander-in-Chief of the greatest Army Britain has ever put -into the field was vouchsafed to the British public. For that, of -course, it is impossible to blame Sir John French. But the bare fact -is sufficient condemnation of the entirely unjustifiable methods of -secrecy with which we are waging a war on which the whole future of -our beloved nation and Empire depends. The public was left to imagine -that the war had reached something approaching a "deadlock." The -ever-mounting tale of casualties showed that, in very truth, there had -been, in that silent period of three months, fighting on a scale to -which this country has been a stranger for a century. - -Will any one outside the Government contend that this absurd secrecy -can be justified, either by military necessity or by a well-meant but, -as I think, hopelessly mistaken regard for the feelings of the public? - -We are not Germans that it should be necessary to lull us into a -lethargic sleep with stories of imaginary victories, or to refrain -from harrowing our souls when, as must happen in all wars, things -occasionally go wrong. - -_We want the truth_, and we are entitled to have it! - -I do not say that we have been deliberately told that which is not -true. I believe the authorities can be acquitted of any deliberate -falsification of news. But I do say, without hesitation, that much news -was kept back which the country was entitled to know, and which could -have been made public without the slightest prejudice to our military -position. At the same time, publication has been permitted of wholly -baseless stories, such as that of the great fight at La Bassee, to -which I will allude later, which the authorities must have known to be -unfounded. - -It is not for us to criticise the policy of our gallant Allies, the -French. We must leave it to them to decide how much or how little -they will reveal to their own people. I contend, with all my heart, -that the British public should not have been fobbed off with the -studiously-guarded French official report, with its meaningless--so -far as the general public is concerned--daily recital of the capture -or loss of a trench here and there, or with the chatty disquisitions -of our amiable "Eye-Witness" at the British Headquarters, who manages -to convey the minimum of real information in the maximum of words. It -is highly interesting, I admit, to learn of that heroic soldier who -brained four Germans "on his own" with a shovel; it is very interesting -to read of the "nut" making his happy and elaborate war-time toilet -in the open air; and we are glad to hear all about German prisoners -lamenting the lack of food. But these things, and countless others of -which "Eye-Witness" has told us, are not the root of the matter. We -want the true story of the campaign, and the plain fact is that we do -not get it, and no one pretends that we get it. - -Cheerful confidence is an excellent thing in war, as well as in all -other human undertakings. Blind optimism is a foolhardy absurdity; -blank pessimism is about as dangerous a frame of mind as can be -conceived. I am not quite sure, in my own mind, whether the methods of -the censorship are best calculated to promote dangerous optimism, or -the reverse, but I am perfectly certain that they are not calculated -to evoke that calm courage and iron resolve, in the face of known -perils, which is the best augury of victory in the long run. Probably -they produce a result varying according to the temperament of the -individual. One day you meet a man in the club who assures you that -everything is going well and that we have the Germans "in our pocket." -That is the foolishness of optimism, produced by the story of success -and the suppression of disagreeable truths. - -Twenty-four hours later you meet a gloomy individual who assures you we -are no nearer beating the Germans than we were three months ago. That -is the depths of pessimism. Both frames of mind are derived from the -"official news" which the Government thinks fit to issue. - -Here and there, if you are lucky, you meet the man who realises that we -are up against the biggest job the Empire has ever tackled, and that, -if we are to win through, the country must be plainly told the facts -and plainly warned that it is necessary to make the most strenuous -exertions of which we are capable. That is the man who forms his -opinions not from the practically worthless official news, but from -independent study of the whole gigantic problem. And that is the only -frame of mind which will enable us to win this war. It is a frame of -mind which the official news vouchsafed to us is not, in the least -degree, calculated to produce. - -In the prosecution of a war of such magnitude as the present unhappy -conflict the public feeling of a truly democratic country such as ours -is of supreme importance. It is, in fact, the most valuable asset of -the military authorities, and it is a condition precedent for success -that the nation shall be frankly told the truth, so far as it can be -told without damage to our military interests. - -Mr. Bonar Law, in the House of Commons, put the case in a nutshell when -he said that-- - - "He had felt, from the beginning of the war, that as much information - was not being given as might be given without damage to national - interests. Nothing could be worse for the country than to do what the - Japanese did--conceal disasters until the end of the war. He did not - say that there had been any concealment, but the one thing necessary - was to let the people of this and other countries feel that our - official news was true, and could be relied upon. He wondered whether - the House realised what a tremendous event the battle of Ypres, in - November, was. The British losses there, he thought, were bigger than - any battle in which purely English troops were engaged. It was a - terrible fight, against overwhelming odds, out of which British troops - came with tremendous honour. All the account they had had was Sir - John French's despatch. Surely the country could have more than that. - Whoever was in charge, when weighing the possible damage which might - be brought about by the giving of news, should also bear in mind the - great necessity for keeping people in this country as well informed as - possible." - -That, I venture to think, is a perfectly fair and legitimate criticism. -The battle of Ypres was fought in November. Mr. Law was speaking in -February. Who can say what the country would have gained in recruiting, -in strength of determination, in everything that goes to make up the -_morale_ so necessary for the vigorous conduct of a great campaign, had -it been given, at once, an adequate description of the "terrible fight -against overwhelming odds" out of which the British Thomas Atkins came -with so much honour? - -The military critics of our newspapers have, perhaps, been one of -the greatest failures of the entire campaign. One of them, on the -day before Namur fell, assured us that the place could hold out for -three months. Another asserted that the Russians would be in Berlin by -September 10th. Another, just before the Germans drove the Russians for -the second time out of East Prussia, declared that Russia's campaign -was virtually ended! Besides, all the so-called "histories" of the -war published have been utter failures. Personally, I do not think the -nation is greatly perturbed, at the present moment, about the conduct -of the actual military operations. No one is a politician to-day, -and there is every desire, happily, to support the Government in any -measure necessary to bring the war to a conclusion. We have not the -materials, even if it were desirable, to criticise the conduct or write -the history of the war, and we have no wish to do so. But we desire to -learn, and we have the _right_ to learn, the facts. - -It has always been an unhappy characteristic of the military mind -that it has been quite unable, perhaps unwilling, to appreciate the -mentality of the mere civilian who only has to pay the bill, and look -as pleasant as possible under the ordeal. And I suspect, very strongly, -that it is just this feeling which lies at the root of a good deal of -what we have had to endure under the censorship. In its essence, the -censorship is a military precaution, perfectly proper and praiseworthy, -but only if applied according to the real needs of the situation. -Quite properly the military mind is impatient of the intrusion of the -civilian in purely military affairs, and I have no doubt whatever that -that fact explains the gratifying presence--in defiance of our long -usage and to the annoyance of a certain type of politician--of Lord -Kitchener at the War Office to-day. But military domination of the -war situation, however admirable from the military point of view, has -failed to take into sufficient account the purely civilian interest in -the progress of the war and the extent to which the military arm must -rely upon the civilian in carrying the war to a successful conclusion. - -Our military organisation, rightly or wrongly, is based upon the -voluntary system. We cannot, under present conditions, obtain, as the -conscriptionist countries do, the recruits we require merely by calling -to the Colours, with a stroke of the pen, men who are liable for -service. We have to request, to persuade, to advertise, and to lead men -to see their duty and to do it. To enable us to do this satisfactorily, -public opinion must be kept well informed, must be stimulated by a -knowledge of the real situation. When war broke out, and volunteers -were called for, a tremendous wave of enthusiasm swept over the -country. The recruiting organisation broke down, and, as I have pointed -out, the Government found themselves with more men on their hands than -they could possibly train or equip at the moment. Instead of taking -men's names, telling them the exact facts, and sending them home to -wait till they could be called for, the War Office _raised the physical -standard for recruits_, and this dealt a blow at popular enthusiasm -from which it has never recovered. Recruiting dropped to an alarming -degree, and, so recently as February, Mr. Tennant, in the House of -Commons, despite the efforts that had been made in the meantime, was -forced to drop a pretty strong hint that "a little more energy" was -advisable. - -Now the connection between the manner in which the recruiting question -was handled, and the general methods adopted by the censorship, is -a good deal closer than might be imagined at first sight. Both show -the same utter failure on the part of the military authorities to -appreciate the psychology of the civilian. Psychology, the science of -the public opinion of the nation, must, in any democratic country, -play a very large part in the successful conduct of a great war; and -in sympathetic understanding of the temper of the masses, our military -authorities, alike in regard to the censorship and recruiting question, -have been entirely outclassed by the autocratic officials of Germany. I -do not advocate German methods. The gospel of hate and lies--which has -kept German people at fever-heat--would fail entirely here. We need no -"Hymns of Hate" or lying bulletins to induce Britons to do their duty -if the needs of the situation are thoroughly brought home to them. - -But we have to face this disquieting fact, that, whatever the methods -employed, the German people to-day are far more enthusiastic and -determined in their prosecution of the war than we are. - -That is a plain and unmistakable truth. I do not believe the great mass -of the British public realises, even to-day, vitally and urgently, the -immense gravity of the situation, and for that I blame the narrow and -pedantic views that have kept the country in comparative ignorance of -the real facts of the situation. - -We have been at war for eight months and we have not yet got the men -we require. Recruits have come forward in large numbers, it is true, -and are still coming forward. But there is a very distinct lack of -that splendid and enduring enthusiasm which a true realisation of the -facts would inevitably evoke. Priceless opportunities for stimulating -that enthusiasm have been, all along, lost by the persistent refusal to -allow the full story of British heroism and devotion to be told. - -We can take the battle of Ypres as a single outstanding example. The -full story of that great fight would have done more for recruiting in a -week than all the displayed advertisements and elaborate placards with -which our walls are so profusely adorned could achieve in a month! - -Sir John French's despatch, as a military record, bears the hall-mark -of military genius, but it is idle to pretend that it is a literary -document calculated to stir the blood and fire the imagination of our -countrymen. Admirable in its firm restraint from the military point of -view, it takes no account of the civilian imagination. That is not Sir -John French's business. He is a great soldier, and it is no reproach to -him that his despatch is not exactly what is required by the urgency -of the situation. Moreover, it came too late to exercise its full -effect. Had the story of Ypres been given to the public promptly, and -in the form in which it would have been cast by a graphic writer who -understood the subject with which he was dealing and the public for -whom he was writing, we should probably have been better off to-day -by thousands and thousands of the much-needed recruits. The failure -to take advantage of such a glorious opportunity for the stimulation -of enthusiasm by purely legitimate means, convicts our censorship -authorities of a total failure to appreciate the mentality of the -public whose supposed interests they serve. - -And as with successes, so with failures. It is the peculiar -characteristic of the British people that either a great victory or -a great disaster has the immediate result of nerving them to fuller -efforts. We saw that in South Africa: it has been seen a hundred -times in our long history. Let us turn for a moment to the affair at -Givenchy on December 20th. Sir John French's despatch makes it clear -that the repulse of the Indian Division on that occasion was a very -serious matter, so serious, in fact, that it required the full effort -of the entire First Division, under Sir Douglas Haig, to restore the -position. Yet, at the time, the British public was very far from fully -informed of what had happened: much of our information, indeed, was -derived from German sources; and these sources being naturally suspect, -the magnitude of the operations was never realised. - -There may have been excellent military reasons for concealing, for the -moment, the real position, though I strongly suspect that the Germans -were quite as well informed about it as we were. But there could be no -possible reason for concealing the fact from the public for a couple of -months, and thus losing another opportunity of powerfully stimulating -our national patriotism and determination. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE PERIL OF THE PRESS BUREAU - - -It is one of the curses of our Parliamentary system that every piece of -criticism is immediately ascribed to either party or personal motives, -and politicians whose conduct or methods are impugned, for whatever -reason, promptly assume, and try to make others believe, that their -opponents are actuated by the usual party or personal methods. - -At the present moment, happily, we have, for the first time within our -memory, no politics; the nation stands as one man in its resolve to -make an end of the Teutonic aggression against the peace of the world. -In the recent discussion in the House of Commons, however, Sir Stanley -Buckmaster, head of the Press Bureau, upon whom has fallen the rather -ruffled and uncomfortable mantle discarded by Mr. F.E. Smith, seems -to have interpreted the very unanimous criticism of the censorship as -a personal attack upon himself. As a brilliant lawyer, of course he -had no difficulty in making a brilliant reply to a fallacy originated -entirely in his own brain. - -In very truth the personality of Sir Stanley Buckmaster concerns us -not at all. He is a loyal Englishman. He does not originate the news -which the Press Bureau deals out with such belated parsimony. No one -blames him for the fact that the nation is kept so completely in the -dark on the subject of the war. If it were possible for Sir Stanley -Buckmaster, personally, to censor every piece of news submitted to the -Press Bureau, there would, I venture to think, be a speedy end to the -system--or want of system--which permits an item of intelligence to be -published in Edinburgh or Liverpool, but not in London; and that the -speeches of Cabinet Ministers, reported in our papers verbatim, would -be allowed free passage to the United States or to the Colonies. I wish -here to do the head of the Press Bureau the justice to say that he is -an Englishman who knows his own mind, and has the courage of his own -convictions. Yet that does not alter the fact that the Press censorship -as a system has worked unevenly, with very little apparent method, and -with an amazing disregard of the best foreign and colonial opinion -which, all along, it has been our interest to keep fully informed of -the British side of the case. - -When the subject was last before the House of Commons, some very -caustic things were said. Mr. Joseph King, the Radical member for North -Somerset, moved, and Sir William Byles, the Radical member for North -Salford, seconded, the following rather terse motion: - - "That the action of the Press Bureau in restricting the freedom of the - Press, and in withholding information about the war, has been actuated - by no clear principle and has been calculated to cause suspicion and - discontent." - -Now it will be noted that there is, in the first place, no possibility -of attributing this motion to political hostility. Both the mover -and the seconder are supporters of the Government, not merely at the -present moment, as of course all Englishmen are, but in the ordinary -course of nightly political warfare. Mr. King did not mince matters. -He roundly charged the Press Bureau with exercising inequality, -particularly in denying the publication in London of news permitted -to be published in the provinces and on the Continent. He pressed, -too, for the issue of an official statement two or three times a week. -This, of course, has since been granted, and it is a very decided -improvement. Mr. Joynson-Hicks, from the Conservative benches, very -truly emphasised the fact that the people of this country want the -truth, even if it meant bad news, and added that they also wanted to -hear about the heroism of our troops and the valorous deeds of any -individual regiments. - -Sir Stanley Buckmaster, in reply, denied somewhat vehemently that he -had ever withheld, for five minutes, any information he had about the -war, and asserted that nothing had ever been issued from his office -that was not literally and absolutely true. - -Now, as I have said, Sir Stanley Buckmaster's hide-bound department -does not originate news, and cannot be held responsible for either -the fullness or the accuracy of the official statements. When Sir -Stanley Buckmaster tells us that he has _never delayed_ news I accept -his word without demur. But when he says nothing has been issued from -his department which is not "literally and absolutely true," then I -ask him what he means by "literally and absolutely true"? If he means -that the news which his department has issued has contained no actual -misstatements on a point of fact, I believe his claim to be fully -justified. If he means, on the other hand, that the Press Bureau, or -those behind it, have told the nation the whole truth, he makes an -assertion which the nation with its gritted teeth to-day will decline, -and with very good reason, to accept. To quote Mr. Bonar Law's words -again: "from the beginning of the war as much information has not been -given as might have been given without damage to national interests." -To such full information as may be given without damage to national -interests the nation is entitled, and no amount of official sophistry -and hair-splitting can alter that plain and demonstrable fact. - -Mr. King, in the resolution I have quoted, charged the head of the -Bureau with exercising inequality as between different newspapers. Now -this amounts to a charge of deliberate unfairness which it is very -difficult indeed to accept. The House of Commons, in fact, did not -accept it. None the less, the fact remains that not once or twice, but -over and over again, news has been allowed publication in one paper and -refused in another, not merely as between London and the provinces, but -as between London newspapers which are, necessarily, keen rivals. In -support of this assertion I will quote one of the strongest supporters -of the Government among the London newspapers--the _Daily Chronicle_. -There will be no question of political partisanship about this. - -After quoting the views of the _Times_ and two Liberal papers--the -_Star_ and the _Westminster Gazette_--the _Daily Chronicle_ said: - - "The methods of the Censor are, certainly, a little difficult to - understand. There reached this office yesterday afternoon, from our - correspondent at South Shields, a long story of the sinking of vessels - in the North Sea. It was submitted to us by the Censor, who made a - number of excisions in it. The telegram was returned to us with the - following note by our representative at the Press Bureau: - - "'The Censor particularly requests that South Shields be not - mentioned, though we can state "from our East Coast correspondent."' - -"In the meantime the evening newspapers appeared with accounts of some -occurrences in which most of the deletions made by the Censor in the -_Daily Chronicle_ report _were given_! The Censor made the following -remarks and excisions in the 'copy' submitted to him by the _Daily -Chronicle_ representative at the Press Bureau: - - Excisions in "Daily Where the Forbidden Passages - Chronicle" Report Appeared - - "Please do not mention Shields occurred in the reports - that this came from South in the _Star_ (three times), - Shields." (Note by the _Evening News_ (once), _Pall Mall - Censor.) Gazette_ (three times), _Globe_ - (three times), _Evening Standard_ - (three times), _Westminister - Gazette_ (once). - - "Within twenty miles of _Star_ report stated: "The - the mouth of Shields harbour"-- trawler was sunk thirty miles - (passage eliminated). E.N.E. of the Tyne." - - "Landed a cargo of fish This identical phrase, or its - at Grimsby." ("At Grimsby" effect, appeared in the _Star_, - was eliminated.) _Pall Mall Gazette_, _Globe_, - _Evening Standard_, _Westminister - Gazette_. - - "Landed by North The North Shields trawler - Shields fishing steamer." was mentioned by the _Star_, - ("North Shields" eliminated.) _Pall Mall Gazette_, _Globe_, - _Evening Standard_. - - "Bound for Blyth." This phrase appeared in the - ("Blyth" eliminated.) _Star_, _Pall Mall Gazette_, - _Globe_, and _Evening Standard_. - - * * * * * - - From the _Daily Chronicle_ A Central News telegram - Special Correspondent. from Paris ran as follows - (passed by Cable Censor): - - _Paris, August 27th._ _Paris, Thursday_ - - The Ministry of War The following official - issued this afternoon the communique is issued to the Press - following note: "In the at 2.15 this afternoon: "In - region between----" (here the region between the Vosges - the Censor has cut out a and Nancy our troops continue - short passage) "our troops to progress." - continue to progress." - - - "Thus we were free to mention the offending passage on the - authority of the Central News Agency, but not on that of 'our own - correspondent'! What can be more ridiculous than this?" - -The importance of the last portion of the _Daily Chronicle_ article -lies in the fact that we have here a clear case of mutilation of the -French _official_ despatch, which the French papers even were free to -publish! - -The _Daily Chronicle_ also mentioned another case in which its special -correspondent in Paris sent a long despatch giving, on the authority of -M. Clemenceau, a statement published in Paris, that the 15th Army Corps -gave way in a moment of panic. The Censor refused permission to publish -it, but another journal published a quotation under the heading: -"French Soldiers who wavered: Officers and Men punished by Death." - -I ought, in fairness, to say, in passing, that the instances quoted -above took place before Sir Stanley Buckmaster assumed control of the -Press Bureau, and that no responsibility attaches to him in respect of -any of them. - -Now, bad as has been the effect of the censorship on public opinion at -home, it has been even worse abroad, and particularly in the United -States, where the German propaganda had full play, while the British -case was sternly withheld. The American Press has not hesitated to say -that our censors were incompetent and discriminated unfairly between -one paper and another. This was untrue in the sense in which it was -meant, but it was certainly unfortunate, to put it mildly, that the -news of the declaration of war was allowed to be issued by one New York -journal, and withheld for seven hours from the Associated Press, which -represents 9,000 American and Canadian newspapers. It was, perhaps, -still more unfortunate that even the speeches of Mr. Asquith and Sir -Edward Grey on the subject of the declaration of war should have been -similarly delayed. Why? Telegraphic reports of these speeches were -held up for _four days_ by the censors at cable offices and were then -"censored" before they were despatched. I ask, could mischievous and -bungling stupidity go farther than this? - -Here is another case. In one of his speeches, Mr. Asquith, on a Friday -night in Dublin, announced that the Indian troops were, that day, -landing at Marseilles. The speech, and the statement, were reported -next day in the London newspapers. _After_ the publication of this, the -Press Bureau forbade any mention of the _landing_ of the Indian troops! - -In the House of Commons, on September 10th, Mr. Sherwell exposed -another instance of the ridiculous vagaries of the unequal censorship. -In the _Daily Chronicle_, he said, there was published a brilliant -article by Mr. Philip Gibbs--who was with me during the first Balkan -campaign--describing the actual operations of Sir John French's army -up to the last few days. That article was published without comment -and without criticism in the _Daily Chronicle_, yet the cable censor -refused to allow it to be sent to the _New York Times_. Again why? - -It is, or should be, the function of the Press Bureau not merely to -supply the public with accurate news, but to make sure that false -or misleading reports are promptly suppressed. The reason for this -is obvious. We do not wish to be depressed by unfounded stories of -disaster, nor do we wish to experience the inevitable reaction which -follows when we learn that we have been deluded by false news of a -great victory. Whatever may be the _raison d'etre_ of the Press -Bureau, it is assuredly not maintained for the purpose of assisting in -the circulation of utterly futile fiction about the progress of the -campaign. - -Again: _Are we told the truth?_ - -Early in January a report--passed of course by the Censor--appeared in -practically every newspaper in the country, and probably in thousands -of papers in all parts of the British Empire, announcing the capture by -the British troops of a very important German position at La Bassee. -The engagement was described as a brilliant one, in which the enemy -lost heavily; circumstantial details were added, and on the face of it -the news bore every indication of being based on trustworthy reports -from the fighting line. It is true that it was not official, but the -circumstances made it so important that, inasmuch as it had been passed -by the Censor, it was naturally assumed by every newspaper editor to be -accurate. A few days later every one was amazed to learn, from official -sources, that there was not a word of truth in the whole story! Yet the -Censor had actually passed it for publication. And so the public pay -their halfpennies to be gulled! - -I say, without hesitation, that this incident casts the very gravest -reflection on the discretion and efficiency of the whole censorship. -To permit the publication of an utterly baseless story of this nature, -is simply to assist in hoaxing the public and the crying of false -news. We await the next hoax. We may have it to-morrow. Who knows? The -Censors in the matter are on the threshold of a dilemma. If the story -in question were true, it ought to have been published on official -authority without delay: as it was untrue, its publication should have -on no account been permitted. - -Consider the circumstances. Sir John French, on November 20th, stated -that throughout the battle of Ypres-Armentieres, the position at La -Bassee had defied all efforts at capture, and naturally the most -intense anxiety had been felt for news of a definite success in this -region. Yet the public, after hearing, by official sanction, the news -of a success which would clearly have resulted in the Germans being -driven pell-mell out of La Bassee, were calmly told, a few days later, -that the entire story was a lie. To my mind, and I think the reader -will agree with me, we could have no stronger illustration of the utter -futilities and farcical eccentricities of the censorship as it to-day -exists. Are we told the truth about the war? No, I declare--_We are -not!_ - -I will go a step farther. The suppression of news by the censorship is -bad enough, but what are we to think of a deliberate attempt to stifle -perfectly legitimate criticisms of Ministers and their methods? - -As those who read these pages are aware, I have taken a prominent part -in the effort to bring home to the public the dire peril to which we -are exposed through the presence in our midst of hordes of uncontrolled -enemy aliens. I deal with this subject elsewhere, and I should not -mention it here except that it is connected in a very special way with -an attempt on the part of the Press Bureau to stifle public discussion -on a matter of the gravest importance. - -The _Globe_ newspaper has, with commendable patriotism, devoted much -attention to the question of the presence of alien spies in our midst, -and, on many occasions, its correspondence and editorial columns have -contained valuable information and comments. On September 10th last -the _Globe_ published the following letter: - - "Press Bureau, - "40, Charing Cross. - "_September 7th, 1914._ - - "Dear Sir, - - "Mr. F.E. Smith desires me to draw your attention to a letter headed - 'A German's Outburst,' which appeared in your issue of the 2nd - instant, and a facsimile of which appeared in your issue of the 4th - instant. This letter has received the notice of the Home Secretary, - who expresses the view that 'the articles and letters in the _Globe_ - are causing something in the nature of a panic in the matter of spies' - and desires that they should be suppressed at once. In view of this - expression of opinion by the Home Secretary, Mr. Smith has no doubt - that you will refrain, in the future, from publishing articles or - letters of a similar description. - - "Yours very truly, - "Harold Smith, _Secretary_." - -Very properly, the _Globe_ pointed out that, in this matter, "nothing -less is at stake than the liberty of the Press to defend the public -interest and criticise the administrative acts of a Minister of the -Crown." The unwarrantable attempt of the Home Secretary, through the -Press Bureau, to suppress criticism of this nature, to stop the mouths -of those who insisted on warning the public of a peril which he has, -all along, blindly refused to see, raises a constitutional issue of the -very gravest kind. The _Globe_ promptly asked the Press Bureau under -what authority it claimed the "power to suppress the free expression -of opinion in the English press on subjects wholly unconnected with -military or naval movements." Mr. Harold Smith's reply was the amazing -assertion that such powers were conferred by the Defence of the Realm -Acts. He wrote: - - "Press Bureau, - "40, Charing Cross. - "_September 8th, 1914._ - - "Dear Sir, - - "I am instructed by Mr. F.E. Smith to acknowledge your letter of - to-day's date. On Mr. Smith's direction, I wrote you a letter, which, - on re-reading, you will perceive was intended to convey to you the - opinion of the Home Office, rather than an expressed intention - of censorship in this Bureau. You will, of course, use your own - discretion in the matter, but Mr. Smith thinks that a consideration - of the terms of the Defence of the Realm Acts (Nos. 1 and 2), and the - regulations made thereunder, will satisfy you that the Secretary of - State is not without the legal powers necessary to make his desire for - supervision effective. - - "Yours faithfully, - "Harold Smith, _Secretary_." - -This reads very much like a threat to try the editor of the _Globe_ -by court-martial for the heinous offence of suggesting that Mr. -McKenna's handling of the spy-peril was not exactly what was required -by the exigencies of the public safety. I must say that when I read -the correspondence I was inclined to tremble for my own head! So -far, however, it is still safe upon my shoulders. I, as a patriotic -Englishman who has dared to speak his mind, have no intention of -desisting--even at the risk of being court-martialled--from the efforts -I have continued for so long to arouse my countrymen to a realisation -of the dangers to which we are exposed by the obstinate refusal of the -Government to face facts. - -The privilege of the Press to criticise Ministers was boldly asserted -by the _Globe_, which, in a leading article, said: - - "That correspondence ... raises issues directly affecting the - independence of the Press and its right to frank and unfettered - criticism. At the time when we are receiving from our ever-increasing - circle of readers many gratifying tributes to the sanity of our - views, and the informing character of our columns, we are accused of - publishing matter calculated to induce panic, and we have been called - upon to suppress at once the articles and letters directing attention - to the dangers arising from the lax methods of the Home Secretary in - dealing with the alien enemy in our midst." - -After referring to a statement made by Mr. McKenna in the House of -Commons the previous day as likely "to do something to allay public -anxiety" on the subject, the _Globe_ proceeded: - - "We are content with the knowledge that the attitude of the _Globe_ - has done something to convince the Government of the widespread - feeling that the danger from the alien enemy we harbour is real, and - the fear justified. Here we should be content to leave the question - for the present, but for the attitude of the Home Secretary in seeking - to prevent comment and criticism on his administrative acts, coupled - with the veiled suggestion from the Press Bureau of power possessed - under an Emergency Act. This attempt at pressure is made through a - department set up for quite other and legitimate purposes.... If a - Government Department, under cover of an Order in Council made for a - wholly different purpose, is to shield itself from an exposure of its - inefficiency, a dangerous precedent is set up, dangerous alike to the - community and the Press." - -We have to bear in mind, in this connection, that the Press Bureau -had just been reorganised. Mr. F. E. Smith had resigned, on leaving -for the front, and _the Home Secretary was the Minister responsible -to Parliament for its conduct_. At his request the Press Bureau -endeavoured to prevent the _Globe_ continuing to criticise his action, -or rather inaction. Well indeed might the _Globe_ say: "We must reserve -to ourselves the right, at all times, to give expression to views on -Ministerial policy and even to dare to criticise the action of the Home -Secretary." And I venture to say that, but for the jealousy inherent -among British newspapers, the _Globe_ would have had the unanimous -support of every metropolitan and provincial journal, every single one -of which was vitally affected by the Home Secretary's preposterous -claim. - -The claim of the country for fuller information has been expressed in -many ways, and by many people, and it has been admitted by no less a -personage than Mr. Asquith himself. In the House of Commons early in -September Mr. Asquith said the Government felt "that the public is -entitled to prompt and authentic information of what has happened at -the front, and they are making arrangements which they hope will be -more adequate." - -That was months ago, and, up to the present, very few signs of the -"prompt and authentic information" have been perceptible. - -Even more significant is the following passage from the latest -despatches of Sir John French, which covered the period from November -20th to the beginning of February: - - "I regard it as most unfortunate that circumstances have prevented - any account of many splendid instances of courage and endurance, in - the face of almost unparalleled hardship and fatigue of war, coming - regularly to the knowledge of the public." - -Now I do not want to read into Sir John French's words a meaning that -he did not intend to convey, but this passage certainly strikes me, as -it has struck many others, as a very definite plea for the presence at -the front of duly accredited and responsible war correspondents. - -And why not? News could be still censored so that no information of -value could reach the enemy. We should not be prejudiced one iota, but, -on the other hand, should get prompt and trustworthy news, written by -skilled journalists in a fashion that would make an irresistible appeal -to the manhood of Britain. And we should be far nearer than we are -to-day to learning "the truth about the war." - -It has been urged, on behalf of the Press Bureau, that of late -matters have been very much improved. My journalistic friends tell -me that so far as the actual working is concerned this is a fact. -There has undoubtedly been less of the haphazard methods which were -characteristic of the early days. But there is still too much of what -the _Times_ very properly calls the "throttling" of permissible news, -and, in spite of the fact that two despatches a week are now published -from Sir John French, we are still in the dark as to the _real_ story -of the great campaign. Neither our successes nor our failures are -adequately described. We are still not told "the truth about the war." - -And I cannot help saying that the deficiencies of the official -information are not made up by the tactics of certain sections of -the Press. There is too much of a tendency to magnify the good -and minimise the bad. There are too many "Great Victories" to be -altogether convincing. As the _Morning Post_ put it: - - "There seems to be a large section of the public which takes its news - as an old charwoman takes her penn'orth of gin, 'for comfort.' And - some of our contemporaries seem to cater for this little weakness. - Every day there is a 'great advance' or a 'brilliant victory,' and - if a corporal's guard is captured or surrenders we have a flaming - announcement on all the posters." - -It is very true. From the fiercest critics of the Press Bureau's -methods we do not to-day get "the truth about the war," even so far as -they know it. Even the _Daily News_ has been moved to raise a protest -against the present state of affairs, and as recently as March 15th -declared that the mind of authority "is being fed on selected facts -that convey a wholly false impression of things." - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE PERIL OF THE ENEMY ALIEN - - "_Every enemy alien is known, and is now under constant police - surveillance._"--Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, in the House of - Commons, March 3rd. - - -One of the gravest perils with which the country is still faced is that -of the enemy alien. - -Notwithstanding all that has been written and said upon this most -serious question, Ministers are still content to pursue a shuttlecock -policy, in which there is very little satisfaction for any intelligent -patriot. - -Each time the subject is brought up in the House of Commons there is -an apparent intention of the Government to wilfully throw dust into -the eyes of the public, and prevent the whole mystery of the official -protection afforded to our enemies being sifted to the bottom. A -disgraceful illustration of this was given on March 3rd, when Mr. -Joynson-Hicks moved: - - "That in the opinion of this House it is desirable that the whole - administration of the Acts and Regulations concerning aliens and - suspected persons should be centred in the hands of one Minister, who - should be responsible to the House." - -The debate which followed was illuminating. Sir Henry Dalziel, who -is strongly in favour of a Central Board to deal with spies among -us--a suggestion I made in my recent book "German Spies in England," -as a satisfactory solution of the problem--said, in the course of a -splendid speech, that the Government knew that, at the present moment, -there was a settled spy-system, and there was no use denying it. As -the _Daily Telegraph_ on the following day pointed out, that there is -such a system is almost as natural an assumption as that the enemy -possesses an army service organisation or a Press censorship. I have -already pointed out, in various books I have written, that systematic -espionage is, and has been for many years, a most cherished part of -German war administration, developed with characteristic thoroughness. -The question is whether that department of the enemy's activity has, or -has not, been stamped out as regards this country; and it would be idle -to pretend that there is any public confidence that it has been stamped -out. - -There is an absence of vigour and an absence of system about the -dealing with this source of danger, and I maintain that the national -safety requires the taking of this matter more seriously, and the -placing of it upon a satisfactory footing. The Government admitted -that, on March 3rd, _seven hundred male enemy aliens_ were living in -the East Coast prohibited area, and we know that arrangements for their -control are so futile as to leave, quite unmolested, some individuals -whose known connections expose them to the highest degree of suspicion. -Of one such notorious case, Mr. Bonar Law--who cannot, surely, be -accused of spy-mania--declared that he would as soon have allowed a -German army to land as allow the person in question to be at large in -this country. How the arrangement has worked in another particular -case was exposed in some detail by Mr. Butcher. The lady concerned is -closely related to more than one of those in power in Germany. Her -case was reported to the War Office. The War Office called upon the -General Officer commanding in the Northern District to take action. He -requested the police to make inquiries, and the Chief Constable of the -East Riding subsequently reported, "strongly recommending" the removal -of the lady from the prohibited area. The General accepted this advice, -and an order was made for her removal on January 25th. It was never -executed; and on February 7th it was withdrawn. - -Such is one illustration of the utter hopelessness of the present state -of affairs. And yet, in face of it, Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for -War, actually rose and made the definite assertion _that every enemy -alien was known and constantly watched_! - -Could any greater and more glaring official untruth be told? - -Is every enemy alien known, I ask? Let us examine a case in point, one -in which I have made personal investigation, and to the truth of which -a dozen officers of His Majesty's service, and also civilians, are -ready to testify. - -Investigations recently made in certain German quarters in London, -notably in the obscure foreign restaurants in the neighbourhood of -Tottenham Court Road, where men--many of them recently released from -internment-camps--and women meet nightly and toast to the Day of -Britain's destruction, revealed to me a startling fact. Here, posing -as an Italian and a neutral, I learnt facts regarding the movements -of German aircraft long before they were known either to our own -authorities or to the Press. For several weeks this fact, I confess, -caused me considerable thought. Some secret means of communication -must, I realised, exist between the enemy's camp and London, perhaps by -wireless, perhaps by the new German-laid cable, the shore-end of which -is at Bacton, in Norfolk, and which, eighteen months ago, in company -with the German telegraph-engineers, I assisted to test as it was laid -across the North Sea to Nordeney. In the archives of the Intelligence -Department of the War Office will be found my report, together with a -copy of the first message transmitted by the new cable from Norfolk to -Germany, a telegram from one of the Kaiser's sons who happened to be in -Scotland at the time, and addressed to the Emperor, which read: "Hurrah -for a strong navy!"--significant indeed in the light of recent events! - -I was wondering if, by any secret means, this cable could be in -operation when, on the afternoon of February 23rd, an officer of the -Naval Armoured Car Squadron called upon me and invited me to assist in -hunting spies in Surrey. The suggestion sounded exciting. Signals had -been seen for a month or so past, flashed from a certain house high -upon the Surrey hills. Would I assist in locating them, and prosecuting -a full inquiry? - -Within half an hour I was in a car speeding towards the point where -mystery brooded, and which we did not reach till after dark. A -gentleman living three miles across the valley, whose house commanded -full view of the house under suspicion--a large one with extensive -grounds--at once placed a room at our disposal, wherein we sat and -watched. In the whole of these investigations I was assisted by an -officer who was an expert in signalling and wireless, a signaller of -the service, two other officers equally expert in reading the Morse -code, while I myself have qualified both in Morse and wireless, and -hold the Postmaster-General's licence. - -On the previous evening an all-night vigil had been kept, and messages -had been read, but I only here record my own experiences of this -exciting spy-hunt. On reaching our point of vantage I learned that -suspicion had first been aroused by a mysterious and intense white -light being shown from a window in the country mansion in question, -which was situated upon so strategic a point that it could be seen very -many miles in the direction of London. And there, sure enough, was the -one brilliant light--at all other windows of the house the blinds being -drawn--shining like a beacon all over the country. It had shone first -at 6.30 p.m. that night, and, as I watched, it showed till 6.48, when -it disappeared. After three minutes it was shown till 7.30 exactly, -when suddenly it signalled in Morse the code-letters "S.M." repeated -twice, and then disappeared till 9 o'clock, when again the same signal -was made. The light remained full on for ten minutes, and was then -suddenly switched off. - -This was certainly remarkable. The officers with me--all experts in -signalling--were unanimous as to the two letters, and also to their -repetition. These signals, I learned, had been seen times without -number, but until the smart young officer who had called upon me had -noticed them, no action had been taken. - -Having established that mysterious signalling was really in -progress, I set forth upon further investigation. Taking my own -signalling-apparatus, a very strong electric lamp with accumulators -and powerful reflectors, which would show for fifteen miles or more, -I got into the car with my companions--who were eager to assist--and, -having consulted ordnance-maps and compass, we went to a spot high-up -in an exposed position, where I anticipated the answering light from -the mansion might be seen. - -We found ourselves in a private park, upon a spot which, by day, -commands an immense stretch of country, and from which it is said that -upon a clear day the Sussex coast can be seen. Here we erected our -signalling-apparatus and waited in patience. The night proved bitterly -cold, and as the hours crept slowly by, the sleet began to cut our -faces. Yet all our eyes were fixed upon that mysterious house which had -previously signalled. - -For hours we waited in vain until, of a sudden, quite unexpectedly from -the direction of London, we saw another intense white light shining -from out the darkness. For a full half-hour it remained there, a beacon -like the other. Then suddenly it began winking, and this was the -code-message it sent: - - "S.H.I.S. (pause) H. 5. (pause) S.H.I.S.F. (pause with the light full - on for two minutes). I.S. I.E. (pause) E.S.T. (light out)." - -Turning my signal-lamp in its direction, I repeated the first portion -of the mysterious message, and then, pretending not to understand, -asked for a repetition. At once this was given, and, with my -companions, I received it perfectly clearly! - -Sorely tempted as I was to signal further, I refrained for fear of -arousing suspicion, and, actuated by patriotic motives, we agreed at -once to prosecute our inquiry further, and then leave it to "the proper -authorities" to deal with the matter. - -Through the whole of that night--an intensely cold one--we remained on -watch upon one of the highest points in Surrey, a spot which I do not -here indicate for obvious reasons--and not until the grey dawn at last -appeared did we relinquish our watchfulness. - -All next day, assisted by the same young officer who had first noticed -the unusual lights, I spent in making confidential inquiry regarding -the mysterious house and elicited several interesting facts, one -being that the family, who were absent from the house showing the -lights, employed a servant who, though undoubtedly German--for, by a -ruse, I succeeded in obtaining the address of this person's family in -Germany--was posing as Swiss. That a brisk correspondence had been kept -up with persons in Germany was proved in rather a curious way, and by -long and diligent inquiry many other highly interesting facts were -elicited. With my young officer friend and a gentleman who rendered -us every assistance, placing his house and his car at our disposal, -we crept cautiously up to the house in the early hours one morning, -narrowly escaping savage dogs, while one adventure of my own was to -break through a boundary fence, only to find myself in somebody's -chicken-run! - -That night was truly one of adventure. Nevertheless, it established -many things--one being that in the room whence the signals emanated was -a three-branch electrolier with unusually strong bulbs, while behind -it, set over the mantelshelf, was a mirror, or glazed picture, to act -as a reflector in the direction of London. The signals were, no doubt, -made by working the electric-light switch. - -The following night saw us out again, for already reports received had -established a line of signals from a spot on the Kent coast to London -and farther north, other watchers being set in order to compare notes -with us. Again we watched the beacon-light on the mysterious house. We -saw those mysterious letters "S.M."--evidently of significance--winked -out in Morse, and together we watched the answering signals. All the -evening the light remained full on until at 1.30 a.m. we once more -watched "S.M." being sent, while soon after 2 a.m. the light went out. - -In the fourteen exciting days and nights which followed, I motored many -hundreds of miles over Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, instituting inquiries -and making a number of amazing discoveries, not the least astounding of -which was that, only one hour prior to the reception of that message -on the first evening of our vigil--"H. 5"--five German aeroplanes -had actually set out from the Belgian coast towards England! That -secret information was being sent from the Kent coast to London was -now proved, not only at one point, but at several, where I have since -waited and watched, and, showing signals in the same code, have been at -once answered and repeated. And every night, until the hour of writing, -this same signalling from the coast to London is in progress, and has -been watched by responsible officers of His Majesty's Service. - -After the first nights of vigilance, I had satisfied myself that -messages in code were being sent, so I reported--as a matter of -urgency--to the Intelligence Department of the War Office--that -department of which Mr. McKenna, on March 3rd, declared, "There is no -more efficient department of the State." The result was only what the -public might expect. Though this exposure was vouched for by experts in -signalling, men wearing His Majesty's uniform, all the notice taken of -it has been - - _War Office, - Whitehall, - S.W._ - - 27th February 1915. - - _The Director of Military Operations presents his compliments to_ Mr. - W. Le Queux, _and begs to acknowledge, with thanks, the receipt of his - letter of the_ 25th inst. _which is receiving attention_. - -a mere _printed acknowledgment_--reproduced above--that my report had -been received, while to my repeated appeals that proper inquiry be made -I have not even received a reply! - -But further. While engaged in watching in another part of Surrey on the -night of March 3rd, certain officers of the Armoured Car Squadron, who -were keeping vigil upon the house of mystery, saw some green and white -rockets being discharged from the top of the hill. Their suspicions -aroused, they searched and presently found, not far from the house in -question, a powerful motor-car of German make containing three men. -The latter when challenged gave no satisfactory account of themselves, -therefore the officers held up the car while one of them telephoned to -the Admiralty for instructions. The reply received was "that they had -no right to detain the car!" But, even in face of this official policy -of do-nothing, they took off the car's powerful searchlight, which was -on a swivel, and sent it to the Admiralty for identification. - -This plain straightforward statement of what is nightly in progress -can be substantiated by dozens of persons, and surely, in face of the -observations taken by service men themselves--the names of whom I will -readily place at the disposal of the Government--it is little short -of a public scandal that no attempt has been made to inquire into the -matter or to seize the line of spies simultaneously. It really seems -plain that to-day the enemy alien may work his evil will anywhere as -a spy. On the other hand, it is a most heinous offence for anybody to -ride a cycle without a back-lamp! - -It will be remembered that in Norfolk it has been found, by Mr. -Holcombe Ingleby, M.P. for King's Lynn, that the Zeppelin raid on the -East Coast was directed by a mysterious motor-car with a searchlight. -Therefore the apathy of the Admiralty in not ordering full inquiry into -the case in question will strike the reader as extraordinary. - -This is the sort of proceeding that gives force to the contention -of those supporting the motion of Mr. Joynson-Hicks in the House of -Commons, that the whole matter of spies ought to be placed in the -hands of a special authority devoted to it alone, and responsible to -Parliament. As things stand, the country is certainly in agreement with -Mr. Bonar Law in believing that the Government "have not sufficiently -realised the seriousness of this danger, and have not taken every step -to make it as small as possible." Most people will agree with Mr. John -S. Scrimgeour, who, commenting upon the shuffling of the Government, -said: - - "Let the Press cease from blaming the strikers. Also let 'the men in - power' cease from their censuring, for very shame. Can I, or any man - in the street, believe that we are 'fighting for our lives' while - the enemy lives contentedly among us? Read the debate, and take as - samples mentioned therein--'Brother of the Governor of Liege,' 'German - Financial Houses,' and 'Baron von Bissing.' Don't make scapegoats of - these working-men, or even of the non-enlisting ones, while such is - the case. Neither they, nor any one else in his senses, can believe - in the seriousness of this 'life struggle' while the above state of - things continues. It is laughable--or deadly." - -The Intelligence Department of the War Office--that Department so -belauded by Mr. McKenna--certainly did not display an excess of zeal in -the case of signalling in Surrey, for, to my two letters begging that -inquiry be made as a matter of urgency, I was not even vouchsafed the -courtesy of a reply. Yet I was not surprised, for in a case at the end -of January in which two supposed Belgian refugees, after living in one -of our biggest seaports and making many inquiries there, being about -to escape to Antwerp, I warned that same Department and urged that -they should be questioned before leaving London. I gave every detail, -even to the particular boat by which they were leaving for Flushing. -No notice, however, was taken of my report, and not until _three days -after they had left for the enemy's camp_ did I receive the usual -_printed acknowledgment_ that my report had been received!" - -That night-signalling has long been in progress in the South of England -is shown by the following. Written by a well-known gentleman, it -reached me while engaged in my investigations in Surrey. He says: - - "The following facts have been brought to my notice, and may be of - interest to you. In the first week of October six soldiers were out on - patrol duty around Folkestone looking for spies--always on night-duty. - - "One night they saw Morse signalling going on on a hill along the sea - outside Folkestone. The signalling was in code. They divided into two - parties of three, and proceeded to surround the place. On approaching, - a shot was heard, and a bullet went through the black oilskin coat of - one man (they were all wearing these over their khaki). They went on - and discovered two Germans with a strong acetylene lamp, one of them - having a revolver with six chambers, and one discharged, also ten - spare rounds of ammunition. - - "They secured them and took them to the police station, but all that - happened was that they were shut up in a concentration camp! This - story was told me by one of the six who were on duty, and assisted at - the capture." - -To me, there is profound mystery in the present disinclination of -the Intelligence Department of the War Office to institute inquiry. -As a voluntary worker in that department under its splendid chief, -Col. G.W.M. Macdonogh--now, alas! transferred elsewhere--my modest -reports furnished from many places, at home and abroad, always received -immediate attention and a private letter of thanks written in the -Chief's own hand. - -On the outbreak of war, however, red-tape instantly showed itself, -and I received a letter informing me that I must, in future, address -myself to the Director of Military Operations--the department which is -supposed to deal with spies. - -I trust that the reader will accept my words when I say that I am -not criticising Lord Kitchener's very able administration. If I felt -confident that he, and he alone, was responsible for the surveillance -of enemy aliens in our midst, then I would instantly lay down my -pen upon the subject. But while the present grave peril continues, -and while the Government continue in their endeavour to bewilder -and mislead us by placing the onus first upon the police, then, in -turn, upon the Home Office--which, it must be remembered, made an -official statement early in the war and assured us that there were no -spies--then upon the War Office, then upon the Admiralty War Staff, -while they, in turn, shift the responsibility on to the shoulders of -the local police-constable in uniform, then I will continue to raise my -voice in protest, and urge upon the public to claim their right to know -the truth. - -This enemy alien question is one of Britain's deadliest perils, and -yet, by reason of some mysterious influence in high quarters, Ministers -are straining every muscle to still delude and mislead the public. -These very men who are audacious enough to tell us that there are no -German spies in Great Britain are the same who, by that secret report -of the Kaiser's speech and his intention to make war upon us which I -furnished to the British Secret Service in 1908,[1] knew the truth, -yet nevertheless adopted a policy that was deliberately intended to -close the eyes of the British public and lull it to sleep, so that, in -August, our beloved nation nearly met with complete disaster. - -But the British public to-day are no longer children, nor are they in -the mood to be trifled with and treated as such. The speeches made -by Mr. McKenna in the House of Commons on March 3rd have revealed to -us that the policy towards aliens is one of untruth and sham. The -debate has aroused an uneasiness in the country which will only be -restored with the greatest difficulty. To be deliberately told that -the Intelligence Department of the War Office is cognisant of every -enemy alien--in face of what I have just related--is to ask the public -to believe a fiction. And, surely, fiction is not what we want to-day. -We want hard fact--substantiated fact. We are not playing at war--as -so many people seem to think because of the splendid patriotism of the -sons of Britain--but we are fighting with all our force in defence of -our homes and our loved ones, who, if weak-kneed counsels prevail, will -most assuredly be butchered to make the Kaiser a German holiday. - -That public opinion is highly angered in consequence of the refusal -of the Government to admit the danger of spies, and face the problem -in a proper spirit of sturdy patriotism, is shown by the great mass -of correspondence which has reached me in consequence of my exposures -in "German Spies in England." The letters I have received from all -classes, ranging from peers to working-men, testify to an astounding -state of affairs, and if the reader could but see some of this flood -of correspondence which has overwhelmed me, he would realise the -widespread fear of the peril of enemy aliens, and the public distrust -of the apathy of the Government towards it. - -Surely this is not surprising, even if judged only by my own personal -experiences. - - HOW THE PUBLIC ARE DELUDED! - - - _The "Times," February 17th_ - - The Secretary of the Admiralty makes the following announcement: - - Information has been received that two persons, posing as an officer - and sergeant, and dressed in khaki, are going about the country - attempting to visit military works, etc. - - They were last seen in the Midlands on the 6th instant, when they - effected an entry into the works of a firm who are doing engineer's - work for the Admiralty. They made certain inquiries as to the presence - or otherwise of anti-aircraft guns, which makes it probable that they - are foreign agents in disguise. - - All contractors engaged on work for H.M. Navy are hereby notified with - a view to the apprehension of these individuals, and are advised that - no persons should be admitted to their works unless notice has been - received beforehand of their coming. - - - _The "Times," March 4th_ - - Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, during the debate in the - House of Commons upon the question of enemy aliens, raised by Mr. - Joynson-Hicks, said he could give the House the assurance that every - single enemy alien was _known_, and was _at the present moment_ under - constant police surveillance. He wished to inform the House and the - country that they had at the War Office a branch which included - the censorship and other services all directed to the one end of - safeguarding the country from the operations of undesirable persons. - It would not be right to speak publicly of the activities of that - branch, but it was doing most admirable service, and he repudiated - with all earnestness the suggestion that the department did not take - this matter of espionage with the utmost seriousness. - -Let us further examine the facts. Mr. McKenna, in a speech made in the -House of Commons on November 26th on the subject, said: "The moment the -War Office has decided upon the policy, the Home Office places at the -disposal of the War Office the whole of its machinery." On March 3rd -the Home Secretary repeated that statement, and declared, in a retort -made to Mr. Joynson-Hicks, that he was not shirking responsibility, as -_he had never had any_! Now, if this be true, why did Mr. McKenna make -the communique to the Press soon after the outbreak of war, assuring us -that there were no spies in England, and that all the enemy aliens were -such dear good people? I commented upon it in the _Daily Telegraph_ on -the following day, and over my own name apologised to the public for -my past offence of daring to mention that such gentry had ever existed -among us. If Lord Kitchener were actually responsible, then one may ask -why had the Home Secretary felt himself called upon to tell the public -that pretty fairy-tale? - -Now with regard to the danger of illicit wireless. Early in January -1914--seven months before the outbreak of war--being interested in -wireless myself, and president of a Wireless Association, my suspicions -were aroused regarding certain persons, some of them connected with an -amateur club in the neighbourhood of Hatton Garden. Having thoroughly -investigated the matter, and also having been able to inspect some of -the apparatus used by these persons, I made, on February 17th, 1914, a -report upon the whole matter to the Director of Military Intelligence, -pointing out the ease with which undesirable persons might use -wireless. The Director was absent on leave, and no action was taken in -the matter. - -A month later I went to the Wireless Department of the General Post -Office, who had granted me my own licence, and was received there with -every courtesy and thanked for my report, which was regarded with -such seriousness that it was forwarded at once to the Admiralty, who -have wireless under their control. In due course the Admiralty gave -it over to the police to make inquiries, and the whole matter was, I -suppose--as is usual in such cases--dealt with and reported upon by a -constable in uniform. - -Here let me record something further. - -In February last I called at New Scotland Yard in order to endeavour to -get the police to make inquiry into two highly suspicious cases, one -of a person at Winchester, and the other concerning signal-lights seen -north-east of London in the Metropolitan District. I had interviews -with certain officials of the Special Department, and also with -one of the Assistant Commissioners, and after much prevarication I -gathered--not without surprise--that no action could be taken _without -the consent of the Home Office_! How this latter fact can be in -accordance with the Home Secretary's statement in the House of Commons -I confess I fail to see. - -But I warn the Government that the alien peril--now that so many civil -persons have been released from the internment camps--is a serious and -growing one. The responsibility should, surely, not be placed upon, -or implied to rest upon, Lord Kitchener, who is so nobly performing a -gigantic task. If the public believed that he was really responsible, -then they, and myself, would at once maintain silence. The British -public believes in Lord Kitchener, and, as one man, will follow him to -the end. But it certainly will not believe or tolerate this see-saw -policy of false assurances and delusion, and the attempt to stifle -criticism--notably the case of the _Globe_--of which the Home Office -have been guilty. There is a rising feeling of wrath, as well as a -belief that the peril from within with which the country is faced--the -peril of the thousands of enemy aliens in our midst--most of whom are -not under control--together with the whole army of spies ready and -daily awaiting, in impatience, the signal to strike simultaneously--is -wilfully disregarded. Even the police themselves--no finer body of men -than whom exists anywhere in the world--openly express disgust at the -appalling neglect of the mysterious so-called "authorities" to deal -with the question with a firm and strong hand. - -Naturally, the reader asks why is not inquiry made into cases of real -suspicion reported by responsible members of the community. I have -before me letters among others from peers, clergymen, solicitors, -justices of the peace, members of city councils, a well-known -shipowner, a Government contractor, Members of Parliament, baronets, -etc., all giving me cases of grave suspicion of spies, and all -deploring that no inquiry is made, application to the police being -fruitless, and asking my advice as to what quarter they should report -them. - -All these reports, and many more, I will willingly place at the service -of a proper authority, appointed with powers to effectively deal -with the matter. At present, however, after my own experience as an -illustration of the sheer hopelessness of the situation, the reader -will not wonder that I am unable to give advice. - -Could Germany's unscrupulous methods go farther than the scandal -exposed in America, in the late days of February, of how Captain -Boy-Ed, Naval Attache of the German Embassy at Washington, and the -Kaiser's spy-master in the United States, endeavoured to induce the -man Stegler to cross to England and spy on behalf of Germany? In this, -Germany is unmasked. Captain Boy-Ed was looked upon as one of the -ablest German naval officers. He is tall and broad-shouldered, speaks -English fluently, and in order to Americanise his appearance has -shaved off his "Prince Henry" whiskers which German naval officers -traditionally affect. When he took up his duties at Washington he -was a man of about forty-five, and ranked in the German navy as -lieutenant-commander. But his career of usefulness as Naval Attache, -with an office in the shipping quarters of New York, has been -irretrievably impaired by the charges of Stegler, whose wife produced -many letters in proof of the allegation that the attache was the -mainspring of a conspiracy to secure English-speaking spies for service -to be rendered by German submarines and other German warships on the -British side of the Atlantic. - -The plot, exposed in every paper in the United States, was a low -and cunning one, and quite in keeping with the methods of the men -of "Kultur." Mrs. Stegler, a courageous little woman from Georgia, -saw how her husband--an export clerk in New York--was being drawn -into the German net as a spy, and she stimulated her husband to give -the whole game away. To the United States police, Stegler, at his -wife's suggestion, was perfectly frank and open. He exposed the whole -dastardly plot. He stated that Captain Boy-Ed engineered the spy-plot -that cost Lody his life, and declared that in his dealings with the -attache the matter of going to England as a spy progressed to a point -where the money that was to be paid to his wife for her support while -he was in England was discussed. Captain Boy-Ed, Stegler went on to -say, agreed to pay Mrs. Stegler L30 a month while he was in England, -and furthermore agreed that if the British discovered his mission and -he met the fate of Lody, Mrs. Stegler was to receive L30 a month from -the German Government as long as she lived! - -Stegler said he told his wife of the agreement to pay to her the amount -named, and that she asked him what guarantee he could give that the -money would be paid as promised. At that time Mrs. Stegler did not know -the perilous nature of the mission that her husband had consented to -undertake. When Stegler reported fully to his American wife, and she -got from him the entire story of his proposed trip to England, she, -like a brave woman, determined to foil the conspiracy. Captain Boy-Ed -was not convincing regarding the payment to her for the services of -her husband as a spy by the German Government for life, and she told -her husband that the German Government would probably treat Captain -Boy-Ed's promise to pay as a "mere scrap of paper." Having been urged -to study the recent history of Belgium, Stegler confessed that he had -his doubts. Finally he resolved to reveal the existence of a plot to -supply German spies from New York. - -Could any facts be more illuminating than these? Surely no man in -Great Britain, after reading this, can further doubt the existence of -German-American spies among us. - -There is not, I think, a single reader of these pages who will not -agree with the words of that very able and well-informed writer who -veils his identity in the _Referee_ under the _nom-de-plume_ of -"Vanoc." On March 14th he wrote: - - "This is no question of Party. I am not going to break the Party - truce. In the interests of the British Empire, however, I ask that - a list of all the men of German stock or of Hebrew-German stock who - have received distinctions, honours, titles, appointments, contracts, - or sinecures, both inside or outside the House of Commons, House of - Lords, and Privy Council, shall be prepared, printed, and circulated. - Also a list of Frenchmen, Russians, and Colonials so honoured. It is - also necessary for a clear understanding of the spy-question that - the public should know whether it is a fact that favoured German - individuals have contributed large sums to political Party funds - on both sides, and whether the tenderness that is shown Teutons or - Hebrew-Teutons decorated or rewarded with contracts, favours, or - distinctions is due to the obvious fact that if dangerous spies - were not allowed their freedom Party government would be exposed, - discredited, and abolished." - -This is surely a demand which will be heartily supported by every one -who has the welfare of his country at heart. Too long have we been -misled by the bogus patriotism of supposed "naturalised" Germans, who, -in so many cases, have purchased honours with money filched from the -poor. "Vanoc" in his indictment goes on to say: - - "The facts are incredible. I know of one case of a German actually - employed on Secret Service at the War Office. This German is the son - of the agent of a vast German enterprise engaged in making munitions - and guns for the destruction of the sons, brothers, and lovers of the - very Englishwomen who are now engaged most wisely and energetically - in waking the country to a sense of the spy-peril that lurks in our - midst. The British public does not understand a decimal point of a - tithe of the significance of the spy-peril. Nonsense is talked about - spies. Energy is concentrated on the little spies, who don't count. - Much German money is wasted on unintelligent spies. The British - officers to whom is entrusted the duty of spy-taking, if they are - outside the political influence which is poisonous to our national - life, are probably the best in the world. The big spies are still - potent in control of our national life." - -Are we not, indeed, coddling the Hun? - -Even the pampering of German officers at Donington Hall pales into -insignificance when we recollect that, upon Dr. Macnamara's admission, -L86,000 a month, or L1,000,000 per year, is being paid for the hire of -ships in which to intern German prisoners, and this is at a time when -the scarcity of shipping is sending up the cost of every necessity! The -Hague Convention, of course, forbids the use of gaols for prisoners -of war, yet have we not many nice comfortable workhouses, industrial -schools, and such-like institutions which could be utilised? We all -know how vilely the Germans are treating our officers and men who -are their prisoners, even depriving them of sufficient rations, and -forbidding tobacco, fruit, or tinned vegetables. With this in view, the -country are asking, and not without reason, why we should treat those -in our hands as welcome guests. Certainly our attitude has produced -disgust in the Dominions. - -How Germany must be laughing at us! How the enemy aliens in certain -quarters of London are jeering at us, openly, and toasting to the -Day of our Downfall, I have already described. How the spies among -us--unknown in spite of Mr. Tennant's amazing assertion--must be -laughing in their sleeves and chuckling over the panic and disaster -for which they are waiting from day to day in the hope of achieving. -The signal--the appearance of Zeppelins over London--has not yet been -given. Whether it will ever be given we know not. All we know is that -an unscrupulous enemy, whose influence is widespread over our land, -working insidiously and in secret, has prepared for us a blow from -within our gates which, when it comes, will stagger even Mr. McKenna -himself. - -With the example of how spies, in a hundred guises, have been found in -Belgium, in France, in Russia, in Egypt, and even in gallant little -Serbia, can any sane man believe that there are none to-day in Great -Britain? No. The public know it, and the Government know it, but the -latter are endeavouring to hoodwink those who demand action in the -House of Commons, just as they endeavour to mystify the members of the -public who present reports of suspicious cases. - -The question is: _Are we here told the Truth?_ - -I leave it to the reader of the foregoing pages to form his own -conclusions, and to say whether he is satisfied to be further deluded -and mystified without raising his voice in protest for the truth to -be told, and the spy-peril to be dealt with by those fully capable of -doing so, instead of adopting methods which are daily playing into -Germany's hands and preparing us upon the altar of our own destruction. - -I have here written the truth, and I leave it to the British public -themselves to judge me, and to judge those who, failing in their duty -at this grave crisis of our national history, are courting a disaster -worse than that which overtook poor stricken Belgium. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 1: For a full report of this astounding speech see "German -Spies in England," by William Le Queux, 1915.] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE PERIL OF DELUDING THE PUBLIC - - -As showing the trend of public opinion regarding the spy-peril, I may -perhaps be permitted to here give a few examples taken haphazard from -the huge mass of correspondence with which I have been daily flooded -since the publication of my exposure on that subject. - -Many of my correspondents have, no doubt, made discoveries of -serious cases of espionage. Yet, as spies are nobody's business, the -authorities, in the majority of cases, have not even troubled to -inquire into the allegations made by responsible persons. I freely -admit that many wild reports have been written and circulated by -hysterical persons who believe that every twinkling light they see is -the flashing of signals, and that spies lurk in houses in every quiet -and lonely spot. It is so very easy to become affected with spy-mania, -especially when one recollects that every German abroad is patriotic, -and his first object is to become a secret agent of the Fatherland. In -this connection I have no more trust in the so-called "naturalised" -German than in the full-blooded and openly avowed Prussian. Once -a man is born a German he is always a German, and in taking out -naturalisation papers he is only deliberately cheating the country -which grants them, because, according to the Imperial law of his own -land, he cannot change his own nationality. So let us, once and for -all, dismiss for ever the hollow farce of naturalisation, for its very -act is one of fraud, and only attempted with some ulterior motive. - -As regards "unnaturalised" Germans the inquirer may perhaps be -permitted to ask why Baron von Ow-Wachendorf, a lieutenant in the -Yellow Uhlans of Stuttgart, just under thirty years of age, was -permitted to practise running in Hyde Park so as to fit himself for his -military duties, and why was he on March 1st allowed to leave Tilbury -for Holland to fight against us? Again, has not Mr. Ronald McNeill put -rather a delicate problem before the Under-Secretary for War in asking, -in the House, whether Count Ergon von Bassewitz and his brother, Count -Adalbert von Bassewitz, were brought to England as prisoners of war; -whether either was formerly on the Staff of the Germany Embassy in -London, and well known in London Society; whether one, and which, of -the two brothers was recently set at liberty, and is now at large in -London; whether he was released on any and what conditions; and for -what reason this German officer, possessing exceptional opportunities -for obtaining information likely to be useful to the enemy, is allowed -freedom in England at the present time. - -The man-in-the-street who has, in the past, laughed at the very idea -of spies--and quite justly, because he has been so cleverly misled -and bamboozled by official assurances--has now begun to see that -they do exist. He has read of a hundred cases abroad where spies -have formed a vanguard of the invading German armies, and how no -fewer than fifty-seven German spies were arrested and _convicted_ in -Switzerland during the month of August, therefore he cannot disguise -from himself that the same dastardly vanguard is already here among us. -Then he at once asks, and very naturally too, why do the authorities -officially protect them? What pro-German influence in high quarters -can be at work to connive at our undoing? It is that which is to-day -undermining public confidence. Compare our own methods with those of -methodical matter-of-fact Germany? Are we methodical; are we thorough? -The man-in-the-street who daily reads his newspaper--if he pauses or -reflects--sees quite plainly that instead of facing the alien peril, -those in authority prefer to allow us to sit upon the edge of the -volcano, and have, indeed, already actually prepared public opinion to -accept a disclaimer of responsibility if disaster happens. The whole -situation is truly appalling. Little wonder is it that, because I -should have dared to lay bare the canker in Britain's heart, I should -be written to by despairing hundreds who have lost all confidence in -certain of our rulers. - -Some of these letters the reader may find of interest. - -From one, written by a well-known gentleman living in Devonshire, I -take the following, which arouses a new reflection. He says: - - "I may be wrong, but one important point seems to have been - overlooked, viz. the daily publication of somewhat cryptic messages - and advertisements appearing in the Personal Columns of the British - Press. For instance: - - "'M.--Darling. Meet as arranged. Letter perfect. Should I also write? - To "the Day, and Kismet."--Vilpar.' - - "Such a message may be, as doubtless it is, perfectly innocent; but - what is to prevent spies in our midst utilising this method of - communicating information to the enemy. The leading British newspapers - are received in Germany, and even the enclosed pseudo-medical - advertisement may be the message of a traitor. It seems to me that the - advertisement columns of our Press constitute the safest medium for - the transmission of information. - - "Pray do not think I am suggesting that the British Press would - willingly lend their papers to such an infernal use, but unless they - are exercising the strictest precautions the loophole is there. - I am somewhat impressed by the number of refugees to be found in - these parts--Ilfracombe, Combe Martin, Lynton, etc., coast towns and - villages of perhaps minor strategic importance, but situated on the - Bristol Channel and facing important towns like Swansea, Cardiff, etc. - I notice particularly that their daily walks abroad are usually taken - along the coastal roads. I've never met them inland. Apologising for - the length of this letter and trusting that your splendid efforts will - in due time receive their well-deserved reward." - -Here my correspondent has certainly touched upon a point which should -be investigated. We know that secret information is daily sent from -Great Britain to Berlin, and we also know some of the many methods -adopted. - -Indeed, I have before me, as I write, a spy's letter sent from Watford -to Amsterdam, to be collected by a German agent and reforwarded to -Berlin. It is written upon a column of a London daily newspaper, -various letters of which are ticked in red ink in several ways, -some being underlined, some crossed, some dotted underneath--a very -ingenious code indeed--but one which has, happily, been decoded by an -expert. This newspaper, after the message had been written upon it, -had been placed in a newspaper-wrapper and addressed to an English -name in Amsterdam. This is but one of the methods. Another is the use -of invisible ink with which spies write their messages upon the pages -of newspapers and magazines. A third is, no doubt, the publication of -cryptic advertisements, as suggested by my correspondent. - - HOW THE GOVERNMENT HAVE ADOPTED MR. LE QUEUX'S SUGGESTION - - - "_German Spies in England," by William Le Queux. Published February - 17th, 1915._ - -The first step to stop the activity of spies should be the absolute -closing of the sea routes from these shores to all persons, excepting -those who are vouched for by the British Foreign Office. Assume that -the spy is here; how are we to prevent him getting out? - -By closing the sea routes to all who could not produce to our Foreign -Office absolutely satisfactory guarantees of their _bona fides_. The -ordinary passport system is not sufficient; the Foreign Office should -demand, and see that it gets, not only a photograph, but a very clear -explanation of the business of every person who seeks to travel from -England to the Continent, backed by unimpeachable references from -responsible British individuals, banks, or firms. - -In every single case of application for a passport it should be -personal, and the most stringent inquiries should be made. I see no -other means of putting an end to a danger which, whatever the official -apologists may say, is still acute, and shows no signs of diminishing. - -Under the best of conditions some leakage may take place. But our -business is to see, by every means we can adopt, that the leakage is -reduced to the smallest possible proportions. - - -_"Daily Mail," March 11th, 1915._ - -Holiday-makers or business men who wish to travel to Holland now find -that their preliminary arrangements include much more than the purchase -of a rail and steamship ticket. - -New regulations, which came into force on Monday, necessitate not -only a passport, but a special permit to travel from the Home Office. -Application for this permit must be made in person three clear days -before sailing. Passport, photograph, and certificate of registration -must be produced and the names and addresses of two British subjects -furnished as references. - -The Home Office erected a special building for this department, which -was opened on Thursday last, the first day on which application could -be made. Before lunch over 250 applications had been received. By four -o'clock, the official hour for closing, nearly 500 persons had been -attended to, and the crowd was even then so great that the doors had to -be closed to prevent any more entering. Intending travellers included -British, French, and Dutch business men, but quite a large number of -Belgian refugees attended for permits to return to their country. The -Tilbury route was the only one open to them. Not all the applications -were granted. It is necessary to furnish reasonable and satisfactory -evidence as to the object of the journey, and some of the applicants -were unable to do this. - -Of other means of communication, namely, night-signalling--of which -I have given my own personal experience in the previous chapter--my -correspondents send me many examples. - -The same code-signal as a prefix--the letters "S.M."--are being seen at -points as far distant as Herne Bay and Alnwick, on both the Yorkshire -and Fifeshire coasts, above Sidmouth and at Ilfracombe. Dozens of -reports of night-signalling lie before me--not mere statements of -fancied lights, but facts vouched for by three and four reliable -witnesses. Yet, in face of it all, the authorities pooh-pooh it, and in -some counties we have been treated to the ludicrous spectacle of the -civil and military authorities falling at loggerheads over it! - -Belgian refugees writing to me have, in more than one instance, -reported highly interesting facts. In one case an ex-detective of the -Antwerp police, now a refugee in England, has identified a well-known -German spy who was in Antwerp before the Germans entered there, and who -came to England in the guise of a refugee! This individual is now in -an important town in Essex, while my informant is living in the same -town. Surely such a case is one for searching inquiry, and the more so -because the suspect poses as an engineer, and is in the employ of a -firm of engineers who do not suspect the truth. But before whom is my -friend, the Belgian ex-detective, to place his information? - -True, he might perhaps lay the information before the Chief Constable -of the County of Essex, but in his letter to me he asks, and quite -naturally, is it worth while? If the Intelligence Department of the -War Office--that Department so belauded in the House of Commons by Mr. -McKenna on March 3rd--refuses to investigate the case of signalling in -Surrey, cited in the last chapter, and vouched for by the officers -themselves, then what hope is there that they would listen to the -report of a mere refugee--even though he be an ex-detective? - -As I turn over report after report before me I see another which seems -highly suspicious. A hard-up German doctor--his name, his address, -and many facts are given--living at a Kent coast town, where he was a -panel doctor, suddenly, on the outbreak of war, removes to another Kent -coast town not far from Dover, takes a large house with grounds high -up overlooking the sea, and retires from practice. My informant says -he has written to the Home Office about it, but as usual no notice has -been taken of his letter. - -Another correspondent, a well-known shipowner, writing me from one of -our seaports in the north, asks why the German ex-consul should be -allowed to remain in that city and do shipping business ostensibly with -Rotterdam? By being allowed his freedom he can obtain full information -as to what is in progress at this very important Scotch port, and, -knowing as we do that every German consul is bound to send secret -information to Berlin at stated intervals, it requires but little -stretch of one's imagination to think what happens. But the matter has -already been reported to the police and found to be, as elsewhere, -nobody's business. Phew! One perspires to think of it! - -Take another example--that of a German hotel-keeper who, living on -the coast north of the Firth of Forth, was proved to have tapped the -coast-guard telephone, and yet he was allowed to go free! - -A lady, well known in London society, writes to me requesting me to -assist her, and says: "I have been working for five months to get a -very suspicious case looked into, and all the satisfaction I get -is that 'the party is being watched.' I _know_ to what extent this -same person has been working against my country and I should much -appreciate an interview with you. I could tell you very much that would -be of great benefit to the country, but it of course falls on deaf -ears--officially." - -Another correspondent asks why Germans, naturalised or unnaturalised, -are allowed to live in the vicinity of Herne Bay when none are allowed -either at Westgate or Margate. In this connection it is curious that it -is from Herne Bay the mysterious night-signals already described first -appear, and are then transmitted to various parts of the country. - -In another letter the grave danger of allowing foreign servants to -be employed at various hotels at Plymouth is pointed out, and it is -asked whether certain houses in that city are not hot-beds of German -intrigue. Now with regard to this aspect of affairs Mr. McKenna, -answering Mr. Fell in Parliament on March 10th, said he had no power -to impose conditions on the employment of waiters, British or alien, -and so the suggested notice outside hotels employing aliens was not -accepted. - -From Tunbridge Wells two serious cases of suspicion are reported, and -near Tenterden, in Kent, there undoubtedly lives one of our "friends" -the night-signallers, while in a certain village in Sussex the husband -of the sub-postmistress is a German, whose father, a tradesman in a -neighbouring town, I hear, often freely ventilates his patriotism to -his Fatherland. - -That the "pirate" submarines are receiving petrol in secret is an -undoubted fact. At Swansea recently a vessel bound for Havre was found -to have taken on board as part of her stores 400 gallons of petrol. She -was not a motor-boat, and the Customs authorities were very properly -suspicious, but the captain insisted that the petrol was wanted as -stores, and that there were no means by which we could prevent that -petrol going. Where did it go to? There were boats no doubt in the -neighbourhood which wanted petrol. _They were enemy submarines!_ - -Of isolated reports of espionage, and of the work of Germany's secret -agents, dozens lie before me, many of which certainly call for -strictest investigation. But who will do this work if the "authorities" -so steadily refuse, in order to bamboozle the public, to perform their -duty? - -Some of these reports are accompanied by maps and plans. One is from -a well-known solicitor, who is trustee for an estate in Essex where, -adjoining, several men a month or so ago purchased a small holding -consisting of a homestead and a single acre of land. They asserted -that they had come from Canada, and having dug up the single acre in -question for the purpose of growing potatoes, as they say, they are -now living together, their movements being highly suspicious. On more -than one occasion mysterious explosions have been heard within the -house--which is a lonely one, and a long way from any other habitation. - -The wife of a well-known Scotch Earl who has been diligent in -making various inquiries into suspicious cases in Scotland, and has -endeavoured to stir up the authorities to confirm the result of her -observations, has written to me in despair. She has done her best, -alas! without avail. - -And again, in yet another case, the widow of an English Earl, whose -name is as a household word, has written to me reporting various -matters which have come to her notice and deploring that no heed has -been taken of her statements by the supine "powers-that-be." - -Beside this pile of grave reports upon my table, I have opened a big -file of reports of cases of espionage which reached me during the year -1909. In the light of events to-day they are, indeed, astounding. - -Here is one, the name and address of my correspondent I do not here -print, but it is at the disposal of the authorities. He says: - - "Staying recently at North Queensferry I made the acquaintance of a - young German, who was there, he informed me, for quiet and health - reasons. He was a man of rather taciturn and what I put down to - eccentric disposition, for he spoke very little, and, from the time - he went away in the morning early, he never put in an appearance - until dusk. One day, as was my wont, I was sitting in the front - garden when I noticed a fair-sized red morocco notebook lying on the - grass. I picked it up, and on my opening it up, what was my surprise - and amazement to find that it was full to overflowing with sketches - and multitudinous information regarding the Firth of Forth. All the - small bays, buoys, etc., together with depth of water at the various - harbour entrances at high and low tide, were admirably set out. I - also found, neatly folded up, a letter addressed to my friend which - had contained an enclosure of money from the German Government. I - hesitated no longer, for I sent notebook, etc., to the authorities at - London. Three days after I had sent the letter off, a stranger called - to see my friend the German. They both left together, and I have never - heard any more about it since. The German's trunk still lies at North - Queensferry awaiting its owner's return." - -The following reached me on March 11th: - - "I note what you mention regarding Weybourne in Norfolk, and would - trespass on your time to relate an occurrence which took place about - the autumn of 1908, when I was living at Overstrand. I had walked - over to Weybourne and was about to return by train when two men, - dressed more or less as tramps, entered the station to take their - tickets; they were followed by a tall, handsome man, unmistakably a - German officer, who spoke to them, looked at their tickets and walked - straight up the platform. The men sat down on a bench to wait for - the train, and I took a seat near them with a view to overhearing - their conversation. It appeared to be in German dialect and little - intelligible. The officer, meanwhile, who had reached the end of the - platform, turned round and, quickening his steps, came and placed - himself directly in front of us: the men at once were silent, and the - officer remained where he was, casting many scowls in my direction. On - the following day I met him, on this occasion alone, on the pathway - leading from the 'Garden of Sleep' to Overstrand. He recognised me - at once, scowled once again, and passed on to the Overstrand Hotel. - I mentioned the subject to a gentleman resident in Overstrand, who - asked me to write an account of the matter to be placed before the - War Office, but I believe that my friend forgot to forward the paper. - A retired officer in Cromer informed me that the German officer - in question was well known as the head of the German spies in the - neighbourhood. Some questions happened to be asked in the House of - Commons that very week as to the existence of spies in Norfolk. The - Home Secretary, the present Lord Gladstone, I think, replied to these - in the manner which might be expected of him. - - "From the first I recognised the fact that the men were spies. I - imagined that they had been surveying, at Weybourne, but in the light - of recent events I think a _gun emplacement_ or a _petrol store_ may - have been their 'objective.' The two men were rather undersized, - badly dressed, and more or less covered with mud, probably mechanics. - One I remember had extraordinary teeth, about the size of the - thickness of one's little finger. The officer, as I have said, was - a fine man, broad and well-proportioned, from thirty to forty years - of age. Oddly enough I thought that I recognised him recently on a - cinematograph film depicting the staff of the German Emperor. I left - the neighbourhood not long after, otherwise I should certainly have - made further investigations, convinced as I was of the shady nature - of these individuals. The officer, I am sure, recognised that I was a - detective." - -Another report is from a steward on a liner, who writes: - - "At the Queen's Hotel, at Leith, one day I overheard these words from - a man speaking in German. 'What's this! Your Highness's servants--when - did they come North?' Now one of these I have met several times. I - have travelled with him from Antwerp, and I was in his company between - Leith and London. He was of a cheerful disposition, and played the - violin well, but would not allow any one to go into his cabin, not - even the steward! One day, while he was playing to the passengers on - the promenade deck, and the sailors were washing down the poop deck, I - had to go into his berth to shut his port-hole; to my surprise I found - that he had been working out the draft of a plan, and was marking in - the coast defence stations, and all the information he had obtained - from the ship's officers and passengers. There were also various other - drawings of the Forth and other bridges, and plans of the sea coast - from the Firth of Forth to Yarmouth, while in his box were all kinds - of mathematical instruments, together with some envelopes addressed - to Count von X. [the name is given] of Bremen. He told me that he - was going to London for a year's engagement at a music hall, yet, - strangely enough, two weeks later I found this same German on the - Carron Company's steamer _Avon_ bound for Grangemouth. For some time - I lost all trace of him, but last October I met the same German at - the new Dock at Kirkcaldy, posing as a photographer. At that time the - name on his bag was H. Shindler. We had a drink together, but, on my - asking why he had changed his profession, he laughed mysteriously, and - admitted that he had made a long tour of England and Wales, taking - many interesting pictures. Each time I met him he had considerably - altered his appearance, and the last I saw of him was when I saw him - into the train on his way to Dunfermline." - -Yet another I pick out at haphazard. It is from an actor whose name -is well known, and is, as are all the others, at the disposal of any -official inquirers. He writes to me: - - "I was engaged to play in the 'panto' of 'Sinbad the Sailor.' We were - to rehearse and play a week at the 'Prince's Theatre,' Llandudno. I - was in the habit of visiting a certain barber's shop, and was always - attended to by a German assistant. He seemed a man of about forty - years of age, and his name was K---- [the actual name is given]. On - the first Saturday of my sojourn in the place I called at the shop, - along with another member of our company. When about to leave, my - 'pal' and myself were rather startled by the 'attendant' inviting - the two of us to come for a drive on the following day, Sunday. - Naturally we accepted the invitation, at the same time thinking it - rather strange that a man earning say 30_s._ a week could afford such - a luxury as a drive. At noon, next day, my friend and I turned up at - the rendezvous, and sure enough our friend was there with a _landau_ - and pair. This was certainly doing the 'big thing,' but more was to - follow. - - "We drove to Conway, stabled there, and then went for a stroll round - the picturesque old castle. Our friend then proposed that we adjourn - for something to eat, so, as our appetites were a bit keen by this - time, we went to the 'White Hart Hotel.' Here another surprise awaited - us, for dinner was all set and ready. And what a dinner! My 'pal' and - I had visions of a huge bill, but on our friend squaring the amount we - sat in open-mouthed surprise. - - "By this time we were anxious to know a little about our 'host,' but - not until he had had a few brandy-and-sodas did he tell us much. He - then said he had some estates in Germany, and ultimately confessed (in - strict confidence) that he held an important Government appointment. - After a few hours in Conway we drove back to Llandudno, and as our - friend of the 'soap and brush' was in a hilarious mood, nothing - would do but that we drive to his rooms. And what rooms! Fit for a - prince! We had a splendid supper followed by wine and cigars. He then - proceeded to show my friend and me a great number of photographs (all - taken by himself, he explained) of all the coast mountains and roads - for many miles around Llandudno. It was not till we mentioned the - affair to some gentlemen in Llandudno that we were informed that our - barber friend was, in all probability, a spy in the pay of the German - Government!" - -Here is another, from a correspondent at Glasgow: - - "Down by the shipping, along the Clydeside, are many barbers' shops, - etc., owned by foreigners, and in one of these I think I have spotted - an individual whose movements and behaviour entitle me to regard him - as a spy. The party in question is a German of middle age, a man of - remarkably refined appearance--in fact, not the class of man that one - would ordinarily associate with a barber's shop. One has but to engage - him in conversation to discover that he is no stupid foreigner, but a - man very much up to date as regards our methods and things happening - in this country. Our language, too, he speaks like a native, and, were - it not for his markedly Teutonic features, he might pass for one of - ourselves. - - "What excited my suspicions first regarding this personage was the - fact that he was continually quizzing and putting to me questions - regarding my employment of a decidedly delicate nature, and conversing - freely on subjects about which I thought few people knew anything. I - also noticed, when in his shop, that he was most lavish in his remarks - to customers, especially to young engineers and draughtsmen who came - to him from the neighbouring shipbuilding yards, leading them on to - talk about matters concerning the Navy and shipbuilding; their work in - the various engineering shops and drawing offices; and the time likely - to be taken to complete this or that gunboat, etc. Indeed, with some - of these young engineers and draughtsmen I have not failed to notice - that he is particularly 'chummy,' and I also know, for a fact, that - on several occasions he has been 'up town' with them, visiting music - halls and theatres, and that they have spent many evenings together. - On these occasions no doubt, under the influence of liquor, many - confidences will have been exchanged, and many 'secrets' regarding - work and methods indiscreetly revealed. - - "But so much for the above. On surmise alone my conclusions regarding - this man might have been entirely wrong, but for the fact that I, - one evening, met with a former employee of his, also a German, in - another barber's shop in the city. This youngster, evidently nursing a - grievance against his late employer for something or other, was quick - to unburden himself to me regarding him, and gave me the following - particulars. He said that his late master was not what he appeared to - be, and that his barbering was all a blind to cover something else; in - fact (and this he hinted pretty broadly) that his presence over here - in this country was for no good. He further said that he was still a - member of the German Army (although in appearance he looks to be long - past military service), and that regularly money was sent to him from - Berlin; that he was an agent for the bringing in to this country of - crowds of young Germans, male and female, who came over here to learn - our language and study our methods; that his shop was the rendezvous - for certain members of his own nationality, who met there periodically - at night for some secret purpose which he had never been able to - fathom; that he was often away from the shop for weeks at a time, no - one knew where, the business in his absence then being looked after - by a brother. In addition to the above, I may say that the walls of - his shop are positively crowded with pictures of such celebrities as - Lord Roberts, Lord Kitchener, General French, etc., etc., the face - of the Kaiser being a noticeable absentee, doubtless on purpose. He - likes you, too, to believe in his affection for this country, which he - openly parades, although I am told that in private he sneers at us, at - our soldiers and people. From the above, I think I have established my - case against this wily Teuton, who, while masquerading as a barber, is - yet all the time here for a totally different purpose, _i.e._ to spy - upon us." - -How a German secret agent altered a British military message is told by -another of my correspondents, who says: - - "The time of the incident was during the visit of the Kaiser to the - Earl of Lonsdale at Lowther Castle. I was employed at an hotel in - Keswick, and my duties were to look after a billiard-room. Among my - customers was a foreign gentleman, who was always rather inquisitive - if any military matter was under discussion, and our many chats - brought us on very friendly terms. Well, about the last week of the - Emperor's visit, the Earl of Lonsdale arranged a drive for the Emperor - and the house-party for the purpose of letting them see the English - Lake District. The route lay via Patterdale, Windermere, Thirlmere, - then on to Keswick, from there by train to Penrith, and again drive - the three or four miles back to Lowther Castle. - - "It must be remembered that, the Emperor's visit being a private - one, military displays would be out of place, but on the day of - the above-mentioned drive a telegram was received from the officer - in command of the Penrith Volunteers asking if permission could be - granted for the volunteers to mount a guard of honour at the station - on the arrival of the Emperor's train at Penrith. Now, as I was going - up home to the 'Forge' I met my father coming to Keswick, and as he - seemed out of wind, I undertook to take his message, which was the - reply to the above 'wire.' The text of the answer only contained two - words, which were to the point: 'Certainly not,' and signed by the - commanding officer at headquarters. When I got within half a mile - of Keswick I was overtaken by my foreign acquaintance, who was on - a bicycle, and on his asking me why I was hurrying, I told him I - had a rather urgent 'wire' to send. He kindly undertook to have it - despatched, as he was passing the Post Office, and I unsuspectingly - consented. On the arrival of the royal train at Penrith you may judge - the surprise and disgust of the officers, some of whom had in private - travelled in the royal train to see the volunteers lining the station - approach! Inquiries were made--the post office authorities produced - the telegram, as handed in, with the word 'not' carefully erased, - making the message mean the opposite. I never from that day saw my - foreign friend again, but many times have wondered was it one of - the Kaiser's wishes to see if his agents could play a trick on the - volunteers for his own eyes to see!" - -Here is a curious story of a German commercial spy, the writer of which -gives me his _bona fides_. He writes: - - "In a glucose factory where I worked, the head of the firm had a - bookkeeper who went wrong. If that bookkeeper had never gone wrong, we - should never have known of the German who worked hard in England for - a whole year for nothing. One day the head--I'll call him Mr. Brown - for short--received a letter from a young German saying that he would - like to represent the glucose manufacturer among the merchants of this - country, whose trade, he said, he could secure. He said he would be - willing to postpone the consideration of salary pending the result of - his services. Well, Brown turned the German over to the bookkeeper, - who found that the German had splendid credentials from his own - country. So Brown told the bookkeeper to engage the German, and pay - him L40 a month to start. At the end of six months the German's - service had proved so satisfactory that Brown told his bookkeeper to - pay the German L50 a month till further notice; and three months later - the salary was again raised by Brown to L60. Along about the time the - German's year was up, he suddenly disappeared. That is, he failed - one morning to put in an appearance at the office at the usual time. - Brown noticed that morning that his bookkeeper, who was also cashier, - was extremely absent-minded and looked altogether unhappy. 'What's - the matter with you?' said Brown, addressing the bookkeeper. 'This - is the matter,' was the reply, and thereupon the bookkeeping cashier - laid before his employer a cheque for hundreds of pounds. It was made - payable to the order of the absent German, and was signed with the - personal signature of the bookkeeper. 'What's this mean?' asked Brown. - 'It means,' said the wild-eyed bookkeeper, 'that I have never paid - that German his salary--not one penny in all the time he has been - here. He never asked for money, always had plenty, so I pocketed from - month to month the money due to him. But it's killing me. I didn't - need to do it. I just couldn't resist the temptation. I had money of - my own, and knew I could pay him any time. Yesterday when you said - that I must again raise his salary I realised for the first time the - enormity of the thing I was doing. I resolved to tell the German the - whole story this morning, and give him his money in full. This is the - cheque for the money I have stolen from him. I have money in the bank - to meet it. I want him to have it, I don't care what follows.' Brown, - gazing spellbound at his clerk, said: 'But I don't understand. Did - the German never ask for his salary?' 'No,' replied the bookkeeper. - 'He always had money; he seemed only to want the situation--to be - connected with this house; he has some mysterious influence over the - German trade in this country.' A weather-beaten man in a sea-jacket an - hour or two later unceremoniously shuffled into the office. He handed - Brown a note, who read it aloud: 'I am aboard ship by this time,' the - letter said, 'bound for my country. Receive my sincere regrets at the - abrupt termination of our pleasant relations. Through connection with - your firm, I have found out the secret of glucose-making, and am going - back to impart it to the firm which I belong to in Germany. You owe me - nothing." - -These few cases I print here because I think it but right to show that -both before the war, and since, the public have not been so utterly -blinded to the truth as the authorities had hoped. - -Many of the other cases before me are of such a character that I do not -propose to reveal them to the public, still hoping against hope that -proper inquiry may be instituted by a reliable Board formed to deal -with the whole matter. And, for obvious reasons, premature mention of -them might defeat the ends of justice by warning the spies that their -"game" is known. - -I here maintain that there is a peril--a very grave and imminent -peril--in attempting to further delude the public, and, by so doing, -further influence public opinion. - -The seed of distrust in the Government has, alas! been sown in the -public mind, and each day, as the alien question is evaded, it takes a -firmer and firmer root. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE PERIL OF INVASION - - -There are few questions upon which experts differ more profoundly than -that of a possible invasion of this country by Germans. - -Here, in England, opinion may be roughly divided into two schools. It -is understood generally that the naval authorities assert that the -position of our Fleet is such that even a raid by say ten thousand -men, resolved to do us the greatest possible damage and cause the -maximum of alarm even if the penalty be annihilation, is out of the -question. On the other hand, the military authorities hold the view--a -view expressed to me by the late Lord Roberts--that it would be quite -possible for the Germans to land a force in Great Britain which would -do an enormous amount of damage, physically and morally, before it was -finally rounded up and destroyed by the overwhelming numbers of troops -we could fling against it. - -What we think of the matter, however, is of less importance than what -the enemy thinks, and it is beyond question that, at any rate until -quite recently, the German War Staff regarded the invasion of England -as perfectly practicable, and had made elaborate plans for carrying out -their project. - -When writing my forecast "The Invasion of England," in 1905, I received -the greatest advice and kind assistance from the late Lord Roberts, who -spent many hours with me, and who personally revised and elaborated the -German plan of campaign which I had supposed. Without his assistance -the book would never have been written. I am aware of the strong views -he held on the subject, and how indefatigable he was in endeavouring -to bring the grave peril of invasion home to an apathetic nation. Poor -"Bobs"! The public laughed at him and said: "Yes, of course. He is -getting so old!" - -Old! When I came home from the last Balkan War I brought him some -souvenirs from the battle-fields of Macedonia, and he sent me a -telegram to meet him at 8 a.m. at a quiet West End hotel--where he was -in the habit of staying. I arrived at that hour and he grasped my hand, -welcomed me back from many months of a winter campaign with the Servian -headquarters staff, and, erect and smiling, said: "Now, let's talk. -I've already done my correspondence and had my breakfast. I was up at -half-past five,"--when I had been snoring! - -Roberts was a soldier of the old school. He knew our national weakness, -and he knew our stubborn stone-wall resistance. After the outbreak of -war he told me that he would deplore racing, football, and cricket--our -national sports--while we were at death-grips with Germany, because, -as he put it, if we race and play games, the people will not take this -world-war seriously. Then he turned in his chair in my room, and, -looking me straight in the face, said: "What did I tell you, Le Queux, -when you were forecasting 'The Invasion'--that the British nation will -not be awakened by us--but only by a war upon them. They are at last -awakened. I will never seek to recall the past, but my duty is to do my -best for my King and my Country." - -And so he died--cut off at a moment when he was claiming old friendship -of those from India whom he knew so well. The night before he left -England to go upon the journey to the front which proved fatal, he -wrote me a letter--which I still preserve--deploring the atrocities -which the Germans had committed in Belgium. - -Ever since the war broke out we have heard of great concentration -of troops, and ships intended to carry them, at Wilhelmshaven and -Cuxhaven, a strong indication that something in the nature of a raid -was in contemplation. It is quite possible that opinion, both in -Germany and in this country, has been very profoundly modified by the -fate which befell the last baby-killing expedition launched against -our eastern coasts, which came to grief through the vigilance of -Admiral Beatty. The terrible mauling sustained by the German squadron, -the loss of the _Blucher_ and the battering of the _Seydlitz_ and -_Derfflinger_, may have done a good deal to drive home into the German -mind the conviction that in the face of an unbeaten--and to Germany -unbeatable--battle-fleet, the invasion of England would be, at the -very best, an undertaking of the most hazardous nature which would be -foredoomed to failure and in which the penalty would be annihilation. - -Perhaps, however, the enemy are only waiting. We know from German -writings that the plans for the invasion of England have usually -postulated that our Fleet shall be, for the time being, absent from -the point of danger, probably out of home waters altogether, and that -the attack would be sprung upon us as a surprise. We do not know, and -we do not seek to know, the exact position of the British Fleet, but -we can be perfectly certain that, with the invention of wireless, the -moment at which the Germans might have sprung a surprise upon us has -gone for ever. There is good reason for believing that the Germans -intended to strike at us without any formal declaration of war, and -I have been informed, on good authority, that before war broke out, -certain dispositions had actually been made which were brought to -naught only by a singularly bold and daring manoeuvre on the part of -our naval authorities. No doubt, in the course of time, this incident, -with many others of a similar nature, will be made public. I can only -say at present that when the startling truth becomes known, further -evidence will be forthcoming that Germany deliberately planned the war, -and was ready to strike long before war was declared. - -People who say that an invasion of our shores is impossible usually do -so with the reservation, expressed or implied, that the effort would be -unsuccessful--that is, that it could not succeed so far as to compel -Britain to make peace. But, even if the Germans believe this as firmly -as we do, it by no means follows that they may not make the attempt. - -It is a part of the Germans' theory and practice to seek, by every -possible means, to create a panic, to do the utmost moral and material -damage by the most inhuman and revolting means, and it is more than -likely that they would hold the loss of even fifty or sixty thousand -men as cheap indeed, if, before they were destroyed, they could, if -only for a few days, vent German wrath and hatred on British towns and -on British people. - -To say they could not do this would be exceedingly foolish. Few people -would be daring enough to say that it would be impossible for the -Germans, aided undoubtedly by spies on shore, to land suddenly in -the neighbourhood of one of the big East Coast towns a force strong -enough to overpower, for the moment, the local defences, and establish -itself--if only for a few days--in a position where it could lay waste -with fire and sword a very considerable section of country. And we must -never forget that, if ever the Germans get the chance, their atrocious -treatment of the British population will be a thousand times worse than -anything they have done in France and Belgium. That fact ought to sink -deeply into the public mind. A German Expedition into this country -would be undertaken with the one definite object of striking terror and -producing a panic which would force our Government to sue for peace. To -secure that end, the Germans would spare neither young nor old--every -man, woman, and child within their power would be slaughtered without -mercy, and without regard for age or sex. We have heard something, -though not all, of the infamies perpetrated by German troops upon the -helpless Belgians even before the world had realised how much Belgium -had done to foil their plans. And we must not overlook the fact that -certain German officers--enjoying the services of valets and other -luxuries at Donington Hall, fitted up by us at a cost of L13,000--were -those who ordered the wholesale massacre of women and children. We -relieve the poor Belgian refugees, and caress their murderers. - -If the flood-gates of German hatred were opened upon us, what measure -would the enemy mete out to us who, as they now bitterly realise, have -stood between the Kaiser and his megalomaniac dreams? I do not think -we need be in any doubt as to what the German answer to that question -would be! - -Recent events have made it vividly apparent that the Germans have -already reached a pitch of desperation in which they are willing to try -any and every scheme which, at whatever cost to themselves, offered a -prospect of injuring their enemies. They feel the steel net slowly, but -very surely, tightening around them; like caged wild beasts they are -flinging themselves frantically at the bars, now here, now there, in -mad paroxysms of rage. Their wonderful military machine, if it has not -absolutely broken down, is at any rate badly out of gear, though there -is a huge strength still left in it. Their vaunted fleet skulks behind -fortifications, and whenever it ventures to poke its head outside is -hit promptly and hit hard. Their boasted Zeppelins, which were to -lay ever so many "eggs" on London, have certainly, up to the time of -writing, failed utterly. - -We frequently hear the man-in-the-street jeer at the Zeppelin peril, -and declare that it is only a "bogey" raised to frighten us. To a -certain extent I think it is, but the fact that Zeppelins have not yet -appeared over London is, surely, no reason why they should not come -and commit havoc and cause panic as the vanguard of the raid which may -be intended upon us. There is much in our apathy which is more than -foolish--it is criminal. Had the country, ten years ago, listened to -the warnings of Lord Roberts and others, instead of being immersed -in their own pleasure-seeking and money-grubbing, we should have had -no war. The public, who are happily to-day filled with a spirit of -patriotism because they have learnt wisdom by experience, now realise -their error. They see how utterly foolish they were to jeer at my -warnings in the _Daily Mail_; and by singing in the music halls "Are we -Down-'earted--No!" they have gallantly admitted it--as every Britisher -admits where he is wrong--and have come forward to stem the tide of -barbarians who threaten us. - -As one who has done all that mortal man can do to try to bring home to -his country a sense of its own danger, and who, by the insidious action -of "those in power," narrowly escaped financial ruin for _daring_ to -be a patriot, I cast the past aside and rejoice in the fine spirit of -the younger generation of men, actuated by the fact that they are still -Britons. - -But, after this war, there will be men--men whose names are to-day as -household words--who must be indicted before the nation for leading us -into the trap which Germany so cunningly prepared for us. Those are men -who knew, by the Kaiser's declaration in 1908, what was intended, and -while posing as British statesmen--save the mark!--lied to the public, -and told them that Germany was our best friend, and that war would -never be declared--"not in our time." - -There will be a day, ere long, when the pro-German section of what -Britons foolishly call their "rulers"--certain members of that -administration who are now struggling to atone for their past follies -in being misled by the cunning of the enemy--will be arraigned and -swept out of the public ken, as they deserve to be. The blood of -a million mothers of sons in Great Britain boils at thoughts of -the ghastly truth, and the wholesale sacrifice of their dear ones, -because the diplomacy of Great Britain, with all its tinsel, its -paraphernalia of attaches, secretaries (first, second, and third), its -entertainments, its fine "residences," its whisperings and jugglings, -and its "conversations," was quite incapable of thwarting the German -plot. - -By our own short-sightedness we have been led into this conflict, in -which the very lives of our dear ones and ourselves are at stake. Yet, -to-day, we in England have not fully realised that we are at war. -Illustrated papers publish fashion numbers, and the butterflies of the -fair sex rush to adorn themselves in the latest _mode_ from Paris--the -capital of a threatened nation! Stroll at any hour in any street in -London, or any of our big cities. Does anything remind the thoughtful -man that we are at war? No. Our theatres, music halls, and picture -palaces are full. Our restaurants are crowded, our night-clubs drive a -thriving trade--and nobody cares for to-morrow. - -Why? Read the daily newspapers, and learn the lesson of how the public -are being daily deluded by false assertions that all is well, and that -we have great Imperial Germany--the country which has, for twenty -years, plotted against us--in the hollow of our hand. - -The public are not told the real truth, and there lies the grave -scandal which must be apparent to every person in the country. But, I -ask, will the malevolent influence which is protecting the alien enemy -among us, and refusing to allow inquiry into spying, _ever permit the -truth to be told_? - -Let the reader pause, and think. - -Despite the cast-iron censorship, and the most docile Press the world -has ever seen, the German people must, on the other hand, to-day be -suspecting the truth. Germans may be braggarts, but they are not -fools, and it is safe to say that the hysterical spasms of hatred of -Great Britain--by which the entire nation seems to be convulsed--have -their origin in an ever-growing conviction of failure and a very -accurate perception of where that failure lies. - -In this frame of mind they may venture on anything, and it is for this -reason that I believe they may yet, in spite of all that has happened, -attempt a desperate raid on these shores. - -What are we doing to meet that peril? - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE PERIL OF APATHY - - -There is an apathy towards any peril of invasion that is astounding. - -Of our military measures, pure and simple, I shall say nothing except -that it is the bounden duty of every Briton to place implicit reliance -upon Lord Kitchener and the military authorities and, if necessary, -to assist them by every means in his power. We can do no good by -criticising measures of the true meaning of which we know nothing. - -There are some other points, however, on which silence would -be culpable, and one of these is the amazing lack of any clear -instructions as to the duties of the civil population in the event of a -German attack. - -Now it is perfectly obvious that one of the first things necessary in -the face of a German landing would be to get the civilian population -safely beyond the zones threatened by the invaders. It is simply -unthinkable that men, women, and children shall be left to the tender -mercies of the German hordes. Yet, so far as I am able to ascertain, no -steps have yet been taken to warn inhabitants at threatened points what -they shall do. They have been _advised_, it is true, to continue in -their customary avocations and to remain quietly at home. Does any sane -human being, remembering the treatment of Belgian civilians who just -did this, expect that such advice will be followed? We can take it for -granted that it will not, and I contend that in all districts along the -East Coast, where, it is practically certain, any attempt at landing -must be made, the inhabitants should at once be told, in the clearest -and most emphatic manner, just what is required of them, and the best -and quickest way to get out of harm's way, leaving as little behind -them as possible to be of any use to the invaders, and leaving a clear -field of operations for our own troops. - -A century ago, when the peril of a French invasion overshadowed the -land, the most careful arrangements were made for removing the people -from the threatened areas, and the destruction of food and fodder. Is -there any reason why such arrangements should not be taken in hand -to-day, and the people made thoroughly familiar with all the conditions -necessary for carrying out a swift and systematic evacuation? - -I am aware, of course, that already certain instructions have been -issued to Lord-lieutenants of the various counties in what may be -called the zone of possible invasion. But I contend that the public -at large should be told plainly what is expected of them. It is not -enough to say that when the moment of danger comes they should blindly -obey the local policeman. In the event of a withdrawal from any part -of the coast-line becoming necessary, it ought not to be possible that -the inhabitants should be taken by surprise; their course ought to be -mapped out for them quite clearly, and in advance, so that all will -know just what they have to do to get away with the minimum of delay -and without impeding the movements of our defensive forces. Whatever -we may say or do, the appearance off the British coast of a raiding -German force would be the signal for a rush inland, and there is every -reason to take steps for ensuring that that rush shall be orderly -and controlled, and in no sense a blind and panic flight which would -be alike unnecessary and disastrous. It may well be, and it is to be -hoped, that the danger will never come. That does not absolve us from -the necessity of being ready to meet it. War is an affair of surprises, -and Germany has sprung many surprises upon the world since last August. - -The refusal of the War Office authorities to extend any sympathetic -consideration towards the new Civilian Corps, which are striving, -despite official discouragement, to fit themselves for the duty of home -defence in case the necessity should arise, is another instance of -the lack of imagination and insight which has shown itself in so many -ways during our conduct of the campaign. These Corps now number well -over a million men. All that the Army Council has done for them is to -extend to such of them as became affiliated to the Central Volunteer -Training Association the favour of official "recognition" which will -entitle them to rank as combatants in the event of invasion. Even that -recognition is coupled with a condition that has given the gravest -offence and which threatens, indeed, to go far towards paralysing the -movement altogether. - -It is in the highest degree important, as will readily be admitted, -that these Corps should not interfere with recruiting for the Regular -Army. That the Volunteers themselves fully recognise. But to secure -this non-interference the Government have made it a condition of -recognition that any man under military age joining a Corps shall sign -a declaration that he will enlist in the Regular Army when called upon -unless he can show some good and sufficient reason why he should not do -so. - -Here we have the cause of all the trouble. The Army Council, in spite -of all entreaties, obstinately refuses to state what constitutes a -good and sufficient reason for non-enlistment. One such reason, it is -admitted, is work on Government contracts. But it is impossible for us -to shut our eyes to the fact that there are many thousands of men of -military age and good physique who, however much they may desire to do -their duty, are fully absolved by family or business reasons from the -duty of joining the Regular Army. Many of them have dependents whom -it is simply impossible for them to leave to the blank poverty of the -official separation allowance; many of them are in businesses which -would go to rack and ruin in their absence; many of them are engaged on -work which is quite as important to the country as anything they could -do in the field, even though they may not be in Government employ. To -withdraw every able-bodied man from his employment would simply mean -that industry would be brought to a standstill, and as this country -must, to some extent, act as general provider for the Allies, it is, -plainly, our duty to keep business going as well as to fight. - -Rightly or wrongly, this particular provision is looked upon as an -attempt to introduce a veiled form of compulsion. It has been pointed -out that there is no power to compel men to enlist, even if they have -signed such a declaration as is required. But the men, very properly, -say that Britain has gone to war in defence of her plighted word, and -that they are not prepared to give their word and then break it. - -What is the result? Many thousands of capable men, fully excused by -their own consciences from the duty of joining the Regular Army, find -that, unless they are prepared to take up a false and wholly untenable -position, they are _not even allowed to train_ for the defence of -their country in such a grave crisis that all other considerations but -the safety of the Empire must go by the board. I am not writing of -the slackers who want to "swank about in uniform" at home when they -ought to be doing their duty in the trenches. I refer to the very -large body of genuinely patriotic men who, honestly and sincerely, -feel that, whatever their personal wishes may be, their duty at the -moment is to "keep things going" at home. For men over military age -the Volunteer Corps offer an opportunity of getting ready to strike a -blow for England's sake should the time ever come when every man who -can shoulder a rifle must take his place in the ranks. And it certainly -argues an amazing want of sympathy and foresight that, for the lack of -a few words of intelligible definition, a splendid body of men should -lose the only chance offered them of getting a measure of military -education which in time to come may be of priceless value. - -No one complains that the Army Council does not immediately rush to -arm and equip the Volunteers. Undoubtedly, there is still much to be -done in the way of equipping the regular troops and accumulating the -vast reserves that will be required when the great forward move begins. -Much could be done even now, however, to encourage the Volunteers to -persevere with their training. It should not be beyond the power of the -military authorities, in the very near future, to arm and equip such -of the Corps as have attained a reasonable measure of efficiency in -simple military movements, and in shooting with the miniature rifle. At -the same time some clear definition ought to be forthcoming of what, -in the opinion of the Army Council, constitutes a valid reason, in the -case of a man of military age, for not joining the regular forces. It -is certain that when the time comes for the Allies to take a strong -offensive we shall be sending enormous numbers of trained men out of -the country, and, the wastage of war being what it is, huge drafts -will be constantly required to keep the fighting units up to full -strength. In the meantime large numbers of Territorials in this country -are chained to the irksome--though very necessary--duty of guarding -railways, bridges, and other important points liable to be attacked. -There seems to be no good reason why a great deal, if not the whole, -of this work should not be undertaken by Volunteers. This would free -great numbers of Territorials for more profitable forms of training and -would, undoubtedly, enable us to send far more men out of the country -if the necessity should arise. - -If the Volunteers were regarded by those in authority with the proper -sympathy which their patriotism deserves, it would be seen that they -provide, in effect, a class of troops closely corresponding to the -German Landsturm, which is already taking its part in the war. It is -important to remember that, up to the present time, we have enlisted -none but picked men, every one of whom has had to pass a strict -medical and physical examination. We have left untouched, in fact, -our real reserves. Those reserves, apparently scorned by the official -authorities, are capable, if they receive adequate encouragement, of -providing an immense addition to our fighting forces. - -No one pretends, of course, that the entire body of Volunteers whom we -see drilling and route-marching day by day are capable of the exertions -involved in a strenuous campaign. But a very large percentage of them -are quite capable of being made fit to serve in a home-defence army, -and it is a feeble and shortsighted policy to give them the official -cold shoulder and nip their enthusiasm in the bud. At the present -moment they cost nothing, and they are doing good and useful work. Is -it expecting too much to suggest that their work should be encouraged -with something a little more stimulating than a scarlet arm-band and a -form of "recognition" which, upon close analysis, will be found to mean -very little indeed? - -There has been too strong a tendency in the past to praise, in -immoderate terms, German methods and German efficiency. But, -undoubtedly, there are certain things which we can learn from the -enemy, and one of them is the speed and energy with which the Germans, -at the present moment, are turning to their advantage popular -enthusiasm of exactly the same nature as that which has produced the -Volunteer movement here. It is a popular misconception that in a -conscriptionist country every man, without distinction, is swept into -the ranks for his allotted term. This is by no means the case. There -are many reasons for exemption, and a very large proportion of the -German people, when war broke out, had never done any military duty. - -Travellers who have recently returned from Germany report that the -Volunteer movement there has made gigantic strides. Men have come -forward in thousands, and the Government, with German energy and -foresight, has pounced upon this splendid volume of material and is -rapidly licking it into shape. I don't believe, for one moment, the -highly coloured stories which represent Germany as being short of -rifles, ammunition, and other munitions of war: she has, apparently, -more than sufficient to arm her forces in the field and to permit her -_to arm her volunteers as well_. - -Whether I am right or wrong, the German Government is taking full -advantage of the patriotic spirit of its subjects, and there does not -appear to be any good reason why our Government should not take a leaf -out of the enemy's book. If they would do so and help the Volunteer -movement by sympathy and encouragement, and the assurance that more -would be done at the earliest possible moment, we should be in a better -condition to meet an invasion than we are to-day, in that we should -have an enormous reserve of strength for use in case of emergency. -No doubt the military authorities, after the most careful study of -the subject, feel convinced that our safety is assured: my point is, -that in a matter of such gravity it is impossible to have too great -a margin of safety. It is no use blinking the fact that, despite the -efforts we have made, and are making, the time may come when the entire -manhood of the United Kingdom must be called upon to take part in a -deadly struggle for national existence. Trust-worthy reports state -that the Germans are actually arming something over four million fresh -troops--some of them have already been in action--and if this estimate -prove well founded, it is quite clear that the crisis of the world-war -is yet to come. I do not think any one will deny that when it does come -we shall need every man we can get. - -Closely allied with the subject of invasion are the German methods -of "frightfulness" by means of their submarines and aircraft. Of the -latter, it would seem, we are justified in speaking with absolute -contempt. Three attempts at air raids on our shores have been made, and -though, unhappily, some innocent lives were lost through the enemy's -indiscriminate bomb-dropping, the military effect up to the day I pen -these lines has been absolutely nil, except to assist us in bringing -more recruits to the colours. Several of the vast, unwieldy Zeppelins, -of which the Germans boasted so loudly, have been lost either through -gunfire or in gales, while we have official authority for saying -that our own air-service is so incomparably superior to that of the -enemy that the German aviators, like the baby-killers of Scarborough, -seek safety in retreat directly they are confronted by the British -fliers. No doubt the German air-men have their value as scouts and -observers, but it is abundantly clear that, as a striking unit, they -are hopelessly outclassed. They have done nothing to compare with the -daring raids on Friedrichshafen and Duesseldorf, to say nothing of the -magnificent and devastating attack by the British and French air-men on -Zeebrugge, Ostend, and Antwerp. - -The submarine menace stands on another and very different footing, -for the simple reason that luck, pure and simple, enters very largely -into the operations of the underwater craft. It is quite conceivable -that, favoured by fortune and with a conveniently hidden base of -supplies--one of which, a petrol-base, I indicated to the authorities -on March 15th--either afloat or ashore, submarines might do an enormous -amount of damage on our trade routes. - -A few dramatic successes may, of course, produce a scare and send -insurance and freight rates soaring. Moreover, the submarine is -exceedingly difficult to attack: it presents a very tiny mark to -gunfire, and when it sights a hostile ship capable of attacking it, it -can always seek safety by submerging. But, when all is said and done, -the number of German submarines, given all the good fortune they could -wish, is quite inadequate seriously to threaten the main body of either -our commerce or our Navy. - -We are told, and quite properly, nothing of the methods which the -Admiralty are adopting to deal with German pirates. But it will not -have escaped the public attention that the submarines have scored no -great success against British warships since the _Hawke_ was sunk -in the Channel. I think we may fairly conclude, therefore, that our -Admiralty have succeeded in devising new means of defence against the -new means of attack. We know that at the time of writing two enemy -submarines have been sunk by the Navy, and it seems fairly certain -that another was rammed and destroyed in the Channel by the steamer -_Thordis_. Whatever, therefore, may be our views on the general subject -of the war, it seems clear that we can safely treat the submarine -menace as the product of the super-heated Teutonic imagination. - -We know of, and can guard against, the risks we run of any armed attack -from Germany. But there is another peril which will face us when the -war is over--a renewal of the commercial invasion which we have seen in -progress on a gigantic scale for years past. - -We know how the British market has, for years, been flooded with -shoddy German imitations of British goods to the grave detriment of -our home trade. We know, too, how the German worker, over here "to -learn the language," has wormed himself into the confidence of the -foolish English employer, and has abused that confidence by keeping -his real principals--those in Germany--fully posted with every scrap -of commercial information which might help them to capture British -trade. We know, though we do not know the full story, that hundreds -of "British" companies have been, in fact, owned, organised, and -controlled solely by Germans. We know that for years German spies and -agents, ostensibly engaged in business here, have plotted our downfall. - -Are we going to permit, when the war is over, a repetition of all this? - -I confess I look upon this matter with the gravest uneasiness. It is -all very well to say that after the war Germans will be exceedingly -unpopular in every civilised community. That fact is not likely to keep -out the German, who is anything but thin-skinned. And, I regret to say, -there are only too many British employers who are likely to succumb to -the temptation to make use of cheap German labour, regardless of the -fact that they will thus be actively helping their country's enemies. - -Germans to-day are carrying on business in this country with a freedom -which would startle the public, if it were known. I will mention -two instances which have come to my knowledge lately. The first is -the case of a company with an English name manufacturing certain -electric fittings. Up to the time the war broke out, every detail -of this company's business was regularly transmitted once a week to -Germany: copies of every invoice, every bill, every letter, were sent -over. Though the concern was registered as an "English" company, the -proprietorship and control were purely and wholly German. That concern -is carrying on business to-day, and in the city of London, protected, -no doubt, by its British registration. And the manager is an Englishman -who, before the war, explained very fully to my informant the entire -system on which the business was conducted. - -The second case is similar, with the exception that the manager is a -German, at least in name and origin, who speaks perfect English, and -is still, or was very recently, conducting the business. In this case, -as in the first, every detail of the business was, before war broke -out, regularly reported to the head office of the firm in Germany. I -wonder whether English firms are being permitted to carry on business -in Berlin to-day! - -Whether we shall go on after the war in the old haphazard style of -rule-of-thumb rests solely with public opinion. And if public opinion -will tolerate the employment of German waiters in our hotels in time -of war, I see very little likelihood of any effort to stay the German -invasion which will, assuredly, follow the declaration of peace. Then -we shall see again the unscrupulous campaign of commercial and military -espionage which has cost us dear in the past, and may cost us still -more in the future. Our foolish tolerance of the alien peril will be -used to facilitate the war of revenge for which our enemy will at once -begin to prepare. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE PERIL OF STIFLING THE TRUTH - - -Ignorance of the real truth about the war--an ignorance purposely -imposed upon us by official red-tape--is, I am convinced, the gravest -peril by which our beloved country is faced at the present moment. - -I say it is the gravest peril for the simple reason that it is the -root-peril from which spring all the rest. And this ignorance springs -not from official apathy, or from the public wilfully shutting its -eyes to disagreeable truths. It is born of the deliberate suppression -of unpleasant facts, of the deliberate and ridiculous exaggeration -of minor successes. In a word, it is the result of the public having -been fooled and bamboozled under the specious plea of safeguarding -our military interests. Are we children to believe such official -fairy-tales? The country is not being told the truth about the war. -I don't say, and I do not believe, that it is being fed with false -news of bogus victories. But untruths can as easily be conveyed by -suppression as by assertion, and no one who has studied the war with -any degree of attention can escape the impression that the news -presented to us day by day takes on, under official manipulation, a -colour very much more favourable than is warranted by the actual facts. - -Day after day the Press Bureau, of course under official inspiration -from higher sources, issues statements in which the good news is unduly -emphasised and the bad unduly slurred over. Day by day a large section -of the Press helps on, with every ingenious device of big type and -sensational headlines, the official hoodwinking of the public. Many -pay their nimble halfpennies to be gulled. A naval engagement in which -our immensely superior forces crush the weaker squadron of the enemy -is blazoned forth as a "magnificent victory" for our fighting men, -when, in sober truth, the chief credit lies with the silent and utterly -forgotten strategist behind the scenes, whose cool brain worked out the -eternal problem of bringing adequate force to bear at exactly the right -time and in just exactly the right place. - -I say no word to depreciate the heroism of our gallant bluejackets. -They would fight as coolly when they were going to inevitable -death--Cradock's men did in the _Good Hope_ and _Monmouth_--as if they -were in such overwhelming superiority that the business of destroying -the enemy was little more dangerous than the ordinary battle-practice. -My whole point is that by the skilful manipulation of facts a wholly -false impression is conveyed. There is, in truth, nothing "magnificent" -about beating a hopelessly inferior foe, and our sailors would be the -last to claim to be heroes under such conditions. It is, of course, -the business of our naval authorities to be ready whenever a German -squadron shows itself, to hit at once with such crushing superiority -of gunfire that there will be no need to hit again at the same object. -That can only be achieved by sound strategy, for which we are entitled -to claim and give the credit that is due. When our Navy has won a -decisive success against great odds we may be justified in talking -of a "magnificent" victory. To talk of any naval success of the -present war as a "magnificent victory" is simply to becloud the real, -essential, vital facts, and to assist in deceiving a public which is -being studiously kept in the dark. - -By every means possible, short of downright lying of the German type, -the public is being lulled into a false and dangerous belief that all -is well--a blind optimism calculated to produce only the worst possible -results, a state of mental and physical apathy which has already -gone far to rob it of the energy and determination and driving force -which are absolutely necessary if we are to emerge in safety from the -greatest crisis that has faced our country in its thousand years of -stormy history. - -As an example of what the public are told concerning the enemy, a good -illustration is afforded by a well-Known Sunday paper dated March 7th. -Here we find, among other headings in big type, the following: "Stake -of Life and Death!" "Germany's Frantic Appeal for Greater Efforts!" -"Russia's Hammer Blow." "German Offensive from East Prussia Ruined: -Losses 250,000 in a Month." "German Plans Foiled: Enemy's 3,000,000 -Losses." "On Reduced Rations: German Troops Getting Less to Eat." -"Germany Cut Off from the Seas." "Germans Cut in Two: 15,000 Prisoners -and 'Rich Booty' Taken." "Killed to Last Man: Appalling Austrian -Losses." "The Verge of Famine: Bread Doles cut down again in Germany: -Frantic Efforts to Stave Off Starvation." - -And yet, in the centre of the paper, next to the leader, we find a huge -advertisement headed "The Man to be Pitied," calling for recruits, -appealing to their patriotism, and urging them to "Enlist To-day." -Surely it is the reader who is to be pitied! - -Again, we have wilfully neglected the formation of a healthy public -opinion in neutral countries. While Germany has, by every underhand -means in her power, by wireless lies, and by bribery of certain -newspapers in America and in Italy, created an opinion hostile to the -Allies, we have been content to sit by and allow the disgraceful plot -against us to proceed. - -We have, all of us, read the screeches of the pro-German press in the -United States, and in Italy the scandal of how Germany has bribed -certain journals has already been publicly exposed. The Italians have -not been told the truth by us, as they should have been. In Italy the -greater section of the public are in favour of Great Britain and are -ready to take arms against the hated Tedesco, yet on the other hand we -have to face the insidious work of Germany's secret service and the -lure of German gold in a country where, unfortunately, few men, from -contadino to deputy, are above suspicion. We must not close our eyes -to the truth that in neutral countries Germany is working steadily -with all her underhand machinery of diplomacy, of the purchase of -newspapers, of bribery and corruption and the suborning of men in high -places. To what end? To secure the downfall of Great Britain! - -I have myself been present at a private view of an amazing cinema film -prepared at the Kaiser's orders and sent to be exhibited in neutral -countries for the purpose of influencing opinion in favour of Germany. -The pictures have been taken in the fighting zone, both in Belgium and -in East Prussia. So cleverly have they been stage-managed that I here -confess, as I sat gazing at them, I actually began to wonder whether -the stories told of German barbarities were, after all, true! Pictures -were shown of a group of British prisoners laughing and smoking, though -in the hands of their captors; of the kind German soldiery distributing -soup, bread, etc., to the populace in a Belgian village; of soldiers -helping the Belgian peasantry re-arrange their homes; of a German -soldier giving some centimes to a little Belgian child; of great crowds -in Berlin singing German national songs in chorus; of the marvellous -organisation of the German army; of thousands upon thousands of troops -being reviewed by the Kaiser, who himself approaches you with a salute -and a kindly smile. It was a film that must, when shown in any neutral -country--as it is being shown to-day all over the world--create a -good impression regarding Germany, while people will naturally ask -themselves why has not England made a similar attempt, in order to -counteract such an insidious and clever illusion in the public mind. - -Such a mischievous propaganda as that being pursued by Germany in all -neutral countries we cannot to-day afford to overlook. Our enemy's -intention is first to prepare public opinion, and then to produce -dissatisfaction among the Allies by sowing discord. And yet from the -eyes of the British nation the scales have not yet fallen! In our -apathy in this direction I foresee great risk. - -With these facts in view it certainly behoves us to stir ourselves into -activity by endeavouring, ere it becomes too late, to combat Germany's -growing prestige among other nations in the world, a prestige which is -being kept up by a marvellous campaign of barefaced chicanery and fraud. - -The dangerous delusion is prevalent in Great Britain that we are past -the crisis, that everything is going well and smoothly, perhaps even -that the war will soon be over. In some quarters, even in some official -quarters, people to-day are talking glibly of peace by the end of -July, not openly, of course, but in the places where men congregate -and exchange news "under the rose." The general public, taking its -cue from the only authorities it understands or has to rely upon, the -daily papers, naturally responds, with the eager desire of the human -mind to believe what it wishes to be true. Hence there has grown up a -comfortable sense of security, from which we shall assuredly experience -a very rude awakening. - -For, let there be no mistake about it, the war is very far from ended; -indeed, despite our losses, we might almost say it has hardly yet -begun. For eight months we have been "getting ready to begin." To-day -we see Germany in possession of practically the whole of Belgium -and a large strip of Northern France. With the exception of a small -patch of Alsace, she preserves her own territory absolutely intact. -Her fortified lines extend from the coast of Belgium to the border -of Switzerland, and behind that seemingly impenetrable barrier she -is gathering fresh hosts of men ready for a desperate defence when -the moment comes, as come it must, for the launching of the Allies' -attack. On her Eastern frontiers she has at least held back the Russian -attack, she has freed East Prussia, and not a single soldier is to-day -on German soil. I ask any one who may be inclined to undue optimism -whether the situation is not one to call imperatively for the greatest -effort of which the British nation and the British Empire are capable? - -We are assured by the official inspirers of optimism that time is on -the side of the Allies, and is working steadily against the Germans. -In a sense, of course, this is true, but it is not the whole truth. -I place not the slightest reliance upon the stories industriously -circulated from German sources of Germany being short of food; all the -evidence we can get from neutrals who have just returned from Germany -condemns them _in toto_. The Germans are a methodical and far-seeing -people, and no doubt they are very rightly looking ahead and prudently -conserving their resources. But that there is any real scarcity of -either food or munitions of war there is not a trace of reliable -evidence, and those journals, one of which I have quoted, which delight -to represent our enemy as being in a state of semi-starvation are doing -a very bad service to our country. The Germans can unquestionably hold -out for a very considerable time yet, and we are simply living in a -fool's paradise if we try to persuade ourselves to the contrary. If -it were true that Germany is really short of food, that our blockade -was absolutely effective, and that no further supplies could reach the -enemy until the next harvest, it might be true to say that time was on -the side of the Allies. But supposing, as I believe, that the tales of -food shortage have been deliberately spread by the Germans themselves -with the very definite object of working upon the sympathies of the -United States, what position are we in? Here, in truth, we come down to -a position of the very deepest gravity. It is a position which affects -the whole conduct and conclusion of the war, and which cannot fail to -exercise the most vital influence over our future. - -Speaking at the Lord Mayor's banquet last November, Mr. Asquith said: - - "We shall never sheathe the sword, which we have not lightly drawn, - until Belgium recovers in full measure all, and more than all, she - has sacrificed; until France is adequately secure against the menace - of aggression; until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe - are placed on an unassailable foundation; and until the military - domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." - -Those noble words, in which the great soul of Britain is expressed in -half a dozen lines, should be driven into the heart and brain of the -Empire. For they are, indeed, a great and eloquent call to Britain to -be up and doing. Four months later, Mr. Asquith repeated them in the -House of Commons, adding: - - "I hear sometimes whispers--they are hardly more than whispers--of - possible terms of peace. Peace is the greatest of all blessings, - but this is not the time to talk of peace. Those who do so, however - excellent their intentions, are, in my judgment, the victims, I will - not say of a wanton but a grievous self-delusion. The time to talk of - peace is when the great purposes for which we and our Allies embarked - upon this long and stormy voyage are within sight of accomplishment." - -Every thinking man must realise the truth and force of what the -Premier said. The question inevitably follows--are we acting with such -swiftness and decision that we shall be in a position, before the -opportunity has passed, to make those words good? - -There is a steadily growing volume of opinion among men who are in a -position to form a cool judgment that, partly for financial and partly -for physical reasons, a second winter campaign cannot possibly be -undertaken by any of the combatants engaged in the present struggle. -If that view be well founded, it follows that peace on some terms or -other will be concluded by October or November at the latest. We, more -than any other nation, depend upon the issue of this war to make our -existence, as a people and an Empire, safe for a hundred years to come. -Have we so energetically pushed on the preparations that, by the time -winter is upon us again, we shall, with the help of our gallant Allies, -have dealt Germany such a series of crushing blows as to compel her to -accept a peace which shall be satisfactory to us? - -There, I believe, we have the question which it is vital for us to -answer. If the answer is in the negative, I say, without hesitation, -that time fights not with the Allies but with Germany. If, as many -people think, this war must end somehow before the next winter, we -must, by that time, either have crushed out the vicious system of -Prussian militarism, or we must resign ourselves to a patched-up peace, -which would be but a truce to prepare for a more terrible struggle -to come. Despite our most heroic resolves, it is doubtful whether, -under modern conditions of warfare, the money can be found for a very -prolonged campaign. - -I do not forget, of course, that the Allies have undertaken not -to conclude a separate peace, and I have not the least doubt that -the bargain will be loyally kept. But we cannot lose sight of the -possibility that peace may come through the inability of the combatants -to continue the war, which it is calculated will by the autumn have -cost nine thousand millions of money. And we can take it for granted -that the task of subduing a Germany driven to desperation, standing -on the defensive, and fighting with the blind savagery of a cornered -rat, is going to be a long and troublesome business. We are assured -that the Allies can stand the financial strain better than Germany. -Possibly; but the point is that no one knows just how much strain -Germany can stand before she breaks, and in war it is only common -prudence to prepare for the worst that can befall. This is precisely -what we, most emphatically, are _not_ doing to-day. Thanks to the -reasons I have given--the chief of which is the unwarrantable official -secrecy and the wholly unjustifiable "cooking" of the news--the British -public is _not yet fully aroused to the deadly peril_ in which the -nation and the Empire stand. - -The British people are, as they ever have been, slow of thought and -slower of action. They need much rousing. And in the present war it is -most emphatically true that the right way of rousing them has not been -used. Smooth stories never yet fired British blood. Let an Englishman -think things are going even tolerably well, and he is loth to disturb -himself to make them go still better. But tell him a story of disaster, -show him how his comrades fall and die in great fights against great -odds: bring it home to his slow-working mind that he really has his -back to the wall, and you fan at once into bright flame the smouldering -pride of race and caste that has done, and will yet do, some of the -greatest deeds that have rung in history. Is there, we may well ask, -another race in the world that would have wrested such glory from the -disaster at Mons? And the lads who fought the Germans to a standstill -in the great retreat did so because the very deadliness of the peril -that confronted them called out all that is greatest and noblest and -most enduring in our national character. - -Is there no lesson our authorities at home can learn from that -deathless story? Are they so blind to all the plainest teachings of -history that they fail to realise that the British people cannot be -depressed and frightened into panic by bad news, though, such is -our insular self-confidence, we can be only too easily lulled into -optimism by good news? If the autocrats who spoon-feed the public with -carefully selected titbits truly understood the mental characteristics -of their own countrymen, they would surely realise that the best, -indeed the only, way to arouse the British race throughout the world -to a sense of the real magnitude of the task that lies before them -is to tell them the simple truth. We want no more of the glossing -over of unpleasant facts which seems to be one of the main objects of -the press censorship. We want the real truth, not merely because we -are, naturally, hungry for news, but because the real truth alone is -capable of stimulating Englishmen and Welshmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen, -the world over to take off their coats, turn up their sleeves, and -seriously devote their energies to giving the German bully a sound and -effective thrashing. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -FACTS TO REMEMBER - - -We have heard a good deal about "Business as usual": it would be well -if we heard a little more of the companion saw--"Do it now." For if -this campaign, for good or ill, is to finish before the snows of next -winter come, the need for an instant redoubling of our energies is -pressing beyond words. - -In his gallant defence of the Press Bureau against overwhelming -odds--few people share his admiration for that most unhappy -institution--Sir Stanley Buckmaster denied that information was ever -"kept back." So far as I know no one has ever suggested that the Press -Bureau had anything to say about the circulation of official news: its -unhappily directed energies seem to operate in other directions. But -that it is keeping back news of the very gravest kind admits of no -shadow of doubt. The official reports have assured us of late, with -irritating frequency, that there is "nothin' doin'." Now and again we -hear of a trench being heroically captured. But we hear very little of -the reverse side of the picture, upon which the casualty lists, a month -or six weeks later, throw such a lurid light. - -Time and again lately we have read in the casualty lists of battalions -losing anything from two hundred to four hundred men in killed or -wounded or "missing," which means, in effect, prisoners. Even the -Guards, our very finest regiments, have lost heavily in this last -disagreeable fashion: other regiments have lost even more heavily. -Now British soldiers do not surrender readily, and we can take it for -granted that when a large number of our men are made prisoners it -is not without very heavy fighting. One single daily paper recently -contained the names of very nearly two thousand officers and men -killed, or wounded, or missing, on certain dates in January. Where, -why, or how these men were lost we do not know, and we are told -absolutely nothing. The real fact is that the news is carefully -concealed under a tiny paragraph which announces that a line of -trenches which had been lost have been brilliantly recaptured. We are -glad, of course, to learn of the success, but would it not be well for -the nation to learn of the failure? Can it be supposed for an instant -that the Germans do not know? Is it giving away military information -of value to the enemy to publish here in Great Britain news with which -they are already perfectly well acquainted? Is it not rather that -in their anxiety to say smooth things the authorities deliberately -suppress the news of reverses, and tell us only the story of our -triumph? - -The most injurious suppression of news by the Government has made its -effect felt in practically every single department of our public life -which has the remotest connection with the prosecution of the war. - -Take recruiting as an example. Recruiting is mainly stimulated, such -is the curious temper of our people, either by a great victory or a -great disaster. Failing one or other of these, the flow of men sinks -to what we regard as "normal proportions," which means in effect that -the public is lukewarm on the subject. It is perfectly well known -that a specially heroic deed of a particular regiment will bring to -that regiment a flood of recruits, as was the case after the gallant -exploit of the London Scottish had been published to the world. And -what is true of the regiment, is true of the Army. Yet with all their -enthusiastic advertising for recruits, the military authorities have -neglected the quickest and easiest way of filling the ranks: instead -of telling our people in bold stirring words of the heroic deeds of -our individual regiments, they have, except in a few instances, fought -the war with a degree of anonymity which may be creditable to their -modesty, but does no tribute to their intelligence. - -Turn the shield to the darker side: every reverse has stimulated -patriotism and brought more men to the colours. What, I wonder, was the -value of the Scarborough raid as compared with the recruiting posters? -The sense of insult bit deep, as it always does in the English mind. -The Kaiser's own particular insult--his jibing reference to "General -French's contemptible little Army"--probably did more to rouse the -fighting blood of our men than all the German attacks. The splendid -story of the retreat from Mons flushed our hearts to pride, and men -poured to the colours. Is there no lesson here for the wiseacres of -Whitehall? Does the knowledge that Englishmen may be led, but cannot be -driven, convey nothing to them? Are they unaware that the Englishman -is the worst servant in the world if he is not trusted, but the very -best if full confidence is extended to him? Can they not see that their -foolish policy of suppressing ugly facts is, day by day, breeding -greater distrust and apathy? - -I confess to feeling very strongly on the Clyde strikes, which, for -a wretched industrial dispute--probably engineered by German secret -agents--held up war material of which we stood in the gravest need. I -cannot understand how Scotsmen, belonging to a nation which has proved -its glorious valour on a hundred hard-fought fields, could have ceased -work when they were assured that their claims would be investigated -by an impartial tribunal. The bare idea, to me, is as shocking as it -must be to most people. And I can only hope and believe that the action -the men took is mainly attributable to the simple fact that they did -not understand the real gravity of the position; that they did not -appreciate the desperate character of our need, and that they utterly -failed to realise that to cease work at such a time was as truly -desertion in the face of the enemy as if they had been soldiers on duty -in the trenches. I confess I would rather think this than put the cause -down to laziness, or lack of patriotism, or drink. But if this, indeed, -be the real cause--a lack of knowledge of the essential facts of the -situation--whom have we to thank? Those, surely, who have cozened a -great people with fair words; those, surely, who have spoken as though -our enemy were in desperate straits, that all goes well, and that the -war will soon be over. - -With regard to the alien peril, it is a source of great gratification -to me that His Majesty's Government have adopted my suggestion of -closing the routes to Holland to all who cannot furnish to the Foreign -Office guarantees of their _bona fides_. In my book, "German Spies in -England," I suggested this course, and in addition, that the intending -traveller should apply personally for a permit, that he should furnish -a photograph of himself, his passport, his certificate of registration, -if an alien, and two references from responsible British individuals -stating the reason for the journey and the nature of the business to -be transacted. Within a fortnight of the publication of my suggestion -the Government adopted it, and have established a special department -at the Home Office for the purpose of interviewing all intending to -leave England for Holland. The regulations are now most stringent. And, -surely, not before they were required. - -Thus one step has been taken to reduce the enemy alien peril. But more -remains to be done. If we wish to end it, once and for all, we should -follow the example of our Allies, the Russians, who were well aware of -the network of spies spread over their land. In Russia every German, -whether naturalised or not, has been interned, every German woman and -child has been sent out of the country, and all property belonging to -German companies, or individuals, has been confiscated for ever by the -Government. - -One result of this confiscation is that factories in first-class -condition can now be purchased from the Russian Government for what the -bricks are worth. In addition, there is a fine upon all persons heard -speaking German in public. In the opinion of Russians, Germany was, as -in England, a kind of octopus, and now they have the opportunity they -have thrown it off for ever. Why should we still pursue the policy of -the kid-glove and allow the peril to daily increase when the Government -could, by a stroke of the pen, end it for ever, as Russia has done? - -Now there is one remedy, and only one, for the national apathy. The -truth must be told, and with all earnestness I beg of my readers, -each as opportunity offers, to do all in his power to stimulate public -opinion in the right direction until the demand for the truth becomes -so universal, and so insistent, that no Government in this country can -afford to ignore it. Many Members of Parliament have appealed in vain; -the great newspapers have fought unweariedly for the cause of honesty -and common sense. The real remedy lies in the hands of the people. -Democracy may not bring us unmixed blessings, but it does, at least, -mean that, in the long run, the will of the people must rule. If the -people insist on the truth, the truth must be told, and in so insisting -the people of England, I firmly believe, will be doing a great work for -themselves, for our Empire, and for the cause of civilisation. - -They will be working for the one thing necessary above all others to -hearten the strong, to strengthen the weak, to resolve the hesitation -of the doubters, to nerve Britons as a whole for a stupendous effort -which shall bring nearer, by many months, the final obliteration of the -greatest menace which has ever confronted civilisation--the infamous -doctrine that might is right, that faith and honour are but scraps of -paper, that necessity knows no law but the law of self-interest, that -the plighted word of a great nation can be heedlessly broken, and that -the moral reprobation of humanity counts for nothing against material -success. - - -THE END - - -_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._ - - -GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND - -An Exposure: By William Le Queux - -(60th THOUSAND) 1/- Net - - -What Great Men Think - -THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON says:-- - -"Your new book deserves the serious attention of the authorities, as it -vividly depicts a very grave national peril." - -THE EARL OF HALSBURY says:-- - -"The public has not yet appreciated the extent to which Germany has -expended money and pains in spying. Your book will help to make it -known." - -THE EARL OF PORTSMOUTH says:-- - -"Your book is most instructive. The national democratic movement -aroused by the war should be employed to expiate all hostile aliens, -from the highest to the lowest." - -VISCOUNT GALWAY says:-- - -"Your book is most interesting. I sincerely hope it will cause more -attention to be paid to the danger to England from German spies." - -THE EARL OF CRAWFORD says:-- - -"I am glad attention is being so prominently drawn to this most -important subject." - -LORD LEITH OF FYVIE says:-- - -"Your book is most serviceable. The Emperor William's speech shows how -treacherously brutal is his madness for world power, and it opens the -eyes of all Americans who are inclined to admire the Emperor. It shows -his intention to run the elections and to boss the United States. I -hope you will be able to demonstrate who are the degenerates who are -betraying their country by active sympathy and assistance to the enemy." - - -What the Press Thinks - -_THE DAILY MAIL_ says:-- - -"It is a book which should be carefully studied from cover to cover. -The present arrangement for dealing with Spies Mr. Le Queux pronounces -altogether unsatisfactory." - -_THE DAILY TELEGRAPH_ says:-- - -"The discovery of the German Spy system has, we believe, been made -in time, and Mr. Le Queux must take his share in the credit of the -discovery. His self-sacrificing energy is vindicated to the world. -The stories which he tells will come as an alarming revelation to the -public." - -_THE GLOBE_ says:-- - -"The audacity of some German agents in England, as revealed by Mr. Le -Queux, is only equalled by their enterprise. Mr. Le Queux emphasises -the point that it is those rich Germans of the Schulenberg type, for -whom some one in our Government or administration seems to have so -unwholesome a tenderness, who are the most dangerous. There are many -astonishing statements in this most amazing book." - -_THE PALL MALL GAZETTE_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux has devoted special attention to German Spies, and his -book will be read with much interest." - -_THE EVENING STANDARD_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux has here written on Spies and spying, as sensational a -book as any of his romances. Indeed, it may be questioned whether Mr. -Le Queux would have gone the length of introducing into a fictional -plot so extraordinary a chapter as that in which he reports one of the -Kaiser's speeches." - -_THE SCOTSMAN_ says:-- - -"Mr. Le Queux gives a resume of espionage methods. He goes over the -recent Spy convictions, and describes a considerable number of other -cases, unpunished, which have come under his own observation. He has -certainly laboured hard to impress the danger of the German system of -spying on the mind of the British public, and gives several instances -of the ease with which communication with Germany can still be carried -out." - -A clear account of how the present burdens of taxation, high prices, -and low wages can be changed to individual and national prosperity. - -THE CURE FOR POVERTY - -BY - -JOHN CALVIN BROWN - -_In Crown 8vo. Cloth gilt. 5s. net_ - - -Mr. H. PAGE CROFT, M.P., writes: - -"I hope this valuable book will be widely read, for it deals with the -two greatest difficulties with which the British People are faced--that -of raising revenue for National Defence and Social Reform and that of -Industrial Unrest--and points to the only possible road to solution." - -Sir CHARLES ALLEN, V.D., J.P., writes: - -"I am convinced the book will prove to be one of the most useful and -best compiled editions on fiscal subjects ever circulated in this -country. It deals with the subject in the most refreshing manner; there -is hardly a page that is not deeply interesting." - - LONDON - STANLEY PAUL & CO - 31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C. - - - - -WAR UP TO DATE - -A Vade-Mecum of Modern Methods of Warfare, together with a Naval .. and -Military Dictionary.. - -BY - -CHARLES E. PEARCE - -F'cap. 8vo (6-1/8 x 3-1/8), with Illustrations, including 120 -Reproductions of Naval and Military Badges. - -_Canvas, round corners, 1/- net; Cloth, 1/6 net; Leather, 2/- net_ - -An attempt to bring together in a handy and readable form the various -developments of warfare, for service to the man-in-the-street who may -be desirous of gaining information on essential points. 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A limited edition of 500 copies, numbered and signed by the - artist, 5s. net each. - -_The Observer._--"Mr. Will Dyson will have to be reckoned with as one -of the leading illustrators of the present day ... his poignant humour -strikes a deeper and more thrilling note than that of any other graphic -humorist of to-day." - - LONDON - STANLEY PAUL & CO - 31 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C. - - - - -NEW SIX SHILLING NOVELS - - - The Sails of Life Cecil Adair - A Gentlewoman of France Rene Boylesve - The Prussian Terror Alexandre Dumas - Greater than the Greatest Hamilton Drummond - The Heiress of Swallowcliffe E. Everett-Green - Herndale's Heir E. Everett-Green - The Persistent Lovers A. Hamilton Gibbs - Passion and Faith Dorothea Gerard - Three Gentlemen from New Caledonia R.D. Hemingway and Henry de - Halsalle - The House of Many Mirrors Violet Hunt - The Creeping Tides Kate Jordan - The Old Order Changeth Archibald Marshall - On Desert Altars Norma Lorimer - The Black Lake Sir William Magnay, Bart. - Miss Billy's Decision Eleanor H. Porter - Miss Billy Married Eleanor H. Porter - The Ink-Slinger "Rita" - The School for Lovers E.B. de Rendon - Fantomas Pierre Souvestre and Marcel Allain - Tainted Gold H. Noel Williams - -London: STANLEY PAUL & CO., 31 Essex St., Strand, W.C. - - - - -STANLEY PAUL'S '_CLEAR TYPE_' SIXPENNY NOVELS - -NEW TITLES. - - - 46 Edelweiss "Rita" - 45 Only an Actress "Rita" - 44 The Apple of Eden E. Temple Thurston - 43 Gay Lawless Helen Mathers - 42 The Dream--and the Woman Tom Gallon - 41 Love Besieged Charles E. Pearce - 40 A Benedick in Arcady Halliwell Sutcliffe - 39 Justice of the King Hamilton Drummond - 38 The Man in Possession "Rita" - 37 A Will in a Well E. Everett-Green - 36 Edward and I and Mrs. Honeybun Kate Horn - 35 Priscilla of the Good Intent Halliwell Sutcliffe - 34 Fatal Thirteen William Le Queux - 33 A Struggle for a Ring Charlotte Brame - 32 A Shadowed Life Charlotte Brame - 31 The Mystery of Coldo Fell Charlotte Brame - 30 A Woman's Error Charlotte Brame - 29 Claribel's Love Story Charlotte Brame - 28 At the Eleventh Hour Charlotte Brame - 27 Love's Mask Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 26 The Wooing of Rose Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 25 White Abbey Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 24 Heart of his Heart Madame Albanesi - 23 The Wonder of Love Madame Albanesi - 22 Co-Heiresses E. Everett-Green - 21 The Evolution of Katherine E. Temple Thurston - 20 The Love of His Life Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 19 A Charity Girl Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 18 The House of Sunshine Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 17 Dare and Do Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 16 Beneath a Spell Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 15 The Man She Married Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 14 The Mistress of the Farm Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 13 Little Lady Charles Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 12 A Splendid Destiny Effie Adelaide Rowlands - 11 Cornelius Mrs. Henry de la Pasture - 10 Traffic E. Temple Thurston - 9 St. Elmo Augusta Evans Wilson - 8 Indiscretions Cosmo Hamilton - 7 The Trickster G.B. Burgin - 6 The City of the Golden Gate E. Everett-Green - 5 Shoes of Gold Hamilton Drummond - 4 Adventures of a Pretty Woman Florence Warden - 3 Troubled Waters Headon Hill - 2 The Human Boy Again Eden Phillpotts - 1 Stolen Honey Ada & Dudley James - - - - -THE PRINCESS MATHILDE BONAPARTE - - By Philip W. Sergeant, Author of "The Last Empress of the French," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Princess Mathilde Bonaparte, the niece of the great Emperor, died -only ten years ago. She was the first serious passion of her cousin, -the Emperor Napoleon III, and she might have been, if she had wished, -Empress of the French. Instead, she preferred to rule for half a -century over a salon in Paris, where, although not without fault, she -was known as "the good princess." - - -FROM JUNGLE TO ZOO - - By Ellen Velvin, F.Z.S., Author of "Behind the Scenes with Wild - Animals," etc. - - _Large crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many remarkable photographs, 6/- - net_. - -A fascinating record of the many adventures to which wild animals and -their keepers are subject from the time the animals are captured until -their final lodgment in Zoo or menagerie. The author has studied wild -animals for sixteen years, and writes from personal knowledge. The -book is full of exciting stories and good descriptions of the methods -of capture, transportation and caging of savage animals, together with -accounts of their tricks, training, and escapes from captivity. - - -THE ADMIRABLE PAINTER: A study of Leonardo da Vinci - - By A.J. Anderson, Author of "The Romance of Fra Filippo Lippi," "His - Magnificence," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net._ - -In this book we find Leonardo da Vinci to have been no absorbed, -religious painter, but a man closely allied to every movement of the -brilliant age in which he lived. Leonardo jotted down his thoughts in -his notebooks and elaborated them with his brush, in the modelling of -clay, or in the planning of canals, earthworks and flying-machines. -These notebooks form the groundwork of Mr. Anderson's fascinating -study, which gives us a better understanding of Leonardo, the man, as -well as the painter, than was possible before. - - -WOMEN OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA - - By Lieut.-Col. Andrew C.P. Haggard, D.S.O., Author of "Remarkable - Women of France, 1431-1749," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Lieut.-Col. Haggard has many times proved that history can be made as -fascinating as fiction. Here he deals with the women whose more or less -erratic careers influenced, by their love of display, the outbreak -which culminated in the Reign of Terror. Most of them lived till after -the beginning of the Revolution, and some, like Marie Antoinette, -Theroigne de Mericourt and Madame Roland, were sucked down in the -maelstrom which their own actions had intensified. - - -THE MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE de ST. SIMON - - Newly translated and edited by Francis Arkwright. - - _In six volumes, demy 8vo, handsomely bound in cloth gilt, with - illustrations in photogravure, 10/6 net each volume._ (_Volumes I. and - II. are now ready._) - -No historian has ever succeeded in placing scenes and persons so -vividly before the eyes of his readers as did the Duke de St. Simon. -He was a born observer; his curiosity was insatiable; he had a keen -insight into character; he knew everybody, and has a hundred anecdotes -to relate of the men and women he describes. He had a singular knack -of acquiring the confidential friendship of men in high office, -from whom he learnt details of important state affairs. For a brief -while he served as a soldier. Afterwards his life was passed at the -Court of Louis XIV, where he won the affectionate intimacy of the -Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Burgundy. St. Simon's famous Memoirs -have recently been much neglected in England, owing to the mass of -unnecessary detail overshadowing the marvellously fascinating chronicle -beneath. In this edition, however, they have been carefully edited and -should have an extraordinarily wide reception. - - -BY THE WATERS OF GERMANY - - By Norma Lorimer, Author of "A Wife out of Egypt," etc. With a Preface - by Douglas Sladen. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other - illustrations by_ Margaret Thomas _and_ Erna Michel, _12/6 net_. - -This fascinating travel-book describes the land of the Rhine and -the Black Forest, at the present time so much the centre of public -interest. The natural and architectural beauties of Germany are too -supreme for even the sternest German-hater to deny; and this book -describes them and the land around them well. But apart from the -love-story which Miss Lorimer has weaved into the book, a particularly -great interest attaches to her description of the home life of the men -who, since she saw them, have deserved and received the condemnation of -the whole civilized world. - - -BY THE WATERS OF SICILY - - By Norma Lorimer, Author of "By the Waters of Germany," etc. - - _New and Cheaper Edition, reset from new type, Large Crown 8vo, cloth - gilt, with a coloured frontispiece and 16 other illustrations, 6/-._ - -This book, the predecessor of "By the Waters of Germany," was called at -the time of its original publication "one of the most original books of -travel ever published." It had at once a big success, but for some time -it has been quite out of print. Full of the vivid colour of Sicilian -life, it is a delightfully picturesque volume, half travel-book, half -story; and there is a sparkle in it, for the author writes as if glad -to be alive in her gorgeously beautiful surroundings. - - - THE NEW FRANCE, Being a History from the accession of Louis Philippe - in 1830 to the Revolution of 1848, with Appendices - - By Alexandre Dumas. Translated into English, with an introduction and - notes by R.S. Garnett. - - _In two volumes, Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, profusely illustrated with a - rare portrait of Dumas and other pictures after famous artists. 24/- - net._ - -The map of Europe is about to be altered. Before long we shall be -engaged in the marking out. This we can hardly follow with success -unless we possess an intelligent knowledge of the history of our -Allies. It is a curious fact that the present generation is always -ignorant of the history of that which preceded it. Everyone or nearly -everyone has read a history--Carlyle's or some other--of the French -Revolution of 1789 to 1800; very few seem versed in what followed and -culminated in the revolution of 1848, which was the continuation of the -first. - -Both revolutions resulted from an idea--the idea of _the people_. In -1789 the people destroyed servitude, ignorance, privilege, monarchical -despotism; in 1848 they thrust aside representation by the few and -a Monarchy which served its own interests to the prejudice of the -country. It is impossible to understand the French Republic of to-day -unless the struggle in 1848 be studied: for every profound revolution -is an evolution. - -A man of genius, the author of the most essentially French book, both -in its subject and treatment, that exists (its name is _The Three -Musketeers_) took part in this second revolution, and having taken part -in it, he wrote its history. Only instead of calling his book what -it was--a history of France for eighteen years--that is to say from -the accession of Louis Philippe in 1830 to his abdication in 1848--he -called it _The Last King of the French_. An unfortunate title, truly, -for while the book was yet a new one the "last King" was succeeded by a -man who, having been elected President, made himself Emperor. It will -easily be understood that a book with such a title by a republican -was not likely to be approved by the severe censorship of the Second -Empire. And, in fact, no new edition of the book has appeared for sixty -years, although its republican author was Alexandre Dumas. - -During the present war the Germans have twice marched over his grave at -Villers Cotterets, near Soissons, where he sleeps with his brave father -General Alexandre Dumas. The first march was en route for Paris; the -second was before the pursuit of our own and the French armies, and -while these events were taking place the first translation of his long -neglected book was being printed in London. _Habent sua fata libelli._ - -Written when the fame of its brilliant author was at its height, -this book will be found eminently characteristic of him. Although a -history composed with scrupulous fidelity to facts, it is as amusing -as a romance. Wittily written, and abounding in life and colour, the -long narrative takes the reader into the battle-field, the Court and -the Hotel de Ville with equal success. Dumas, who in his early days -occupied a desk in the prince's bureaux, but who resigned it when -the Duc d'Orleans became King of the French, relates much which it -is curious to read at the present time. To his text, as originally -published, are added as Appendices some papers from his pen relating to -the history of the time, which are unknown in England. - - -CROQUET - - By the Rt. Hon. Lord Tollemache. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with 100 photographs and a large coloured plan - of the court, 10/6 net._ - -This work, intended both for the novice and for the skilled player, -explains in clear language the various methods, styles and shots -found after careful thought and practical experiences to have the -best results. It is thoroughly up-to-date, and includes, besides good -advice on the subject of "breaks," a treatise on the Either Ball Game, -explaining how to play it. - - - THE JOLLY DUCHESS: Harriot, Duchess of St. Albans. Fifty Years' Record - of Stage and Society (1787-1837) - - By Charles E. Pearce, Author of "Polly Peachum," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 16/- net._ - -Mr. Charles E. Pearce tells in a lively, anecdotal style the story -of Harriot Mellon, who played merry, hoydenish parts before the -foot-lights a hundred years ago, until her fortunes were suddenly -changed by her amazing marriage to Thomas Coutts, the banker prince, -who died a few years later, leaving her a gigantic fortune. She then -married the Duke of St. Albans. - - - SIR HERBERT TREE AND THE MODERN THEATRE: A Discursive Biography - - By Sidney Dark, Author of "The Man Who Would not be King," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 10/6 net._ - -Mr. Sidney Dark, the well-known literary and dramatic critic, has -written a fascinating character-study of Sir Herbert Tree both as actor -and as man, and he has used the striking personality of his subject as -a text for a comprehensive survey and criticism of the modern English -stage and its present tendencies. Mr. Dark's opinions have always been -distinctive and individual, and his new book is outspoken, witty, and -brilliantly expressed. - - -THE MASTER PROBLEM - - By James Marchant, F.R.S. Ed., Author of "Dr. Paton," and editor of - "Prevention," etc. With an Introduction by the Rev. F.B. Meyer, D.D. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 5/- net._ - -This book deals with the social evil, its causes and its remedies. -Necessarily, the writer is compelled to present many aspects of the -case, and to describe persons and scenes which he has encountered, as -Director of the National Council of Public Morals, in America, India, -Europe, the Colonies, etc.; the overruling object of the book, however, -is the more difficult and more useful task of discovering the root -causes of this vice and of suggesting lasting remedies. - - - THE FRIEND OF FREDERICK THE GREAT: The Last Earl Marischall of Scotland - - By Edith E. Cuthell, F.R.Hist.S., Author of "A Vagabond Courtier," etc. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, 2 vols., 24/- net._ - -George Keith, a gallant young colonel of Life Guards under Marlborough -and Ormonde, fought at Sheriffmuir, led the ill-fated Jacobite -expedition from Spain, and was a prominent figure in all the Jacobite -plottings before and after the '45. He was the ambassador and friend of -Frederick the Great and the friend and correspondent of Voltaire, Hume, -Rousseau and d'Alembert. This excellent biography is to be followed -later by a work on James Keith, Frederick the Great's Field-Marshal, -who was killed in attempting to retrieve the reverse of Hochkeich. - - - GAIETY AND GEORGE GROSSMITH: Random Reflections on the Serious - Business of Enjoyment - - By Stanley Naylor. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with a coloured frontispiece, and 50 other - illustrations, 5/- net._ - -Here is Mr. George Grossmith in his moments of leisure, laughing, -joking, relating anecdotes (personal and otherwise), criticising people -and places, and generally expressing a philosophy which has serious -truth behind it, but nevertheless bubbles over here and there with -humour. Through his "Boswell," Mr. Stanley Naylor, he talks of "Love -Making on the Stage and Off," "The Difference Between a Blood and a -Nut," "The Ladies of the Gaiety," and other similar subjects. Mr. -Grossmith in this book is as good as "Gee-Gee" at the Gaiety. What more -need be said? - - - THE HISTORY OF GRAVESEND: From Prehistoric times to the beginning of - the Twentieth Century - - By Alex. J. Philip. - - Edition limited to 365 sets, signed by the Author. - - _In four vols., 9-3/4 x 6-1/2, bound in sealskin, fully illustrated, - 12/6 net each volume._ - -The first volume of this important work is now ready. On historical -grounds it is of value not only to those interested in Gravesend and -its surroundings, but to the wider circle interested in the Britons, -Romans, and Anglo-Saxons, and their life in this country. It also deals -with the early history of the River Thames. - - -AUGUST STRINDBERG: The Spirit of Revolt - - By L. Lind-af-Hageby. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with many illustrations, 6/- net._ - -This book tells Strindberg's biography, criticises and explains his -many writings, and describes truly yet sympathetically the struggles -and difficulties of his life and the representativeness and greatness -in him and his work. Miss Hageby has written a fascinating book on a -character of great interest. - - -NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ELBA (1814-1815) - - By Norwood Young, Author of "The Growth of Napoleon," etc.; with a - chapter on the Iconography by A.M. Broadley. - - _Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with coloured frontispiece and 50 - illustrations_ (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), _21/- net_. - -This work gives a most interesting account of Napoleon's residence -in the Isle of Elba after his abdication at Fontainebleau on April -11th, 1814. Both Mr. Young and Mr. A.M. Broadley are authorities on -Napoleonic history, and Mr. Broadley's unrivalled collection of MSS. -and illustrations has been drawn upon for much valuable information. - - -NAPOLEON IN EXILE AT ST. HELENA (1815-1821) - - By Norwood Young, Author of "Napoleon in Exile at Elba," "The Story of - Rome," etc. - - _In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with two coloured frontispieces - and one hundred illustrations_ (from the collection of A.M. Broadley), - _32/- net_. - -A history of Napoleon's exile on the island of St. Helena after his -defeat at Waterloo, June 18th, 1815. The author is a very thorough -scholar and has spent four years' work on these two books on Napoleon -in Exile. He has studied his subject on the spot as well as in France -and England, and gives a very informative study of the least-known -period of Napoleon's life. - - -TRAINING FOR THE TRACK, FIELD & ROAD - - By Harry Andrews, Official Trainer to the A.A.A., etc. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth, with illustrations, 2/- net._ - -The athlete, "coming and come," has in this volume a training manual -from the brain and pen of our foremost athlete trainer to-day. -Every runner knows the name of Harry Andrews and his long list of -successes--headed by that wonderful exponent, Alfred Shrubb. It is, -however, for the self-training man that the Author explains the -needed preparation and methods for every running distance. This -most authoritative and up-to-date book should therefore prove of -immeasurable assistance to every athlete, amateur or professional, -throughout the Empire. - - -PAUL'S SIMPLICODE - - _Crown 8vo, cloth, 1/- net._ - -A simple and thoroughly practical and efficient code for the use of -Travellers, Tourists, Business Men, Departmental Stores, Shopping by -Post, Colonial Emigrants, Lawyers, and the general public. Everyone -should use this, the cheapest code book published in English. A -sentence in a word. - - -THE MARIE TEMPEST BIRTHDAY BOOK - - Giving an extract for each day of the year from the various parts - played by Miss Marie Tempest. - - _Demy 18mo, cloth gilt, with an introductory appreciation and 9 - portraits in photogravure, 1/6 net._ - -Miss Marie Tempest is undoubtedly one of the most popular actresses of -the English stage. She has created for herself a distinctive character, -into which is weaved much of her own personality, and the charm of that -personality is illustrated by these happy quotations from the parts -she has played. The illustrations, show her at various periods in her -theatrical career, while the introductory appreciation by Mr. Sidney -Dark is especially illuminating. - - -A GARLAND OF VERSE FOR YOUNG PEOPLE - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. - - _Handsome cloth gilt, 2/6 net._ - -A collection of verse for children. The pieces, selected from a wide -field, are graded to suit age and classified to facilitate reference, -and many new pieces are included to help nature-study and interest -children in collateral studies. Never before has an attempt been made -to cover in one volume such a wide range of pieces at so small a price. - - -THIS IS MY BIRTHDAY - - By Anita Bartle. With an introduction by Israel Zangwill. - - _Handsomely bound, gilt and gilt top, 756 pages, 2/6 net. Also in - various leather bindings._ - -This is a unique volume, being a birthday-book of the great, living -and dead, whether poets, artists, philosophers, statesmen, warriors, -or novelists. A page of beautiful and characteristic quotations is -appropriated to each name, and the page opposite is left blank for -the filling in of new names. Everyone likes to know the famous people -who were born on their natal day, and few will refuse to add their -signatures to such a birthday book as this. Mr. Zangwill has written a -charming introduction to the book, and there is a complete index. - - -STORIES OF THE KAISER AND HIS ANCESTORS - - By Clare Jerrold, Author of "The Early Court of Queen Victoria," and - "The Married Life of Queen Victoria," etc. - - _Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, with portraits, 2/6 net; paper, 2/- net._ - -In this book Mrs. Clare Jerrold presents in anecdotal fashion incidents -both tragic and comic in the career of the Kaiser Wilhelm and his -ancestors. The frank and fearless fashion in which Mrs. Jerrold has -dealt with events in her earlier books will pique curiosity as to this -new work, in which she shows the Kaiser as an extraordinary example of -heredity--most of his wildest vagaries being foreshadowed in the lives -and doings of his forebears. - - -A NEW SERIES OF RECITERS - -96 pages large 4to, double-columns, clear type on good paper, handsome -cover design in three colours, 6d. net. Also in cloth, 1/- net. - - -THE FIRST FAVOURITE RECITER - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. Valuable Copyright and other Pieces by - Robert Louis Stevenson, Sir Edwin Arnold, Austin Dobson, Sir W.S. - Gilbert, Edmund Gosse, Lord Lytton, Coulson Kernahan, Campbell - Rae-Brown, Tom Gallon, Artemus Ward, and other Poets, wits, and - Humorists. - -Mr. Miles' successes in the reciter world are without parallel. Since -he took the field in 1882 with his A1 Series, he has been continually -scoring, reaching the boundary of civilisation with every hit. For -nearly 30 years he has played a famous game, and his score to date -is a million odd, not out! The secret is, he captains such wonderful -elevens, and places them with so much advantage in the field. Who could -not win with such teams as those named above? - - -_Uniform with the above in Style and Price_: - - -THE UP-TO-DATE RECITER - - Edited by Alfred H. Miles. Valuable Copyright and other Pieces by - great Authors, including Hall Caine, Sir A. Conan Doyle, Robert - Buchanan, William Morris, Christina Rossetti, Lord Tennyson, Robert - Browning, Mark Twain, Bret Harte, Max Adeler, and other Poets and - Humorists. - -"An ideal gift for your girls and youths for Christmas. It is just -as admirable a production for grown-ups, and many a pleasant hour -in the cold evenings can be spent by the fire with 'The Up-to-date -Reciter.'"--_Star._ - -"A very handy collection of recitations has been gathered here by Mr. -Alfred H. Miles. The Editor has aimed at including poems and prose -pieces which are not usually to be found in volumes of recitations, as -well as a few of the old favourites.... The grave and gay occasions are -equally well provided for. A sign of the times is here, too, shown by -the inclusion of such pieces as 'Woman and Work' and 'Woman,' both from -the chivalrous pen of the Editor."--_The Bookman._ - -"A marvellous production for sixpence, excellent in every -respect."--_Colonial Bookseller._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SERIES - -Edited by Gertrude Paul. - -Books on Household Subjects, giving a recipe or hint for every day in -the year, including February 29th. - -_In Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 1/- net each._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SOUP BOOK - -By G.P. - -Recipes for soups, purees, and broths of every kind for a quiet dinner -at home or an aldermanic banquet. - - -THE EVERYDAY PUDDING BOOK - -By F.K. - -One of the most valuable cookery books in existence. It gives 366 ways -of making puddings. - - -THE EVERYDAY VEGETABLE BOOK - -By F.K. - -This includes sauces as well as vegetables and potatoes. It gives an -unexampled list of new and little-known recipes. - - -THE EVERYDAY ECONOMICAL COOKERY BOOK - -By A.T.K. - -"Very practical."--_Westminster Gazette._ "Really economical and -good."--_World._ - - -THE EVERYDAY SAVOURY BOOK - -By Marie Worth. - -"A practical book of good recipes."--_Spectator._ - - -CAMP COOKERY: A Book for Boy Scouts - -By Lincoln Green. - -_Crown 8vo, strongly bound, 6d. net._ - -This is the officially approved book for the Boy Scouts' Association, -and contains a clear account of the methods, materials, dishes, and -utensils appropriate to camp life. It also describes the construction -of an inexpensive cooking apparatus. - - -THE LAUGHTER LOVER'S VADE-MECUM - - Good stories, epigrams, witty sayings, jokes, and rhymes. _In F'cap - 8vo (6-1/8 x 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net; leather, 2/- - net_ (uniform with Diner's Out Vade-Mecum). - -Whoever wishes to secure a repertoire of amusing stories and smart -sayings to be retailed for the delight of his family and friends, -cannot possibly do better than get "The Laughter Lover's Vade-Mecum"; -and those who seek bright relief from worries little and big should -take advantage of the same advice. - - -THE DINER'S-OUT VADE-MECUM - - A Pocket "What's What" on the Manners and Customs of Society - Functions, etc., etc. By Alfred H. Miles. _In Fcap. 8vo (6-1/8 x - 3-1/8), cloth bound, round corners, 1/6 net.; leather, 2/- net._ - -This handy book is intended to help the diffident and inexperienced -to the reasonable enjoyment of the social pleasures of society by -an elementary introduction to the rules which govern its functions, -public and private, at Dinners, Breakfasts, Luncheons, Teas, At Homes, -Receptions, Balls and Suppers, with hints on Etiquette, Deportment, -Dress, Conduct, After-Dinner Speaking, Entertainment, Story-Telling, -Toasts and Sentiments, etc., etc. - -_A new Edition reset from new type._ - - -COLE'S FUN DOCTOR - - First series. One of the two funniest books in the world. By E.W. - Cole; _576 pp., cr. 8vo, cloth, 2/6_. - -The mission of mirth is well understood, "Laugh and Grow Fat" is a -common proverb, and the healthiness of humour goes without saying. - -This book, therefore, should find a place in every home library. It -is full of fun from beginning to end. Fun about babies; fun about bad -boys; fun about love, kissing, courting, proposing, flirting, marrying; -fun about clergymen, doctors, teachers; fun about lawyers, judges, -magistrates, jurymen, witnesses, thieves, vagabonds, etc., etc. It is -doubtful if any man living could read any page without bursting into a -hearty laugh. - - -COLE'S FUN DOCTOR - - Second series. The other of the two funniest books in the world. By - E.W. Cole; _440 pp., crown 8vo, cloth, 2/6_. - -Dr. Blues had an extensive practice until the Fun Doctor set up in -opposition, but now Fun Doctors are in requisition everywhere. - -"The Second Series of _Cole's Fun Doctor_ is as good as the first. -It sparkles thoroughout, with laughs on every page, and will put -the glomiest curmudgeon into cheery spirits ... it is full of -fun."--_Evening Standard._ - - - BALLADS OF BRAVE WOMEN. Records of the Heroic in Thought, Action and - Endurance. - - By Alfred H. Miles and other writers. - - _Large crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth, gilt, 1/6 net; paste - grain, gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt top (boxed), 4/- net._ - -"Ballads of Brave Women" is a collection of Poems suitable for -recitation at women's meetings and at gatherings and entertainments of -a more general character. Its aim is to celebrate the bravery of women -as shown in the pages of history, on the field of war, in the battle of -life, in the cause of freedom, in the service of humanity, and in the -face of death. - -The subjects dealt with embrace Loyalty, Patriotism, In War, In -Domestic Life, For Love, Self-Sacrifice, For Liberty, Labour, In -Danger, For Honour, The Care of the Sick, In Face of Death, etc., by -a selection of the world's greatest writers, and edited by Alfred H. -Miles. - -"The attention which everything appertaining to the woman's movement -is just now receiving has induced Mr. Alfred H. Miles to collect and -edit these 'Ballads of Brave Women.' He has made an excellent choice, -and produced a useful record of tributes to woman's heroism in thought, -action and endurance."--_Pall Mall Gazette._ - - -MY OWN RECITER - - Alfred H. Miles. Original Poems, Ballads and Stories in Verse, Lyrical - and Dramatic, for Reading and Recitation. _Crown 8vo, 1/- net._ - - -DRAWING-ROOM ENTERTAINMENTS - - A book of new and original Monologues, Duologues, Dialogues, and - Playlets for Home and Platform use. By Catherine Evelyn, Clare - Shirley, Robert Overton, and other writers. Edited by Alfred H. Miles. - _In crown 8vo, red limp, 1/- net; cloth gilt, 1/6 net; paste grain, - gilt (boxed), 3/- net; Persian yapp, gilt (boxed), 4/- net._ - -_Extract from Editor's preface_, "The want of a collection of short -pieces for home use, which, while worthy of professional representation -shall not be too exacting for amateur rendering, and shall be well -within the limits of drawing-room resources, has often been pressed -upon the Editor, and the difficulty of securing such pieces has alone -delayed his issue of a collection. - -"Performances may be given in drawing-rooms, school rooms, and lecture -halls, privately or for charitable purposes unconditionally, except -that the authorship and source _must_ be acknowledged on any printed -programmes that may be issued, but permission must be previously -secured from the Editor, who, in the interests of his contributors -reserves all dramatic rights for their performance in theatres and -music halls or by professionals for professional purposes." - - - - - * * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Two occurences of unpaired duouble quotation marks could not be -corrected with confidence. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITAIN'S DEADLY PERIL*** - - -******* This file should be named 61040.txt or 61040.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/1/0/4/61040 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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