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diff --git a/old/61034-0.txt b/old/61034-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ac690ba..0000000 --- a/old/61034-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3081 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Douris and the Painters of Greek Vases, by -Edmond Pottier, Translated by Bettina Kahnweiler - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Douris and the Painters of Greek Vases - - -Author: Edmond Pottier - - - -Release Date: December 27, 2019 [eBook #61034] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOURIS AND THE PAINTERS OF GREEK -VASES*** - - -E-text prepared by Turgut Dincer, Charlie Howard, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 61034-h.htm or 61034-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/61034/61034-h/61034-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/61034/61034-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/dourispaintersof00pott - - - - - -DOURIS AND THE PAINTERS OF GREEK VASES - - -[Illustration: Fig. 1. KANTHAROS AND KYLIX (Cup). - -By Douris. Brussels and Louvre Museums.] - - -DOURIS AND THE PAINTERS OF GREEK VASES - -by - -EDMOND POTTIER - -Membre de L’Institut - -Translated by Bettina Kahnweiler - -With a Preface by -Jane Ellen Harrison -Hon.D.Litt.Durham, Hon.Ll.D.Aberdeen - - - - - - -London -John Murray, Albemarle Street, W. -1909 - - - - - DEDICATED - IN LOVE AND GRATITUDE TO - AUGUST LEWIS - - - - -PREFACE - - -The translator of M. Pottier’s monograph on _Douris_ has kindly -asked me to write, by way of preface, a few words on the relation of -Greek vase-painting to Greek literature and to Greek mythology. I do -this with the more pleasure because this relation has, I think, been -somewhat seriously misunderstood, and M. Pottier’s delightful monograph -which, thanks to Miss Kahnweiler, is now given to us in English form, -should do much to clear away misconception and to set the matter before -us in a light at once juster and more vivid. - - * * * * * - -First let us consider for a moment the relation between Greek art and -Greek literature. - -In classical matters we are all of us, scholars and students alike, -bred up in a tradition that is literary. Our earliest contact with -the Greek mind is through Greek poets, historians, philosophers. This -is well, for these remain--all said--the supreme revelation. But this -priority of _literary_ contact begets, almost inevitably, a certain -confusion of thought. Bred as we are in a literary tradition, we come -later to be confronted with other utterances of the Greek mind, for -example graphic art--vase-painting. This we naturally seek to relate to -our earlier and purely literary conceptions. What has come to us second -we instinctively make subordinate, ancillary. Greek art, and especially -what we call a “minor art,” such as vase-painting, is the “hand-maid” -of Greek poetry, or, to drop metaphor, the function of Greek art, is, -we think, to illustrate Greek literature. Public and publisher alike -demand nowadays that books on Greek literature, on Greek mythology, -even editions of Greek plays, should be “illustrated” from Greek art. - -By illustration is meant translation, the transference with the -minimum of alteration of an idea expressed in one art into the medium -of another. Were it possible in a work of art to separate the idea -expressed from the form in which it is expressed, such transference -might be an eligible and even elegant pastime. But every one knows that -such separation of idea and form is in art impossible. Translation of -poetry from one language to another is precarious, a thing only to be -attempted by a poet; translation from one art to another is a task -so inherently barren that the Greek, till his decadence, left it, -instinctively, unattempted. - -Against the poison of this “illustration” theory M. Pottier’s monograph -is the best antidote, and all students of the Greek mind will be -grateful to Miss Kahnweiler for making his monograph more easily -accessible. M. Pottier focuses our attention on the personal artist, a -man not intent on “illustrating” another man’s work, but on producing -works of art of his own. Douris uses sometimes the same material as -Homer or Arktinos, but he shapes it to his own decorative ends; he -draws his inspiration naturally and necessarily rather from graphic -than from literary tradition. - - * * * * * - -Beneath the “illustration” fallacy there lurks, as regards mythology, -another and a subtler misconception. - -Until quite recent years mythology has been again to scholars and -students alike, a thing of “mythological allusions,” a matter to be -“looked up” with a view to the elucidation of obscure passages in -_Pindar_ or dramatic choruses. Even nowadays mythology remains, to many -a well-furnished scholar, a sort of by-product, an elegant outgrowth of -the Greek mind, a thing merely “poetical,” by which he means having -no touch with reality. Or, at best, if the scholar be himself a poet, -he loves mythology without analysing it, he feels it as a dream that -haunts, a thing that attends and allures him through the waste places -of scholarship, more real and more abiding than any realism, a thing to -him so intimate that he does not ask the _why_ of it. - -Thanks to the impact of another study, anthropology, we are awake -now and look at mythology with other eyes. We know that mythology -is not a last, lovely, literary flower, but a thing primitive, -deep-seated, long antedating anything that can be called literature, -not a separate “subject” at all, but rather a mode of thinking common -at an early stage to all subjects. Mythology is not the outcome of an -idle, vagrant fancy, but a necessary step in the evolution of human -thought; a strenuous step taken by man towards knowledge, towards the -fashioning and ordering of the world of mental conceptions. Mythology -is the mother-earth out of which for the Greeks grow those stately, -fruit-bearing trees, literature, art, history, philosophy. A Greek -vase-painter does not “illustrate” mythology, he utters it in line and -colour as the poet utters it in words and rhythm. - -Take a simple instance from the work of Douris, the kylix in the -Louvre, in the centre of which is painted _Eos carrying the body of -Memnon_. - -The mythologist, that is man in his early days of thinking, cannot -conceive or name the abstract, empty “dawn.” The glow of morning is -to him the print of unearthly yet human fingers. He images “dawn” as -“Dawn,” in terms of humanity, that is of the one and only thing he -inwardly felt and knew--himself. The dawn is for him a beautiful woman, -and to complete her humanity, she is a mother. Literature, which is at -first but story-telling, took up the tale, and knew that Eos the Dawn -who rose in the East had a child of the East for her son, and mourned -for him in his death, and carried him away for his burial. - -The vase-painter is a mythologist too, and he takes a mythological -story for his motive, but his art has other ends than that of the poet. -He may have heard the story recited at a Panathenaic festival, just as -he may have seen it painted on some Stoa or Lesche. But he does not -illustrate it, does not translate from an alien art into his own. He -takes the myth and lets his own art say what it and only it can say. -He has seen in the human body the vision of a heavenly pattern; he -gives us the grace of a bending body, the poise of a flying foot, the -swiftness of straight lines, the majesty and poignancy of limbs stark -in death. That is all, and, surely, enough. - - JANE ELLEN HARRISON. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - I. HOW DESIGNS ON VASES REPRESENT THE HISTORY OF GREEK PAINTING 1 - - II. THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF A VASE PAINTER AT ATHENS 9 - - III. THE WORKSHOP AND TOOLS OF DOURIS 23 - - IV. HOW DOURIS WORKED 30 - - V. THE WORK OF DOURIS 43 - - CONCLUSION 80 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY 87 - - INDEX 89 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Fig. Page - 1. Kantharos and Kylix (drinking cups) by Douris. Brussels - and Louvre Museums. Taken from Photographs _Frontispiece_ - - 2. Workshop of a Vase Painter (red figured hydria in Caputi - Collection at Ruvo), from Blümner. _Technologie und - Terminolog. der Gewerbe und Künste_, ii., p. 85, Fig. 15 4 - - 3. The painter Smikros and his companions (red figured krater - in the Brussels Museum), from _Monuments et Mémoires de - la Fondation Piot_ (article by C. Gaspari, ix., 1902, - Pl. 2) 8 - - 4. A Potter’s Workshop; modelling and baking of vases - (black-figured hydria, Munich Museum), from Birch, - “History of Ancient Pottery,” 1858, p. 249 12 - - 5. A display of Vases and a purchaser (red figured kylix - painted by Phintias, Baltimore Museum). Hartwig’s - _Meisterschalen_, Pl. 17 16 - - 6. Youths exercising in the Palæstra (red figured kylix by - Douris, Louvre Museum), from an original Photograph 20 - - 7. Aphrodite upon her Swan (Polychrome on white background, - British Museum), from A. Murray and A. Smith, - “White Attic Vases,” Pl. 15 24 - - 8. Eos carrying Memnon, her dead son (red figured kylix by - Douris, Louvre Museum), from an original Photograph 28 - - 9. Contest of Menelaos and Paris (exterior of preceding - one), from an original Photograph 32 - - 10. Contest of Ajax and Hector (exterior of preceding one), - from an original Photograph 36 - - 11. The Adventures of Theseus (red figured kylix by Douris, - British Museum), from E. d’Eichthal et Th. Reinach - _Poèmes choisis de Bacchylide_, p. 48 40 - - 12. Theseus and Kerkyon; Theseus and the Marathonian bull - (reverse of red figured cup by the potter Euphronios, - in the Louvre Museum) taken from Furtwängler & - Reichhold _Griechische Vasenmalerei_, Pl. 5 44 - - 13. Nereids appealing to Nereus and Doris (red figured - cup by Douris, Louvre Museum), taken from _Wiener - Vorlegeblätten_, vii., Pl. 2 48 - - 14. Sileni playing and dancing (red figured vase by Douris, - British Museum) Furtwängler & Reichhold _Griechische - Vasenmalerei_, Pl. 48 52 - - 15. Hera and Iris attacked by Sileni (red figured cup by - Brygos, British Museum), Furtwängler & Reichhold - _Griechische Vasenmalerei_, Pl. 17 54 - - 16. Contest of Ajax and Ulysses; the voting of the Greek - Chiefs (red figured cup by Douris, Vienna Museum), - Furtwängler & Reichhold _Griechische Vasenmalerei_, - Pl. 54 56 - - 17. Ulysses restoring the Arms of Achilles to Neoptolemos - (interior of preceding one), Furtwängler & Reichhold - _Griechische Vasenmalerei_, Pl. 54 60 - - 18. Achilles killing Troïlos (red figured cup by Euphronios, - Perugia Museum) taken from Rayet et Collignon, - _Céramique Grecque_, Fig. 70 64 - - 19. Soldiers arming (red figured cup by Douris, Vienna - Museum), Furtwängler & Reichhold, Pl. 53 68 - - 20. Greek Hoplite and Persian Standard-bearer (red figured - cup by Douris, Louvre Museum), _Wiener Vorlegeblätten_, - vii., Pl. 3. Great surface indicates restoration 70 - - 21. Seated Youth holding a Hare (red figured kylix by Douris, - Louvre Museum), from an original Photograph 72 - - 22. Interior of a School (red figured kylix by Douris, Berlin - Museum), from _Monumenti dell’ Inst. Arch._, ix., Pl. 54 76 - - 23. A Schoolmaster. Berlin Museum, from Hartwig, - _Meisterschalen_, Pl. 46 80 - - 24. Zeus carrying off a Woman (attributed to Douris, Louvre - Museum), from an original Photograph 84 - - 25. A Painter at Work (fragment, Boston Museum), _Jahrbuch - des Arch. Instituts_, xiv., 1899, Pl. 4, Hartwig 86 - - - - -DOURIS AND THE PAINTERS OF GREEK VASES - - - - -CHAPTER I - -HOW DESIGNS ON VASES REPRESENT THE HISTORY OF GREEK PAINTING - - -This book has not been written for the professional archæologist. While -speaking of Douris, we propose to give the reading public an idea of -the chief characteristics of Greek painting. - -It may be asked why the title of this little book is not Polygnotos or -Parrhasios. As we are treating of ancient painting, why not choose as a -study one of these famous men, whose works give to the art of his time -its distinctive character? - -The answer is simple. Not a single painting is preserved by the masters -who, with the sculptors Phidias, Polykleitos, Praxiteles, and Lysippos, -made the ages of Pericles and Alexander illustrious. Not a fragment of -their paintings nor a piece of their frescoes has escaped destruction. -Unfortunate chance has thus kept the most glorious period of Greek -painting hidden from our view. Recent discoveries in Mycenæ, Tiryns, -Crete, and Melos have revealed astonishing works of the pre-Hellenic -age, and they have restored to us frescoes contemporary with Minos -and Agamemnon. And for more than a century the excavations at Pompeii -and Herculaneum have made known all the details of the decoration of -Roman houses at the time of Augustus and Titus. But between these two -periods--separated by fifteen or twenty centuries--all is obscurity,--a -dark gap which a few marble panels in the museum of Athens are quite -insufficient to cover. These pale remnants of funereal monuments from -the Kerameikos, frescoes painted on marble, reproduced the life and -likeness of the departed. - -Literature still remains. Pausanias, Pliny, Lucian, and others have -enumerated and described the celebrated works of ancient painting, and -indicated the chief characteristics of the great masters. In certain -passages even the technique is mentioned and analysed. With the help of -this literature we can, in a general way, trace the history of Greek -painting, and it is chiefly from these records that such classic books -have been written as Brunn’s _Geschichte der Künstler_ and Woltmann’s -_Geschichte der Malerei_. For gaining a thorough knowledge of the data -of the subject, the great value of these books is unquestionable. - -But there is no doubt that a history compiled from texts becomes -excessively dry, even though illustrations are borrowed from Pompeii -and Herculaneum. What impression would any one who had never seen a -painting by Raphael or Michelangelo receive by merely reading about -them? - -Furthermore, many ancient authors, far from being accurate or full -in their information, are hopelessly brief; often the subject of a -painting and the name of its author are mentioned in but three words. -Let us suppose that two thousand years hence our descendants should -find a guide-book and read, “_The Sacred Grove of the Muses_, by -Puvis de Chavannes.” What conclusions could they draw in regard to -the composition of the painting or the talent of its author? Such -is our position in regard to many works of antiquity. Even if, as -is sometimes the case, the descriptions are full, as in a passage -where Pausanias enumerates all the persons in the two frescoes of -Polygnotos at Delphi, _The Visit to Hades_ and _The Capture of Troy_, -the same darkness still exists as to the placing of the figures, their -expression, their attitude, and the technique of the colouring. - -Thanks to the study devoted to painted vases, we are now able to -get a better idea of and throw a little more light on the style and -composition of Greek painting. M. Paul Girard’s book, _La Peinture -Antique_ is an instance. Nearly all the illustrations in the chapters -devoted to classic Greece are taken from the decoration of vases. To -return to a comparison made above. One who knew nothing of Raphael’s -work, but who had seen some _faïence_ of Urbino reproducing certain -works of the time, would in every way be more capable than those who -had not of understanding the master’s composition and his style. He -would undoubtedly still lose many things. He never would realise the -harmony of his colours or the loftiness and purity of his designs. This -is, alas! what we must say, in comparing the painting of a Greek vase -with the lost paintings of Polygnotos or Zeuxis. The reflection of a -lost art is all that remains to us! - -[Illustration: Fig. 2. THE WORKSHOP OF A VASE PAINTER. - -Caputi Collection, Ruvo.] - -We should add, however, that the distinction between Greek -manufacturers and their models must have been less marked than in -later ages. Of this we cannot give material proof, but from certain -details we arrive at this conclusion. On the one hand, the Attic -craftsman was endowed, as rarely any one has been, with the art of -design and the sense of style. On the other hand, the ancient fresco, -particularly of the fifth century, was only drawing in flat colours, -without shading or modelling. Hence, there did not exist the gulf which -in modern times separates a reproduction due to mechanical means from a -painting executed with all the fine shades and skilful distinctions of -_chiaro oscuro_. In Greece, a painter of frescoes or a painter of vases -was above all things a good draughtsman. Here is a common measure which -reduces the distance between them. - -In the absence of original paintings we must descend a step and have -recourse to the vase industry, and thus discover dimly the nature of -pictorial art in the best times of classic Greece. - -But here another question arises. In treating of Greek ceramics, is the -name of Douris the most important one among the many artists presenting -themselves to our mind? He formed one of the Pleïades, who, between -the expulsion of the tyrant Hippias (510 B.C.) and the Persian wars -(490–479 B.C.), brought the manufacture of Athenian pottery to its -culminating point. His rivals Euphronios and Brygos have, however, been -considered more skilled or more inspired in their work. Why then choose -Douris as the most representative type of Greek painting? - -This is the reason. We know at present about one hundred names of -manufacturers and painters of vases. Those who during the best period -have left the greatest number of works are Euphronios, Douris, Hieron, -and Brygos. Leaving aside simple fragments, and only counting pieces -helpful for serious study, we possess of the first-named ten signed -works, of the third twenty, of the fourth eight. Of Douris twenty-eight -are known. - -The greater number alone would justify our choice. But another and -more important consideration may be added to the former. Manufacturers -of vases have different trademarks for their ware. They trace their -name with a paint-brush on the body of the vase, or else incise it -in fine letters on the foot or handle. The mode in which their name -occurs varies: “So-and-so made,” or else “So-and-so painted.” There -can be no uncertainty as to the latter phrase; it refers to the artist -who executed the paintings decorating the vase. But this term is far -less frequent than the former, which has caused many discussions. -“So-and-so made”? Is it a more elliptical way of implying the designer, -or is it the potter who speaks in contrast to the painter and designer? -Or, again, did the same man make the vase and then paint it? Is it the -master, the overseer who directs the entire manufacture, and who, after -the different processes of modelling, of decoration, and of baking have -been executed under his direction and according to his plans, affixes -to the ware of his house a sort of commercial trade-mark? All these -opinions have been supported at different times. We cannot say that the -subject has been fully elucidated. In consequence we run a great risk -of mistake in saying that a painting is a certain potter’s workmanship, -when the vase does not explicitly state who painted it. - -The inevitable conclusion remains; to argue with certainty about -painters of vases we can only trust one expression: “So-and-so -painted.” In the most prominent group of potters of the fifth century, -it is Douris who best fulfils all these conditions, and relieves -us of all uncertainties on this subject. He is a craftsman, and -can make a pot or have one made under his direction. The museum at -Brussels possesses a kantharos which “Douris made” (Fig. 1). But he -is above all a draughtsman and executes all his paintings himself, -for the twenty-eight examples mentioned, including the kantharos at -Brussels, bear the words, “Douris painted.” Even Euphronios, to whom -Klein devoted an entire book, making this artist famous--and who to -many represents the vase painter _par excellence_--only signed as -draughtsman three or four vases, and as craftsman seven. - -As potter and painter, Douris fulfils the necessary qualifications of -a master-craftsman; above all as draughtsman and painter, he satisfies -most fully our desire of finding in the decoration of painted vases a -reflection of the great contemporary art. This is why the choice of his -name seemed to us imperative. - -[Illustration: Fig. 3. THE PAINTER SMIKROS AND HIS COMPANIONS. - -Krater in the Brussels Museum.] - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF A VASE PAINTER AT ATHENS - - -A biography of Douris must not be expected. No classical writer has -honoured one of these potters even so far as to mention his name. -Ancient literature has only left some brief allusions to the craft, -some inscriptions recalling their dedications in sanctuaries. The -vases themselves and the inscriptions traced thereon form the clearest -testimony we possess. Here again we must be guided by discretion and -not drift into romance. A learned German assumes that Euthymides, a -celebrated potter of the fifth century and a contemporary of Douris, -must have died young, while his rival Euphronios, after a long career, -died at an advanced age. He quite forgets that the number of signed -vases to be attributed to any individual artist is liable to be -diminished or increased by a chance discovery, and that we are still -far from being able to survey at a glance the complete production of -a manufacturer. Euthymides may have produced far more than Euphronios; -we have, however, only recovered seven of his vases. An enquiry into -the lives of vase painters must be confined to a consideration of the -general conditions of their position. All inference as to special facts -is necessarily conjectural and fictitious. - -Modern historians have made known to us this important fact: trade in -Athens, as in other Greek cities, was chiefly in the hands of those -called “Metics,” that is to say, strangers living in the city and given -certain political rights regulated by special laws. Athens possessed -laws most favourable to the metics, and from the time of Solon, -according to Plutarch, strangers crowded into this generous city, which -offered such obvious advantages to settlers. - -During the time of the Peloponnesian war (431 B.C.) the number of -metics had increased to 96,000, as compared with 120,000 citizens--an -enormous proportion. It is therefore to be supposed that many -manufacturers at the beginning of the fifth century were aliens or -descended from foreign families. This hypothesis is confirmed by the -potters’ names, many of which are foreign: Skythes (the Scythian), -Lydos (the Lydian), Amasis (name of an Egyptian Pharaoh of the -sixth century), Kolchos (inhabitant of Colchis), Thrax (of Thrace), -Sikanos and Sikelos (the Sicilian), Brygos (name of a Macedonian or -Illyrian people), etc. Beside these, however, we meet with many purely -Greek or Attic names--Klitias, Ergotimos, Nikosthenes, Epiktetos, -Pamphaios, Euphronios, Hieron, Megakles, and others. In certain cases, -the craftsman’s patronymic follows, as Kleomenes, son of Nikias; -Euthymedes, son of Polios. This indicates a freeman and citizen of -Athens. Once we even find the deme mentioned: Nikias, son of Hermokles, -of the deme Anaphlystos. We here catch a glimpse of a society where the -actual citizen associates freely with many naturalised aliens. It is -probable that slaves or freedmen were also employed, as one may guess -from the following nicknames: Paidikos (beautiful child), Smikros (the -little one), Mys (the rat). Douris’ name does not appear to be Attic. -It is always written Doris on vases, but we know that in those times -the diphthong _ou_ was simply expressed by _o_. The name Doris does not -exist in the catalogue of men’s names which has come down to us, while -the name Douris is well-known. It may have been of Ionian origin. - -To resume, the Kerameikos of Athens formed a district by itself, a -little world where all sorts of people belonging to different races -and societies jostled one another. The master was the manager of -the factory and a craftsman, capable of making a vase as well as -painting it, designing the forms, the ornaments, and the subjects. -His assistants, who were sometimes allowed the honour of signing, -were employed under his direction in the shaping and decorating of -pottery; even women took part in this work, as we see on a beautiful -vase-painting (Fig. 2) to be described later. Lastly, there were the -workmen engaged in working the clay, preparing the glaze and the -colours, taking care of the ovens, moving materials, etc. Comparing the -arrangements in a modern ceramic factory, one will find about the same -conditions and these three grades of workers. - -[Illustration: Fig. 4. A POTTER’S WORKSHOP. MODELLING AND BAKING OF -VASES. - -Hydria. Munich Museum.] - -We must naturally picture things in Greece on a modest scale: the -enterprise conducted at less expense than nowadays, the capital -smaller, and the staff reduced to those strictly required. Above -all, it is necessary to remember that the division of labour was -far less marked in ancient times than with us. The same man was -capable of different tasks, he was employed according to his ability -and intelligence. There was nothing of the mechanical spirit, which -nowadays has passed into the man from the machine, and, for the sake -of greater speed and precision, isolates a workman in a corner of -the factory without teaching him anything else. Undoubtedly a social -hierarchy existed and weighed heavily upon the individual; to be -citizen, metic, or slave implied profoundly different conditions of -life, which raised more formidable barriers between classes than with -us. But in the exercise of art or industry the life of the ancients -presents itself under a singularly democratic aspect. Their workmen -shared their mental work far more than ours do, and were familiar with -all the details of the craft. This it is which gives to the industrial -art of the Greeks a marked distinction. No matter how modest the -work, one feels a living intelligence therein. The history of vases -is most suggestive in this respect. We never find the stiffness of -mechanical labour, the monotony of copy repeated to satiety. All -are not masterpieces--far from it. But not one is quite devoid of -individuality, and the best proof that can be given is that two painted -Greek vases exactly identical do not exist. - -Whether Douris was metic or citizen, we may think of him as a -craftsman, who by his knowledge and skill had acquired an important -position in the town, and directed one of these flourishing -establishments in the potters’ quarter, near the Dipylon Gate, and just -at the entrance to the Necropolis. His ware helped to carry the fame of -Attic taste into distant lands. - -We know that the majority of Greek vases have been gathered from -Etruscan tombs, where they formed the personal property of the dead -after having been used by families at banquets and at religious -ceremonies. Similar finds have been made in many other sites of the -ancient world: in the islands of Sicily, Rhodes, Melos; on the coast -of Africa, in Cyrenaica; in the Thracian Chersonese, even as far as -the Crimea. But nowhere have the finds been richer than in Etruria; -this was the favourite market for Attic ware during the sixth and the -greater part of the fifth century. - -After the disastrous war in Sicily, when communication with the -Tyrrhenian Sea was severed, they turned to southern Italy, the -Islands, Africa, and the Scythian colonies. The trade in vases was -not limited to the home market, to the customers of Athens and the -neighbourhood. The most important and most thriving part of the -industry was the export into foreign countries. What we to-day term -_l’article de Paris_ scattered over all the world somewhat recalls the -favour enjoyed by Attic productions in that age. Great profits must -have been realised. - -This trade was again combined with other important exports. It would be -an error to consider the painted vase as a curio simply made for the -pleasure of the eyes of the collector or artist, like the porcelain -of China and of Japan to-day. The Greeks had no _bric-à-brac_. We may -even say that there were no art amateurs or collectors. Utility was the -only foundation of art: it formed its health and strength. We do not -believe a statue was ever made, even in the fifth century, simply for -the pleasure of creating a beautiful piece of work. Each art object had -a practical purpose, and only existed by virtue of a want: offerings -to the gods, consecrations after victories, household utensils, votive -offerings at the altar and the tomb. It follows that industrial art was -still more intimately connected with practical needs. The amphora, -which appears as a speciality of Athens in the ceramic industry, -contained the famous oil gathered in the plain--to-day still famous -for its olive groves--or wine from Parnes. We know positively that -the Panathenaic amphoræ given as prizes at the feasts in honour of -Athene contained the savoury oil produced by the sacred plants of the -goddess. Victors carried these to their homes as trophies. There is -no reason to believe that other vases were treated differently. Why -should the painted amphoræ, such as are found from the sixth century -onwards in great numbers in Etruscan tombs, be sent forth empty from -the workshops of Corinth, Chalkis, or Athens? They certainly once -contained a product prized by the inhabitants of Caere and Volsinii -more than the beauty of the painting on their exterior. In consequence -of this beautiful decoration, which was a sort of trade-mark of Greek -produce, rich families in Italy ordered entire “table services” from -Athens for special use at banquets and religious festivals. They -not only comprised receptacles for oil and wine--amphoræ, krateres, -lekythoi, decanters for wine as the oinochoai, holders of water as the -hydria--but also vases for drinking, such as the kylix, the kantharos, -and the skyphos, and even plates and platters. From the fifth -century onwards Athens had succeeded in destroying all competition. She -had become the unique centre of this trade. The character of the art -then obtained decisive importance. - -[Illustration: Fig. 5. A DISPLAY OF VASES AND A PURCHASER. - -Kylix by Phintias. Baltimore Museum.] - -The manufacture of the kylix--which was essentially the instrument of -joy and gaiety, passing at banquets from hand to hand and admired by -every one as it passed--received an impetus until then unknown. - -Hence it was in consequence of being in close connection with the -export trade and with the two other great industries of wine and oil -that the ceramic art of Athens developed so extraordinarily. The -manufacturers must frequently have made large fortunes. Historians -tell us that the great fortunes in Athens were in the hands of the -metics. It is not astonishing to hear of rich offerings being made -on the Acropolis by manufacturers, some of whom were potters. On the -pedestal of an offering we read the name of the potter Euphronios. A -votive stele, in a style of delicate archaism, represents in bas-relief -a manufacturer of vases seated, holding two drinking cups in one hand. -Unfortunately a great part of the inscription is effaced, but one can -still distinguish the end of a name “IOS” which might be Euphronios. -The style of the sculpture and the accepted date of the ceramist would -agree. - -The most beautiful archaic statue found on the Acropolis is signed -by one of the greatest sculptors of the fourth century, Antenor, and -bears a dedication made by a certain Nearchos, who might be a maker of -black-figured vases--one of which is preserved. This identification is -unfortunately not certain, but is admitted by several archæologists, -and implies nothing improbable. If one could definitely prove that -the potter Nearchos had ordered, of a famous sculptor, an important -work for an offering to the goddess Athene as a tithe of his gains, we -should possess most important evidence as to the social and pecuniary -condition of craftsmen. - -Another curious record of the mode of life led by certain potters is -given on a vase in the Museum at Brussels. A painter has painted his -own portrait in the features of a young man at a banquet leaning on a -couch, feasting in the gay company of friends and hetairai (Fig. 3). -He is a contemporary of Douris named Smikros. One day, his purse being -well filled in consequence of good orders, he and some companions of -the studio indulged in the pleasures the city yielded. - -If, by such information we may consider the pecuniary position of -potters as fairly good, shall we conclude that their education was -equal to that of the best Athenian society? Here it may be well to -enter a protest against the commonly accepted opinion. Vase painters -are usually credited with qualities of originality amounting to -positive genius. The merit of the composition and of the choice of -subject, the skill in placing the figures, the invention of attitude -and movement, are all attributed to them. Hartwig, an author who has -closely studied the Greek drinking cups of the fifth century, goes so -far in his admiration as to reject as fanciful any connection between -the works of this industry and the great works of contemporary art. -He grants that vase painters copy one another, and that they borrow -mutually subjects for designs and even persons. But he maintains that -their province remains indisputedly theirs, and one need not look for -copies from celebrated works in their art. - -This opinion appears, like many others, to contain a truth and an -error. It is quite true, that to look for a commonplace reproduction -of great art upon painted vases would be useless. Many subjects are -strictly designed for the express purpose of the vase, for the form of -its surface, and are drawn from scenes of everyday life which were -constantly under the draughtsman’s eyes, scenes of the palæstra, of -banquets, military armaments, processions of cavalry, etc. Who could -imagine a Greek draughtsman not copying Nature? - -But, on the other hand, how can one think of an artisan as skilled as -an Athenian ceramist, who could remain indifferent to the lessons of -the great masters? Would not his eyes and brain be filled with the -works of art which made all public buildings and sanctuaries museums -in the open air? And in that case, what strange rule would forbid -him to borrow many of the subjects and persons from these superior -models? These would be abstracts, free compositions, adaptations, but -nevertheless a borrowing. - -[Illustration: Fig. 6. YOUTHS EXERCISING IN THE PALÆSTRA. - -Kylix by Douris. Louvre Museum.] - -Furthermore, what we have just said of vase manufacturers places -them in a popular class whose members did not shine by education. -Merchants of free status, metics, freedmen or slaves could not form -a society comparable to the one in which lived a Polygnotos or a -Phidias. Isocrates says scornfully: “Who would dare compare Phidias -to a maker of terracottas, or Zeuxis and Parrhasios to a painter of -votive offerings?” He would undoubtedly have said the same of vase -painters. We affirm, in fact, that many of these workers were quite -illiterate; some were content simply to trace sham letters or letters -in juxtaposition, without any meaning, in the place of the usual -inscription. Many made gross mistakes, or mixed the dialect of their -own country with that of Athens. Some did not even know how to spell -the name of the potter for whom they were working, but wrote it in -three or four different ways. These little facts help to illustrate the -inferior condition of this society. To look here for great artists, -philosophers or thinkers, rivals of Pindar and Æschylus, of Phidias -and Polygnotos, would be contrary to all likelihood. If Euphronios, -Douris or Brygos had genius, it was entirely in their province as -skilled draughtsmen, guided and influenced by beautiful models, besides -being business men and prudent merchants. The idea of raising such men -to the height of creators and inventors would certainly have greatly -astonished the Athenians. - -To sum up, Nature and living truth--the works of great masters and -the teachings of the past--these form the double source from which -all artists, at all times, have drawn. It would seem difficult to -exclude from one or the other the painters of Greek vases. On the -contrary, in studying them we feel, although their social position is -humble, and their private education mediocre, that they are peculiarly -great, inasmuch as their artistic sense is always alert, always -emulous of competitors or works of art about them, and, finally, -great in that dominant quality which the Greek carries within him--a -keen sensitiveness to all that is beautiful in life. As artisans, -craftsmen, merchants and metics, they move in a lower sphere in their -city; but nothing shows more clearly the power of the environment than -seeing in Athens, which had become the spiritual centre of Greece, -the working man’s world raising itself without effort from its dead -level to the intellectual life of the higher classes: a phenomenon -all the more remarkable as it occurred in an ancient society, that is -to say, in an era when the social barriers were inflexibly rigid. May -modern democracies be inspired by this example and understand that the -education of the masses comes from the highly-gifted, and the masses -will never be high-minded when those whom fortune has placed above them -are worthless. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE WORKSHOP AND TOOLS OF DOURIS - - -We must regard Douris from two points of view: the craftsman and the -artist. - -Let us first see what his workshop was like. Again, all the documents -we possess are the vases themselves, or terracotta tablets which served -as votive offerings. We see upon them workmen in the act of turning or -painting pots, lighted ovens, pottery exposed for sale, etc. Upon a -black-figured hydria at Munich (Fig. 4) we see such an establishment -divided into two parts: to the left is the workshop where the turning, -shaping and polishing of vases takes place; to the right, under the -supervision of an aged man, who apparently is the master, are other -workmen carrying finished pots to dry and bake them. In the extreme -corner is the high oven decorated with a Silenus mask. Here, a vase -from Ruvo (Fig. 2) takes us to a painter’s studio. Three painters, each -grasping a brush, are decorating the body and neck of two krateres and -one kantharos, while other vases on the ground are awaiting their turn. -To the right, on a platform, a woman is painting the handle of a larger -krater; above her some small pots are leaning against the wall. The -composition is ingeniously completed by the appearance of two Victories -and Athene armed with helmet and lance, who solemnly crown the workmen -bending over their work--a poetic symbol to glorify the fame of -Athenian industry. - -The act of painting is illustrated upon some vase fragments, where we -see the artist working with a very finely-pointed brush (Fig. 25). -Lastly, some Corinthian platters show us workmen turning vases and -watching the baking, and the kiln filled with piles of pottery. One -even represents a merchant ship with a cargo of pottery, oinochoai -or small perfume bottles, destined for some land across the sea. We -will mention one other kylix by the painter Phintias, upon which are -displayed a potter’s wares. A number of vases are placed on the ground, -and a youth with a purse in his hand is stooping in the act of choosing -his purchase (Fig. 5). - -[Illustration: Fig. 7. APHRODITE UPON HER SWAN. - -White background. British Museum.] - -All these scenes are small genre pictures like _The Barbers_ or _The -Lace Makers_ of Holland and Flanders in the seventeenth century. -They teach us the chief characteristics of the ceramic art. - -An establishment of this kind implies several buildings. The vase -turners or makers would be in a separate room from the painters. -One or more ovens would be required in a court, with a shed for the -storage of raw materials, and for kneading and refining the clay. -Lastly, we must assume that there were some rooms for warehousing and a -sale-room adjoining the factory, in addition to rooms for the masters -and night-watchmen. No matter how modest the staff, it would amount to -fifteen or twenty persons, counting not only those in charge of the -factory, but labourers and stokers. Upon the hydria at Munich (Fig. 4), -in a painting necessarily restricted, we can count eight persons. Upon -the vase from Ruvo (Fig. 2) the studio contains four workers--three men -and one woman--all painting. To obtain a correct idea of the staff one -must at least treble this number. - -Hence a potter like Douris must have superintended a factory -representing a commercial enterprise of some importance. We must -not think of an artist, who, in his solitary studio, at his leisure -and according to his inspiration, sketches subjects or forms for -vases, and leaves the execution to others. We must not forget it is -an industry. This practical purpose must profoundly influence one’s -opinions as to the nature of the potter’s studies, his manner of -composing, and the profit he expects from his enterprise. - -We will not discuss points of technique which demand too detailed an -enquiry, and would raise questions not yet solved. Let us think of the -materials as gathered in the hands of the craftsman: clay carefully -chosen and refined, colours for glazing and retouching, lustres -intended to brighten the natural colour of the clay, and the black for -the design, wheels and moulds, rules and compass, sharp points for -sketching, brushes of all kinds, etc. - -The most commonly used and most valuable ingredient is the black glaze, -the composition of which is still unknown; its basis is oxide of iron. -It is used for drawings on red clay, to trace features, persons, -accessories and decorations, and to cover the background. It is to -the Greek what Indian ink is to the draughtsman of Japan. In baking, -it takes on a warm, velvety tone, sometimes a little olive, sometimes -it becomes in the flames a little yellow or red. It is brightened -by a brilliant lustre which frequently produces the effect of a -mirror, but it never has the cold or waxy tone which disfigures modern -imitations of antique vases. It is thick and rich, and forms, after -drying, a slight prominence perceptible to the finger. Lastly, it is -indestructible, even by acids, and does not change with time, unless -the surface of the clay beneath it has been touched by damp, in which -case it flakes off. - -The invention of this black was one of the most beautiful discoveries -in ancient industry. If we could only discover its formula it would -still be of the greatest importance. It was in use from the time of -the Mycenæan age, that is to say, more than a thousand years before -our era; eventually potters brought it to perfection, increasing its -delicacy, thickness and brilliancy. About the time of Douris it had -reached its perfection and retained its excellence until the end of -the fifth century. After the capture of Athens and the ruin of the -potters’ workshops, the recipe was lost or the manufacture of it became -neglected, for vases of the fourth century, found in Bœotia and in -Southern Italy, show a great deterioration in this respect. - -Next to the black, his brush is of the greatest importance to the -Athenian artist. Its nature has been much discussed. In some of the -illustrations cited, we see it in the hands of workmen while drawing -(Figs. 2 and 25). It consists of a thin handle, doubtless of wood, -to which is joined a long and thin point. Some suppose it to be -the barbule of a bird’s feather; the feathers of the woodcock are -particularly suitable for very delicate lines. In the opinion of others -it is merely a hog’s bristle. The brushes vary in thickness according -to the number and stoutness of the bristles employed. - -The Greeks must have been able to paint with one single bristle, a -method requiring great patience and special skill in loading the -brush with paint and guiding it on the clay; but in this manner -particularly delicate lines of even strength from end to end can be -obtained. Experiments have been made with ordinary paint, proving this -conclusively. Of course the painter must have had thicker brushes at -his disposal with which to trace heavier outlines. The background had -to be put in with heavy and broad brushes. But the fine brush is the -tool above all others with which the Greek draughtsman accomplished -wonderful feats, placing lines of extraordinary delicacy side by -side, or throwing out a line at a single stroke, the impeccable -straightness of which delights and surprises the eye. We have reason -to believe that it was not a tool for craftsmen only. Painters of -frescoes and large paintings had the same difficulties to contend with, -if we are to give credence to an anecdote by Pliny: for Apelles and -Protogenes competed who should draw the most perfect and finest line. - -[Illustration: Fig. 8. EOS CARRYING MEMNON, HER DEAD SON. - -Kylix by Douris. Louvre Museum.] - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -HOW DOURIS WORKED - - -Let us now watch the craftsman at work. We have said that Douris was -a potter, but that usually he left to others the care of making vases -according to well-known models, and reserved to himself the task of -decoration. In what then does his character of painter consist? - -First he must decide on the subject. The Greeks tried, as much as -possible, to adapt the design to the purpose of the vase. An amphora or -a krater would not usually have the same design as a kylix. There were -no rules on the subject, and the utmost liberty was given the artist. -Nevertheless, we notice that grave subjects and personages in attitudes -of repose are given the preference on large vases, which had stable -bases and were rarely moved, as harmonizing best with their broad -surface and vertical lines. Animated or everyday subjects are better -adapted to the horizontal sides of a kylix, which circulated freely in -the hands of guests. - -For the same reason, we may say that the painting of large vases -remained essentially conservative, more attached to ancient methods and -subjects, while the painting of the kylix constantly called forth new -ideas: hence its great importance in the fifth century. - -Certain archæologists claim to have discovered two distinct branches -in the industry--but that is an error. The same distinguished artists -produced the large krater and the kylix, as for example Euphronios. -But it would be more correct to distinguish two schools side by side, -and those artists who by preference decorated the kylix were more -“progressive.” Douris is of this number, if not in style, at least in -the choice of his subjects. He tries to create new designs; he draws -from daily life, banquet scenes, dancing scenes, scenes from the -palæstra (Fig. 6), amorous scenes--well adapted for a drinking cup. On -the other hand, if he approaches heroic or mythical compositions, he -makes use of the opportunity to draw beautiful bodies in motion, rape -or battle episodes: The Nereids flying from Peleus (Fig. 13); Theseus -killing the Minotaur and Attic robbers (Fig. 11); or the battles of -heroes in Homer, as those of Menelaos and Paris or Ajax and Hector -(Figs. 9 and 10). At other times, we find allusions to recent glorious -events which had taken place in Greece, a Greek soldier striking down a -Persian (Fig. 20), Hoplites and Asiatic archers at close quarters. He -belonged to that group of artists who are always looking for action, -for the new and the modern. - -After what originals did the painter compose? We are quite ignorant -here, and cannot specify without falling into fiction and hypothesis. -Were there sketch books, representing the individual observations -of the artist, taken from Nature or from great contemporary works? -Or did πίνακες, tablets of wood or panels of terracotta, serve for -preliminary sketches? Did a painter, as it were, design a “model” which -he transferred to clay or gave to his workmen as a theme to work upon? -All these questions remain unanswered. One is forced to surmise that -the master signed only works on which he himself had worked, those -which he designed and circulated as his latest productions, the _editio -princeps_, so to speak, inscribed with his signature. But when a -subject once composed was repeated in the workshop, copied with slight -variations by workmen, the pottery, no matter what its commercial -value, was no longer entitled to this personal certificate. - -[Illustration: Fig. 9. CONTEST OF MENELAOS AND PARIS. - -Exterior of preceding Cup.] - -Subjects thus composed with free repetition must be very numerous, for -there is, as it were, a strong family likeness among many of them: -battle scenes, banquets, gatherings of youths, games in the palæstra. -Another important fact, must be stated, no obstacle was placed against -plagiarism in ancient times; on the contrary, it was the spirit and -essence of industrial art. We have proof of this in the terracottas -as well as in the vases. Every one copies or imitates his neighbour. -There is no copyright or patent for artistic property, an idea which -has become the subject of legislation only in modern times. Considering -the communistic way in which these Greek craftsmen lived, at a time -when production was so intense, and the personal reputation of a potter -might prove so great a factor in his fortune, we can readily understand -how any man may have been led to protect himself against plagiarism -by means of a signature which authenticated a production. A krater by -Euphronios, a kylix by Douris or Brygos, might be particularly sought -after by certain customers in Greece and Etruria. Why should they not -be assured that they had in their hands an original work of a great -master, and not a copy made by workmen or competitors? Have we not -clocks signed by Boulle, and chests of drawers by Riesener, which are -thus distinguished from similar objects, sometimes very beautiful, but -which, without a trade-mark, do not represent original work? - -Such then is the sense in which we should understand the signature of -a vase by Douris. He sought, devised and composed the design. And even -more, his own hands carried out the painting. - -Let us now reflect upon the material side of the painter’s trade. - -The artist begins with a simple sketch made by means of a hard -point, it may simply be the sharpened end of a bit of wood, which -scratches the unbaked clay, leaving decided traces after the final -painting, baking and glazing. There is hardly a beautiful vase of -this period, signed or not, which does not show these traces. This -sketch sufficiently proves the absolute independence of the worker -in regard to his model, and contradicts the opinion of those who -maintain that the transfer was made with compasses. On the contrary, -one feels how free the work is, and that the arrangement was invented -entirely to suit the object decorated. And what enables us to follow -the method of sketching still more closely, is the fact that the -stroke of the brush, coming after, has not always exactly followed -its lines. There have been alterations at the last moment, a lowered -arm has been raised, a foot advanced, etc. It is impossible to doubt -the spontaneous character, in some respects the improvisation of the -design. It is, besides, rare to outline completely every person in -a sketch. Frequently the outlines of one or two, with their chief -characteristics, are drawn, and these determine the rest. - -When the sketch is finished, the painter begins to put in his colour. -He first takes a broad brush and rapidly indicates in black the -outlines of the figures which compose his picture: this broad stroke -of the brush charged with more colour and forming a projection round -the figures can be easily distinguished. Next come the fine brushes, -composed of only one bristle, giving in accurate and precise strokes -the chief lines of the bodies and the folds of the garments; others, -a little heavier, are used to indicate the hair, the beard, ornaments -on the garments, etc. The black may be used in a variety of tones. By -diluting it a more fluid matter was obtained, rather grey, which was -frequently used for the under sides of objects, for rendering muscular -details, the wavy folds in drapery, locks of hair, etc. Usually -this diluted black would turn yellow in the baking. An unobtrusive -polychrome is the result which the painters used with ingenuity; they -were thus able to produce blonde hair or slightly golden folds of -garments. - -We have already stated that, in order to carry out these very fine -lines, the artist probably held his brush firmly, not only with the -tips of his fingers, but with closed hand as the Japanese painters -still do (Figs. 2 and 25). He must move slowly and firmly in tracing -these fine lines. Constantly obliged to take fresh colour, he sometimes -had to break a line two or three times; but these joinings are only -visible with a magnifying glass. It is said that it was impossible to -make any correction of the stroke, and that the faultless execution of -the lines proves the wonderful skill of the Greeks. We believe this to -be an error. A wet sponge probably sufficed to remove any drawings or -parts of them from the clay, and when it was dry the artist could begin -work again. It was a question of patience and skill. It is because -correction was so easy, that the results attained are usually -perfect. - -[Illustration: Fig. 10. CONTEST OF AJAX AND HECTOR. - -Exterior of preceding Cup.] - -The painting finished, the pot was handed over to a workman to fill in -the background between the figures with black as well as the foot and -the edges of the handles. - -After the black had dried, the pot was returned to the artist’s hands -to be retouched with colour. In the sixth century, in the black-figured -style, many colours were used, as violet-red and white. At the time of -Douris, the red figured vases displayed very few complementary colours. -Great simplicity characterized the taste of the times. A few red lines -sufficed to indicate fillets tied in the hair, belts holding swords, -the reins of horses, etc. Red was likewise used to trace inscriptions -or the signature of the artist (Fig. 8). Others preferred to inscribe -it in black on the foot of handle (Fig. 15). Others again incised it -with a style in the thick colour. White only returns again to favour -after the Persian wars. About the time of Douris, in the workshop of -one of his rivals--Brygos--who may have been a little younger, attempts -were made to heighten the effect of the red figures by a little gilding -cautiously placed on the outlines of the armour, helmets and vases for -libations. It is a return to the rich polychromy, which later continues -to develop, and ends in those pretty little gilt vases devoted to -scenes of child life, beloved by Attic customers towards the end of -the fifth century. As far as we know, Douris does not seem to have -taken part in the manufacture of the beautiful drinking cups with a -white background and fresco tones of brown, red and violet, with which -the workshops of Euphronios and his successors were busy (Fig. 7). He -adheres to the classical method of figures left in the red clay, and -only retouched by a few wine-coloured lines. It may be said that he is -not a colourist. To his eyes, as to those of Ingres, drawing is the -very foundation of the art. - -When the drawings were finished, his chief task was done; but his -position as manufacturer did not permit him to remain indifferent to -the rest. He had to carry his painted pottery to the drying place, and, -after the required time, to have it baked. This is a very delicate part -of the manufacture of vases, on which its success greatly depends. -Ancient ovens were probably very imperfect. There are many examples of -oxidization by contact with the flame, which improperly reddens the -side of a vase or turns half a figure orange. The supports on which -vases were placed, while drying, sometimes left round marks. In one -known instance, in consequence of two freshly painted vases touching -one another, the hoofs of a horse have become impressed upon the face -of a youth. - -Defects in the material were more liable then than now to expose the -ceramist to breakage and various accidents, which at all times have -been the despair of the manufacturer, and which an Homeric singer -already ascribed to special demons, “Syntrips, Smaragos, Asbetos, -Sabaktes, Omodamos, gods fatal to the furnace.” We have already -described a kiln adorned with a head of Silenus, a prophylactic fetish, -destined to cast out evil influences (Fig. 4). - -At last the pottery is taken out of the oven. The master can -contemplate his work, test the delicacy of its sides, examine the -fusion of the colours, study the change of tone in the baking. Other -workmen come to immerse the vases in a prepared bath, which will -glaze the entire visible surface, brighten the red of the clay, the -background and all the black lines, but will leave the retouching -dull. We are quite ignorant of the ingredients of the bath which so -thoroughly accomplished all this and gave the pottery its splendour. -We only know that a red precipitate was formed, traces of which are -frequently visible under the foot and upon the clay which had remained -uncovered. Among vases of the decline, this red overruns the entire -drawing and gives an unpleasant appearance to the whole; in this case, -as with the black, either the recipe of the glaze had been lost, or -else the work was badly executed. Possibly a dry rubbing with leather -or some other substance added finish to the glaze. - -We must not even yet regard the potter’s work as finished. He had to -superintend the sale, attract customers, confer with shipowners in -regard to the export. Nor was advertising unknown to the ancients. -It adopted many devices. Some potters contrived to paint on the vase -subjects or inscriptions alluding to the products therein. There are -scenes of wine and oil sales, with sentences, praising the merchandise -or the honesty of the merchant. There are incentives to the pleasure of -drinking, friendly greetings and wishes of good health to him who will -use the kylix or kantharos. Even the details of the potter’s trade have -served as matter for representation, to recall to the customer the fame -of Attic workshops. The prettiest allegory is the one we mentioned -above, where we saw Athene accompanied by two little Victories entering -a workshop of painters and placing crowns on the heads of the workmen -(Fig. 2). - -[Illustration: Fig. 11. THE ADVENTURES OF THESEUS. - -By Douris. British Museum.] - -But the means most frequently adopted to attract buyers was to inscribe -on the body of a vase the name of some young man of distinguished -family in Athens, known either for his beauty or his fortune, and in -this way to gain the good-will of a rich customer, who would bring the -patronage of all his family and friends. We have a large number of such -inscriptions wherein the manufacturer invokes “the handsome Leagros,” -“the handsome Glaukon,” or “the handsome Megakles,” etc., and we -recognize in these names well-known members of the Athenian aristocracy -(Figs. 5, 7, 8). - -It will be remembered that the Italian potters of the sixteenth century -put into circulation _coppe amatorie_, bearing portraits of beautiful -women, surrounded by inscriptions celebrating _Lucrezia diva_ or “the -fair Camilla.” This is a similar idea. - -Lastly, we have one example of a personal advertisement in rather an -aggressive form, coming from Euthymides, a contemporary and rival -of Euphronios. Upon an amphora in the Museum at Munich, the boastful -craftsman has written this defiant apostrophe: “Euphronios has never -done so well!” - -These minute details enable us to penetrate into the material life of -the workshop. We catch a glimpse of the greedy struggles for gain, -the ambitions and rivalries involved in all commercial enterprise. It -is the seamy side of this beautiful art, which to-day appears to us -so pure and free from all material considerations. As in all human -efforts, there were undoubtedly in reality many competing interests, -many cruel cares, much deceit and hatred. But time has done its work; -has thrown a veil over the mean and petty things in life, and only -allowed those to survive which are truly sane and useful. Let us -rejoice in not knowing whether Douris was a successful business man, -whether he honestly made a fortune, or whether he died miserably in -debt. That which remains of his work is the spiritual, the true and -fruitful part of his life. His drawings teach us what he was, not as an -individual, but as an artist, as a member of the great Athenian family, -and this it is which interests us above all. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE WORK OF DOURIS - - -We will only consider here the works signed by Douris, and leave -aside a considerable number of anonymous vases attributed to him. We -only wish to argue from indisputable records. The number consists of -twenty-six drinking cups, one kantharos, and one vase for cooling wine, -forming in all about eighty paintings, which can be divided into three -distinct groups: - - 1. Mythical and heroic subjects, adventures of gods and heroes. - - 2. Martial subjects, scenes of arming and battle. - - 3. Subjects of everyday life, banquets, conversations and - exercises in the palæstra. - -It would, no doubt, be interesting to study these subjects -chronologically, and to follow step by step the career of the artist; -but we could not place much confidence in a detailed enumeration of -dates. We will select the first group as most clear and precise. This -will not prevent our examining the numerous and diverse styles through -which the talent of Douris passed. On the whole, we may say there were -two chief periods in his style: the one, while he adhered to ancient -traditions, and his drawings remained stiff and archaic; the other, -when his brush became flexible to a remarkable degree, and when he -began to create. It is the story of many artists, both ancient and -modern. - - -1. _Mythical and Heroic Subjects._ - -The kylix of Eos and Memnon (Figs. 8, 9, 10), well known to visitors of -the Louvre, is not only the oldest but the one which best illustrates -the first period of Douris, and deserves the closest attention from -lovers of art. It is a masterpiece of Greek ceramic art, at a time -when the painting of red figures, while still retaining the stiff, -archaic forms, finds means to move the feelings by purity of line and -a deep sense of life. The vase, by the potter Kalliades, in itself -reveals an old shape (Fig. 1 right) with the foot short and squat, the -sides heavy, a deep bowl and short handles, following the models of -Nikosthenes and Pamphaios of the sixth century. Later Douris made a -kylix of far more graceful outline, with a shallower bowl, a higher -stem made slender in the middle, and lighter handles, such as one -sees in the workshops of Euphronios, Hieron and Brygos (Fig. 1 left). -On this kylix there are a great number of inscriptions: nearly every -person is designated by name. Besides the signatures of the potter and -painter we can read the name of the handsome Hermogenes (Fig. 8), and -with it a fragment of a phrase, the meaning of which remains doubtful. -Seventeen or eighteen words in all are scattered in fine red letters -over the inner surface and the reverse of the cup. This profusion of -writing is in itself archaic; men were communicative in early times, -and delighted in labelling their figures like our old illuminators of -the Middle Ages. More recent works of Douris have lost this useless -mode of expression. Painting is its own interpreter, and has no further -need of this awkward assistance. - -[Illustration: Fig. 12. - - THESEUS AND KERKYON, - AND - THE STRUGGLE WITH THE MARATHONIAN BULL. - -Kylix by Euphronios. Louvre Museum.] - -The composition is synthetic. It contains three events in the Trojan -war. On the reverse are the combats of Menelaos and Paris, Ajax and -Hector; on the inner side the Ethiopian King Memnon lies dead in the -arms of his mother, the goddess Eos (the Dawn). Some archæologists -who have studied these paintings have tried to find here a strong and -learned unity, a kind of drama in three acts, even at the expense of -the inscriptions. Brunn even maintained that the latter were faulty, as -he conceived therein an Achilleid, celebrating three different feats of -the great hero. Others have refused to see any reference to the Epics, -and have noted the differences which distinguished the text of Homer -from these paintings. For instance, Douris has placed behind Menelaos -the goddess Aphrodite, protectress of Troy, which seems inconsistent; -behind Paris we see Artemis carrying her bow; behind Ajax is the -goddess Athene. These divinities do not figure in the Homeric account. -As regards the death of Memnon, it appears to belong to an epic by -another cyclic poet, Arktinos of Miletos. It is the imagination of the -poet that collected at random, as it were, these scattered subjects, -and united them according to his fancy. - -The opinion we hold amid these conflicting views will be more easily -understood by reference to the chapters on the social and mental -conditions of the Athenian potters. To suppose them to have conceived -themes of deep meaning, elaborated like an ode of Pindar or a chorus of -Sophocles with strophe, antistrophe and epode, seems most unlikely; and -if, in order to gain good results, the inscriptions must be changed, -we do not hesitate to reject such a procedure as contrary to all -scientific method. Who can believe that these profound thinkers were -so stupid as not to write correct inscriptions? On the other hand, we -know enough of the art of the period, of the advance made in design, -to expect a certain unity in the whole. It is the spirit of the entire -school to unite the different parts of the vase by subjects closely -connected, or at least related. In the present case we believe the -Trojan war to be the great theme uniting the three paintings. This was -the most cherished subject, even with the people. We must remember -that a painter of vases had nothing in common with a modern designer -who has a text to illustrate before his eyes. It is hardly likely that -manuscripts of Homer or Arktinos were found on the work-benches of the -Kerameikos. For these craftsmen, memory or the remembrance of some -recitation at the Panathenaic festivals had to take the place of the -book. - -In consequence, the chief episode must have made a decided impression -on the mind, without involving accuracy in minor details. In re-reading -the _Iliad_, Book III. (Menelaos and Paris), and Book VII. (Ajax and -Hector), we gain the impression that the artist, whoever he was (for -the craftsman may have copied a known work), has here reproduced the -essential elements of the drama. In adding persons, as Athene behind -Paris, or Aphrodite behind Menelaos, the artist simply adhered to the -conditions of the composition of a painting, which at this period -scrupulously obeyed the rules of symmetry. Aphrodite is placed there -to restrain the arm of Menelaos, as the gesture of her right hand -indicates. Artemis, as a companion figure on the other side, represents -the protecting gods of Troy (Fig. 9); two goddesses were not too much -to watch over the handsome Paris. - -The other reverse (Fig. 10) similarly conforms to, and diverges from, -the Homeric text. As in the poem, Hector struck by a rock thrown by -his adversary sinks to his knees and Apollo advances to support him. -(The irregularly shaped object above indicates the stone.) In Homer, -Athene does not appear, but here, placed as she is behind Ajax, whom -she appears to be pushing forward with a gesture, she represents the -protecting goddess of the Greeks. The symmetry of the two sides is -essential. The decorative tradition requires it, and the painter sets -his professional duty before his respect for a poetic text, in which no -one saw anything more than a general theme for beautiful subjects -and attitudes. We are quite convinced that the great painters took -exactly the same liberties with the cyclic poems they interpreted. The -description of the masterpiece of Polygnotos, _The Taking of Troy_, -bears witness to this. The artist seems to have complied with the -general information given in the epic, but not to have illustrated any -given text. - -[Illustration: Fig. 13. NEREIDS APPEALING TO NEREUS AND DORIS. - -By Douris. Louvre Museum.] - -In spite of the archaic stiffness, the execution of the subjects -delights us by the purity of line and the great care in detail. The -painting is simply a drawing, hardly retouched with a few red lines. -It is like a dry point engraving, in which all the lines are somewhat -prominent. The symmetrical and parallel folds of the garments, details -of the armour, the imbrications, the chasing of the helmets and -cuirasses, the locks and curls of hair, are marvels of patient and -conscientious work. The ornaments, as carefully finished as the rest, -have the same stiff and rather metallic precision. Lastly, the black -glaze, thick and velvety, gives an extraordinary brilliancy to the -entire vase. - -In considering the painting of the interior (Fig. 8), we move upwards -another step. In its small compass, we consider it one of the finest -paintings handed down to us from ancient times. It consoles us somewhat -for the loss of so many masterpieces, and we cannot suppose that a -potter, working alone in his workshop, invented this first _Mater -dolorosa_, which is as touching as a Mantegna or a Roger Van der -Weyden. Nowhere is a copy from a great painting more forcibly evident. -Every one must be impressed by the striking resemblance of this Pagan -and Greek creation to the emblem that has moved Christian souls for -so many centuries. Eos, standing with outstretched and beating wings, -bends toward the dead face of her son Memnon, her strained arms -supporting his rigid body. The goddess, who represents the radiant -morning and the promises of Nature awakening with the dawn, is here -simply a despairing mother imprinting on her mind with one long look -the beloved features she will see no more; the contrast is profoundly -sad, and a creation worthy of a great poet. The body of the powerful -prince of the Ethiopians, the ally of Priam, is entirely nude as it was -taken up on the battlefield where his adversary Achilles had robbed him -of his armour. The stiff legs are stretched out, the left foot still -contracted with pain, the arms swing limply, the head drops, while the -dishevelled hair, the delicate beard, and the closed eyes arouse an -irresistible memory of the dead Christ. We have a true _Pietà_ before -our eyes. - -What miracle in art, what unexpected chance unites Pagan and Christian -art to express the same thought, in the same form? Is it not a proof -that across the centuries great artists share the same thoughts, and -to express the emotions of life create a universal language? Is it not -this again which attracts us in Homer, in those never to be forgotten -scenes, expressing so well the deep feelings of all men at all times; -the farewell of Hector and Andromache, the return of Ulysses to Ithaca? -Art soars above time and space, more than all else it embodies the -solidarity of succeeding generations without any knowledge of one -another. - -A kylix in the British Museum, with _The Adventures of Theseus_ (Fig. -11), of more recent form and style, teaches us still better that behind -the vase painter may be concealed other and greater personalities, -who are the true creators of the work of art. A famous kylix from -the workshop of Euphronios shows us similar scenes glorifying the -Athenian hero, forming with the _Eos and Memnon_, by Douris, and _The -Taking of Troy_, by Brygos, a glorious trio of ceramic masterpieces, -of which the Louvre is justly proud. In comparing the works of Douris -with those coming from the workshops of Euphronios, the idea suggests -itself that they either copied one another or borrowed from one common -original. Both suppositions are possible. As already mentioned, no -law or custom prohibited artistic plagiarism. If Douris knew of the -beautiful work executed by his colleague, nothing prevented him from -adopting it for his own use. But, on the other hand, the broad style -of Euphronios’ production and the peculiar character of the adventure -of Theseus recovering the ring of Minos from the bottom of the sea, -a subject treated by Mikon, one of the great painters of the fifth -century, finally the great number of works of art which at this -period celebrated the national hero’s glory, lead us to believe that -a potter had no need to look over his neighbour’s shoulder to gain -suggestions for a theme of Theseus. He was surrounded by models in -painting, sculpture, painted bas-reliefs, models, carved and engraved. -The supposition of a common model or several models, from which a -craftsman, in a way, chose the desired subject, seems most probable. - -[Illustration: Fig. 14. SILENI PLAYING AND DANCING. - -Vase by Douris. British Museum.] - -It is only in this sense and with such reservation that these two cups -can be compared. In looking at the superb vase in the Louvre, no one -will hesitate to give the preference to the workshop of Euphronios. In -the interior is _The Visit of Amphitrite_; in this painting the author -has retained all the seriousness of great religious art with a touch of -archaism in the drawing and position of the characters, showing thereby -that he has copied an ancient fresco; while, on the contrary, on the -reverses, the combats of Theseus with the robbers Skiron, Prokrustes -and Kerkyon, and the struggle with the Marathonian bull, are treated as -in metopes, with bold, vigorous lines, giving rather a feeling of the -influence of sculpture (Fig. 12). - -The composition of Douris (Fig. 11) is more firmly knit, because it -concentrates all the attention on the adventures of the hero against -monsters and robbers. In the interior is the fight with the Minotaur, -an ancient and classic theme from the sixth century; on the reverses, -the defeat of Kerkyon, of Skiron and Sinis, and the hunt of the boar of -Krommyon; two women give some variety and animation to the whole, the -nymph Phaia who lived at Krommyon, and the goddess Athene who protects -her favourite hero at his labours. Here again is a closely-knit -trilogy; but, we must confess, the execution is far inferior to that -of the cup of Euphronios. It is accurate and a little commonplace. -There is, however, noticeable a desire to express landscape, a care for -external ornament, visible in the palm tree and the small trees placed -about, and by a cloak thrown upon a tree trunk. It is a rare mark among -Greek painters, and worthy of note. - -We will look more rapidly at the paintings of the kantharos at -Brussels, the importance of which, as being a vase moulded by Douris -himself, we have already mentioned (Fig. 1). The figures represent -“Herakles’ contest with the Amazons,” an old type, nearly a century -old, but with the added beauty of a clear and accurate style, and an -admirably certain execution. Nor are the subjects new which are treated -upon another kylix in the Louvre, _The Rape of Thetis by Peleus_. -But Douris deserves the credit of having skilfully revived an old -subject known on Corinthian and Attic vases of the sixth century. It -is possible to follow in the Louvre the same painting done in turn by -a Corinthian, then by an Attic painter of black figures, and lastly -by Douris. It is of great interest to follow the development of the -composition and of the grouping of the figures, of their attitudes, -and of the drawing itself. We perceive here the same differences as in -comparing a Madonna of Cimabue with one of Lippi. Symmetry of figures, -stiff and angular outlines and severe features have given place to life -and tender touches of the brush. At the same time, the close connection -of these successive works appears most striking--the link with the past -has never been severed; the fundamental conception has always remained -the same; improvement has come from within, and extends to every little -detail. - -[Illustration: Fig. 15. HERA AND IRIS ATTACKED BY SILENI. - -By Brygos. British Museum.] - -Douris has extended his composition and united the two reverse sides of -the kylix. On one, the hero seizes the goddess, who struggles in his -grasp and has summoned to her aid the magic art of transformations. -These are given with all the _naïveté_ of primitive art: to tell us -that Thetis changes into a lion, and later into a serpent, the artist -has drawn on one side a young lion seated on the shoulder of the -goddess, and tearing with his teeth the arm of her ravisher; on the -other a serpent lifts its twisted coils and darts its threatening jaws -at him. The companions of Thetis, the Nereids, frightened by so bold -an attack, take flight, and this gives the painter an opportunity of -showing us young girls running in many graceful attitudes--the arms -are tossed in gestures that are still angular; the bare feet and legs -escape from the drapery, showing the rather lean suppleness of these -young maidens. It is, at the same time, a skilful method of uniting the -whole; in fact, on the other reverse we see other nymphs running, who -come to tell the god Nereus and his wife Doris of the attempt. Both are -seated on ornamented thrones with the Olympian majesty of a Jupiter and -a Juno (Fig. 13). All the beauty of the famous group in the Panathenaic -Frieze is already visible in their movements and their attitude. - -[Illustration: CONTEST OF AJAX AND ULYSSES. - -Fig. 16. THE VOTING OF THE GREEK CHIEFS. - -By Douris. Vienna Museum.] - -Unfortunately the interior is defaced and restored, but the artist -has shown no less ingenuity in its design. He has taken a theme -frequently used by painters of red figures, and thus rendered rather -commonplace--the libation; but instead of showing us the well-known -scene of a soldier departing on a campaign and receiving the full -cup from a woman, he has enlarged the subject, and shows us the god -Poseidon seated, receiving a libation cup from the hands of a goddess, -probably his wife, Amphitrite. Again a synthetic trilogy prevails in -this composition: in the upper part of the vase the god of the sea -and his consort are throned; in the lower part is enacted a little -drama which takes place on the seashore, and has sea-gods as actors. -Everywhere we find the intelligent skill of the Greek, and the easy art -with which he beautifies all he touches. Was all this the personal work -of Douris? or does the model he copies and follows deserve much of the -credit? It will always remain an open question. As we possess a kylix -by the potter Hieron (it has even been ascribed to Douris), another by -the painter Peithinos, and many anonymous vases which repeat in similar -form the details of _The Rape of Thetis_, we again incline towards the -second hypothesis. How many sanctuaries in Greece, dedicated to the -gods of the sea, must have contained paintings or reliefs of this kind! - -It is the variety of models, in a word, which best explains the variety -of styles among painters of vases. As we remarked above, no vase -painter is of greater interest in this respect than Douris. If any one -wishes to estimate at a single glance his often puzzling versatility, -he need only look at the mythological painting on a large receptacle -for wine in the British Museum (Fig. 14). The choice of the subject, -_The Bacchic Thiasos_, repeated to satiety upon black-figured amphoræ -of the sixth century, leads us to expect only a commonplace painting, -but the artist instead brings us face to face with one of the most -spirited sketches Greek art has left to us. - -Douris shows himself daring, amusing, free almost to indecency, and -one asks how the same brush which painted many little paintings, -rather stiff in their symmetry, could become animated to the point of -inventing these funambulistic movements of wild beasts let loose. These -are Sileni playing and dancing. Arranged in a row, like mountebanks -upon their stage, they abandon themselves to frantic sports under the -leadership of a herald costumed as Hermes, on his head the petasos, -and in his hand the caduceus. One lowers his head to drink from a -cup placed on the floor; a second, in a half-lying position, has the -contents of a goat skin and a wine jug poured together into his mouth -by two of his companions; others toy in a ludicrous fashion with -kantharoi, or dance on one foot, and try by bending forward to reach -a full cup. Even expurgated, this painting sufficiently shows the -unbridled gaiety and fun which the Greek designer allowed himself. -In that again he resembles the Japanese draughtsman, in love with -buffooneries and acrobatic postures. Those who only like to think of -Greek art as serious and moralizing, can take their own view. Greek art -knew all and dared all--works such as were placed upon school walls to -elevate thought, and such as were hidden under a cloak. The same brush -drew the touching image of _Eos and Memnon_, and this scene of a pagan, -_Kermesse_. - -In Athens this surprised no one. We have, however, classified our -artists, and confined them to their specialities. We do not admit that -a “serious” artist could cause laughter, and we have our professional -caricaturists. Leonardo da Vinci, it is true, did not disdain to draw -the grotesque. Neither ancient painting nor sculpture feared the ugly -or the comic; but they gave to each a meaning. They did not cause -laughter for the sake of laughing. They did not cause fear for the sake -of frightening. These important elements in real life have a symbolic -and allegoric meaning. The head of Medusa appears as a survival of -vanished monsters, which terrified man when he sought to establish his -dominion on earth. The Learnæan hydra is, on the most ancient vases, a -gigantic octopus gripping Herakles and Iolaos, as the octopus clasps -Gilliatt in _Les travailleurs de la mer_. The grimacing mask of the -satyr is the inheritance of a very early conception transformed by -art. It would not be difficult to prove, documents in hand, that the -large anthropoid apes met by the Phœnicians in their explorations in -Africa, and drawn by them on their metal cups of the seventh century, -furnished the Ionian artists, when combined with the Bes of the -Egyptians, with the prototype of the hairy and shaggy Silenus, with the -flat-nosed face, that one sees on certain sarcophagi of Klazomenai. -This is what we admire in the Sileni of Douris. The skilful, dry point -of the artist knew how to preserve, when he sketched them on clay, all -their simian agility, their droll, gorilla-like features, the relaxed, -sinewy and flexible limbs, wherein we recognize the vigorous beast in -semblance of a man. We only know of one other artist who has rendered -this bounding animal gait of the Sileni with equal success--the painter -of a kylix from the workshop of the potter Brygos, which is undoubtedly -inspired by a satyric drama; here the goddess Hera and her companion -Iris are in great distress through falling into the midst of such a -wild band. Fortunately Hermes with fair words, and Herakles with his -club, arrive in time to restrain these rash and disrespectful fellows -(Fig. 15). - -[Illustration: Fig. 17. ULYSSES RESTORING THE ARMS OF ACHILLES TO -NEOPTOLEMOS. - -Interior of preceding Cup.] - -Let us finish this review of the mythological subjects with a kylix -from the Museum in Vienna on which we see _The Contest over the Arms of -Achilles_ (Figs. 16 and 17). It will give us an opportunity of studying -dramatic themes in the hands of Douris, drawn from epic poetry, and -adopted by the writers of tragedy. We know how, later, Sophocles in -his _Ajax with the Scourge_, showed the fatal result of the unexpected -quarrel arising between Ulysses and Ajax for the possession of the -divine weapons, which Thetis had given to her son Achilles. This event -was a favourite theme, and had been treated in ceramic painting from -the sixth century onwards. In what work and what kind of production did -Douris seek his inspiration? We shall always remain ignorant of this. -We only wish to show by this example in how great a measure the Greek -theatre influenced composition and even the style of painted vases. - -Several black-figured vases, some of which are in the Louvre, represent -this _Contest_; the two heroes have come to blows and are falling upon -each other fiercely, while Agamemnon and other Greeks exert themselves -to separate them. This fundamental theme was not lost on Douris, for -he made use of it on one of the reverses of his kylix (Fig. 16). But, -following his fancy or other models of which we know nothing, he adds -two other episodes: (1) on the other reverse, _The Voting of the Greek -Chiefs_, who all bring their votes in the shape of pebbles, and place -them on an altar in the presence of the goddess Athene, thus awarding -the victory to Ulysses (Fig. 16); (2) in the interior, _Ulysses and -Neoptolemos_, a painting forming, as it were, the heroic catastrophe of -the drama, where the victor renounces the glorious weapons and restores -them generously to the son of Achilles, so that he in turn may wear -them and accomplish the ruin of the Trojans (Fig. 17). Here, again, -Douris’ favourite manner of composition results in a trilogy. We have -the three acts in a tragedy, dominated by the memory of Achilles and -the epic of the Trojan war. - -The fact will at once be recalled that to the Greek theatre, as -conceived by Æschylus and his immediate predecessors, a similar -arrangement was not unknown. We find many such examples of about the -time of the Persian wars, not only by Douris, but by his rivals as well. - -To look here for an exact copy of some contemporaneous work would -undoubtedly be absurd. We can hardly insist too strongly on this -point. The absence of the costumes and accessories of the theatre, -which were so individual and expressive in their conventions, is an -indication that the painter did not try to depict on clay the living -spectacle he had just witnessed. In a later age, the Greek vases of -southern Italy freely transferred scenes from tragedies, but in this -ancient period we have no such examples. The composition is derived -from the theatre just as in the kylix of _Eos and Memnon_, mentioned -above, it depends on Homer. It is a general impression that the mind -of the artist has absorbed, and it helps him to arrange his subjects -better. - -Professor Carl Robert has very well remarked that the vases of the -sixth century have the “epic” manner; they tell stories and relate to -us in detail like the ancient singers. Those of the group of Douris -have a “dramatic” manner; they habitually appeal to us by synthetic -groupings, which we accurately term in the language of the theatre -_tableaux_, and which sum up an entire scene. We would further remark -that in Douris and his contemporaries, the figures assume attitudes -which one might call “scenic.” - -On one side of the painting of the _Voting_ (Fig. 16), Ulysses, with -uplifted hands, expresses at once astonishment and delight to see how -the heap of little stones which represent the votes in his favour is -growing; while, on the other side, in the right corner of the scene, -Ajax, alone and deserted and feeling defeat inevitable, covers his head -with his cloak to hide his disgrace, a dramatic figure, suggesting the -often cited work of Timanthes--Agamemnon hiding his face so as not to -witness the sacrifice of his daughter Iphigeneia. We still could cite -vases from the Louvre--beautiful examples--showing Achilles returning -sad and in despair to his tent. What caused this beautiful and tragic -inspiration? Who created these attitudes of mute eloquence if not the -Greek drama? Do we not know that one of the great effects in the drama -of Æschylus was precisely his placing on the stage an immovable Niobe, -and a stern Achilles, who answered the messages of Agamemnon simply -with unrelenting silence? - -[Illustration: Fig. 18. ACHILLES KILLING TROÏLOS. - -By Euphronios. Louvre Museum.] - -The poetry in the best compositions of Douris is entirely derived from -memories of the epic and memories of the drama. It matters little -whether he invented them or whether they were suggested to him; it is -the very essence of Greek painting disclosed before our eyes, with its -spirit of freedom and ready adaptation. Everything is helpful and -suggestive to an artist. Whether derived from epic recitations, from -lyric strophes, or from the theatre, these floating images all become -fixed by his brush and take definite shapes, which in turn will haunt -the imagination of other artists and guide their hands. What a rich -fertility of art, which multiplied its creations on all hands, and -united all classes of the Athenian people into a kind of brotherhood of -labour! - - -2. _Martial Subjects._ - -Battle-scenes had for three centuries been the classic subject of -industrial design. As with all primitive peoples, war had been at -first the chief occupation of the Greeks, and in consequence one of -the chief sources of art. The Dipylon vases covered with warriors, -chariots, boats, dead and wounded, or with pompous funeral scenes are -contemporary with the _Iliad_. From the seventh to the fifth century -the warrior subject was repeated to satiety upon all ceramics with -black figures. How will Douris profit by this? - -Seven drinking cups bearing twenty paintings are devoted to this style. -Most of them are subject to the rules of symmetric composition, which -we observed on the Memnon kylix, in the contests of Menelaos and Paris, -and of Ajax and Hector. Truth and tradition unite in giving to this -subject the appearance of a simple duel, the secondary personages, as -it were, forming a frame. Sometimes a wounded man placed between the -two champions indicates the cause of the encounter, and at the same -time forms the centre of the group. This primitive scheme, much used -by the Corinthians, is found again in many of Douris’ paintings. It -is evident that he did not give himself great trouble to invent, and -that he only reproduces a well-known theme. One may say as much of the -battle, considered as a hand-to-hand fight; five hoplites are engaged -in a struggle in a regular and prescribed manner, where the combatants, -ordinarily paired two and two, display their strength in the attitudes -of well disciplined duellists. It is only a variant of the preceding -subject. These works teach us nothing new with regard to the art of -Douris, and are only of value in so far as the minute mastery of his -brush is concerned. We must look elsewhere for his ingenious mind--in -the scenes of arming and the battles of Greeks and Persians. - -Arming is only an episode of military life. Instead of showing us -the battle, the painter allows us to be present at the preparations. -A strong effect has been produced on a kylix made in the workshop of -Euphronios: Achilles, in ambush, surprises Troïlos, the youngest son -of Priam, who comes to draw water at a fountain; he pursues him across -the plain as he flees in his chariot. The alarm is given, and one sees -the Trojans hastily arming and running to the royal child’s assistance. -But they come too late. In another painting we see the crime already -accomplished; without pity for the tender years or the cries of his -victim, the hero cuts off the boy’s head by the altar of Apollo, where -he has taken refuge (Fig. 18). - -The conceptions of Douris are not so dramatic. The design of the kylix -in Vienna, which is a masterpiece of its kind, allows us in a manner -to penetrate into a Greek camp, at the hour when all are preparing for -the manœuvres or the battle (Fig. 19). It is mediocre, even a little -commonplace, as regards observation, but it is clever by the realism -of the small practical details. In the interior is the classic scene -of a libation, a soldier before his departure praying to the gods; -a woman brings him wine which she pours into a sacrificial cup. On -the reverse, an encampment; the alarm has sounded, every one seeks -his arms in haste, one his sword, another his lance or helmet. The -monotony of the subject had to be varied. The painter has succeeded in -this by introducing some old and bearded men who help and encourage -the youths, and a woman who brings a shield and a sword. Nothing -can be more animated than the faces and gestures of these young men -arming themselves. One tries his sword and draws it partly out of the -scabbard, another binds the fillet about his hair, so as to adjust his -helmet more firmly; his companion, with a finical gesture, turns up his -sleeve and the lower part of his tunic. Elsewhere (Fig. 19), a hoplite -already helmeted places greaves on his legs, another dons his corselet, -a third hangs his sword at his side and puts the shoulder belt over his -shoulder, a fourth makes a little gesture of comic despair showing that -he has forgotten to place a crest on his helmet, while the last raises -and ties his long hair. These are sketches drawn from life, and are -almost like the sketch-book of an artist who has accompanied soldiers -at their manœvres. What we term “military painting,” in its familiar -and picturesque form, dates from the Greeks. - -[Illustration: Fig. 19. SOLDIERS ARMING. - -By Douris. Vienna Museum.] - -The style of this kylix is ancient, and it dates from the earliest -period in the career of Douris. Although found at the same time and in -the same place as the other kylix at Vienna (Fig. 16), representing -_The Contest of Ajax and Ulysses_, although signed by the same painter -and moulded by the same potter Python, it represents an entirely -different manner. Here is a style still archaic, the heads large, the -bodies rather thickset, the draperies with regular and symmetrical -lines, an extreme minuteness in all details. There, the proportions -are reversed, the bodies lengthened, with small heads, the garments -with wavy folds, the entire execution freer and with less care for -detail. No one would think of attributing the two vases to the same -master if they did not bear the name of Douris. This comparison permits -us to appreciate the nature of the changes that took place in a Greek -potter’s career. He is not a craftsman who is satisfied to remain in -the routine of a uniform method. He is an artist who wishes to learn, -who reflects and develops. Herr Hartwig has well demonstrated that -there was a “first” as well as a “second” style in Douris, as in our -days in Corot or Fantin-Latour. - -To introduce glorious memories of the Persian invasion, only recently -repulsed by the Greeks, was another mode of rejuvenating the -warrior subjects. These direct allusions to the Persian wars, are, -to our great surprise, only rarely found on the monuments. It is a -characteristic trait of the idealism in which the art of the fifth -century delights. Anything in the form of anecdote or accident, all -that forms the woof of material facts, is only of slight interest -to it. It fears also to provoke the gods by extolling the grandeur -of Athens, and hence allegory and symbol are used in preference. -The Treasury of the Athenians, raised at Delphi from a tithe of the -spoils of Marathon, glorified the deeds of Herakles and Theseus. The -pediments of the Temple at Ægina, probably made after Salamis, show -the Trojans conquered by Homeric heroes. To celebrate Greece’s second -victory over Asia, images of the Trojan horse were placed on the -Acropolis and on the slopes of Delphi. Industrial painting conforms -to the same principles. Warrior subjects were frequently represented -by battle-scenes between Greeks and Asiatics, but appear only to -contain allusions to the Epic, or else to the battle of Herakles with -the Amazons (Fig. 1), which recalls the great deeds of the Greeks’ -ancestors against barbarians. - -[Illustration: Fig. 20. GREEK HOPLITE AND PERSIAN STANDARD BEARER. - -By Douris. Louvre Museum.] - -We may say that Douris gave proof of originality by frankly dealing -with modern subjects. A kylix at the Louvre, unfortunately damaged and -restored, shows in the interior an hoplite striking with his sword a -fallen barbarian soldier, who holds a standard with two square-shaped -flags (Fig. 20). This typical accessory leaves no doubt as to the -meaning of the painting. A banner would never be placed in the hands of -a Trojan. It is very probable that the victors of Marathon picked up -Persian standards on the battlefield with the spoils, and that we have -here the reproduction of such a trophy. We look upon this sketch of -Douris as a precious record of the army led by Datis and Artaphernes in -490. For the vase is not of a style to be dated after 480, that is to -say, after the second invasion conducted by Xerxes in person. - -Other vases attributed to the painter Onesimos represent battles of -Greeks against Asiatics on horseback, very realistic in form. Here -one may again see copies from life. Lastly, Greeks and Persians are -fighting on the sculptured frieze which adorns one side of the small -temple of Nike Apteros on the Acropolis. These, however, are rare -allusions to the greatest military achievements of the century. It -is not difficult to imagine what they would have produced in modern -art. We must, however, beware of crediting Douris with an exaggerated -initiative, and we must not forget that among the lost works of Greek -art, a painting by Mandrocles is mentioned, dating from Darius’ -expedition into Scythia, _The Crossing of the Bosphorus_, and at Athens -a _Battle of Marathon_, attributed to Panainos, in which Miltiades and -the chief Greek generals were seen repulsing the Asiatic phalanxes. -Douris and Onesimos did not lack models to guide them into this -channel. The value of their works is above all in the good fortune -which has preserved them to us, and gives us, if not the letter, at -least the spirit of the painting dedicated to contemporary history. - - -3. _Everyday Scenes._ - -Here, again, it is convenient to divide the work of Douris into two -parts. At times, like all the manufacturers, he made use of old -subjects with hardly any change; then, again, he sought new ideas and -popularized unused themes. The latter, of course, will chiefly -occupy our attention. - -A general statement should first be made: the work of Douris, as we -actually know it, shows a distinct preference for living subjects. -Of his eighty paintings we can count seventeen dedicated to mythical -subjects, twenty-two to military life, and forty-one to everyday -scenes. The proportion in favour of contemporary life is more than -three-fourths. Comparing these with works signed in the workshops of -Euphronios (fifteen mythical subjects, two warrior subjects, and eight -everyday scenes), from the workshop of Brygos (seventeen mythical, -one warrior, and six everyday scenes), we observe that the proportion -is reversed by the two most distinguished rivals of Douris. We may, -therefore, note this characteristic in his work which he has in -common with another great designer, Hieron (twenty-three mythical and -thirty-one familiar scenes). These two artists thus prepared the way -for the genre picture, which was to dominate the second half of the -fifth century, and to make women and children the favourite subjects of -painters. - -[Illustration: Fig. 21. SEATED YOUTH HOLDING A HARE. - -By Douris. Louvre Museum.] - -The most frequent themes are scenes from the palæstra (Fig. 6). Youths -are wrestling, running, jumping, dumb-bells in hand, or throwing the -discus; the teachers of gymnastics watch the sports, rod in hand, ready -to punish the lazy or check any brutality. Sometimes a small column, or -a basin intended for ablutions, a pick-axe, or a javelin thrown down, -indicates where the scene takes place. Only this much would a Greek -draughtsman permit himself as scenery. Man alone, action or living -forms, are the subjects of his study; nor does he seek, as we do, to -endow with sentiment the objects in his environment. Landscape, which -moves us, leaves him quite indifferent. But what knowledge of the -human form, what love of line and contour! His short, skilful brush -moves freely on the clay, throwing out delicate outlines, simplifying -the muscles and giving only the most essential, breaking or spreading -out the long folds of the drapery, emphasizing the flexible spine, -drawing sinewy hands and grave profiles with strong chins and heavy -lips. He attacks the difficulties over which archaic art had not yet -triumphed--foreshortening and three-quarter poses. - -Kimon of Kleonai, a great painter of the sixth century, had proved how -effective the latter could be. In the structure of the eye he attacks -another difficult problem, trying to modify the everlasting and awkward -convention of earlier times--a face in profile with an eye full face. -He tries many forms--round, triangular, open on one side. One feels the -solution, which henceforth shall be that of all draughtsmen, growing -under his fingers. All this is suggested by the study of his beautiful -paintings, in which Douris has not invented much, for the school which -preceded him, that of Epiktetos, of Paidikos, of Chakrylion, offered -similar studies, but he unfolds a constant desire for perfection of -form. - -In his work one may note the clever and economical device of drawing -many persons by means of very few models. In his scenes of the -palæstra, consisting of ten or twelve persons, he uses, in fact, only -two models--a bearded man and a youth, who are seen under different -aspects. Many of his contemporaries made use of the same device. It -may be inferred that in these scenes the painter used living models -more frequently than elsewhere; it is a companion or an apprentice who -has posed and has been turned about on every side. In consequence, the -composition is not so bold, but more commonplace than in the mythic -paintings inspired by superior models. - -Nowhere is this inability to group the figures in familiar scenes more -apparent than in a kylix at the Louvre, in spite of an abundance of -humorous detail and pretty silhouettes. What can be more graceful than -the figure of _The Youth and the Hare_ (Fig. 21)? Seated on a stool -and leaning on a stick, he looks with tenderness at the nimble little -creature, which the Athenians liked to tame, and which prowled about -their houses as cats do with us. At the same time it was a love token, -and one frequently sees on ceramic paintings grave persons advance -holding by the ears this frisky gift, which they offer to young boys. -Plato’s _Banquet_ informs us on this well-known custom of the Greeks. -On the inner circle, framing like a medallion _The Youth and the Hare_, -runs a band, repeating a design ten times in almost the same form--a -bearded man rests on his stick, addressing friendly words to a boy -seated before him. One holds a lyre; another a hare; others are wrapt, -as if chilly, in their cloaks. Similar themes decorate the two reverse -sides. In all one can count thirty-three persons, but there are in -reality only two actors. It is as if a metope with two figures were -constantly repeated, with some variety, upon all the free space of the -vase. Each detail of the group is executed with zest and spirit, but -composition does not exist. - -[Illustration: Fig. 22. INTERIOR OF A SCHOOL. - -By Douris. Berlin Museum.] - -The kylix in the Berlin Museum, _The Interior of a School_ (Fig. -22), shows the same fault, although it may be considered as Douris’ -masterpiece in everyday scenes. But the subject is of such interest -to us, and throws so much light on the life of Greek scholars, that -we think no longer of imperfections nor of the systematic stiffness -of the groups. Here, again, Douris is seen as an original and fertile -initiator. He here abandons the palæstra and the gymnastic exercises, -repeated a hundred times, and takes us into the school-room where the -music-master and the grammarian give their lessons; on one reverse, -lessons on the lyre and recitations are given, on the other, lessons -in writing and flute-playing. In the interior, a simple figure of a -nude youth tying his sandal, shows the boy, whose task is finished, -preparing to run and play. It is a charming and sober painting, we -should call it to-day, “an instantaneous impression,” giving a glimpse -of life which particularly attracts us. How were the youths of Athens -educated? Upon that theme bulky volumes have been written. - -As M. Paul Girard has shown in his _Education Athénienne_, this kylix -of Douris teaches us better than the texts. We see here the importance -the Greeks attached to musical instruction. The word “music” expressed -the entire education; literary studies, instrumental music and singing. -Music walked hand in hand with literature and gymnastic exercises. -Plato even went so far as to say that the art of touching the soul -with song inspired the desire for virtue. He rejected, however, as -voluptuous and enervating, certain Ionian and Lydian modes. We must -remember that music was intended chiefly, as represented on the vase in -Berlin, to accompany the song, and that the words were more significant -than the melody. Prayers, invocations, war-songs, moral maxims, all -contributed to make music a powerful instrument of education, and the -apparently paradoxical words of old Damon may in this way be explained, -when he said that the rules of music could not be changed without -shaking the state itself. - -The kylix of Douris corresponds closely with these ideas. Literature -is represented, on the one hand, by a master of declamation holding -a written scroll, upon which we read the beginning of an epic poem -that a pupil is about to recite (Fig. 22); on the other side, a young -master is tracing a page of writing, while a pupil stands ready to copy -it. Meanwhile the tutors of the boys sit on stools, waiting for the -lessons to be finished to conduct them home. No other ancient artist -has permitted us to enter so intimately into Athenian life. What we -term “genre painting” has appeared. It is the last and perhaps the -most fertile inspiration that Douris derived from great contemporary -art. It permits us, at the same time, to admire the flexibility of a -great talent, starting with religious and heroic subjects in the severe -style of _Eos and Memnon_, and attaining to the graceful and brilliant -compositions of _The Youth and the Hare_, and _The Interior of a -School_. - -There is an amusing sketch from the workshop of Euphronios, which may -be placed by the side of these paintings, showing a writing-teacher -bending forward in his chair, with forefinger raised and threatening, -as if he were scolding the little fellows confided to his care (Fig. -23). - - - - -CONCLUSION - - -If we have succeeded in reproducing the rather complex physiognomy -of Douris, we hope we have clearly indicated its two-fold character. -His talent and his originality do not raise him above the conditions -imposed upon his craft. It would be an error to ascribe genius to him. -He owes his importance, on the one hand, to the disappearance of great -paintings, and, on the other hand, to the innate qualities of the -Greek race, which even invested popular works with freedom and beauty. -Julius Lange, the Danish archæologist, has said that to judge Greek -painting from the vases is like judging the light of the sun by the -reflection we receive from the moon. But if, in this regard, industrial -art is inferior to the lost masterpieces, let us not forget that it -is nearer to the people, whose thoughts it so forcibly expresses. So -the anonymous sculptors of images in our cathedral reveal to us the -mediæval French soul far better than the great artists can. - -[Illustration: Fig. 23. A SCHOOLMASTER. - -Berlin Museum.] - -With these thousand sketches upon fragile clay we can retrace an -evolution which lasted four or five centuries, and created the -art of drawing, as it is practised by all modern nations. Indeed, -after long endeavours, the Greeks were the first who shattered the -tyrannic conventions to which artists had conformed, in Egypt, -Chaldea and Assyria. They refused to disjoint the human form on the -pretext of showing it from a true anatomical point of view. For the -artificial reality of the body drawn in sections, they substituted -a living silhouette seized in rapid movement, rendered with all its -irregularities of form and its lack of symmetry. This proved the -victory of art over science. One became accustomed to figures half -turned to the spectator, to perspective, to parts half hidden or -suppressed, one learnt to consider Nature not as she is, but as one -sees her. The orientation of art was completely changed. - -The invention of foreshortening and of modelling by means of shadows -belongs to the Greeks. Both had considerable influence on the Roman -world, and later on modern times. We may compare these discoveries to -those in physics or in chemistry which entirely revolutionized the -domain of science. It is an error to suppose that the scientist alone -is capable of discoveries which humanity at large is called upon to -enjoy. In art the same action and reaction take place, and a solidarity -uniting the past and present is not less powerful. Between an Egyptian -fresco and an oil painting by Van Eyck there is scarcely anything in -common as regards conception and process. Between a drawing by Douris -and the _Stratonice_ of Ingres a resemblance is very perceptible, -almost a kind of brotherhood. - -The drawings of Douris teach us to understand yet another thing. -Greek painting at this period had a cause at heart which the entire -fifth century upheld with passionate conviction--the belief that -the aim of the plastic arts is the representation of man. After the -Cretans and Mycenæans had derived such admirable inspirations from -the vegetable kingdom, from the marine fauna and flora, after the -picturesque studies of birds and deer which the Ionians had transmitted -to the Corinthian and Attic potters, we see Greek painting gradually -eliminating all this from design, in order to devote itself exclusively -to the representation of the human form. Nothing can turn it aside from -this course. Whether it is a question of gods and goddesses, heroes, or -even citizens, it is always the human form in all its aspects, in all -its attitudes, dignified or familiar, which the draughtsman observes. -Nowhere has such complete absorption of the artistic imagination been -seen. Later, after Alexander, the Greeks themselves somewhat modified -their attitude, and learnt once more to contemplate non-human nature; -but the limits within which Greek thought had voluntarily confined -itself remained severe during the century of Pericles. According to an -expression of Victor Bérard, it was a garden of humanity in which man -was the most beautiful plant. To this bias we owe some of the purest -masterpieces of which humanity can boast. Those of sculpture are famous -in all lands; those of painting were no less worthy of admiration, -but we only can judge them by the designs on vases. _Theseus and the -Marathonian Bull_ on the kylix by Euphronios (Fig. 12), the _Memnon_ -by Douris (Fig. 8), or the _Zeus carrying off a Woman_ upon an -anonymous kylix in the Louvre (Fig. 24) which is attributed to him, the -_Aphrodite on the Swan_ in the British Museum (Fig. 7) by a somewhat -later artist, bear comparison with the most beautiful drawings of the -Renaissance. Never has the beauty of the human form in motion been -rendered with more sincere joy. Here, again, the Greeks prepared the -path for the moderns, teaching the dignity of man by proving him to -be more important and necessary in art than all else. It is no longer -Nature ruling and crushing with its immensity mankind ignorant of -itself. It is human thought, on the contrary, projecting itself on the -external world, and taking possession of it. - -[Illustration: Fig. 24. ZEUS CARRYING OFF A WOMAN. - -Louvre Museum.] - -This is why we admire ancient art, and why a drawing by Douris tells us -so many things. Doubtless Douris has his message. He never suspected -it; he did not make it his aim; he was the unconscious instrument of a -great people and of a great revolution. This it is which makes works -of the past of such great value. Only time can show what they contained -of beauty and of fertility, even unknown to their authors. The creative -force animating them is beyond the individual; it springs from the -depths of the race which produces them. The sculptor who fashioned the -Venus of Melos could not foresee the fame his statue would achieve, -which he probably executed after many other similar ones. Leonardo da -Vinci would be greatly surprised at what we see in his _Gioconda_. -Anatole France says: “Each generation imagines anew the antique -masterpieces, and in this manner communicates to them a progressive -immortality.” It is not that we are duped by a delusion, but time has -done its work; moving on, it has discovered unexpected worth in certain -objects. - -Renan made the profound remark, “Admiration is historic.” Indeed, not -only is distance necessary, but the wearing effect of centuries, to -distinguish the good from the bad, the eternal from the perishable, to -recognize the actual importance of a thought or an invention. Those -who love to meditate will not go in vain to the Louvre to look at -the kylix of _Eos and Memnon_. They will see a reflection of that -which formed the grandeur and beauty of Greek painting during the most -flourishing period of its history, and they will recognize in one of -its noblest expressions an art for ever lost. - -[Illustration: Fig. 25. A Painter at Work, Boston Museum.] - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - - - ROULEZ, in _Nuove Memorie dell’ Instituto_, ii., 1865, p. 393. - - HELBIG, in _Annali dell’ Instituto arch._, xlv., 1873, p. 53. - - FROEHNER, _Les Musées de France_, 1873, p. 37. - - RAYET-COLLIGNON, _Hist. de la Céramique Grecque_, 1888, p. 178. - - LUCKENBACH, in _Jahrbuch für class. Philologie_, suppl. Band xi., - 1880, p. 518f. - - CARL ROBERT, _Bild und Lied_, 1881, pp. 28, 87, 98, 214. - - ---- _Scenen der Ilias und Aithiopis_, 1891. (XV. Hallisches - Winckelmanns Programm.) - - MEIER, in _Archæol. Zeitung_, 1883, p. 1. - - W. KLEIN, _Euphronios_, 1886. - - ---- _Die griech. Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_, 1887. - - ---- _Die griech. Vasen mit Lieblingsinschriften_, 1898. - - TSOUNTAS, in _Ephéméris archoléogique d’Athènes_, iii., 1886, p. 40. - - LOEWY, in _Jahrbuch des deutsch. arch. Instituts_, iii., 1888, p. - 139. - - JANE E. HARRISON, in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, x., 1889, p. - 231. - - ---- _Greek Vase Paintings_, 1894, p. 21. - - REISCH, in _Mittheilungen des arch. Inst. Römische Abth._, v., - 1890, p. 331. - - ---- in _Festschrift für Gomperz_, 1902, p. 459. - - F. DÜMMLER, in _Bonner Studien_, 1890, p. 77. - - P. HARTWIG, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, 1893, pp. 200f., 583f. - - FURTWÄNGLER AND REICHHOLD, _Die griech. Vasenmalerei_, 1904, pp. - 76, 114, 246, 267. - - MICHAELIS, in _Archæologische Zeitung_, 1873, p. 1. - - MURRAY, _Designs from Greek Vases_, 1894, p. 12f. - - TARBELL, in _American Journal of Archæology_, 1900, iv., p. 183. - - BIRCH, _Hist. Ancient Pottery_, ed. Walters, 1905, i., p. 434. - - - - -INDEX - - - Achilles, 50, 62, 64, 67 - - Acropolis, 17, 13, 72 - - Ægina, temple at, 70 - - Æschylus, 21, 62, 64 - - Africa, 14, 15 - - Agamemnon, 2, 61, 64 - - Ajax, 32, 46, 48, 61, 64 - - Alexander, 2, 83 - - Amasis, 11 - - Amphitrite, 56 - - Amphora, 16, 30 - - Anaphlystos, deme of 11 - - Antenor, 18 - - Apelles, 29 - - Aphrodite, 48 - - ---- on her swan, 84 - - Apollo, 48 - - Arktinos of Miletos, 46, 47 - - Artemis, 48 - - Athene, 18, 46, 48, 53, 62 - - Athenian pottery, 6 - - Athenians, Treasury of, 70 - - Athens, 2, 10, 16, 27 - - Attic craftsmen, 5 - - ---- taste, 14 - - Augustus, 2 - - - Bérard, Victor, 83 - - Berlin Museum kylix, 77 - - Bes of the Egyptians, 60 - - Black figured vases, 18 - - ---- glaze, 12, 26, 27, 35f, 49 - - Bœotia, 27 - - Boulle, 34 - - British Museum, 51, 57, 83 - - Brunn, 3, 46 - - Brushpainters 27, 28, 29, 35 - - Brussels Museum, 8, 18 - - Brygos, 6, 11, 21, 33, 52, 60, 73 - - - Caere, 16 - - Chalkis, 16 - - Chakrylion, 75 - - _Chiaro oscuro_, 5 - - China, 15 - - Christ, 51 - - Cimabue, Madonna of, 55 - - Clay, 12, 26 - - _Coppe amatorie_, 41 - - Corinth, 16 - - Corot, 69 - - Craftsman, 12 - - Crete, 2 - - Crimea, 14 - - Cyrenaica, 14 - - - Datis and Artaphernes, 71 - - Delphi, 70 - - Demons of destruction, 39 - - Dipylon Gate, 14 - - ---- vases, 65 - - Doris, 11 - - Douris, 1, 5, 6, 7, 18, 21, 25, 31, 33, 44, 57, 60, 62, 65, 72, 73, 80 - - - _Editio princeps_, 32 - - Egypt, 81 - - Eos, the Dawn, 45 - - ---- and Memnon, 44, 50, 51, 59, 63, 66, 86 - - “Epic” manner, 63 - - Epiktetos, 11, 75 - - Ergotimos, 11 - - Etruria, 14, 33 - - Etruscan tombs, 14, 16 - - Euphronios, 6, 8, 10, 11, 17, 21, 31, 67, 73, 79 - - Euthymedes, 9, 10, 41 - - - Fantin-Latour, 69 - - Flanders, 25 - - France, Anatole, 85 - - - Genre pictures, 24 - - Girard, Paul, 4, 79 - - Greece, 4 - - Greek camps, 67 - - ---- ceramics, 5 - - ---- paintings, 2, 4, 6, 64 - - ---- pictures, 24 - - ---- theatre, 62, 64 - - - Hartwig, 19, 69 - - Hector, 32, 51 - - Hellenic age, 2 - - Hera, 60 - - Herakles, 59, 60, 70 - - Herculaneum, 2, 3 - - Hermes, 58, 60 - - Hierarchy, social, 13 - - Hieron, 6, 11, 57, 73 - - Hippias, 5 - - History of vases, 13 - - Homer, 32, 47f. - - Hoplites, 32 - - Hydria, 16 - - - Iliad, 47, 65 - - Ingres, 82 - - Ionian artists, 60 - - ---- origin, 12 - - Iolaos, 59 - - Iphigeneia, 64 - - Iris, 60 - - Islands, the, 15 - - Isocrates, 20 - - Italy, 16 - - ---- southern, 14, 27 - - - Japan, 15 - - Japanese draughtsman, 58 - - ---- painters, 36 - - Juno, 56 - - Jupiter, 56 - - - Kalliades, 44 - - Kantharos, 16 - - ---- at Brussels, 54 - - Kerameikos, 2, 12, 47 - - Kimon of Kleonai, 74 - - Klazomenai, 60 - - Klein, 8 - - Kleomenes, son of Nikias, 11 - - Klitias, 11 - - Kolchos, 11 - - Krater, 16, 30 - - Kylix, 16, 30, 31 - - - Lange, Julius, 80 - - Learnæan hydra, 59 - - Lekythos, 16 - - Lippi, Madonna by, 55 - - Lucian, 2 - - Louvre Museum, 52, 53, 61, 64, 71, 76, 86 - - ----, kylix at the, 54 - - Lydian modes, 78 - - Lydos, 11 - - Lysippos, 1 - - - Mandrocles, 72 - - Mantegna, 50 - - Marathon, 70, 71 - - Martial subjects, 43 - - _Mater dolorosa_, 50 - - Medusa, 59 - - Megakles, 11 - - Melos, 2, 14 - - Memnon, King, 45 - - Menelaos, 32, 45 - - Metics, 10, 14 - - Michelangelo, 2 - - Miltiades, 72 - - Minos, 2, 51 - - Minotaur, 53 - - Mikon, 52 - - Munich Museum, 42 - - ----, hydria at, 23, 25 - - Music, 78 - - Mycenæ, 2 - - Mycenæan age, 27 - - Mythological subjects, 43 - - - Nature, 20, 21, 32, 50, 81 - - Nearchos, 18 - - Necropolis, 14 - - Neoptolemos, 62 - - Nereids and Peleus, 31 - - Nike Apteros, 71 - - Nikias, son of Hermokles, 11 - - Nikosthenes, 11, 44 - - - Oinochoai, 16, 24 - - Onesimos, 71, 72 - - Oxide of iron, 26 - - - Paidikos, 11, 75 - - Pamphaios, 11, 44 - - Panainos, 72 - - Panathenaic amphoræ, 16 - - ---- festival, 47 - - Paris, 32, 45, 48 - - Parnes, 16 - - Parrhasios, 1, 20 - - Pausanias, 2, 3 - - Peithinos, 57 - - Peloponnesian war, 10 - - Pericles, 1, 83 - - Persian, 32 - - ---- wars, 5, 52, 70 - - Phidias, 1, 20, 21 - - Phintias, 24 - - Phœnicians, 60 - - Pietà, 50 - - Pindar, 46 - - πίνακες, 32 - - Plato, 76 - - Pleïades, 5 - - Pliny, 2, 29 - - Plutarch, 10 - - Polygnotos, 1, 4, 20, 21, 49 - - Polykleitos, 1 - - Pompeii, 2, 3 - - Poseidon, 56 - - Praxiteles, 1 - - Protogenes, 29 - - Puvis de Chavannes, 3 - - - Raphael, 3, 4 - - Renan, 85 - - Rhodes, 14 - - Riesner, 34 - - Robert, Carl, 63 - - Roman houses, 2 - - Ruvo, 23 - - - Salamis, battle of, 70 - - Scythian colonies, 15 - - Sicily, 14 - - Silenus mask, 23 - - Sikanos, 11 - - Sikelos, 11 - - Skyphos, 17 - - Skythes, 11 - - Smikros, 11, 18 - - Solon, 10 - - Sophocles, 46, 61 - - Subjects of daily life, 43 - - - Terracotta tablets, 23 - - Theseus, adventures of, 51 - - ---- and the Minotaur, 31 - - _Thetis, Rape of_, 54 - - Thracian Chersonese, 14 - - Thrax, 11 - - Tiryns, 2 - - Titus, 2 - - Trade mark, 16 - - Trojan horse, 70 - - ---- war, 45, 47, 62 - - Troïlos, 67 - - Tyrrhenian Sea, 14 - - - Ulysses, 50, 62 - - Urbino, 4 - 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