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} - .screenonly { display: none; } - .pagenum { display: none; } - .x_link { display: none; } - .footnotes { border: none; } - .footnote { margin: 1em 0; } - } - - </style> - </head> - <body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12), by George Grote - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll -have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using -this ebook. - - - -Title: History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12) - -Author: George Grote - -Release Date: November 26, 2019 [EBook #60786] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GREECE, VOLUME 12 *** - - - - -Produced by Henry Flower, Ramon Pajares Box and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="front"> - <hr class="full" /> - <p><a href="#tnote">Transcriber's note</a></p> - <p><a href="#ToC">Table of Contents</a></p> - <p><a href="#Index">Index</a></p> -</div> - -<div class="screenonly"> - <hr class="chap" /> - <div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" - alt="Book cover" /> - </div> - <hr class="chap" /> -</div> - -<div class="tit pt3"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[p. i]</span></p> - <h1 class="g1">HISTORY OF GREECE.</h1> - - <p class="large mt2"><small>BY</small><br /> - <span class="g1">GEORGE GROTE, <span class="smcap">Esq.</span></span></p> - - <p class="large g1 mt2">VOL. XII.</p> - - <p class="xs mt4">REPRINTED FROM THE SECOND LONDON EDITION.</p> - - <p class="medium mt2">NEW YORK:<br /> - <span class="g1">HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,</span><br /> - <span class="small g1">329 <small>AND</small> 331 <small>PEARL STREET.</small></span><br /> - <span class="large g1">1875.</span></p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="aftit"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[p. ii]</span></p> - <div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill_a002b.jpg" - alt="Map of African territory of Carthage" /> - <p class="caption"> - <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a002bx.jpg"><img - src="images/xpnd.jpg" - alt="Enlarge" - title="Enlarge" /></a> </span> - AFRICAN TERRITORY OF CARTHAGE. - </p> - </div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="aftit"> - <div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill_a002d.jpg" - alt="Plan to illustrate the Battle of Issus" /> - <p class="caption"> - <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a002dx.jpg"><img - src="images/xpnd.jpg" - alt="Enlarge" - title="Enlarge" /></a> </span> - PLAN to illustrate the BATTLE <small>OF</small> ISSUS. - </p> - </div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter" id="ToC"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[p. iii]</span></p> - <h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS.<br /> - <span class="large">VOL. XII.</span></h2> - <hr class="sep" /> -</div> - -<div class="contents"> - -<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCI.</p> - -<p class="subchap">FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT — -SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF THEBES.</p> - -<p class="mt1">State of Greece at Alexander’s accession — dependence -on the Macedonian kings. — Unwilling subjection of the Greeks -— influence of Grecian intelligence on Macedonia. — Basis of -Alexander’s character — not Hellenic. — Boyhood and Education -of Alexander. — He receives instruction from Aristotle. — Early -political action and maturity of Alexander — his quarrels with his -father. Family discord. — Uncertainty of Alexander’s position during -the last year of Philip. — Impression produced by the sudden death -of Philip. — Accession of Alexander — his energy and judgment. -— Accomplices of Pausanias are slain by Alexander — Amyntas and -others are slain by him also. — Sentiment at Athens on the death of -Philip — language of Demosthenes — inclination to resist Macedonia, -yet without overt act. — Discontent in Greece — but no positive -movement. — March of Alexander into Greece — submission of Athens. -— Alexander is chosen Imperator of the Greeks in the convention at -Corinth — continued refusal of concurrence by Sparta. — Conditions -of the vote thus passed — privileges granted to the cities. — -Authority claimed by Alexander under the convention — degradation -of the leading Grecian states. — Encroachments and tyranny of the -Macedonian officers in Greece — complaints of the orators at Athens. -— Violations of the convention at sea by Macedonian officers. -— Language of the complaining Athenians — they insist only on -strict observance of the convention. Boldness of their language. — -Encouragements held out by Persia to the Greeks. — Correspondence -of Demosthenes with Persia — justifiable and politic. — March of -Alexander into Thrace. He forces his way over Mount Hæmus. — His -victory over the Triballi. — He crosses the Danube, defeats the Getæ, -and returns back. — Embassy of Gauls to Alexander. His self-conceit. -— Victories of Alexander over Kleitus and the Illyrians. — The -Thebans declare their independence against Macedonia. — They are -encouraged by Alexander’s long absence in Thrace, and by reports -of his death. — The Theban exiles from Athens get possession of -Thebes. — They besiege the Macedonians in the Kadmeia, and entreat -aid from other Greeks. Favorable sympathies shown towards them, -but no positive aid. — Chances of Thebes and liberation, not -unfavorable. — Rapid march and unexpected arrival of Alexander -with his army before Thebes. His good fortune as to the time<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[p. iv]</span> of hearing the news. — -Siege of Thebes. Proclamation of Alexander. Determination of the -Thebans to resist. — Capture of Thebes by assault. Massacre of the -population. — Thebes is razed; the Theban captives sold as slaves; -the territory distributed among the neighboring cities. — The Kadmeia -is occupied as a Macedonian Military post. Retribution upon the -Thebans from Orchomenus and Platæa. — Sentiments of Alexander, at -the time and afterwards, respecting the destruction of Thebes. — -Extreme terror spread throughout Greece. Sympathy of the Athenians -towards the Theban exiles. — Alexander demands the surrender of the -chief anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens. Memorable debate at Athens. -The demand refused. — Embassy of the Athenians to Alexander. He is -persuaded to acquiesce in the refusal, and to be satisfied with the -banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes. — Influence of Phokion in -obtaining these milder terms — his increased ascendency at Athens. -— Alexander at Corinth — obedience of the Grecian synod — interview -with the philosopher Diogenes. — Reconstitution of Orchomenus and -Platæa. Return of Alexander to Pella. — Military operations of -Parmenio in Asia Minor against Memnon.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_91">1-49</a></p> - - -<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCII.</p> - -<p class="subchap">ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.</p> - -<p class="mt1">During Alexander’s reign, the history of Greece is -nearly a blank. To what extent the Asiatic projects of Alexander -belonged to Grecian history. — Pan-hellenic pretences set up by -Alexander. The real feeling of the Greeks was adverse to his success. -— Analogy of Alexander’s relation to the Greeks — with those of the -Emperor Napoleon to the Confederation of the Rhine. — Greece an -appendage, but a valuable appendage, to Macedonia. — Extraordinary -military endowments and capacity of Alexander. — Changes in Grecian -warfare, antecedent and contributory to the military organization of -Macedonia. — Macedonian military condition before Philip. Good and -firm cavalry: poor infantry. — Philip re-arms and reorganizes the -infantry. Long Macedonian pike or sarissa. — Macedonian phalanx — how -armed and arrayed. — It was originally destined to contend against -the Grecian hoplites as organized by Epaminondas. — Regiments and -divisions of the phalanx — heavy-armed infantry. — Light infantry of -the line — Hypaspistæ, or Guards. — Light troops generally — mostly -foreigners. — Macedonian cavalry — its excellence — how regimented. -— The select Macedonian Body-guards. The Royal Pages. — Foreign -auxiliaries — Grecian hoplites — Thessalian cavalry — Pæonians — -Illyrians — Thracians, etc. — Magazines, war-office, and depôt, at -Pella. — Macedonian aptitudes — purely military — military pride -stood to them in lieu of national sentiment. — Measures of Alexander -previous to his departure for Asia. Antipater left as viceroy at -Pella. — March of Alexander to the Hellespont. Passage across to -Asia. — Visit of Alexander to Ilium. — Analogy of Alexander to the -Greek heroes. — Review and total of the Macedonian army in Asia. — -Chief Macedonian officers. — Greeks in Alexander’s service — Eumenes -of Kardia. — Persian forces — Mentor and Memnon the Rhodians. — -Succession of the Persian crown — Ochus — Darius Codomannus. — -Preparations of Darius for defence. — Operations of Memnon before -Alexander’s arrival. — Superiority of the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_v">[p. v]</span> Persians at sea: their imprudence in -letting Alexander cross the Hellespont unopposed. — Persian force -assembled in Phrygia, under Arsites and others. — Advice of Memnon, -to avoid fighting on land, and to employ the fleet for aggressive -warfare in Macedonia and Greece. — Arsites rejects Memnon’s advice, -and determines to fight. — The Persians take post on the river -Granikus. — Alexander reaches the Granikus, and resolves to force -the passage at once, in spite of the dissuasion of Permenio. — -Disposition of the two armies. — Battle of the Granikus. — Cavalry -battle. — Personal danger of Alexander. His life saved by Kleitus. -Complete victory of Alexander. Destruction of the Grecian infantry on -the side of the Persians. — Loss of the Persians — numbers of their -leading men slain. — Small loss of the Macedonians. — Alexander’s -kindness to his wounded soldiers, and severe treatment of the Grecian -prisoners. — Unskilfulness of the Persian leaders. Immense impression -produced by Alexander’s victory. — Terror and submission of the -Asiatics to Alexander. Surrender of the strong fortress of Sardis. — -He marches from Sardis to the coast. Capture of Ephesus. — He finds -the first resistance at Miletus. — Near approach of the Persian -fleet. Memnon is made commander-in-chief of the Persians. — The -Macedonian fleet occupies the harbor of Miletus, and keeps out the -Persians. Alexander declines naval combat. His debate with Parmenio. -— Alexander besieges Miletus. Capture of the city. — The Persian -fleet retires to Halikarnassus. Alexander disbands his own fleet. — -March of Alexander to Halikarnassus. Ada queen of Karia joins him. -Strong garrison, and good defensive preparation, at Halikarnassus. -— Siege of Halikarnassus. Bravery of the garrison, under Ephialtes -the Athenian. — Desperate sally of Ephialtes — at first successful, -but repulsed — he himself is slain. — Memnon is forced to abandon -Halikarnassus, and withdraw the garrison by sea, retaining only -the citadel. Alexander enters Halikarnassus. — Winter campaign -of Alexander along the southern coast of Asia Minor. — Alexander -concludes his winter campaign at Gordium. Capture of Kelænæ. — -Appendix on the Macedonian Sarissa.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_92">49-104</a></p> - - -<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCIII.</p> - -<p class="subchap">SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER — -BATTLE OF ISSUS — SIEGE OF TYRE.</p> - -<p class="mt1">Alexander cuts the Gordian knot. — He refuses the -liberation of the Athenian prisoners. — Progress of Memnon and -the Persian fleet — they acquire Chios and a large part of Lesbos -— they besiege Mitylene. Death of Memnon. Capture of Mitylene. — -Hopes excited in Greece by the Persian fleet, but ruined by the -death of Memnon. — Memnon’s death an irreparable mischief to Darius. -— Change in Darius’s plan caused by this event. He resolves to -take the offensive on land. His immense land-force. — Free speech -and sound judgment of Charidemus. He is put to death by Darius. — -Darius abandoned Memnon’s plans, just at the time when he had the -best defensive position for executing them with effect. — Darius -recalls the Grecian mercenaries from the fleet. — Criticism of -Arrian on Darius’s plan. — March of Alexander from Gordium through -Paphlagonia and Kappadokia. — He arrives at the line of Mount Taurus -— difficulties of the pass. — Conduct of Arsames, the Persian -satrap.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[p. vi]</span> Alexander -passes Mount Taurus without the least resistance. He enters Tarsus. -— Dangerous illness of Alexander. His confidence in the physician -Philippus, who cures him. — Operations of Alexander in Kilikia. — -March of Alexander out of Kilikia, through Issus, to Myriandrus. -— March of Darius from the interior to the eastern side of Mount -Amanus. Immense numbers of his army: great wealth and ostentation in -it: the treasure and baggage sent to Damascus. — Position of Darius -on the plain eastward of Mount Amanus. He throws open the mountain -passes, to let Alexander come through and fight a pitched battle. -— Impatience of Darius at the delay of Alexander in Kilikia. He -crosses Mount Amanus to attack Alexander in the defiles of Kilikia. -— He arrives in Alexander’s rear, and captures Issus. — Return of -Alexander from Myriandrus: his address to his army. — Position of the -Macedonian army south of the river Pinarus. — Position of the Persian -army north of the Pinarus. — Battle of Issus. — Alarm and immediate -flight of Darius — defeat of the Persians. — Vigorous and destructive -pursuit by Alexander — capture of the mother and wife of Darius. -— Courteous treatment of the regal female prisoners by Alexander. -— Complete dispersion of the Persian army — Darius recrosses the -Euphrates — escape of some Perso-Grecian mercenaries. — Prodigious -effect produced by the victory of Issus. — Effects produced in -Greece by the battle of Issus. Anti-Macedonian projects crushed. — -Capture of Damascus by the Macedonians, with the Persian treasure -and prisoners. Capture and treatment of the Athenian Iphikrates. -Altered relative position of Greeks and Macedonians. — Alexander -in Phenicia. Aradus, Byblus, and Sidon open their gates to him. — -Letter of Darius soliciting peace and the restitution of the regal -captives. Haughty reply of Alexander. — Importance of the voluntary -surrender of the Phenician towns to Alexander. — Alexander appears -before Tyre — readiness of the Tyrians to surrender, yet not without -a point reserved — he determines to besiege the city. — Exorbitant -dispositions and conduct of Alexander. — He prepares to besiege Tyre -— situation of the place. — Chances of the Tyrians — their resolution -not unreasonable. — Alexander constructs a mole across the strait -between Tyre and the mainland. The project is defeated. — Surrender -of the princes of Cyprus to Alexander — He gets hold of the main -Phenician and Cyprian fleet. — He appears before Tyre with a numerous -fleet, and blocks up the place by sea. — Capture of Tyre by storm -— desperate resistance by the citizens. — Surviving males, 2000 in -number, hanged by order of Alexander — The remaining captives sold. -— Duration of the siege for seven months. Sacrifice of Alexander to -Herakles. — Second letter from Darius to Alexander, who requires -unconditional submission. — The Macedonian fleet overpowers the -Persian and becomes master of the Ægean with the islands. — March -of Alexander towards Egypt — siege of Gaza. — His first assaults -fail — he is wounded — he erects an immense mound round the town. — -Gaza is taken by storm, after a siege of two months. — The garrison -are all slain, except the governor Batis, who becomes prisoner, -severely wounded. — Wrath of Alexander against Batis, whom he causes -to be tied to a chariot, and dragged round the town. — Alexander -enters Egypt, and occupies it without resistance — He determines on -founding Alexandria. — His visit to the temple and oracle of Ammon. -The oracle proclaims him to be the son of Zeus. — Arrangements made by -Alexander at Memphis. — Grecian prisoners brought from the Ægean. — -He proceeds to Phenicia — message from Athens. Splendid festivals. -Reinforcements sent to Antipater. — He marches to the Euphrates — -crosses it without opposition at Thapsakus. — March across from -the Euphrates to the Ti<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[p. -vii]</span>gris. Alexander fords the Tigris above Nineveh, without -resistance. — Eclipse of the moon. Alexander approaches near the -army of Darius in position. — Inaction of Darius since the defeat -at Issus. — Paralyzing effect upon him produced by the captivity -of his mother and wife. — Good treatment of the captive females by -Alexander — necessary to keep up their value as hostages. — Immense -army collected by Darius, in the plains eastward of the Tigris — near -Arbela. — He fixes the spot for encamping and awaiting the attack -of Alexander — in a level plain near Gaugamela. — His equipment and -preparation — better arms — numerous scythed chariots — elephants. -— Position and battle array of Darius. — Preliminary movements of -Alexander — discussions with Parmenio and other officers. His careful -reconnoitring in person. — Dispositions of Alexander for the attack — -array of the troops. — Battle of Arbela. — Cowardice of Darius — he -sets the example of flight — defeat of the Persians. — Combat on the -Persian right between Mazæus and Parmenio. Flight of the Persian host -— energetic pursuit by Alexander. — Escape of Darius. Capture of the -Persian camp, and of Arbela. — Loss in the battle. Completeness of -the victory. Entire and irreparable dispersion of the Persian army. -— Causes of the defeat — cowardice of Darius. Uselessness of his -immense numbers. — Generalship of Alexander. — Surrender of Babylon -and Susa, the two great capitals of Persia. Alexander enters Babylon. -Immense treasures acquired in both places. — Alexander acts as king -of Persia, and nominates satraps. He marches to Susa. He remodels -the divisions of his army. — Alexander marches into Persis proper — -he conquers the refractory Uxii, in the intermediate mountains. — -Difficult pass called the Susian Gates, on the way to Persepolis. -Ariobarzanes the satrap repulses Alexander, who finds means to turn -the pass, and conquer it. — Alexander enters Persepolis. Mutilated -Grecian captives. — Immense wealth, and national monuments of every -sort, accumulated in Persepolis. — Alexander appropriates and -carries away the regal treasures, and then gives up Persepolis to be -plundered and burnt by the soldiers. — Alexander rests his troops, -and employs himself in conquering the rest of Persis. — Darius a -fugitive in Media.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_93">104-178</a></p> - - -<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCIV.</p> - -<p class="subchap">MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF -ALEXANDER, AFTER HIS WINTER QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH -AT BABYLON.</p> - -<p class="mt1">The first four Asiatic campaigns of Alexander — their -direct bearing and importance in reference to Grecian history. — -His last seven years, farther eastward, had no similar bearing upon -Greece. — Darius at Ekbatana — seeks escape towards Baktria, when -he hears of Alexander approaching. — Alexander enters Ekbatana — -establishes there his depôt and base of operations. — Alexander sends -home the Thessalian cavalry — necessity for him now to pursue a more -desultory warfare. — Alexander pursues Darius to the Caspian Gates, -but fails in overtaking him. — Conspiracy formed against Darius by -Bessus and others, who seize his person. — Prodigious efforts of -Alexander to overtake and get possession of Darius. He surprises the -Persian corps, but Bessus puts Darius to death. — Disappointment -of Alexander when he missed taking<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_viii">[p. viii]</span> Darius alive. Regal funeral bestowed -upon Darius. His fate and conduct. — Repose of Alexander and his army -at Hekatompylus in Parthia. Commencing alteration in his demeanor. He -becomes Asiatized and despotic. — Gradual aggravation of these new -habits, from the present moment. — Alexander conquers the mountains -immediately south of the Caspian. He requires the Greek mercenaries -to surrender at discretion. Envoys from Sparta and other Greek -cities brought to him — how treated. — March of Alexander farther -Eastward — his successes in Asia and Drangiana. — Proceedings against -Philotas, son of Parmenio, in Drangiana. Military greatness and -consideration of the family. — Revelation of an intended conspiracy -made by Kebalinus to Philotas, for the purpose of being communicated -to Alexander. Philotas does not mention it to Alexander. It is -communicated to the latter through another channel. — Alexander is at -first angry with Philotas, but accepts his explanation, and professes -to pass over the fact. — Ancient grudge against Philotas — advantage -taken of the incident to ruin him. — Kraterus and others are jealous -of Parmenio and Philotas. Alexander is persuaded to put them both -to death. — Arrest of Philotas. Alexander accuses him before the -assembled soldiers. He is condemned. — Philotas is put to the -torture, and forced to confess, both against himself and Parmenio. — -Parmenio is slain at Ekbatana, by order and contrivance of Alexander. -Mutiny of the soldiers when they learn the assassination of Parmenio -— appeased by the production of Alexander’s order. — Fear and disgust -produced by the killing of Parmenio and Philotas. — Conquest of -the Paropamisadæ, etc. Foundation of Alexandria <i>ad Caucasum</i>. — -Alexander crosses the Hindoo-Koosh, and conquers Baktria. Bessus -is made prisoner. — Massacre of the Branchidæ and their families, -perpetrated by Alexander in Sogdiana. — Alexander at Marakanda and -on the Jaxartes. — Foundation of Alexandria <i>ad Jaxartem</i>. Limit -of march northward. — Alexander at Zariaspa in Baktria — he causes -Bessus to be mutilated and slain. — Farther subjugation of Baktria -and Sogdiana. Halt at Marakanda. — Banquet at Marakanda. — Character -and position of Kleitus. — Boasts of Alexander and his flatterers — -repugnance of Macedonian officers felt but not expressed. — Scene -at the banquet — vehement remonstrance of Kleitus. — Furious wrath -of Alexander — he murders Kleitus. — Intense remorse of Alexander, -immediately after the deed. — Active and successful operations of -Alexander in Sogdiana. — Capture of two inexpugnable positions — -the Sogdian rock — the rock of Choriênes. Passion of Alexander for -Roxana. — Alexander at Baktra — marriage with Roxana. His demand for -prostration or worship from all. — Public harangue of Anaxarchus -during a banquet, exhorting every one to render this worship. — -Public reply of Kallisthenes, opposing it. Character and history -of Kallisthenes. — The reply of Kallisthenes is favorably heard by -the guests — the proposition for worship is dropped. — Coldness and -disfavor of Alexander towards Kallisthenes. — Honorable frankness and -courage of Kallisthenes. — Kallisthenes becomes odious to Alexander. -— Conspiracy of the royal pages against Alexander’s life — it is -divulged — they are put to torture, but implicate no one else; they -are put to death. — Kallisthenes is arrested as an accomplice — -antipathy manifested by Alexander against him and against Aristotle -also. — Kallisthenes is tortured and hanged. — Alexander reduces the -country between the Hindoo-Koosh and the Indus. — Conquest of tribes -on the right bank of the Indus — the rock of Aornos. — Alexander -crosses the Indus — forces the passage of the Hydaspes, defeating -Porus — generous treatment of Porus. — His farther conquests in the -Punjab. Sangala the last of them. — He reaches the Hyphasis<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[p. ix]</span> (Sutledge), the farthest -of the rivers of the Punjab. His army refuses to march farther. — -Alexander returns to the Hydaspes. — He constructs a fleet and sails -down the Hydaspes and the Indus. Dangerous wound of Alexander in -attacking the Malli. — New cities and posts to be established on -the Indus — Alexander reaches the ocean — effect of the first sight -of tides. — March of Alexander by land westward through the desert -of Gedrosia — sufferings and losses in the army. — Alexander and -the army come back to Persis. — Conduct of Alexander at Persepolis. -Punishment of the satrap Orsines. — He marches to Susa — junction -with the fleet under Nearchus, after it had sailed round from the -mouth of the Indus. — Alexander at Susa as Great King. Subjects of -uneasiness to him — the satraps — the Macedonian soldiers. — Past -conduct of the satraps — several of them are punished by Alexander -— alarm among them all — flight of Harpalus. — Discontents of the -Macedonian soldiers with the Asiatizing intermarriages promoted by -Alexander. — Their discontent with the new Asiatic soldiers levied -and disciplined by Alexander. — Interest of Alexander in the fleet, -which sails up the Tigris to Opis. — Notice of partial discharge -to the Macedonian soldiers — they mutiny — wrath of Alexander — -he disbands them all. — Remorse and humiliation of the soldiers -— Alexander is appeased — reconciliation. — Partial disbanding — -body of veterans placed under command of Kraterus to return — New -projects of conquests contemplated by Alexander — measures for -enlarging his fleet. — Visit to Ekbatana — death of Hephæstion — -violent sorrow of Alexander. — Alexander exterminates the Kossæi. -— March of Alexander to Babylon. Numerous embassies which met him -on the way. — Alexander at Babylon — his great preparations for the -circumnavigation and conquest of Arabia. — Alexander on shipboard, on -the Euphrates and in the marshes adjoining. His plans for improving -the navigation and flow of the river. — Large reinforcements arrive, -Grecian and Asiatic. New array ordered by Alexander, for Macedonians -and Persians in the same files and companies. — Splendid funeral -obsequies of Hephæstion. — General feasting and intemperance in the -army. Alexander is seized with a dangerous fever. Details of his -illness. — No hope of his life. Consternation and grief in the army. -Last interview with his soldiers. His death — Effect produced on the -imagination of contemporaries by the career and death of Alexander. -— Had Alexander lived, he must have achieved things greater still. -— Question raised by Livy, about the chances of Alexander if he had -attacked the Romans. — Unrivalled excellence as a military man. — -Alexander as a ruler, apart from military affairs — not deserving -of esteem. — Alexander would have continued the system of the -Persian empire, with no other improvement except that of a strong -organization. — Absence of nationality in Alexander — purpose of -fusing the different varieties of mankind into one common type of -subjection. — Mistake of supposing Alexander to be the intentional -diffuser of Greek civilization. His ideas compared with those of -Aristotle. — Number of new cities founded in Asia by Alexander. — It -was not Alexander, but the Diadochi after him, who chiefly hellenized -Asia. — How far Asia was ever really hellenized — the great fact was, -that the Greek language became universally diffused. — Greco-Asiatic -cities. — Increase of the means of communication between various -parts of the world. — Interest of Alexander in science and -literature — not great.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_94">178-274</a></p> - - -<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[p. -x]</span>CHAPTER XCV.</p> - -<p class="subchap">GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN -ASIA TO THE CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.</p> - -<p class="mt1">State of the Grecian world when Alexander crossed -the Hellespont. — Grecian spirit might have been called into action -if the Persians had played their game well. — Hopes raised in -Greece, first by the Persian fleet in the Ægean, next by the two -great Persian armies on land. — Public acts and policy at Athens -— decidedly pacific. — Phokion and Demades were leading ministers -at Athens — they were of macedonizing politics. — Demosthenes and -Lykurgus, though not in the ascendent politically, are nevertheless -still public men of importance. Financial activity of Lykurgus. — -Position of Demosthenes — his prudent conduct — Anti-Macedonian -movement from Sparta — King Agis visits the Persian admirals in the -Ægean. His attempts both in Krete and in the Peloponnesus. — Agis -levies an army in Peloponnesus, and makes open declaration against -Antipater. — Agis, at first partially successful, is completely -defeated by Antipater, and slain. — Complete submission of all -Greece to Antipater — Spartan envoys sent up to Alexander in Asia. -— Untoward result of the defensive efforts of Greece — want of -combination. — Position of parties at Athens during the struggle -of Agis — reaction of the macedonizing party after his defeat. — -Judicial contest between Æschines and Demosthenes. Preliminary -circumstances as to the proposition of Ktesiphon, and the indictment -by Æschines. — Accusatory harangue of Æschines, nominally against -the proposition of Ktesiphon, really against the political life of -Demosthenes. — Appreciation of Æschines, on independent evidence, -as an accuser of Demosthenes. — Reply of Demosthenes — oration De -Coronâ. — Funeral oration of extinct Grecian freedom. — Verdict of -the Dikasts — triumph of Demosthenes — exile of Æschines. — Causes -of the exile of Æschines — he was the means of procuring coronation -for Demosthenes. — Subsequent accusation against Demosthenes, -in the affair of Harpalus. — Flight of Harpalus to Athens — his -previous conduct and relations with Athens. — False reports conveyed -to Alexander, that the Athenians had identified themselves with -Harpalus. — Circumstances attending the arrival of Harpalus at Sunium -— debate in the Athenian assembly — promises held out by Harpalus — -the Athenians seem at first favorably disposed towards him. — Phokion -and Demosthenes both agree in dissuading the Athenians from taking up -Harpalus. — Demand by Antipater for the surrender of Harpalus — the -Athenians refuse to comply, but they arrest Harpalus and sequestrate -his treasure for Alexander. — Demosthenes moves the decree for -arrest of Harpalus, who is arrested, but escapes. — Conduct of -Demosthenes in regard to the treasure of Harpalus — deficiency of -the sum counted and realized, as compared with the sum announced by -Harpalus. — Suspicions about this money — Demosthenes moves that -the Areopagus shall investigate the matter — the Areopagites bring -in a report against Demosthenes himself, with Demades and others, -as guilty of corrupt appropriation. Demosthenes is tried on this -charge, condemned, and goes into exile. — Was Demosthenes guilty of -such corrupt appropriation? Circumstances as known in the case. — -Demosthenes could not have received the money from Harpalus, since -he opposed him from first to last. — Had Demosthenes the means of -embez<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[p. xi]</span>zling, after -the money had passed out of the control of Harpalus? Answer in the -negative. Accusatory speech of Deinarchus — virulent invective -destitute of facts. — Change of mind respecting Demosthenes, in the -Athenean public, in a few months. — Probable reality of the case, -respecting the money of Harpalus, and the sentence of the Areopagus. -— Rescript of Alexander to the Grecian cities, directing that the -exiles should be recalled in each. — Purpose of the rescript — to -provide partisans for Alexander in each of the cities. Discontents -in Greece. — Effect produced in Greece, by the death of Alexander. -The Athenians declare themselves champions of the liberation of -Greece, in spite of Phokion’s opposition. — The Ætolians and many -other Greeks join the confederacy for liberation — activity of -the Athenian Leosthenes as General. — Athenian envoys sent round -to invite co-operation from the various Greeks. — Assistance lent -to the Athenian envoys by Demosthenes, though in exile. — He is -recalled to Athens, and receives an enthusiastic welcome. — Large -Grecian confederacy against Antipater — nevertheless without Sparta. -Bœotia strongly in the Macedonian interest. Leosthenes with the -confederate army marches into Thessaly. — Battle in Thessaly — -victory of Leosthenes over Antipater, who is compelled to throw -himself into Lamia, and await succors from Asia — Leosthenes forms -the blockade of Lamia: he is slain. — Misfortune of the death of -Leosthenes. Antiphilus is named in his place. Relaxed efforts of -the Grecian army. — Leonnatus, with a Macedonian army from Asia, -arrives in Thessaly. His defeat and death. — Antipater escapes from -Lamia, and takes the command. — War carried on by sea between the -Macedonian and Athenian fleets. — Reluctance of the Greek contingents -to remain on long-continued service. The army in Thessaly is thinned -by many returning home. — Expected arrival of Kraterus to reinforce -Antipater. Relations between the Macedonian officers. — State of the -regal family, and of the Macedonian generals and soldiery, after -the death of Alexander. — Philip Aridæus is proclaimed king: the -satrapies are distributed among the principal officers. — Perdikkas -the chief representative of central authority, assisted by Eumenes -of Kardia. — List of projects entertained by Alexander at the time -of his death. The generals dismiss them as too vast. — Plans of -Leonnatus and Kleopatra. — Kraterus joins Antipater in Macedonia -with a powerful army. Battle of Krannon in Thessaly. Antipater gains -a victory over the Greeks though not a complete one. — Antiphilus -tries to open negotiations with Antipater, who refuses to treat -except with each city singly. Discouragement among the Greeks. Each -city treats separately. Antipater grants favorable terms to all, -except Athenians and Ætolians. Antipater and his army in Bœotia — -Athens left alone and unable to resist. Demosthenes and the other -anti-Macedonian orators take flight. Embassy of Phokion, Xenokrates, -and others to Antipater. — Severe terms imposed upon Athens by -Antipater. — Disfranchisement and deportation of the 12,000 poorest -Athenian citizens. — Hardship suffered by the deported poor of Athens -— Macedonian garrison placed in Munychia. — Demosthenes, Hyperides, -and others, are condemned to death in their absence. Antipater sends -officers to track and seize the Grecian exiles. He puts Hyperides -to death. — Demosthenes in sanctuary at Kalauria — Archias with -Thracian soldiers comes to seize him — he takes poison, and dies. — -Miserable condition of Greece — life and character of Demosthenes. -— Dishonorable position of Phokion at Athens under the Macedonian -occupation.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_95">275-331</a></p> - - -<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[p. -xii]</span>CHAPTER XCVI.</p> - -<p class="subchap">FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF -FREE HELLAS AND HELLENISM.</p> - -<p class="mt1">Antipater purges and remodels the Peloponnesian -cities. He attacks the Ætolians, with a view of departing them -across to Asia. His presence becomes necessary in Asia: he concludes -a pacification with the Ætolians. — Plans of Perdikkas — intrigues -with the princesses at Pella. — Antigonus detects the intrigues, -and reveals them to Antipater and Kraterus. — Unpropitious turn of -fortune for the Greeks, in reference to the Lamian war. — Antipater -and Kraterus in Asia — Perdikkas marches to attack Ptolemy in Egypt, -but is killed by a mutiny of his own troops. Union of Antipater, -Ptolemy, Antigonus, etc. New distribution of the satrapies, made at -Triparadeisus. — War between Antigonus and Eumenes in Asia. Energy -and ability of Eumenes. He is worsted and blocked up in Nora. — -Sickness and death of Antipater. The Athenian orator Demades is put -to death in Macedonia — Antipater sets aside his son Kassander, and -names Polysperchon viceroy. Discontent and opposition of Kassander. -— Kassander sets up for himself, gets possession of Munychia, and -forms alliance with Ptolemy and Antigonus against Polysperchon. -Plans of Polysperchon — alliance with Olympias in Europe, and -with Eumenes in Asia — enfranchisement of the Grecian cities. — -Ineffectual attempts of Eumenes to uphold the imperial dynasty in -Asia: his gallantry and ability: he is betrayed by his own soldiers, -and slain by Antigonus. — Edict issued by Polysperchon at Pella, -in the name of the imperial dynasty — subverting the Antipatrian -oligarchies in the Grecian cities, restoring political exiles, and -granting free constitutions to each. — Letters and measures of -Polysperchon to enforce the edict. State of Athens: exiles returning: -complicated political parties: danger of Phokion. — Negotiations -of the Athenians with Nikanor, governor of Munychia for Kassander. -— Nikanor seizes Peiræus by surprise. Phokion, though forewarned, -takes no precautions against it. — Mischief to the Athenians, as -well as to Polysperchon, from Nikanor’s occupation of Peiræus; -culpable negligence, and probable collusion, of Phokion. — Arrival -of Alexander (son of Polysperchon): his treacherous policy to -the Athenians; Kassander reaches Peiræus. — Intrigues of Phokion -with Alexander — he tries to secure for himself the protection of -Alexander against the Athenians. — Return of the deported exiles -to Athens — public vote passed in the Athenian assembly against -Phokion and his colleagues. Phokion leaves the city, is protected -by Alexander, and goes to meet Polysperchon, in Phokis. — Agnonides -and others are sent as deputies to Polysperchon, to accuse Phokion -and to claim the benefit of the regal edict. — Agnonides and Phokion -are heard before Polysperchon — Phokion and his colleagues are -delivered up as prisoners to the Athenians. Phokion is conveyed -as prisoner to Athens, and brought for trial before the assembly. -Motion of his friends for exclusion of non-qualified persons. — -Intense exasperation of the returned exiles against Phokion — grounds -for that feeling. — Phokion is condemned to death — vindictive -manifestation against him in the assembly, furious and unanimous. -— Death of Phokion and his four colleagues. — Alteration of the -sentiment of the Athenians towards Phokion, not long afterwards. -Honors shown<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[p. xiii]</span> -to his memory. — Explanation of this alteration. Kassander gets -possession of Athens and restores the oligarchical or Phokionic -party. — Life and character of Phokion. — War between Polysperchon -and Kassander, in Attica and Peloponnesus. Polysperchon is repulsed -in the siege of Megalopolis, and also defeated at sea. — Increased -strength of Kassander in Greece — he gets possession of Athens. — -Restoration of the oligarchical government at Athens, though in a -mitigated form, under the Phalerean Demetrius. — Administration of -the Phalerean Demetrius at Athens, in a moderate spirit. Census -taken of the Athenian population — Kassander in Peloponnesus — many -cities join him — the Spartans surround their city with walls. — -Feud in the Macedonian imperial family — Olympias puts to death -Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê — she reigns in Macedonia: her bloody -revenge against the partisans of Antipater. — Kassander passes into -Macedonia — defeats Olympias, and becomes master of the country — -Olympias is besieged in Pydna, captured, and put to death. — Great -power of Antigonus in Asia. Confederacy of Kassander, Lysimachus, -Ptolemy, and Seleukus against him. — Kassander founds Kassandreia, -and restores Thebes. — Measures of Antigonus against Kassander — he -promises freedom to the Grecian cities — Ptolemy promises the like. -Great power of Kassander in Greece. — Forces of Antigonus in Greece. -Considerable success against Kassander. — Pacification between the -belligerents. Grecian autonomy guaranteed in name by all. Kassander -puts to death Roxana and her child. — Polysperchon espouses the -pretensions of Herakles, son of Alexander, against Kassander. He -enters into compact with Kassander, assassinates the young prince, -and is recognized as ruler of Southern Greece. — Assassination -of Kleopatra, last surviving relative of Alexander the Great, by -Antigonus. — Ptolemy of Egypt in Greece — after some successes, he -concludes a truce with Kassander. Passiveness of the Grecian cities. -— Sudden arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes in Peiræus. The Athenians -declare in his favor. Demetrius Phalereus retires to Egypt. Capture -of Munychia and Megara. — Demetrius Poliorketes enters Athens in -triumph. He promises restoration of the democracy. Extravagant votes -of flattery passed by the Athenians towards him. Two new Athenian -tribes created. — Alteration of tone and sentiment in Athens, during -the last thirty years. — Contrast of Athens as proclaimed free by -Demetrius Poliorketes, with Athens after the expulsion of Hippias. -— Opposition made by Demochares, nephew of Demosthenes, to these -obsequious public flatteries. — Demetrius Phalereus condemned in his -absence. Honorable commemoration of the deceased orator Lykurgus. -Restrictive law passed against the philosophers — they all leave -Athens. The law is repealed next year, and the philosophers return -to Athens. — Exploits of Demetrius Poliorketes. His long siege of -Rhodes. Gallant and successful resistance of the citizens. — His -prolonged war, and ultimate success in Greece, against Kassander. — -Return of Demetrius Poliorketes to Athens — his triumphant reception -— memorable Ithyphallic hymn addressed to him. — Helpless condition -of the Athenians — proclaimed by themselves. — Idolatry shown to -Demetrius at Athens. He is initiate in the Eleusinian mysteries, -out of the regular season. — March of Demetrius into Thessaly — he -passes into Asia and joins Antigonus — great battle of Ipsus, in -which the four confederates completely defeat Antigonus, who is -slain and his Asiatic power broken up and partitioned. — Restoration -of the Kassandrian dominion in Greece. Lachares makes himself -despot at Athens, under Kassander. Demetrius Poliorketes returns, -and expels Lachares. He garrisons Peiræus and Munychia. — Death of -Kassander. Bloody feuds among his family.<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_xiv">[p. xiv]</span> — Demetrius acquires the crown of -Macedonia. — Antigonus Gonatas (son of Demetrius) master of Macedonia -and Greece. Permanent rule of the Antigonid dynasty in Macedonia, -until the conquest of that country by the Romans. — Spirit of the -Greeks broken — isolation of the cities from each other by Antigonus. -— The Greece of Polybius cannot form a subject of history by itself, -but only as an appendage to foreign neighbors. — Evidence of the -political nullity of Athens — public decree in honor of Demochares — -what acts are recorded as his titles to public gratitude.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_96">331-393</a></p> - - -<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCVII.</p> - -<p class="subchap">SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS — AGATHOKLES.</p> - -<p class="mt1">Constitution established by Timoleon at Syracuse — -afterwards exchanged for an oligarchy. — Italian Greeks — pressed -upon by enemies from the interior — Archidamus king of Sparta slain -in Italy. — Growth of the Molossian kingdom of Epirus, through -Macedonian aid — Alexander the Molossian king brother of Olympias. — -The Molossian Alexander crosses into Italy to assist the Tarentines. -His exploits and death. — Assistance sent by the Syracusans to Kroton -— first rise of Agathokles. — Agathokles distinguishes himself in -the Syracusan expedition — he is disappointed of honors — becomes -discontented and leaves Syracuse. — He levies a mercenary force — -his exploits as general in Italy and Sicily. — Change of government -at Syracuse — Agathokles is recalled — his exploits against the -exiles — his dangerous character at home. — Farther internal changes -at Syracuse — recall of the exiles — Agathokles readmitted — swears -amnesty and fidelity. — Agathokles, in collusion with Hamilkar, arms -his partisans at Syracuse, and perpetuates a sanguinary massacre of -the citizens. — Agathokles is constituted sole despot of Syracuse. -— His popular manners, military energy, and conquests. Progress of -Agathokles in conquering Sicily. The Agrigentines take alarm and -organize a defensive alliance against him. — They invite the Spartan -Akrotatus to command — his bad conduct and failure. — Sicily the only -place in which a glorious Hellenic career was open. Peace concluded -by Agathokles with the Agrigentines — his great power in Sicily. — -He is repulsed from Agrigentum — the Carthaginians send an armament -to Sicily against him. — Position of the Carthaginians between Gela -and Agrigentum — their army reinforced from home. — Operations of -Agathokles against them — his massacre of citizens at Gela. — Battle -of the Himera, between Agathokles and the Carthaginians. — Total -defeat of Agathokles by the Carthaginians. — The Carthaginians -recover a large part of Sicily from Agathokles. His depressed -condition at Syracuse. — He conceives the plan of attacking the -Carthaginians in Africa. — His energy and sagacity in organizing this -expedition. His renewed massacre and spoliation. — He gets out of -the harbor, in spite of the blockading fleet. Eclipse of the sun. He -reaches Africa safely. — He burns his vessels — impressive ceremony -for affecting this, under vow to Demeter. — Agathokles marches -into the Carthaginian territory — captures Tunês — richness and -cultivation of the country. — Consternation at Carthage — the city -force marches out against him — Hanno and Bomilkar named generals. -— Inferior numbers of Agatho<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[p. -xv]</span>kles — his artifices to encourage the soldiers. — Treachery -of the Carthaginian general Bomilkar — victory of Agathokles. — -Conquests of Agathokles among the Carthaginian dependencies on the -eastern coast — Religious terror and distress of the Carthaginians. -Human sacrifice. — Operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of -Carthage — capture of Neapolis, Adrumetum, Thapsus, etc. — Agathokles -fortifies Aspis — undertakes operations against the interior country -— defeats the Carthaginians again. — Proceedings of Hamilkar before -Syracuse — the city is near surrendering — he is disappointed, and -marches away from it. — Renewed attack of Hamilkar upon Syracuse — he -tries to surprise Euryalus, but is totally defeated, made prisoner, -and slain. — The Agrigentines stand forward as champions of Sicilian -freedom against Agathokles and the Carthaginians. — Mutiny in the -army of Agathokles at Tunês — his great danger, and address in -extricating himself. — Carthaginian army sent to act in the interior -— attacked by Agathokles with some success — his camp is pillaged by -the Numidians. — Agathokles invites the aid of Ophellas from Kyrênê. -— Antecedent circumstances of Kyrênê. Division of coast between -Kyrênê and Carthage. — Thimbron with the Harpalian mercenaries is -invited over to Kyrênê by exiles. His checkered career, on the whole -victorious, in Libya. — The Kyrenæans solicit aid from the Egyptian -Ptolemy, who sends Ophellas thither. Defeat and death of Thimbron. -Kyrenaica annexed to the dominions of Ptolemy, under Ophellas as -viceroy. — Position and hopes of Ophellas. He accepts the invitation -of Agathokles. He collects colonists from Athens and other Grecian -cities. — March of Ophellas, with his army, and his colonists, from -Kyrênê to the Carthaginian territory — sufferings endured in the -march. — Perfidy of Agathokles — he kills Ophellas — gets possession -of his army — ruin and dispersion of the colonists. — Terrible -sedition at Carthage — Bomilkar tries to seize the supreme power — he -is overthrown and slain. — Farther successes of Agathokles in Africa -— he captures Utica, Hippo-Zarytus, and Hippagreta. — Agathokles -goes to Sicily, leaving Archagathus to command in Africa. Successes -of Archagathus in the interior country. — Redoubled efforts of the -Carthaginians — they gain two great victories over Archagathus. -— Danger of Archagathus — he is blocked up by the Carthaginians -at Tunis. — Agathokles in Sicily. His career at first prosperous. -Defeat of the Agrigentines. — Activity of Agathokles in Sicily — -Deinokrates in great force against him. — Agrigentine army under -Xenodokus — opposed to the mercenaries of Agathokles — superiority -of the latter. — Defeat of Xenodokus by Leptines — Agathokles passes -over into Africa — bad state of his army there — he is defeated by -the Carthaginians. — Nocturnal panic and disorder in both camps. — -Desperate condition of Agathokles — he deserts his army and escapes -to Sicily. — The deserted army kill the two sons of Agathokles, and -capitulate with the Carthaginians. — African expedition of Agathokles -— boldness of the first conception — imprudently pushed and persisted -in. — Proceedings of Agathokles in Sicily — his barbarities at Egesta -and Syracuse. — Great mercenary force under Deinokrates in Sicily — -Agathokles solicits peace from him, and is refused — he concludes -peace with Carthage. — Battle of Torgium — victory of Agathokles -over Deinokrates. — Accommodation and compact between Agathokles and -Deinokrates. — Operations of Agathokles in Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra -— Kleonymus of Sparta. — Last projects of Agathokles — mutiny of his -grandson Archagathus — sickness, poisoning, and death of Agathokles. -— Splendid genius of action and resource — nefarious dispositions -— of Agathokles. — Hellenic agency in Sicily continues during the -life of Agathokles, but becomes then subordinate to preponderant -foreigners.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_97">393-452</a></p> - - -<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">[p. -xvi]</span>CHAPTER XCVIII.</p> - -<p class="subchap">OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES. — 1. IN GAUL AND SPAIN. -— 2. ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.</p> - -<p class="mt1">Massalia—its situation and circumstances.—Colonies -planted by Massalia—Antipolis, Nikæa, Rhoda, Emporiæ—peculiar -circumstances of Emporiæ.—Oligarchical government of Massalia—prudent -political administration.—Hellenizing influence of Massalia in the -West—Pytheas, the navigator and geographer.—Pontic Greeks—Pentapolis -on the south-west coast.—Sinôpê—its envoys present with Darius in -his last days—maintains its independence for some time against -the Mithridatic princes—but become subject to them ultimately—The -Pontic Herakleia—oligarchical government—the native Mariandyni -reduced to serfs.—Political discord at Herakleia—banishment of -Klearchus—partial democracy established.—Continued political -troubles at Herakleia—assistance invoked from without.—Character and -circumstances of Klearchus—he makes himself despot of Herakleia—his -tyranny and cruelty.—He continues despot for twelve years—he is -assassinated at a festival.—Satyrus becomes despot—his aggravated -cruelty—his military vigor.—Despotism of Timotheus, just and mild—his -energy and ability.—Despotism of Dionysius—his popular and vigorous -government—his prudent dealing with the Macedonians, during the -absence of Alexander in the East.—Return of Alexander to Susa—he -is solicited by the Herakleotic exiles—anger of Dionysius, averted -by the death of Alexander.—Prosperity and prudence of Dionysius—he -marries Amastris—his favor with Antigonus—his death.—Amastris -governs Herakleia—marries Lysimachus—is divorced from him—Klearchus -and Oxathres kill Amastris—are killed by Lysimachus.—Arsinoê -mistress of Herakleia. Defeat and death of Lysimachus. Power of -Seleukus.—Herakleia emancipated from the despots, and a popular -government established—recall of the exiles—bold bearing of -the citizens towards Seleukus—death of Seleukus.—Situation and -management of Herakleia as a free government—considerable naval -power.—Prudent administration of Herakleia, as a free city, -among the powerful princes of Asia Minor—general condition and -influence of the Greek cities on the coast.—Grecian Pentapolis on -the south-west of the Euxine—Ovid at Tomi.—Olbia—in the days of -Herodotus and Ephorus—increased numbers, and multiplied inroads of -the barbaric hordes.—Olbia in later days—decline of security and -production.—Olbia pillaged and abandoned—afterwards renewed.—Visit -of Dion the Rhetor—Hellenic tastes and manners—ardent interest in -Homer.—Bosporus or Pantikapæum.—Princes of Bosporus—relations between -Athens and Bosporus.—Nymphæum among the tributary cities under the -Athenian empire—how it passed under the Bosporanic princes.—Alliance -and reciprocal good offices between the Bosporanic princes Satyrus, -Leukon, etc. and the Athenians. Immunities of trade granted to the -Athenians.—Political condition of the Greeks of Bosporus—the princes -called themselves archons—their empire over barbaric tribes.—Family -feuds among the Bosporanic princes—war between Satyrus and<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">[p. xvii]</span> Eumelus—death -of Satyrus II.—Civil war between Prytanis and Eumelus—victory -of Eumelus—he kills the wives, children, and friends, of his -brother.—His victorious reign and conquests—his speedy death.—Decline -of the Bosporanic dynasty, until it passed into the hands of -Mithridates Eupator.—Monuments left by the Spartokid princes of -Bosporus—sepulchral tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapæum).—Appendix on the -Localities near Issus.</p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_98">453-495</a></p> - - -<p class="index"><span class="smcap">Index</span></p> - -<p class="toright"><a href="#Index">497</a></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="aftit" id="Map"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">[Pg xviii]</span></p> - <div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill_a018b.jpg" - alt="Map shewing the marches of Alexander" /> - <p class="caption"> - <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a018bx.jpg"><img - src="images/xpnd.jpg" - alt="Enlarge" - title="Enlarge" /></a> </span> - MAP SHEWING THE MARCHES OF ALEXANDER. - </p> - </div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_91"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[p. 1]</span></p> - <p class="falseh1 g1">HISTORY OF GREECE.</p> - <hr class="sep" /> - <h2 class="nobreak"><span class="g1">CHAPTER XCI.</span><br /> - FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT — SIEGE - AND CAPTURE OF THEBES.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">My</span> last preceding volume -ended with the assassination of Philip of Macedon, and the accession -of his son Alexander the Great, then twenty years of age.</p> - -<p>It demonstrates the altered complexion of Grecian history, that -we are now obliged to seek for marking events in the succession to -the Macedonian crown, or in the ordinances of Macedonian kings. In -fact, the Hellenic world has ceased to be autonomous. In Sicily, -indeed, the free and constitutional march, revived by Timoleon, -is still destined to continue for a few years longer; but all the -Grecian cities south of Mount Olympus have descended into dependents -of Macedonia. Such dependence, established as a fact by the battle -of Chæroneia and by the subsequent victorious march of Philip over -Peloponnesus, was acknowledged in form by the vote of the Grecian -synod at Corinth. While even the Athenians had been compelled to -concur in submission, Sparta alone, braving all consequences, -continued inflexible in her refusal. The adherence of Thebes was not -trusted to the word of the Thebans, but ensured by the Macedonian -garrison established in her citadel, called the Kadmeia. Each -Hellenic city, small and great,—maritime, inland, and insular—(with -the single exception of Sparta), was thus enrolled as a separate unit -in the list of subject-allies attached to the imperial headship of -Philip.</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances, the history of conquered Greece<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[p. 2]</span> loses its separate course, -and becomes merged in that of conquering Macedonia. Nevertheless, -there are particular reasons which constrain the historian of Greece -to carry on the two together for a few years longer. First, conquered -Greece exercised a powerful action on her conqueror—“Græcia capta -ferum victorem cepit”. The Macedonians, though speaking a language -of their own, had neither language for communicating with others, -nor literature, nor philosophy, except Grecian and derived from -Greeks. Philip, while causing himself to be chosen chief of Hellas, -was himself not only partially hellenized, but an eager candidate -for Hellenic admiration. He demanded the headship under the declared -pretence of satisfying the old antipathy against Persia. Next, the -conquests of Alexander, though essentially Macedonian, operated -indirectly as the initiatory step of a series of events, diffusing -Hellenic language (with some tinge of Hellenic literature) over -a large breadth of Asia,—opening that territory to the better -observation, in some degree even to the superintendence, of -intelligent Greeks—and thus producing consequences important in many -ways to the history of mankind. Lastly, the generation of free Greeks -upon whom the battle of Chæroneia fell, were not disposed to lie -quiet if any opportunity occurred for shaking off their Macedonian -masters. The present volume will record the unavailing efforts made -for this purpose, in which Demosthenes and most of the other leaders -perished.</p> - -<p>Alexander (born in July 356 <small>B. C.</small>), like -his father Philip, was not a Greek, but a Macedonian and Epirot, -partially imbued with Grecian sentiment and intelligence. It is true -that his ancestors, some centuries before, had been emigrants from -Argos; but the kings of Macedonia had long lost all trace of any -such peculiarity as might originally have distinguished them from -their subjects. The basis of Philip’s character was Macedonian, not -Greek: it was the self-will of a barbarian prince, not the <i>ingenium -civile</i>, or sense of reciprocal obligation and right in society with -others, which marked more or less even the most powerful members of -a Grecian city, whether oligarchical or democratical. If this was -true of Philip, it was still more true of Alexander, who inherited -the violent temperament and headstrong will of his furious Epirotic -mother Olympias.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[p. 3]</span>A kinsman of -Olympias, named Leonidas, and an Akarnanian named Lysimachus, -are mentioned as the chief tutors to whom Alexander’s -childhood was entrusted.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" -class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Of course the Iliad of Homer was among -the first things which he learnt as a boy. Throughout most of his -life, he retained a passionate interest in this poem, a copy of -which, said to have been corrected by Aristotle, he carried with -him in his military campaigns. We are not told, nor is it probable, -that he felt any similar attachment for the less warlike Odyssey. -Even as a child, he learnt to identify himself in sympathy with -Achilles,—his ancestor by the mother’s side, according to the Æakid -pedigree. The tutor Lysimachus won his heart by calling himself -Phœnix—Alexander, Achilles—and Philip, by the name of Peleus. Of -Alexander’s boyish poetical recitations, one anecdote remains, both -curious and of unquestionable authenticity. He was ten years old, -when the Athenian legation, including both Æschines and Demosthenes, -came to Pella to treat about peace. While Philip entertained them at -table, in his usual agreeable and convivial manner, the boy Alexander -recited for their amusement certain passages of poetry which he had -learnt—and delivered, in response with another boy, a dialogue out -of one of the Grecian dramas.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" -class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>At the age of thirteen, Alexander was placed under the instruction -of Aristotle, whom Philip expressly invited for the purpose, and -whose father Nikomachus had been both friend and physician of -Philip’s father Amyntas. What course of study Alexander was made to -go through, we unfortunately cannot state. He enjoyed the teaching of -Aristotle for at least three years, and we are told that he devoted -himself to it with ardor, contracting a strong attachment to his -preceptor. His powers of addressing an audience, though not so well -attested as those of his father, were always found sufficient for his -purpose: moreover, he retained, even in the midst of his fatiguing -Asiatic campaigns, an interest in Greek literature and poetry.</p> - -<p>At what precise moment, during the lifetime of his father, -Alexander first took part in active service, we do not know. -It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[p. 4]</span> is said that -once, when quite a youth, he received some Persian envoys during -the absence of his father; and that he surprised them by the -maturity of his demeanor, as well as by the political bearing and -pertinence of his questions.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" -class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Though only sixteen years of age, in 340 -<small>B. C.</small>, he was left at home as regent -while Philip was engaged in the sieges of Byzantium and Perinthus. -He put down a revolt of the neighboring Thracian tribe called Mædi, -took one of their towns, and founded it anew under the title of -Alexandria; the earliest town which bore that name, afterwards -applied to so many other towns planted by him. In the march of -Philip into Greece (338 <small>B. C.</small>), -Alexander took part, commanded one of the wings at the battle of -Chæroneia, and is said to have first gained the advantage on his side -over the Theban sacred band.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" -class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<p>Yet notwithstanding such marks of confidence and coöperation, -other incidents occurred producing bitter animosity between the -father and the son. By his wife Olympias, Philip had as offspring -Alexander and Kleopatra: by a Thessalian mistress named Philinna, he -had a son named Aridæus (afterwards called Philip Aridæus:) he had -also daughters named Kynna (or Kynanê) and Thessalonikê. Olympias, -a woman of sanguinary and implacable disposition, had rendered -herself so odious to him, that he repudiated her, and married a new -wife named Kleopatra. I have recounted in the preceding volume<a -id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> the -indignation felt by Alexander at this proceeding, and the violent -altercation which occurred during the conviviality of the marriage -banquet; where Philip actually snatched his sword, threatened his -son’s life, and was only prevented from executing the threat by -falling down through intoxication. After this quarrel, Alexander -retired from Macedonia, conducting his mother to her brother -Alexander king of Epirus. A son was born to Philip by Kleopatra. -Her brother or uncle Attalus acquired high favor. Her kinsmen -and partisans generally were also pro<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_5">[p. 5]</span>moted, while Ptolemy, Nearchus, and other -persons attached to Alexander, were banished.<a id="FNanchor_6" -href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<p>The prospects of Alexander were thus full of uncertainty and -peril, up to the very day of Philip’s assassination. The succession -to the Macedonian crown, though transmitted in the same family, -was by no means assured as to individual members; moreover, in -the regal house of Macedonia<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" -class="fnanchor">[7]</a> (as among the kings called Diadochi, who -acquired dominion after the death of Alexander the Great), violent -feuds and standing mistrust between father, sons, and brethren, were -ordinary phænomena, to which the family of the Antigonids formed an -honorable exception. Between Alexander and Olympias on the one side, -and Kleopatra with her son and Attalus on the other, a murderous -contest was sure to arise. Kleopatra was at this time in the -ascendent; Olympias was violent and mischievous; and Philip was only -forty-seven years of age. Hence the future threatened nothing<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[p. 6]</span> but aggravated -dissension and difficulties for Alexander. Moreover his strong -will and imperious temper, eminently suitable for supreme command, -disqualified him from playing a subordinate part, even to his own -father. The prudence of Philip, when about to depart on his Asiatic -expedition, induced him to attempt to heal these family dissensions -by giving his daughter Kleopatra in marriage to her uncle Alexander -of Epirus, brother of Olympias. It was during the splendid marriage -festival, then celebrated at Ægæ, that he was assassinated—Olympias, -Kleopatra, and Alexander, being all present, while Attalus was in -Asia, commanding the Macedonian division sent forward in advance, -jointly with Parmenio. Had Philip escaped this catastrophe, he -would doubtless have carried on the war in Asia Minor with quite as -much energy and skill as it was afterwards prosecuted by Alexander: -though we may doubt whether the father would have stretched out to -those ulterior undertakings which, gigantic and far-reaching as -they were, fell short of the insatiable ambition of the son. But -successful as Philip might have been in Asia, he would hardly have -escaped gloomy family feuds; with Alexander as a mutinous son, under -the instigations of Olympias,—and with Kleopatra on the other side, -feeling that her own safety depended upon the removal of regal or -quasi-regal competitors.</p> - -<p>From such formidable perils, visible in the distance, if not -immediately impending, the sword of Pausanias guaranteed both -Alexander and the Macedonian kingdom. But at the moment when the -blow was struck, and when the Lynkestian Alexander, one of those -privy to it, ran to forestall resistance and place the crown on the -head of Alexander the Great<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" -class="fnanchor">[8]</a>—no one knew what to expect from the -young prince thus suddenly exalted at the age of twenty years. -The sudden death of Philip in the fulness of glory and ambitious -hopes, must have produced the strongest impression, first upon the -festive crowd assembled,—next throughout Macedonia,—lastly, upon -the foreigners whom he had reduced to dependence, from the Danube -to the borders of Pæonia. All these dependencies were held only -by the fear<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[p. 7]</span> of -Macedonian force. It remained to be proved whether the youthful son -of Philip was capable of putting down opposition and upholding the -powerful organization created by his father. Moreover Perdikkas, -the elder brother and predecessor of Philip, had left a son named -Amyntas, now at least twenty-four years of age, to whom many looked -as the proper successor.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" -class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<p>But Alexander, present and proclaimed at once by his friends, -showed himself both in word and deed, perfectly competent to the -emergency. He mustered, caressed, and conciliated, the divisions -of the Macedonian army and the chief officers. His addresses -were judicious and energetic, engaging that the dignity of the -kingdom should be maintained unimpaired,<a id="FNanchor_10" -href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> and that even the -Asiatic projects already proclaimed should be prosecuted with as much -vigor as if Philip still lived.</p> - -<p>It was one of the first measures of Alexander to celebrate with -magnificent solemnities the funeral of his deceased father. While -the preparations for it were going on, he instituted researches -to find out and punish the accomplices of Pausanias. Of these -indeed, the most illustrious person mentioned to us—Olympias—was -not only protected by her position from punishment, but retained -great ascendency over her son to the end of his life. Three -other persons are mentioned by name as accomplices—brothers and -persons of good family from the district of Upper Macedonia called -Lynkêstis—Alexander, Heromenes, and Arrhabæus, sons of Aëropus. -The two latter were put to death, but the first of the three was -spared, and even promoted to important charges, as a reward for -his useful forwardness in instantly saluting Alexander king.<a -id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Others -also, we know not how many, were executed; and Alexander seems -to have imag<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[p. 8]</span>ined -that there still remained some undetected.<a id="FNanchor_12" -href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The Persian king -boasted in public letters,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" -class="fnanchor">[13]</a> with how much truth we cannot say, that he -too had been among the instigators of Pausanias.</p> - -<p>Among the persons slain about this time by Alexander, we may -number his first-cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas—son of Perdikkas -(the elder brother of the deceased Philip): Amyntas was a boy when -his father Perdikkas died. Though having a preferable claim to -the succession, according to usage, he had been put aside by his -uncle Philip, on the ground of his age and of the strenuous efforts -required on commencing a new reign. Philip had however given in -marriage to this Amyntas his daughter (by an Illyrian mother) Kynna. -Nevertheless, Alexander now put him to death,<a id="FNanchor_14" -href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> on accusation of -conspiracy: under what precise circumstances, does not appear—but -probably Amyntas (who besides being the son of Philip’s elder -brother, was at least twenty-four years of age, while Alexander -was only twenty) conceived himself as having a better right to the -succession, and was so conceived by many others. The infant son -of Kleopatra by Philip is said to have been killed by Alexander, -as a rival in the succession; Kleopatra herself was afterwards -put to death by Olympias during his absence, and to his regret. -Attalus, also, uncle of Kleopatra and joint commander of the -Macedonian army in Asia, was assassinated under the private<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[p. 9]</span> orders of Alexander, -by Hekatæus and Philotas.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" -class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Another Amyntas, son of Antiochus -(there seems to have been several Macedonians named Amyntas) fled -for safety into Asia:<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" -class="fnanchor">[16]</a> probably others, who felt themselves -to be objects of suspicion, did the like—since by the Macedonian -custom, not merely a person convicted of high treason, but all -his kindred along with him, were put to death.<a id="FNanchor_17" -href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<p>By unequivocal manifestations of energy and address, and by -despatching rivals or dangerous malcontents, Alexander thus speedily -fortified his position on the throne at home. But from the foreign -dependents of Macedonia—Greeks, Thracians, and Illyrians—the like -acknowledgment was not so easily obtained. Most of them were disposed -to throw off the yoke; yet none dared to take the initiative of -moving, and the suddenness of Philip’s death found them altogether -unprepared for combination. By that event the Greeks were discharged -from all engagement, since the vote of the confederacy had elected -him personally as Imperator. They were now at liberty, in so far -as there was any liberty at all in the proceeding, to elect any -one else, or to abstain from reëlecting at all, and even to let -the confederacy expire. Now it was only under constraint and -intimidation, as was well known both in Greece and Macedonia, that -they had conferred this dignity even on Philip—who had earned it -by splendid exploits, and had proved himself the ablest captain -and politician of the age. They were by no means inclined to -transfer it to a youth like Alexander, until he had shown himself -capable of bringing the like coercion to bear, and extorting the -same submission. The wish to break loose from Macedonia, widely -spread throughout the Grecian cities, found open expression from -Demosthenes and others in the assembly at Athens. That orator (if -we are to believe his rival Æschines), having received private -intelligence of the assassination of Philip,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_10">[p. 10]</span> through certain spies of Charidemus, -before it was publicly known to others—pretended to have had it -revealed to him in a dream by the gods. Appearing in the assembly -with his gayest attire, he congratulated his countrymen on the death -of their greatest enemy, and pronounced high encomiums on the brave -tyrannicide of Pausanias, which he would probably compare to that of -Harmodius and Aristogeiton.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" -class="fnanchor">[18]</a> He depreciated the abilities of Alexander, -calling him Margites (the name of a silly character in one of the -Homeric poems), and intimating that he would be too much distracted -with embarrassments and ceremonial duties at home, to have leisure -for a foreign march.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" -class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Such, according to Æschines, was the -language of Demosthenes on the first news of Philip’s death. We -cannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, felt -great joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances -of freedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving,<a -id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> in -spite of Phokion’s opposition, was readily adopted. But though the -manifestation of sentiment at Athens was thus anti-Macedonian, -exhibiting aversion to the renewal of that obedience which had -been recently promised to Philip, Demosthenes did not go so -far as to declare any positive hostility.<a id="FNanchor_21" -href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> He tried to open -communication with the Persians in Asia Minor, and also, if we may -believe Diodorus, with the Macedonian commander in Asia Minor, -Attalus. But neither of the two missions was successful. Attalus sent -his letter to Alexander; while the Persian king,<a id="FNanchor_22" -href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> probably relieved -by the death of Philip from immediate fear of Macedonian power, -despatched a peremptory refusal to Athens, intimating that he would -furnish no more money.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" -class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[p. 11]</span>Not merely -in Athens, but in other Grecian States also, the death of Philip -excited aspirations for freedom. The Lacedæmonians, who, though -unsupported, had stood out inflexibly against any obedience to -him, were now on the watch for new allies; while the Arcadians, -Argeians, and Eleians, manifested sentiments adverse to Macedonia. -The Ambrakiots expelled the garrison placed by Philip in their -city; the Ætolians passed a vote to assist in restoring those -Akarnanian exiles whom he had banished.<a id="FNanchor_24" -href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> On the other hand, -the Thessalians manifested unshaken adherence to Macedonia. But -the Macedonian garrison at Thebes, and the macedonizing Thebans -who now governed that city,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" -class="fnanchor">[25]</a> were probably the main obstacles to any -combined manifestation in favor of Hellenic autonomy.</p> - -<p>Apprised of these impulses prevalent throughout the Grecian world, -Alexander felt the necessity of checking them by a demonstration -immediate, as well as intimidating. The energy and rapidity of his -proceedings speedily overawed all those who had speculated on his -youth, or had adopted the epithets applied to him by Demosthenes. -Having surmounted, in a shorter time than was supposed possible, -the difficulties of his newly-acquired position at home, he marched -into Greece at the head of a formidable army, seemingly about two -months after the death of Philip. He was favorably received by -the Thessalians, who passed a vote constituting Alexander head -of Greece in place of his father Philip; which vote was speedily -confirmed by the Amphiktyonic assembly, convoked at Thermopylæ. -Alexander next advanced to Thebes, and from thence over the isthmus -of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[p. 12]</span> Corinth into -Peloponnesus. The details of his march we do not know; but his -great force, probably not inferior to that which had conquered -at Chæroneia, spread terror everywhere, silencing all except his -partisans. Nowhere was the alarm greater than at Athens. The -Athenians recollecting both the speeches of their orators and the -votes of their assembly,—offensive at least, if not hostile, to the -Macedonians—trembled lest the march of Alexander should be directed -against their city, and accordingly made preparation for standing -a siege. All citizens were enjoined to bring in their families and -properties from the country, insomuch that the space within the -walls was full both of fugitives and of cattle.<a id="FNanchor_26" -href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> At the same time, the -assembly adopted, on the motion of Demades, a resolution of apology -and full submission to Alexander: they not only recognized him as -chief of Greece, but conferred upon him divine honors, in terms even -more emphatic than those bestowed on Philip.<a id="FNanchor_27" -href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> The mover, with other -legates, carried the resolution to Alexander, whom they found at -Thebes, and who accepted their submission. A young speaker named -Pytheas is said to have opposed the vote in the Athenian assembly.<a -id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> -Whether Demosthenes did the like—or whether, under the feeling of -disappointed anticipations and overwhelming Macedonian force, he -condemned himself to silence,—we cannot say. That he did not go -with Demades on the mission to Alexander, seems a matter of course, -though he is said to have been appointed by public vote to do so, -and to have declined the duty. He accompanied the legation as far -as Mount Kithæron, on the frontier, and then returned to Athens.<a -id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> We -read with astonishment that Æschines and his other enemies<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[p. 13]</span> denounced this step as a -cowardly desertion. No envoy could be so odious to Alexander, or so -likely to provoke refusal for the proposition which he carried, as -Demosthenes. To employ him in such a mission would have been absurd; -except for the purpose probably intended by his enemies, that he -might be either detained by the conqueror as an expiatory victim,<a -id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> or -sent back as a pardoned and humiliated prisoner.</p> - -<p>After displaying his force in various portions of Peloponnesus, -Alexander returned to Corinth, where he convened deputies from the -Grecian cities generally. The list of those cities which obeyed -the summons is not before us, but probably it included nearly all -the cities of Central Greece. We know only that the Lacedæmonians -continued to stand aloof, refusing all concurrence. Alexander asked -from the assembled deputies the same appointment which the victorious -Philip had required and obtained two years before—the hegemony or -headship of the Greeks collectively for the purpose of prosecuting -war against Persia.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" -class="fnanchor">[31]</a> To the request of a prince at the head -of an irresistible army, one answer only was admissible. He was -nominated Imperator with full powers, by land and sea. Overawed by -the presence and sentiment of Macedonian force, all acquiesced in -this vote except the Lacedæmonians.</p> - -<p>The convention sanctioned by Alexander was probably the same -as that settled by and with his father Philip. Its grand and -significant feature was, that it recognized Hellas as a confederacy -under the Macedonian prince as imperator, president, or<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[p. 14]</span> executive head and arm. -It crowned him with a legal sanction as keeper of the peace within -Greece, and conqueror abroad in the name of Greece. Of its other -conditions, some are made known to us by subsequent complaints; such -conditions as, being equitable and tutelary towards the members -generally, the Macedonian chief found it inconvenient to observe, -and speedily began to violate. Each Hellenic city was pronounced, -by the first article of the convention, to be free and autonomous. -In each, the existing political constitution was recognized as it -stood; all other cities were forbidden to interfere with it, or -to second any attack by its hostile exiles.<a id="FNanchor_32" -href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> No new despot was -to be established; no dispossessed despot was to be restored.<a -id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Each -city became bound to discourage in every other, as far as possible, -all illegal violence—such as political executions, confiscation, -spoliation, redivision of land or abolition of debts, factious -manumission of slaves, etc.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" -class="fnanchor">[34]</a> To each was guaranteed freedom of -navigation; maritime capture was prohibited, on pain of enmity from -all.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> -Each was forbidden to send armed vessels into the harbor of any -other, or to build vessels or engage seamen there.<a id="FNanchor_36" -href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> By each, an oath was -taken to observe these conditions, to declare war against all who -violated them, and to keep them inscribed on a commemorative column. -Provision seems to have been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[p. -15]</span> made for admitting any additional city<a id="FNanchor_37" -href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> on its subsequent -application, though it might not have been a party to the original -contract. Moreover, it appears that a standing military force, -under Macedonian orders, was provided to enforce observance of the -convention; and that the synod of deputies was contemplated as -likely to meet periodically.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" -class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>Such was the convention, in so far as we know its terms, agreed to -by the Grecian deputies at Corinth with Alexander; but with Alexander -at the head of an irresistible army. He proclaimed it as the “public -statute of the Greeks”,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" -class="fnanchor">[39]</a> constituting a paramount obligation, of -which he was the enforcer, binding on all, and authorizing him to -treat all transgressors as rebels. It was set forth as counterpart -of, and substitute for, the convention of Antalkidas, which we shall -presently see the officers of Darius trying to revive against him—the -headship of Persia against that of Macedonia. Such is the melancholy -degradation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[p. 16]</span> of -the Grecian World, that its cities have no alternative except to -choose between these two foreign potentates—or to invite the help -of Darius, the most distant and least dangerous, whose headship -could hardly be more than nominal, against a neighbor sure to be -domineering and compressive, and likely enough to be tyrannical. Of -the once powerful Hellenic chiefs and competitors—Sparta, Athens, -Thebes—under each of whom the Grecian world had been upheld as an -independent and self-determining aggregate, admitting the free -play of native sentiment and character, under circumstances more -or less advantageous—the two last are now confounded as common -units (one even held under garrison) among the subject allies of -Alexander; while Sparta preserves only the dignity of an isolated -independence.</p> - -<p>It appears that during the nine months which succeeded the -swearing of the convention, Alexander and his officers (after his -return to Macedonia) were active, both by armed force and by mission -of envoys, in procuring new adhesions and in re-modelling the -governments of various cities suitably to their own views. Complaints -of such aggressions were raised in the public assembly of Athens, -the only place in Greece where any liberty of discussion still -survived. An oration, pronounced by Demosthenes, Hyperides, or one -of the contemporary, anti-Macedonian politicians (about the spring -or early summer of 335 <small>B. C.</small>),<a -id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> -imparts to us some idea both of the Macedonian interventions steadily -going on, and of the unavailing remonstrances raised against them -by individual Athenian citizens. At the time of this oration, such -remonstrances had already been often repeated. They were always -met by the macedonizing Athenians with peremptory declarations -that the convention must be observed.<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_17">[p. 17]</span> But in reply, the remonstrants urged, -that it was unfair to call upon Athens for strict observance of -the convention, while the Macedonians and their partisans in the -various cities were perpetually violating it for their own profit. -Alexander and his officers (affirms this orator) had never once -laid down their arms since the convention was settled. They had -been perpetually tampering with the governments of the various -cities, to promote their own partisans to power.<a id="FNanchor_41" -href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> In Messênê, Sikyon, -and Pellênê, they had subverted the popular constitutions, banished -many citizens, and established friends of their own as despots. The -Macedonian force, destined as a public guarantee to enforce the -observance of the convention, had been employed only to overrule -its best conditions, and to arm the hands of factious partisans.<a -id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> -Thus Alexander in his capacity of Imperator, disregarding all -the restraints of the convention, acted as chief despot for the -maintenance of subordinate despots in the separate cities.<a -id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> -Even at Athens, this imperial authority had rescinded sentences of -the dikastery, and compelled the adoption of measures contrary to -the laws and constitution.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" -class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> - -<p>At sea, the wrongful aggressions of Alexander or his officers had -been not less manifest than on land. The convention, guaranteeing -to all cities the right of free navigation, distinctly forbade each -to take or detain vessels belonging to any other. Nevertheless the -Macedonians had seized, in the Hellespont, all the merchantmen -coming out with cargoes from the Euxine, and<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_18">[p. 18]</span> carried them into Tenedos, where they -were detained, under various fraudulent pretences, in spite of -remonstrances from the proprietors and cities whose supply of -corn was thus intercepted. Among these sufferers, Athens stood -conspicuous; since consumers of imported corn, ship-owners, and -merchants, were more numerous there than elsewhere. The Athenians, -addressing complaints and remonstrances without effect, became at -length so incensed, and perhaps uneasy about their provisions, -that they passed a decree to equip and despatch 100 triremes, -appointing Menestheus (son of Iphikrates) admiral. By this strenuous -manifestation, the Macedonians were induced to release the detained -vessels. Had the detention been prolonged, the Athenian fleet would -have sailed to extort redress by force; so that, as Athens was more -than a match for Macedon on sea, the maritime empire of the latter -would have been overthrown, while even on land much encouragement -would have been given to malcontents against it.<a id="FNanchor_45" -href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Another incident had -occurred, less grave than this, yet still dwelt upon by the orator -as an infringement of the convention, and as an insult to Athenians. -Though an express article of the convention prohibited armed ships -of one city from entering the harbor of another, still a Macedonian -trireme had been sent into Pieræus to ask permission that smaller -vessels might be built there for Macedonian account. This was -offensive to a large proportion of Athenians, not only as violating -the convention, but as a manifest step towards<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_19">[p. 19]</span> employing the nautical equipments and -seamen of Athens for the augmentation of the Macedonian navy.<a -id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> - -<p>“Let those speakers who are perpetually admonishing us to observe -the convention (the orator contends), prevail on the imperial chief -to set the example of observing it on his part. I too impress upon -you the like observance. To a democracy nothing is more essential -than scrupulous regard to equity and justice.<a id="FNanchor_47" -href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> But the convention -itself enjoins all its members to make war against transgressors; and -pursuant to this article, you ought to make war against Macedon.<a -id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Be -assured that all Greeks will see that the war is neither directed -against them nor brought on by your fault.<a id="FNanchor_49" -href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> At this juncture, -such a step for the maintenance of your own freedom as well -as Hellenic freedom generally, will be not less opportune and -advantageous than it is just.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" -class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The time is come for shaking off -your disgraceful submission to others, and your oblivion of -our own past dignity.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" -class="fnanchor">[51]</a> If you encourage me, I am prepared to -make a formal motion—To declare war against the violators of the -convention, as the convention itself directs.”<a id="FNanchor_52" -href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<p>A formal motion for declaring war would have brought upon<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[p. 20]</span> the mover a prosecution -under the Graphê Paranomôn. Accordingly, though intimating clearly -that he thought the actual juncture (what it was, we do not know) -suitable, he declined to incur such responsibility without seeing -beforehand a manifestation of public sentiment sufficient to give -him hopes of a favorable verdict from the Dikastery. The motion was -probably not made. But a speech so bold, even though not followed -up by a motion, is in itself significant of the state of feeling -in Greece during the months immediately following the Alexandrine -convention. This harangue is only one among many delivered in the -Athenian assembly, complaining of Macedonian supremacy as exercised -under the convention. It is plain that the acts of Macedonian -officers were such as to furnish ample ground for complaint; and the -detention of all the trading ships coming out of the Euxine, shows -us that even the subsistence of Athens and the islands had become -more or less endangered. Though the Athenians resorted to no armed -interference, their assembly at least afforded a theatre where public -protest could be raised and public sympathy manifested.</p> - -<p>It is probable too that at this time Demosthenes and the other -anti-Macedonian speakers were encouraged by assurances and subsidies -from Persia. Though the death of Philip, and the accession of an -untried youth of twenty, had led Darius to believe for the moment -that all danger of Asiatic invasion was past, yet his apprehensions -were now revived by Alexander’s manifested energy, and by the renewal -of the Grecian league under his supremacy.<a id="FNanchor_53" -href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> It was apparently -during the spring of 335 <small>B. C.</small>, that Darius sent -money to sustain the anti-Macedonian party at Athens and elsewhere. -Æschines affirms, and Deinarchus afterwards repeats (both of them -orators hostile to Demosthenes)—That about this time, Darius sent -to Athens 300 talents, which the Athenian people refused, but which -Demosthenes took, reserving however 70 talents out of the sum for -his own private purse: That public inquiry was afterwards instituted -on the subject. Yet nothing is alleged as having been made out;<a -id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> at -least Demosthenes was neither condemned, nor<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_21">[p. 21]</span> even brought (as far as appears) to -any formal trial. Out of such data we can elicit no specific fact. -But they warrant the general conclusion, that Darius, or the -satraps in Asia Minor, sent money to Athens in the spring of 335 -<small>B. C.</small>, and letters or emissaries to excite -hostilities against Alexander.</p> - -<p>That Demosthenes, and probably other leading orators, received -such remittances from Persia, is no evidence of that personal -corruption which is imputed to them by their enemies. It is no -way proved that Demosthenes applied the money to his own private -purposes. To receive and expend it in trying to organize combinations -for the enfranchisement of Greece, was a proceeding which he would -avow as not only legitimate but patriotic. It was aid obtained from -one foreign prince to enable Hellas to throw off the worse dominion -of another. At this moment, the political interests of Persia -coincided with that of all Greeks who aspired to freedom. Darius -had no chance of becoming master of Greece; but his own security -prescribed to him to protect her from being made an appendage of the -Macedonian kingdom, and his means of doing so were at this moment -ample, had they been efficaciously put forth. Now the purpose of a -Greek patriot would be to preserve the integrity and autonomy of -the Hellenic world against all foreign interference. To invoke the -aid of Persia against Hellenic enemies,—as Sparta had done both -in the Peloponnesian war and at the peace of Antalkidas, and as -Thebes and Athens had followed her example in doing afterwards—was -an unwarrantable proceeding: but to invoke the same aid against the -dominion of another foreigner, at once nearer and more formidable, -was open to no blame on the score either of patriotism or policy. -Demosthenes had vainly urged his countrymen to act with energy -against Philip,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[p. 22]</span> at -a time when they might by their own efforts have upheld the existing -autonomy both for Athens and for Greece generally. He now seconded -or invited Darius, at a time when Greece single-handed had become -incompetent to the struggle against Alexander, the common enemy -both of Grecian liberty and of the Persian empire. Unfortunately -for Athens as well as for himself, Darius, with full means of -resistance in his hands, played his game against Alexander even with -more stupidity and improvidence than Athens had played hers against -Philip.</p> - -<p>While such were the aggressions of Macedonian officers in the -exercise of their new imperial authority, throughout Greece and the -islands—and such the growing manifestations of repugnance to it at -Athens—Alexander had returned home to push the preparations for his -Persian campaign. He did not however think it prudent to transport -his main force into Asia, until he had made his power and personal -ascendency felt by the Macedonian dependencies, westward, northward, -and north-eastward of Pella—Illyrians, Pæonians, and Thracians. -Under these general names were comprised a number<a id="FNanchor_55" -href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> of distinct tribes, or -nations, warlike and for the most part predatory. Having remained -unconquered until the victories of Philip, they were not kept in -subjection even by him without difficulty: nor were they at all -likely to obey his youthful successor, until they had seen some -sensible evidence of his personal energy.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, in the spring, Alexander put himself at the head of -a large force, and marched in an easterly direction from Amphipolis, -through the narrow Sapæan pass between Philippi and the sea.<a -id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> In -ten days’ march he reached the difficult mountain path over which -alone he could cross Mount Hæmus (Balkan.) Here he found a body of -the free Thracians and of armed merchants of the country, assembled -to oppose his progress; posted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[p. -23]</span> on the high ground with waggons in their front, which -it was their purpose to roll down the steep declivity against the -advancing ranks of the Macedonians. Alexander eluded this danger -by ordering his soldiers either to open their ranks, so as to let -the waggons go through freely—or where there was no room for such -loose array, to throw themselves on the ground with their shields -closely packed together and slanting over their bodies; so that the -waggons, dashing down the steep and coming against the shields, were -carried off the ground, and made to bound over the bodies of the men -to the space below. All the waggons rolled down without killing a -single man. The Thracians, badly armed, were then easily dispersed -by the Macedonian attack, with the loss of 1500 men killed, and -all their women and children made prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_57" -href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> The captives and -plunder were sent back under an escort to be sold at the seaports.</p> - -<p>Having thus forced the mountain road, Alexander led his army -over the chain of Mount Hæmus, and marched against the Triballi: a -powerful Thracian tribe,—extending (as far as can be determined) -from the plain of Kossovo in modern Servia northward towards the -Danube,—whom Philip had conquered, yet not without considerable -resistance and even occasional defeat. Their prince Syrmus had -already retired with the women and children of the tribe into an -island of the Danube called Peukê, where many other Thracians had -also sought shelter. The main force of the Triballi took post in -woody ground on the banks of the rivet Zyginus, about three days’ -march from the Danube. Being tempted however, by an annoyance from -the Macedonian light-armed, to emerge from their covered position -into the open plain, they were here attacked by Alexander with his -cavalry and infantry, in close combat, and completely defeated. -Three thousand of them were slain, but the rest mostly<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[p. 24]</span> eluded pursuit by means -of the wood, so that they lost few prisoners. The loss of the -Macedonians was only eleven horsemen and forty foot slain; according -to the statement of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, then one of Alexander’s -confidential officers, and afterwards founder of the dynasty of -Greco-Egyptian kings.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" -class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<p>Three days’ march, from the scene of action, brought Alexander to -the Danube, where he found some armed ships which had been previously -ordered to sail (probably with stores of provision) from Byzantium -round by the Euxine and up the river. He first employed these ships -in trying to land a body of troops on the island of Peukê; but his -attempt was frustrated by the steep banks, the rapid stream, and the -resolute front of the defenders on shore. To compensate for this -disappointment, Alexander resolved to make a display of his strength -by crossing the Danube and attacking the Getæ; tribes, chiefly -horsemen armed with bows,<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" -class="fnanchor">[59]</a> analogous to the Thracians in habits and -language. They occupied the left bank of the river, from which their -town was about four miles distant. The terror of the Macedonian -successes had brought together a body of 4000 Getæ, visible from -the opposite shore, to resist any crossing. Accordingly Alexander -got together a quantity of the rude boats (hollowed out of a single -trunk) employed for transport on the river, and caused the tent-skins -of the army to be stuffed with hay in order to support rafts. He -then put himself on shipboard during the night, and contrived to -carry across the river a body of 4000 infantry, and 1500 cavalry; -landing on a part of the bank where there was high standing wheat and -no enemy’s post. The Getæ, intimidated not less by this successful -passage than by the excellent array of Alexander’s army, hardly -stayed to sustain a charge of cavalry, but hastened to abandon -their poorly fortified town and retire father away from the river. -Entering the town without resistance, he destroyed it, carried away -such movables as he found, and then returned to the river without -delay. Before he quitted the northern bank, he offered sacrifice -to Zeus the Preserver—to Hêraklês—and to the god Ister (Danube) -himself, whom he thanked for having shown himself not impassable.<a -id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> -On<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[p. 25]</span> the very same -day, he recrossed the river to his camp; after an empty demonstration -of force, intended to prove that he could do what neither his father -nor any Grecian army had ever yet done, and what every one deemed -impossible—crossing the greatest of all known rivers without a bridge -and in the face of an enemy.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" -class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[p. 26]</span>The terror -spread by Alexander’s military operations was so great, that not -only the Triballi, but the other autonomous Thracians around, sent -envoys tendering presents or tribute, and soliciting peace. Alexander -granted their request. His mind being bent upon war with Asia, he -was satisfied with having intimidated these tribes so as to deter -them from rising during his absence. What conditions he imposed, -we do not know, but he accepted the presents.<a id="FNanchor_62" -href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> - -<p>While these applications from the Thracians were under debate, -envoys arrived from a tribe of Gauls occupying a distant mountainous -region westward towards the Ionic Gulf. Though strangers to -Alexander, they had heard so much of the recent<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_27">[p. 27]</span> exploits, that they came with demands to -be admitted to his friendship. They were distinguished both for tall -stature and for boastful language. Alexander readily exchanged with -them assurances of alliance. Entertaining them at a feast, he asked, -in the course of conversation, what it was that they were most afraid -of, among human contingencies? They replied, that they feared no man, -nor any danger, except only, lest the heaven should fall upon them. -Their answer disappointed Alexander, who had expected that they would -name him, as the person of whom they were most afraid; so prodigious -was his conceit of his own exploits. He observed to his friends that -these Gauls were swaggerers. Yet if we attend to the sentiment rather -than the language, we shall see that such an epithet applies with -equal or greater propriety to Alexander himself. The anecdote is -chiefly interesting as it proves at how early an age the exorbitant -self-esteem, which we shall hereafter find him manifesting, began. -That after the battle of Issus he should fancy himself superhuman, we -can hardly be astonished; but he was as yet only in the first year of -his reign, and had accomplished nothing beyond his march into Thrace -and his victory over the Triballi.</p> - -<p>After arranging these matters, he marched in a south-westerly -direction into the territory of the Agriânes and the other Pæonians, -between the rivers Strymon and Axius in the highest portion of their -course. Here he was met by a body of Agriânes under their prince -Langarus, who had already contracted a personal friendship for him -at Pella before Philip’s death. News came that the Illyrian Kleitus, -son of Bardylis, who had been subdued by Philip, had revolted at -Pelion (a strong post south of lake Lychnidus, on the west side of -the chain of Skardus and Pindus, near the place where that chain -is broken by the cleft called the Klissura of Tzangon or Devol<a -id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>)—and -that the western Illyrians, called Taulantii, under their prince -Glaukias, were on the march to assist him. Accordingly Alexander -proceeded thither forthwith, leaving Langarus to deal with the -Illyrian tribe Autariatæ, who had threatened to oppose his progress. -He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[p. 28]</span> marched -along the bank and up the course of the Erigon, from a point near -where it joins the Axius.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" -class="fnanchor">[64]</a> On approaching Pelion, he found the -Illyrians posted in front of the town and on the heights around, -awaiting the arrival of Glaukias their promised ally. While Alexander -was making his dispositions for attack, they offered their sacrifices -to the gods: the victims being three boys, three girls, and three -black rams. At first they stepped boldly forward to meet him, but -before coming to close quarters, they turned and fled into the town -with such haste that the slain victims were left lying on the spot.<a -id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Having -thus driven in the defenders, Alexander was preparing to draw a wall -of circumvallation round the Pelion, when he was interrupted by -the arrival of Glaukias with so large a force as to compel him to -abandon the project. A body of cavalry, sent out from the Macedonian -camp under Philotas to forage, were in danger of being cut off by -Glaukias, and were only rescued by the arrival of Alexander himself -with a reinforcement. In the face of this superior force, it was -necessary to bring off the Macedonian army, through a narrow line of -road along the river Eordaikus, where in some places there was only -room for four abreast, with hill or marsh everywhere around. By a -series of bold and skilful manœuvres, and by effective employment of -his battering-train or projectile machines to protect the rear-guard, -Alexander completely baffled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[p. -29]</span> the enemy, and brought off his army without loss.<a -id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> -Moreover these Illyrians, who had not known how to make use of such -advantages of position, abandoned themselves to disorder as soon -as their enemy had retreated, neglecting all precautions for the -safety of their camp. Apprised of this carelessness, Alexander made -a forced night-march back, at the head of his Agrianian division -and light troops supported by the remaining army. He surprised the -Illyrians in their camp before daylight. The success of this attack -against a sleeping and unguarded army was so complete, that the -Illyrians fled at once without resistance. Many were slain or taken -prisoners; the rest, throwing away their arms, hurried away homeward, -pursued by Alexander for a considerable distance. The Illyrian prince -Kleitus was forced to evacuate Pelion, which place he burned, and -then retired into the territory of Glaukias.<a id="FNanchor_67" -href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> - -<p>Just as Alexander had completed this victory over Kleitus and -the Taulantian auxiliaries, and before he had returned home, news -reached him of a menacing character. The Thebans had declared -themselves independent of him, and were besieging his garrison in the -Kadmeia.</p> - -<p>Of this event, alike important and disastrous to those who stood -forward, the immediate antecedents are very imperfectly known to -us. It has already been remarked that the vote of submission on the -part of the Greeks to Alexander as Imperator, during the preceding -autumn, had been passed only under the intimidation of a present -Macedonian force. Though the Spartans alone had courage to proclaim -their dissent, the Athenians, Arcadians, Ætolians, and others, -were well known even to Alexander himself, as ready to do the like -on any serious reverse to the Macedonian arms.<a id="FNanchor_68" -href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Moreover the energy -and ability displayed by Alexander had taught the Persian king that -all danger to himself was not removed by the death of Philip, and -induced him either to send, or to promise, pecuniary aid to the -anti-Macedonian Greeks. We have already noticed the manifestation -of anti-Macedonian sentiment at Athens—proclaimed by several of -the most eminent orators—Demosthenes, Lykur<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_30">[p. 30]</span>gus, Hyperides, and others; as well as by -active military men like Charidemus and Ephialtes,<a id="FNanchor_69" -href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> who probably spoke -out more boldly when Alexander was absent on the Danube. In other -cities, the same sentiment doubtless found advocates, though -less distinguished; but at Thebes, where it could not be openly -proclaimed, it prevailed with the greatest force.<a id="FNanchor_70" -href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The Thebans suffered -an oppression from which most of the other cities were free—the -presence of a Macedonian garrison in their citadel; just as they -had endured, fifty years before, the curb of a Spartan garrison -after the fraud of Phœbidas and Leontiades. In this case, as in the -former, the effect was to arm the macedonizing leaders with absolute -power over their fellow-citizens, and to inflict upon the latter -not merely the public mischief of extinguishing all free speech, -but also multiplied individual insults and injuries, prompted by -the lust and rapacity of rulers, foreign as well as domestic.<a -id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> A -number of Theban citizens, among them the freest and boldest spirits, -were in exile at Athens, receiving from the public indeed nothing -beyond a safe home, but secretly encouraged to hope for better -things by Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian leaders.<a -id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> In -like manner, fifty years before, it was at Athens, and from private -Athenian citizens, that the Thebans Pelopidas and Mellon had found -that sympathy which enabled them to organize their daring conspiracy -for rescuing Thebes from the Spartans. That enterprise,<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[p. 31]</span> admired throughout Greece -as alike adventurous, skilful, and heroic, was the model present to -the imagination of the Theban exiles, to be copied if any tolerable -opportunity occurred.</p> - -<p>Such was the feeling in Greece, during the long absence of -Alexander on his march into Thrace and Illyria; a period of four or -five months, ending at August 335 <small>B. C.</small> Not only -was Alexander thus long absent, but he sent home no reports of his -proceedings. Couriers were likely enough to be intercepted among the -mountains and robbers of Thrace; and even if they reached Pella, -their despatches were not publicly read, as such communications -would have been read to the Athenian assembly. Accordingly we are -not surprised to hear that rumors arose of his having been defeated -and slain. Among these reports, both multiplied and confident, one -was even certified by a liar who pretended to have just arrived -from Thrace, to have been an eye-witness of the fact, and to have -been himself wounded in the action against the Triballi, where -Alexander had perished.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" -class="fnanchor">[73]</a> This welcome news, not fabricated, but too -hastily credited, by Demosthenes and Lykurgus,<a id="FNanchor_74" -href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> was announced to the -Athenian assembly. In spite of doubts expressed by Demades and -Phokion, it was believed not only by the Athenians and the Theban -exiles there present, but also by the Arcadians, Eleians, Ætolians -and other Greeks. For a considerable time, through the absence<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[p. 32]</span> of Alexander, it remained -uncontradicted, which increased the confidence in its truth.</p> - -<p>It was upon the full belief in this rumor, of Alexander’s defeat -and death, that the Grecian cities proceeded. The event severed -by itself their connection with Macedonia. There was neither son -nor adult brother to succeed to the throne: so that not merely the -foreign ascendency, but even the intestine unity, of Macedonia, -was likely to be broken up. In regard to Athens, Arcadia, Elis, -Ætolia, etc., the anti-Macedonian sentiment was doubtless vehemently -manifested, but no special action was called for. It was otherwise -in regard to Thebes. Phœnix, Prochytes, and other Theban exiles at -Athens, immediately laid their plan for liberating their city and -expelling the Macedonian garrison from the Kadmeia. Assisted with -arms and money by Demosthenes and other Athenian citizens, and -invited by their partisans at Thebes, they suddenly entered that -city in arms. Though unable to carry the Kadmeia by surprise, they -seized in the city, and put to death, Amyntas, a principal Macedonian -officer, with Timolaus, one of the leading macedonizing Thebans.<a -id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> -They then immediately convoked a general assembly of the Thebans, -to whom they earnestly appealed for a vigorous effort to expel -the Macedonians, and reconquer the ancient freedom of the city. -Expatiating upon the misdeeds of the garrison and upon the -oppressions of those Thebans who governed by means of the garrison, -they proclaimed that the happy moment of liberation had now arrived, -through the recent death of Alexander. They doubtless recalled the -memory of Pelopidas, and the glorious enterprise, cherished by -all Theban patriots, whereby he had rescued the city from Spartan -occupation, forty-six years before. To this appeal the Thebans -cordially responded. The assembly passed a vote, declaring severance -from Macedonia, and autonomy of Thebes—and naming as Bœotarchs some -of the returned exiles, with others of the same party, for the -purpose of energetic measures against the garrison in the Kadmeia.<a -id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> - -<p>Unfortunately for Thebes, none of these new Bœotarchs were men -of the stamp of Epaminondas, probably not even of Pelopi<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[p. 33]</span>das. Yet their scheme, -though from its melancholy result it is generally denounced as -insane, really promised better at first than that of the anti-Spartan -conspirators in 380 <small>B. C.</small> The -Kadmeia was instantly summoned; hopes being perhaps indulged, -that the Macedonian commander would surrender it with as little -resistance as the Spartan harmost had done. But such hopes were -not realized. Philip had probably caused the citadel to be both -strengthened and provisioned. The garrison defied the Theban -leaders, who did not feel themselves strong enough to give orders -for an assault, as Pelopidas in his time was prepared to do, if -surrender had been denied.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" -class="fnanchor">[77]</a> They contented themselves with drawing -and guarding a double line of circumvallation round the Kadmeia, so -as to prevent both sallies from within and supplies from without.<a -id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> They -then sent envoys in the melancholy equipment of suppliants, to -the Arcadians and others, representing that their recent movement -was directed, not against Hellenic union, but against Macedonian -oppression and outrage, which pressed upon them with intolerable -bitterness. As Greeks and freemen, they entreated aid to rescue them -from such a calamity. They obtained much favorable sympathy, with -some promise and even half-performance. Many of the leading orators -at Athens—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, and others—together -with the military men Charidemus and Ephialtes—strongly urged their -countrymen to declare in favor of Thebes and send aid against -the Kadmeia. But the citizens generally, following Demades and -Phokion, waited to be better assured both of Alexander’s death -and of its consequences, before they would incur the hazard -of open hostility against Macedonia, though they seem to have -declared sympathy with the Theban revolution.<a id="FNanchor_79" -href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Demosthenes farther -went as envoy into Peloponnesus, while the Macedonian Antipater -also sent round urgent applications to the Peloponnesian cities, -requiring their contingents, as members of the confederacy under -Alexander, to act against Thebes. The eloquence of Demosthenes, -backed by his money, or by Persian money administered through<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[p. 34]</span> him, prevailed on the -Peloponnesians to refuse compliance with Antipater and to send no -contingents against Thebes.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" -class="fnanchor">[80]</a> The Eleians and Ætolians held out general -assurances favorable to the revolution at Thebes, while the -Arcadians even went so far as to send out some troops to second it, -though they did not advance beyond the isthmus.<a id="FNanchor_81" -href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> - -<p>Here was a crisis in Grecian affairs, opening new possibilities -for the recovery of freedom. Had the Arcadians and other Greeks -lent decisive aid to Thebes—had Athens acted even with as much -energy as she did twelve years afterwards during the Lamian war, -occupying Thermopylæ with an army and a fleet—the gates of Greece -might well have been barred against a new Macedonian force, even -with Alexander alive and at its head. That the struggle of Thebes -was not regarded at the time, even by macedonizing Greeks, as -hopeless, is shown by the subsequent observations both of Æschines -and Deinarchus at Athens. Æschines (delivering five years afterwards -his oration against Ktesiphon) accuses Demosthenes of having by his -perverse backwardness brought about the ruin of Thebes. The foreign -mercenaries forming part of the garrison of the Kadmeia were ready -(Æschines affirms) to deliver up that fortress, on receiving five -talents: the Arcadian generals would have brought up their troops -to the aid of Thebes, if nine or ten talents had been paid to -them—having repudiated the solicitations of Antipater. Demosthenes -(say these two orators) having in his possession 300 talents from the -Persian king, to instigate anti-Macedonian movements in Greece, was -supplicated by the Theban envoys to furnish money for these purposes, -but refused the request, kept the money for himself, and thus -prevented both the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[p. 35]</span> -surrender of the Kadmeia and the onward march of the Arcadians.<a -id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> -The charge here advanced against Demosthenes appears utterly -incredible. To suppose that anti-Macedonian movements counted -for so little in his eyes, is an hypothesis belied by his whole -history. But the fact that such allegations were made by Æschines -only five years afterwards, proves the reports and the feelings of -the time—that the chances of successful resistance to Macedonia on -the part of the Thebans were not deemed unfavorable. And when the -Athenians, following the counsels of Demades and Phokion, refused -to aid Thebes or occupy Thermopylæ—they perhaps consulted the -safety of Athens separately, but they receded from the generous -and Pan-hellenic patriotism which had animated their ancestors -against Xerxes and Mardonius.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" -class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> - -<p>The Thebans, though left in this ungenerous isolation, pressed -the blockade of the Kadmeia, and would presently have reduced the -Macedonian garrison, had they not been surprised by the awe-striking -event—Alexander arriving in person at Onchêstus in Bœotia, at the -head of his victorious army. The first news of his being alive was -furnished by his arrival at Onchêstus. No<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_36">[p. 36]</span> one could at first believe the fact. -The Theban leaders contended that it was another Alexander, the -son of Aëropus, at the head of a Macedonian army of relief.<a -id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> - -<p>In this incident we may note two features, which characterized -Alexander to the end of his life; matchless celerity of movement, -and no less remarkable favor of fortune. Had news of the Theban -rising first reached him while on the Danube or among the distant -Triballi,—or even when embarrassed in the difficult region round -Pelion,—he could hardly by any effort have arrived in time to save -the Kadmeia. But he learnt it just when he had vanquished Kleitus and -Glaukias, so that his hands were perfectly free—and also when he was -in a position peculiarly near and convenient for a straight march -into Greece without going back to Pella. From the pass of Tschangon -(or of the river Devol), near which Alexander’s last victories were -gained, his road lay southward, following downwards in part the -higher course of the river Haliakmon, through Upper Macedonia or the -regions called Eordæa and Elymeia which lay on his left, while the -heights of Pindus and the upper course of the river Aous, occupied -by the Epirots called Tymphæi and Parauæi, were on the right. On the -seventh day of march, crossing the lower ridges of the Cambunian -mountains (which separate Olympus from Pindus and Upper Macedonia -from Thessaly), Alexander reached the Thessalian town of Pelinna. Six -days more brought him to the Bœotian Onchestus.<a id="FNanchor_85" -href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> He was already within -Thermopylæ, before any Greeks were aware that he was in march, or -even that he was alive. The question about occupying Thermopylæ by -a Grecian force was thus set aside. The difficulty of forcing that -pass, and the necessity of forestalling Athens in it by stratagem or -celerity, was present to the mind of Alexander, as it had been to -that of Philip in his expedition of 346 <small>B. C.</small>, -against the Phokians.</p> - -<p>His arrival, in itself a most formidable event, told with double -force on the Greeks from its extreme suddenness. We can<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[p. 37]</span> hardly doubt that both -Athenians and Thebans had communications at Pella—that they looked -upon any Macedonian invasion as likely to come from thence—and that -they expected Alexander himself (assuming him to be still living, -contrary to their belief) back in his capital before he began any -new enterprise. Upon this hypothesis—in itself probable, and such as -would have been realized if Alexander had not already advanced so far -southward at the moment when he received the news<a id="FNanchor_86" -href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>—they would at least -have known beforehand of his approach, and would have had the option -of a defensive combination open. As it happened, his unexpected -appearance in the heart of Greece precluded all combinations, and -checked all idea of resistance.</p> - -<p>Two days after his arrival in Bœotia, he marched his army round -Thebes, so as to encamp on the south side of the city; whereby he -both intercepted the communication of the Thebans with Athens, and -exhibited his force more visibly to the garrison in the Kadmeia. -The Thebans, though alone and without hope of succor, maintained -their courage unshaken. Alexander deferred the attack for a day -or two, in hopes that they would submit; he wished to avoid an -assault which might cost the lives of many of his soldiers, whom he -required for his Asiatic schemes. He even made public proclamation,<a -id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> -demanding the surrender of the anti-Macedonian leaders Phœnix -and Prochytes, but offering to any other Theban who chose to -quit the city, permission to come and join him on the terms of -the convention sworn in the preceding autumn. A general assembly -being convened, the macedonizing Thebans enforced the prudence -of submission to an irresistible force. But the leaders recently -returned from exile, who had headed the rising, warmly opposed this -proposition, contending for resistance to the death. In them, such -resolution may not be wonderful, since (as Arrian<a id="FNanchor_88" -href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> remarks) they had -gone too far to hope for lenity. As it appears however that the -mass of citizens deliberately adopted the same resolution, in<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[p. 38]</span> spite of strong -persuasion to the contrary,<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" -class="fnanchor">[89]</a> we see plainly that they had already -felt the bitterness of Macedonian dominion, and that sooner than -endure a renewal of it, sure to be yet worse, coupled with the -dishonor of surrendering their leaders—they had made up their -minds to perish with the freedom of their city. At a time when the -sentiment of Hellas as an autonomous system was passing away, and -when Grecian courage was degenerating into a mere instrument for the -aggrandizement of Macedonian chiefs, these countrymen of Epaminondas -and Pelopidas set an example of devoted self-sacrifice in the cause -of Grecian liberty, not less honorable than that of Leonidas at -Thermopylæ, and only less esteemed because it proved infructuous.</p> - -<p>In reply to the proclamation of Alexander, the Thebans made -from their walls a counter-proclamation, demanding the surrender -of his officers Antipater and Philotas, and inviting every one to -join them, who desired, in concert with the Persian king and the -Thebans, to liberate the Greeks and put down the despot of Hellas.<a -id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Such -a haughty defiance and retort incensed Alexander to the quick. -He brought up his battering engines and prepared everything for -storming the town. Of the murderous assault which followed, we find -different accounts, not agreeing with each other, yet not wholly -irreconcilable. It appears that the Thebans had erected, probably -in connection with their operations against the Kadmeia, an outwork -defended by a double palisade. Their walls were guarded by the least -effective soldiers, metics and liberated slaves; while their best -troops were bold enough to go forth in front of the gates and give -battle. Alexander divided his army into three divisions; one under -Perdikkas and Amyntas, against the outwork—a second, destined to -combat the Thebans who sallied out—and a third, held in reserve. -Between the second of these three divisions, and the Thebans in front -of the gates, the battle was so obstinately contested, that success -at one time seemed doubtful, and Alexander was forced to order up -his reserve. The first Macedonian success was gained by Perdikkas,<a -id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> who, -aided by the division of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[p. -39]</span> Amyntas and also by the Agrianian regiment and the bowmen -carried the first of the two outworks, as well as a postern gate -which had been left unguarded. His troops also stormed the second -outwork, though he himself was severely wounded and borne away to -the camp. Here the Theban defenders fled back<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_40">[p. 40]</span> into the city, along the hollow way -which led to the temple of Herakles, pursued by the light troops, in -advance of the rest. Upon these men, however, the Thebans presently -turned, repelling them with the loss of Eurybotas their commanding -officer and seventy men slain. In pursuing these bowmen, the ranks -of the Thebans became somewhat disordered, so that they were unable -to resist the steady charge of the Macedonian guards and heavy -infantry coming up in support. They were broken, and pushed back -into the city; their rout being rendered still more complete by a -sally of the Macedonian garrison out of the Kadmeia. The assailants -being victorious on this side, the Thebans who were maintaining -the combat without the gates were compelled to retreat, and the -advancing Macedonians forced their way into the town along with -them. Within the town, however, the fighting still continued; the -Thebans resisting in organized bodies as long as they could; and when -broken, still resisting even single-handed. None of the military -population sued for mercy; most of them were slain in the streets; -but a few cavalry and infantry cut their way out into the plain and -escaped. The fight now degenerated into a carnage. The Macedonians -with their Pæonian contingents were incensed with the obstinate -resistance; while various Greeks serving as auxiliaries—Phokians, -Orchomenians, Thespians, Platæans,—had to avenge ancient and grievous -injuries endured from Thebes. Such furious feelings were satiated -by an indiscriminate massacre of all who came in their way, without -distinction of age or sex—old men, women, and children, in houses -and even in temples. This<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[p. -41]</span> wholesale slaughter was accompanied of course by all -the plunder and manifold outrage with which victorious assailants -usually reward themselves.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" -class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> - -<p>More than five hundred Macedonians are asserted to have -been slain, and six thousand Thebans. Thirty thousand captives -were collected.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" -class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The final destiny of these captives, and -of Thebes itself, was submitted by Alexander to the Orchomenians, -Platæans, Phokians, and other Grecian auxiliaries in the assault. -He must have known well beforehand what the sentence of such judges -would be. They pronounced, that the city of Thebes should be -razed to the ground: that the Kadmeia alone should be maintained, -as a military post with Macedonian garrison: that the Theban -territory should be distributed among the allies themselves: that -Orchomenus and Platæa should be rebuilt and fortified: that all -the captive Thebans, men, women, and children, should be sold -as slaves—excepting only priests and priestesses, and such as -were connected by recognized ties of hospitality with Philip or -Alexander, or such as had been <i>proxeni</i> of the Macedonians; that -the Thebans who had escaped should be proclaimed outlaws, liable to -arrest and death, wherever they were found; and that every Grecian -city should be interdicted from harboring them.<a id="FNanchor_94" -href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> - -<p>This overwhelming sentence, in spite of an appeal for -lenity by a Theban<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" -class="fnanchor">[95]</a> named Kleadas, was passed by the Grecian -auxiliaries of Alexander, and executed by Alexander himself, who -made but one addition to the excepting clauses. He left the house of -Pindar standing, and spared the descendants of the poet. With these -reserves, Thebes was effaced from the earth. The Theban territory -was partitioned among the reconstituted cities of Orchomenus and -Platæa. Nothing, except the Macedonian military post at the Kadmeia, -remained to mark the place where the chief of the Bœotian confederacy -had once stood. The captives were all sold, and are said to have -yielded 440 talents; large prices being offered by bidders from -feelings of hostility towards<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[p. -42]</span> the city.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" -class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Diodorus tells us that this sentence was -passed by the general synod of Greeks. But we are not called upon to -believe that this synod, subservient though it was sure to be when -called upon to deliberate under the armed force of Alexander, could -be brought to sanction such a ruin upon one of the first and most -ancient Hellenic cities. For we learn from Arrian that the question -was discussed and settled only by the Grecian auxiliaries who had -taken part with Alexander;<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" -class="fnanchor">[97]</a> and that the sentence therefore represents -the bitter antipathies of the Orchomenians, Platæans, etc. Without -doubt, these cities had sustained harsh and cruel treatment from -Thebes. In so far as they were concerned, the retribution upon -the Thebans was merited. Those persons, however, who (as Arrian -tells us) pronounced the catastrophe to be a divine judgment upon -Thebes for having joined Xerxes against Greece<a id="FNanchor_98" -href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> a century and a half -before,—must have forgotten that not only the Orchomenians, but -even Alexander of Macedon, the namesake and predecessor of the -destroying conqueror, had served in the army of Xerxes along with the -Thebans.</p> - -<p>Arrian vainly endeavors to transfer from Alexander to the minor -Bœotian towns the odium of this cruel destruction—unparalleled in -Grecian history (as he himself says), when we look to the magnitude -of the city; yet surpassed in the aggregate by the subversion, -under the arms of Philip, of no less than thirty-two free Chalkidic -cities, thirteen years before. The known antipathy of these Bœotians -was invoked by Alexander to color an infliction which satisfied at -once his sentiment, by destroying an enemy who defied him—and his -policy, by serving as a terrific example to keep down other Greeks.<a -id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> -But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[p. 43]</span> though such -were the views which governed him at the moment, he came afterwards -to look back upon the proceeding with shame and sorrow. The shock to -Hellenic feeling, when a city was subverted, arose not merely from -the violent extinction of life, property, liberty, and social or -political institutions—but also from the obliteration of legends and -the suppression of religious observances, thus wronging and provoking -the local gods and heroes. We shall presently find Alexander himself -sacrificing at Ilium,<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" -class="fnanchor">[100]</a> in order to appease the wrath of Priam, -still subsisting and efficacious, against himself and his race, -as being descended from Neoptolemus the slayer of Priam. By his -harsh treatment of Thebes, he incurred the displeasure of Dionysus, -the god of wine, said to have been born in that city, and one of -the principal figures in Theban legend. It was to inspirations -of the offended Dionysus that Alexander believed himself to owe -that ungovernable drunken passion under which he afterwards killed -Kleitus, as well as the refusal of his Macedonian soldiers to follow -him farther into India.<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" -class="fnanchor">[101]</a> If Alexander in after days thus<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[p. 44]</span> repented of his own act, -we may be sure that the like repugnance was felt still more strongly -by others; and we can understand the sentiment under which, a few -years after his decease, the Macedonian Kassander, son of Antipater, -restored the destroyed city.</p> - -<p>At the time, however, the effect produced by the destruction of -Thebes was one of unmitigated terror throughout the Grecian cities. -All of them sought to make their peace with the conqueror. The -Arcadian contingent not only returned home from the Isthmus, but even -condemned their leaders to death. The Eleians recalled their chief -macedonizing citizens out of exile into ascendency at home. Each -tribe of Ætolians sent envoys to Alexander, entreating forgiveness -for the manifestations against him. At Athens, we read with surprise -that on the very day when Thebes was assaulted and taken, the great -festival of Eleusinian Dêmêtêr, with its multitudinous procession -of votaries from Athens to Eleusis, was actually taking place, at -a distance of two days’ march from the besieged city. Most Theban -fugitives who contrived to escape, fled to Attica as the nearest -place of refuge, communicating to the Athenians their own distress -and terror. The festival was forthwith suspended. Every one hurried -within the walls of Athens,<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" -class="fnanchor">[102]</a> carrying with him his movable property -into a state of security. Under the general alarm prevalent, that -the conqueror would march directly into Attica, and under the hurry -of preparation for defence,—the persons both most alarmed and most -in real danger were, of course, Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Charidemus, -and those others who had been loudest in speech against Macedonia, -and had tried to prevail on the Athenians to espouse openly the -cause of Thebes. Yet notwithstanding such terror of consequences -to themselves, the Athenians afforded shelter and sympathy to the -miserable Theban fugitives. They continued to do this even when they -must have known that they were contravening the edict of proscription -just sanctioned by Alexander.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[p. 45]</span>Shortly -afterwards, envoys arrived from that monarch with a menacing -letter, formally demanding the surrender of eight or ten leading -citizens of Athens—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuktus, -Mœroklês, Diotimus,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" -class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Ephialtes, and Charidemus. Of these -the first four were eminent orators, the last two military men; -all strenuous advocates of an anti-Macedonian policy. Alexander -in his letter denounced the ten as the causes of the battle of -Chæroneia, of the offensive resolutions which had been adopted at -Athens after the death of Philip, and even of the recent hostile -proceedings of the Thebans.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" -class="fnanchor">[104]</a> This momentous summons, involving the -right of free speech and public debate at Athens, was submitted to -the assembly. A similar demand had just been made upon the Thebans, -and the consequences of refusal were to be read no less plainly in -the destruction of their city than in the threats of the conqueror. -That even under such trying circumstances, neither orators nor -people failed in courage—we know as a general fact; though we have -not the advantage (as Livy had in his time) of reading the speeches -made in the debate.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" -class="fnanchor">[105]</a> Demosthenes, insisting that the fate of -the citizens generally could not be severed from that of the specific -victims, is said to have recounted in the course of his speech, -the old fable—of the wolf requiring the sheep to make over to him -their protecting dogs, as a condition of peace—and then, devouring -the unprotected sheep forthwith. He, and those demanded along with -him, claimed the protection of the people,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_46">[p. 46]</span> in whose cause alone they had incurred -the wrath of the conqueror. Phokion on the other hand—silent at -first, and rising only under constraint by special calls from the -popular voice—contended that there was not force enough to resist -Alexander, and that the persons in question must be given up. He -even made appeal to themselves individually, reminding them of the -self-devotion of the daughters of Erechtheus, memorable in Attic -legend—and calling on them to surrender themselves voluntarily for -the purpose of perverting public calamity He added, that he (Phokion) -would rejoice to offer up either himself, or his best friend, if -by such sacrifice he could save the city.<a id="FNanchor_106" -href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Lykurgus, one of -the orators whose extradition was required, answered this speech -of Phokion with vehemence and bitterness; and the public sentiment -went along with him, indignantly repudiating Phokion’s advice. By -a resolute patriotism highly honorable at this trying juncture, it -was decreed that the persons demanded should not be surrendered.<a -id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> - -<p>On the motion of Demades, an embassy was sent to Alexander, -deprecating his wrath against the ten, and engaging to punish them -by judicial sentence, if any crime could be proved against them. -Demades, who is said to have received from Demosthenes a bribe of -five talents, undertook this mission. But Alexander was at first -inexorable; refusing even to hear the envoys, and persisting in -his requisition. It was only by the intervention of a second -embassy, headed by Phokion, that a remission of terms was obtained. -Alexander was persuaded to withdraw his requisition, and to be -satisfied with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes, the two -anti-Macedonian military leaders. Both of them accordingly, and -seemingly other Athenians with them, passed into Asia, where they -took service under Darius.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" -class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[p. 47]</span>It was indeed no -part of Alexander’s plan to undertake a siege of Athens, which might -prove long and difficult, since the Athenians had a superior naval -force, with the sea open to them, and the chance of effective support -from Persia. When therefore he saw, that his demand for the ten -orators would be firmly resisted, considerations of policy gradually -overcame his wrath, and induced him to relax.</p> - -<p>Phokion returned to Athens as the bearer of Alexander’s -concessions, thus relieving the Athenians from extreme anxiety and -peril. His influence—already great and of long standing, since for -years past he had been perpetually re-elected general—became greater -than ever, while that of Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian -orators must have been lowered. It was no mean advantage to -Alexander, victorious as he was, to secure the incorruptible -Phokion as leader of the macedonizing party at Athens. His projects -against Persia were mainly exposed to failure from the possibility -of opposition being raised against him in Greece by the agency of -Persian money and ships. To keep Athens out of such combinations, he -had to rely upon the personal influence and party of Phokion, whom he -knew to have always dissuaded her from resistance to the ever-growing -aggrandizement of his father Philip. In his conversation with<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[p. 48]</span> Phokion on the intended -Asiatic expedition, Alexander took some pains to flatter the pride of -Athens by describing her as second only to himself, and as entitled -to the headship of Greece, in case any thing should happen to him.<a -id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> -Such compliments were suitable to be repeated in the Athenian -assembly: indeed the Macedonian prince might naturally prefer the -idea of Athenian headship to that of Spartan, seeing that Sparta -stood aloof from him, an open recusant.</p> - -<p>The animosity of Alexander being appeased, Athens resumed her -position as a member of the confederacy under his imperial authority. -Without visiting Attica, he now marched to the Isthmus of Corinth, -where he probably received from various Grecian cities deputations -deprecating his displeasure, and proclaiming their submission to -his imperial authority. He also probably presided at a meeting of -the Grecian synod, where he would dictate the contingents required -for his intended Asiatic expedition in the ensuing spring. To -the universal deference and submission which greeted him, one -exception was found—the Cynic philosopher Diogenes, who resided at -Corinth, satisfied with a tub for shelter, and with the coarsest -and most self-denying existence. Alexander approached him with -a numerous suite, and asked him if he wished for anything; upon -which Diogenes is said to have replied,—“Nothing, except that you -would stand a little out of my sunshine.” Both the philosopher and -his reply provoked laughter from the bystanders, but Alexander -himself was so impressed with the independent and self-sufficing -character manifested, that he exclaimed,—“If I were not Alexander, -I would be Diogenes.”<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" -class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> - -<p>Having visited the oracle of Delphi, and received or extorted -from the priestess<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" -class="fnanchor">[111]</a> an answer bearing favorable promise for -his Asiatic schemes, he returned to Macedonia before the winter. -The most important permanent effect of his stay in Greece was the -reconstitution of Bœotia; that is, the destruction of Thebes, and the -reconstitution of Orchomenus, Thespiæ, and Platæa, dividing between -them the Theban territory; all guarded and<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_49">[p. 49]</span> controlled by a Macedonian garrison in -the Kadmeia. It would have been interesting to learn some details -about this process of destruction and restitution of the Bœotian -towns; a process not only calling forth strong manifestations of -sentiment, but also involving important and difficult questions to -settle. But unfortunately we are not permitted to know anything -beyond the general fact.</p> - -<p>Alexander left Greece for Pella in the autumn of 335 -<small>B. C.</small>, and never saw it again.</p> - -<p>It appears, that during this summer, while he was occupied in -his Illyrian and Theban operations, the Macedonian force under -Parmenio in Asia had had to contend against a Persian army, or Greek -mercenaries, commanded by Memnon the Rhodian. Parmenio, marching into -Æolis, besieged and took Grynium; after which he attacked Pitanê, -but was compelled by Memnon to raise the siege. Memnon even gained -a victory over the Macedonian force under Kallas in the Troad, -compelling them to retire to Rhœteum. But he failed in an attempt to -surprise Kyzikus, and was obliged to content himself with plundering -the adjoining territory.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" -class="fnanchor">[112]</a> It is affirmed that Darius was engaged -this summer in making large preparations, naval as well as military, -to resist the intended expedition of Alexander. Yet all that we hear -of what was actually done implies nothing beyond a moderate force.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_92"> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCII.<br /> - ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">A year</span> and some months -had sufficed for Alexander to make a first display of his energy -and military skill, destined for achievements yet greater; and to -crush the growing aspirations<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[p. -50]</span> for freedom among Greeks on the south, as well as among -Thracians on the north, of Macedonia. The ensuing winter was employed -in completing his preparations; so that early in the spring of 334 -<small>B. C.</small>, his army destined for the -conquest of Asia was mustered between Pella and Amphipolis, while his -fleet was at hand to lend support.</p> - -<p>The whole of Alexander’s remaining life—from his crossing the -Hellespont in March or April 334 <small>B. C.</small>, to his -death at Babylon in June 323 <small>B. C.</small>, eleven -years and two or three months—was passed in Asia, amidst unceasing -military operations, and ever-multiplied conquests. He never lived -to revisit Macedonia; but his achievements were on so transcendent a -scale, his acquisitions of territory so unmeasured, and his thirst -for farther aggrandizement still so insatiate, that Macedonia sinks -into insignificance in the list of his possessions. Much more do the -Grecian cities dwindle into outlying appendages of a newly-grown -Oriental empire. During all these eleven years, the history of Greece -is almost a blank, except here and there a few scattered events. -It is only at the death of Alexander that the Grecian cities again -awaken into active movement.</p> - -<p>The Asiatic conquests of Alexander do not belong directly and -literally to the province of an historian of Greece. They were -achieved by armies of which the general, the principal officers, -and most part of the soldiers, were Macedonian. The Greeks who -served with him were only auxiliaries, along with the Thracians and -Pæonians. Though more numerous than all the other auxiliaries, they -did not constitute, like the Ten Thousand Greeks in the army of the -younger Cyrus, the force on which he mainly relied for victory. -His chief-secretary, Eumenes of Kardia, was a Greek, and probably -most of the civil and intellectual functions connected with the -service were also performed by Greeks. Many Greeks also served -in the army of Persia against him, and composed indeed a larger -proportion of the real force (disregarding mere numbers) in the army -of Darius than in that of Alexander. Hence the expedition becomes -indirectly incorporated with the stream of Grecian history by the -powerful auxiliary agency of Greeks on both sides—and still more, -by its connection with previous projects, dreams, and legends, long -antecedent to the aggrandizement of Macedon—as<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_51">[p. 51]</span> well as by the character which Alexander -thought fit to assume. To take revenge on Persia for the invasion -of Greece by Xerxes, and to liberate the Asiatic Greeks, had been -the scheme of the Spartan Agesilaus, and of the Pheræan Jason; with -hopes grounded on the memorable expedition and safe return of the -Ten Thousand. It had been recommended by the rhetor Isokrates, first -to the combined force of Greece, while yet Grecian cities were free, -under the joint headship of Athens and Sparta—next, to Philip of -Macedon as the chief of united Greece, when his victorious arms had -extorted a recognition of headship, setting aside both Athens and -Sparta. The enterprising ambition of Philip was well pleased to be -nominated chief of Greece for the execution of this project. From him -it passed to his yet more ambitious son.</p> - -<p>Though really a scheme of Macedonian appetite and for Macedonian -aggrandizement, the expedition against Asia thus becomes thrust -into the series of Grecian events, under the Pan-hellenic pretence -of retaliation for the long past insults of Xerxes. I call it a -<i>pretence</i>, because it had ceased to be a real Hellenic feeling, and -served now two different purposes; first, to ennoble the undertaking -in the eyes of Alexander himself, whose mind was very accessible -to religious and legendary sentiment, and who willingly identified -himself with Agamemnon or Achilles, immortalized as executors of the -collective vengeance of Greece for Asiatic insult—next, to assist in -keeping the Greeks quiet during his absence. He was himself aware -that the real sympathies of the Greeks were rather adverse than -favorable to his success.</p> - -<p>Apart from this body of extinct sentiment, ostentatiously -rekindled for Alexander’s purposes, the position of the Greeks in -reference to his Asiatic conquests was very much the same as that of -the German contingents, especially those of the Confederation of the -Rhine, who served in the grand army with which the Emperor Napoleon -invaded Russia in 1812. They had no public interest in the victory of -the invader, which could end only by reducing them to still greater -prostration. They were likely to adhere to their leader as long as -his power continued unimpaired, but no longer. Yet Napoleon thought -himself entitled to reckon upon them as if they had been Frenchmen, -and to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[p. 52]</span> denounce -the Germans in the service of Russia as traitors who had forfeited -the allegiance which they owed to him. We find him drawing the same -pointed distinction between the Russian and the German prisoners -taken, as Alexander made between Asiatic and Grecian prisoners. These -Grecian prisoners the Macedonian prince reproached as guilty of -treason against the proclaimed statute of collective Hellas, whereby -he had been declared general, and the Persian king a public enemy.<a -id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> - -<p>Hellas, as a political aggregate, has now ceased to exist, except -in so far as Alexander employs the name for his own purposes. -Its component members are annexed as appendages, doubtless of -considerable value, to the Macedonian kingdom. Fourteen years before -Alexander’s accession, Demosthenes, while instigating the Athenians -to uphold Olynthus against Philip, had told them<a id="FNanchor_114" -href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>—“The Macedonian -power, considered as an appendage,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_53">[p. 53]</span> is of no mean value; but by itself, -it is weak and full of embarrassments.” Inverting the position of -the parties, these words represent exactly what Greece herself -had become, in reference to Macedonia and Persia, at the time of -Alexander’s accession. Had the Persians played their game with -tolerable prudence and vigor, his success would have been measured by -the degree to which he could appropriate Grecian force to himself, -and withhold it from his enemy.</p> - -<p>Alexander’s memorable and illustrious manifestations, on which -we are now entering, are those, not of the ruler or politician, but -of the general and the soldier. In this character his appearance -forms a sort of historical epoch. It is not merely in soldier-like -qualities—in the most forward and even adventurous bravery—in -indefatigable personal activity, and in endurance as to hardship -and fatigue,—that he stands pre-eminent; though these qualities -alone, when found in a king, act so powerfully on those under his -command, that they suffice to produce great achievements, even -when combined with generalship not surpassing the average of his -age. But in generalship, Alexander was yet more above the level of -his contemporaries. His strategic combinations, his employment of -different descriptions of force conspiring towards one end, his -long-sighted plans for the prosecution of campaigns, his constant -foresight and resource against new difficulties, together with -rapidity of movement even in the worst country—all on a scale of -prodigious magnitude—are without parallel in ancient history. They -carry the art of systematic and scientific welfare to a degree of -efficiency, such as even successors trained in his school were unable -to keep up unimpaired.</p> - -<p>We must recollect however that Alexander found the Macedonian -military system built up by Philip, and had only to apply and enlarge -it. As transmitted to him, it embodied the accumulated result and -matured fruit of a series of successive improvements, applied by -Grecian tacticians to the primitive Hellenic arrangements. During -the sixty years before the accession of<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_54">[p. 54]</span> Alexander, the art of war had been -conspicuously progressive—to the sad detriment of Grecian political -freedom. “Everything around us (says Demosthenes addressing the -people of Athens in 342 <small>B. C.</small>), -has been in advance for some years past—nothing is like what it -was formerly—but nowhere is the alteration and enlargement more -conspicuous than in the affairs of war. Formerly, the Lacedæmonians -as well as other Greeks did nothing more than invade each other’s -territory, during the four or five summer months, with their native -force of citizen hoplites: in winter they stayed at home. But now we -see Philip in constant action, winter as well as summer, attacking -all around him, not merely with Macedonian hoplites, but with -cavalry, light infantry, bowmen, foreigners of all descriptions, -and siege-batteries.”<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" -class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<p>I have in my last two volumes dwelt upon this progressive change -in the character of Grecian soldiership. At Athens, and in most other -parts of Greece, the burghers had become averse to hard and active -military service. The use of arms had passed mainly to professional -soldiers, who, without any feeling of citizenship, served wherever -good pay was offered, and became immensely multiplied, to the -detriment and danger of Grecian society.<a id="FNanchor_116" -href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Many of these -mercenaries were lightly armed—peltasts served in combination -with the hoplites.<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" -class="fnanchor">[117]</a> Iphikrates greatly improved and partly -re-armed the peltasts; whom he employed conjointly with hoplites so -effectively as to astonish his contemporaries.<a id="FNanchor_118" -href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> His innovation was -farther developed by the great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[p. -55]</span> military genius of Epaminondas; who not only made -infantry and cavalry, light-armed and heavy-armed, conspire to one -scheme of operations, but also completely altered the received -principles of battle-manœuvring, by concentrating an irresistible -force of attack on one point of the enemy’s line, and keeping the -rest of his own line more on the defensive. Besides these important -improvements, realized by generals in actual practice, intelligent -officers like Xenophon embodied the results of their military -experience in valuable published criticisms.<a id="FNanchor_119" -href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> Such were the lessons -which the Macedonian Philip learnt and applied to the enslavement of -those Greeks, especially of the Thebans, from whom they were derived. -In his youth, as a hostage at Thebes, he had probably conversed -with Epaminondas, and must certainly have become familiar with the -Theban military arrangements. He had every motive, not merely from -ambition, of conquest, but even from the necessities of defence, to -turn them to account: and he brought to the task military genius and -aptitude of the highest order. In arms, in evolutions, in engines, -in regimenting, in war-office arrangements, he introduced important -novelties; bequeathing to his successors the Macedonian military -system, which, with improvements by his son, lasted until the -conquest of the country by Rome, near two centuries afterwards.</p> - -<p>The military force of Macedonia, in the times anterior to<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[p. 56]</span> Philip, appears to have -consisted, like that of Thessaly, in a well-armed and well-mounted -cavalry, formed from the substantial proprietors of the country—and -in a numerous assemblage of peltasts or light infantry (somewhat -analogous to the Thessalian Penestæ): these latter were the rural -population, shepherds or cultivators, who tended sheep and cattle, or -tilled the earth, among the spacious mountains and valleys of Upper -Macedonia. The Grecian towns near the coast, and the few Macedonian -towns in the interior, had citizen-hoplites better armed; but -foot-service was not in honor among the natives, and the Macedonian -infantry in their general character were hardly more than a rabble. -At the period of Philip’s accession, they were armed with nothing -better than rusty swords and wicker shields, noway sufficient to make -head against the inroads of their Thracian and Illyrian neighbors; -before whom they were constantly compelled to flee for refuge -up into the mountains.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" -class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Their condition was that of a poor -herdsman, half-naked or covered only with hides, and eating from -wooden platters: not much different from that of the population -of Upper Macedonia three centuries before, when first visited by -Perdikkas the ancestor of the Macedonian kings, and when the wife of -the native prince baked bread with her own hands.<a id="FNanchor_121" -href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> On the other hand, -though the Macedonian infantry was thus indifferent, the cavalry of -the country<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[p. 57]</span> was -excellent, both in the Peloponnesian war, and in the war carried -on by Sparta against Olynthus more than twenty years afterwards.<a -id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> -These horsemen, like the Thessalians, charged in compact order, -carrying as their principal weapon of offence, not javelins to be -hurled, but the short thrusting-pike for close combat.</p> - -<p>Thus defective was the military organization which Philip found. -Under his auspices it was cast altogether anew. The poor and hardy -Landwehr of Macedonia, constantly on the defensive against predatory -neighbors, formed an excellent material for soldiers, and proved -not intractable to the innovations of a warlike prince. They were -placed under constant training in the regular rank and file of heavy -infantry: they were moreover brought to adopt a new description -of arm, not only in itself very difficult to manage, but also -comparatively useless to the soldier when fighting single-handed, -and only available by a body of men in close order, trained to -move or stand together. The new weapon, of which we first hear the -name in the army of Philip, was the sarissa—the Macedonian pike or -lance. The sarissa was used both by the infantry of his phalanx, -and by particular regiments of his cavalry; in both cases it was -long, though that of the phalanx was much the longer of the two. -The regiments of cavalry called Sarissophori or Lancers were a sort -of light-horse, carrying a long lance, and distinguished from the -heavier cavalry intended for the shock of hand combat, who carried -the xyston or short pike. The sarissa of this cavalry may have been -fourteen feet in length, as long as the Cossack pike now is; that of -the infantry in phalanx was not less than twenty-one feet long. This -dimension is so prodigious and so unwieldy, that we should hardly -believe it, if it did not come attested by the distinct assertion of -an historian like Polybius.</p> - -<p>The extraordinary reach of the sarissa or pike constituted -the prominent attribute and force of the Macedonian phalanx. The -phalangites were drawn up in files generally sixteen deep, each -called a Lochus; with an interval of three feet between each two -soldiers from front to rear. In front stood the lochage, a<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[p. 58]</span> man of superior strength, -and of tried military experience. The second and third men in the -file, as well as the rearmost man who brought up the whole, were also -picked soldiers, receiving larger pay than the rest. Now the sarissa, -when in horizontal position, was held with both hands (distinguished -in this respect from the pike of the Grecian hoplite, which occupied -only one hand, the other being required for the shield), and so held -that it projected fifteen feet before the body of the pikeman; while -the hinder portion of six feet so weighted as to make the pressure -convenient in such division. Hence, the sarissa of the man standing -second in the file, projected twelve feet beyond the front rank; -that of the third man, nine feet; these of the fourth and fifth -ranks, respectively six feet and three feet. There was thus presented -a quintuple series of pikes by each file, to meet an advancing -enemy. Of these five, the three first would be decidedly of greater -projection, and even the fourth of not less projection, than the -pikes of Grecian hoplites coming up as enemies to the charge. The -ranks behind the fifth, while serving to sustain and press onward -the front, did not carry the sarissa in a horizontal position, but -slanted it over the shoulders of those before them, so as to break -the force of any darts or arrows which might be shot over head from -the rear ranks of the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" -class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> - -<p>The phalangite (soldier of the phalanx) was farther provided -with a short sword, a circular shield of rather more than two -feet in diameter, a breast-piece, leggings, and a kausia or -broad-brimmed-hat—the head-covering common in the Macedonian army. -But the long pikes were in truth the main weapons of defence as well -as of offence. They were destined to contend against the charge -of Grecian hoplites with the one-handed pike and heavy shield; -especially against the most formidable manifestation of that force, -the deep Theban column organized by Epaminondas. This was what Philip -had to deal with, at his accession, as the irresistible infantry -of Greece, bearing down everything before it by thrust of pike and -propulsion of shield. He provided the means of vanquishing it, -by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[p. 59]</span> training his -poor Macedonian infantry to the systematic use of the long two-handed -pike. The Theban column, charging a phalanx so armed, found -themselves unable to break into the array of protended pikes, or to -come to push of shield. We are told that at the battle of Chæroneia, -the front rank Theban soldiers, the chosen men of the city, all -perished on the ground; and this is not wonderful, when we conceive -them as rushing, by their own courage as well as by the pressure upon -them from behind, upon a wall of Pikes double the length of their -own. We must look at Philip’s phalanx with reference to the enemies -before him, not with reference to the later Roman organization, -which Polybius brings into comparison. It answered perfectly the -purposes of Philip, who wanted mainly to stand the shock in front, -thus overpowering Grecian hoplites in their own mode of attack. Now -Polybius informs us, that the phalanx was never once beaten, in front -and on ground suitable for it; and wherever the ground was fit for -hoplites, it was also fit for the phalanx. The inconveniences of -Philip’s array, and of the long pikes, arose from the incapacity of -the phalanx to change its front or keep its order on unequal ground; -but such inconveniences were hardly less felt by Grecian hoplites.<a -id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> - -<p>The Macedonian phalanx, denominated the Pezetæri<a -id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> -or Foot Companions of the King, comprised the general body of -native<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[p. 60]</span> infantry, -as distinguished from special <i>corps d’armée</i>. The largest division -of it which we find mentioned under Alexander, and which appears -under the command of a general of division, is called a Taxis. How -many of these Taxeis there were in all, we do not know; the original -Asiatic army of Alexander (apart from what he left at home) included -six of them, coinciding apparently with the provincial allotments -of the country: Orestæ, Lynkestæ, Elimiotæ, Tymphæi, etc.<a -id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> -The writers on tactics give us a systematic scale of distribution -(ascending from the lowest unit, the Lochus of sixteen men, by -successive multiples of two, up to the quadruple phalanx of 16,384 -men) as pervading the Macedonian army. Among these divisions, -that which stands out as most fundamental and constant, is the -Syntagma, which contained sixteen Lochi. Forming thus a square of -sixteen men in front and depth, or 256 men, it was at the same -time a distinct aggregate or permanent battalion, having attached -to it five supernumeraries, an ensign, a rear-man, a trumpeter, -a herald, and an attendant or orderly.<a id="FNanchor_127" -href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Two of these -Syntagmas composed a body of 512 men, called a Pentakosiarchy, -which in Philip’s time is said to have been the ordinary regiment, -acting together under a separate command; but several of these -were doubled by Alexander when he reorganized his army at Susa,<a -id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> -so as to form regiments of 1024 men, each under its Chiliarch, and -each comprising four Syntagmas. All this systematic distribution -of the Macedonian military force when at home, appears to have -been arranged by the genius of Philip. On actual foreign service, -no numerical precision could be observed; a regiment or a division -could not always contain the same fixed num<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_61">[p. 61]</span>ber of men. But as to the array, a depth -of sixteen, for the files of the phalangites, appears to have been -regarded as important and characteristic,<a id="FNanchor_129" -href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> perhaps essential to -impart a feeling of confidence to the troops. It was a depth much -greater than was common with Grecian hoplites, and never surpassed by -any Greeks except the Thebans.</p> - -<p>But the phalanx, though an essential item, was yet only one among -many, in the varied military organization introduced by Philip. It -was neither intended, nor fit, to act alone; being clumsy in changing -front to protect itself either in flank or rear, and unable to adapt -itself to uneven ground. There was another description of infantry -organized by Philip called the Hypaspists—shield-bearers or Guards;<a -id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> -originally few in number, and employed for personal defence of the -prince—but afterwards enlarged into several distinct <i>corps d’armée</i>. -These Hypaspists or Guards were light infantry of the line;<a -id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> -they were hoplites, keeping regular array and intended for close -combat, but more lightly armed, and more fit for diversities of -circumstance and position, than the phalanx. They seem to have -fought with the one-handed pike and shield, like the Greeks; and -not to have carried the two-handed phalangite pike or sarissa. They -occupied a sort of intermediate place between the heavy infantry of -the phalanx properly so called—and the peltasts and light troops -generally. Alexander in his later campaigns had them distributed -into Chiliarchies (how the distribution stood earlier, we have no -distinct information), at least three in number, and probably more.<a -id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> -We find them employed by him in forward<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_62">[p. 62]</span> and aggressive movements; first his -light troops and cavalry begin the attack; next, the hypaspists -come to follow it up; lastly, the phalanx is brought up to support -them. The hypaspists are used also for assault of walled places, and -for rapid night marches.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" -class="fnanchor">[133]</a> What was the total number of them, -we do not know.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" -class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> - -<p>Besides the phalanx, and the hypaspists or Guards, the -Macedonian army as employed by Philip and Alexander included a -numerous assemblage of desultory or irregular troops, partly native -Macedonians, partly foreigners, Thracians, Pæonians, etc. They were -of different descriptions; peltasts, darters, and bowmen. The best -of them appear to have been the Agriânes, a Pæonian tribe expert in -the use of the javelin. All of them were kept in vigorous movement -by Alexander, on the flanks and in front of his heavy infantry, or -intermingled with his cavalry,—as well as for pursuit after the enemy -was defeated.</p> - -<p>Lastly, the cavalry in Alexander’s army was also admirable—at -least equal, and seemingly even superior in efficiency, to -his best infantry.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" -class="fnanchor">[135]</a> I have already mentioned that cavalry -was the choice native force of Macedonia, long before the -reign of Philip; by whom it had been extended and improved.<a -id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> -The heavy cavalry, wholly or chiefly composed of native Macedonians, -was known by the denomination of the Companions. There was besides -a new and lighter variety of cavalry, apparently introduced by -Philip, and called the Sarissophori, or Lancers, used like Cossacks -for advanced posts or scouring the country. The sarissa which they -carried was probably much shorter than that<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_63">[p. 63]</span> of the phalanx; but it was long, if -compared with the xyston or thrusting pike used by the heavy cavalry -for the shock of close combat. Arrian, in describing the army of -Alexander at Arbêla, enumerates eight distinct squadrons of this -heavy cavalry—or cavalry of the Companions; but the total number -included in the Macedonian army at Alexander’s accession, is not -known. Among the squadrons, several at least (if not all) were -named after particular towns or districts of the country—Bottiæa, -Amphipolis, Apollonia, Anthemus, etc.;<a id="FNanchor_137" -href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> there was one or -more, distinguished as the Royal Squadron—the Agêma or leading body -of cavalry—at the head of which Alexander generally charged, himself -among the foremost of the actual combatants.<a id="FNanchor_138" -href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> - -<p>The distribution of the cavalry into squadrons was that -which Alexander found at his accession; but he altered it, -when he remodelled the arrangements of his army (in 330 -<small>B. C.</small>), at Susa, so as to subdivide the -squadron into two Lochi, and to establish the Lochus for the -elementary division of cavalry, as it had always been of infantry.<a -id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> His -reforms went thus to cut down the primary body of cavalry from the -squadron to the half-squadron or Lochus, while they tended to bring -the infantry together into larger bodies—from cohorts of 500 each to -cohorts of 1000 men each.</p> - -<p>Among the Hypaspists or Guards, also, we find an Agêma or chosen -cohort, which was called upon oftener than the rest to begin the -fight. A still more select corps were, the Body-Guards; a small -company of tried and confidential men, individ<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_64">[p. 64]</span>ually known to Alexander, always attached -to his person, and acting as adjutants or as commanders for special -service. These Body-Guards appear to have been chosen persons -promoted out of the Royal Youths or Pages; an institution first -established by Philip, and evincing the pains taken by him to bring -the leading Macedonians into military organization as well as into -dependence on his own person. The Royal Youths, sons of the chief -persons throughout Macedonia, were taken by Philip into service, -and kept in permanent residence around him for purposes of domestic -attendance and companionship. They maintained perpetual guard of -his palace, alternating among themselves the hours of daily and -nightly watch; they received his horse from the grooms, assisted -him to mount, and accompanied him if he went to the chase: they -introduced persons who came to solicit interviews, and admitted -his mistresses by night through a special door. They enjoyed the -privilege of sitting down to dinner with him, as well as that of -never being flogged except by his special order.<a id="FNanchor_140" -href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The precise number -of the company we do not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[p. -65]</span> know; but it must have been not small, since fifty of -these youths were brought out from Macedonia at once by Amyntas -to join Alexander and to be added to the company at Babylon.<a -id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> At -the same time the mortality among them was probably considerable; -since, in accompanying Alexander, they endured even more than -the prodigious fatigues which he imposed upon himself.<a -id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> -The training in this corps was a preparation first for becoming -Body-guards of Alexander,—next, for appointment to the great and -important military commands. Accordingly, it had been the first -stage of advancement to most of the Diadochi, or great officers of -Alexander, who after his death carved kingdoms for themselves out of -his conquests.</p> - -<p>It was thus that the native Macedonian force was enlarged and -diversified by Philip, including at his death—1. The phalanx, -Foot-companions, or general mass of heavy infantry, drilled to -the use of the long two-handed pike or sarissa—2. The Hypaspists, -or lighter-armed corps of foot-guards—3. The Companions, or heavy -cavalry, the ancient indigenous force consisting of the more opulent -or substantial Macedonians—4. The lighter cavalry, lancers, or -Sarissophori.—With these were joined foreign auxiliaries of great -value. The Thessalians, whom Philip had partly subjugated and -partly gained over, furnished him with a body of heavy cavalry not -inferior to the native Macedonian. From various parts of Greece he -derived hoplites, volunteers taken into his pay, armed with the -full-sized shield and one-handed pike. From the warlike tribes of -Thracians, Pæonians, Illyrians, etc., whom he had subdued around -him, he levied contingents of light troops of various descriptions, -peltasts, bowmen, darters, etc., all excellent in their way, and -eminently serviceable to his combinations, in conjunction with<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[p. 66]</span> the heavier masses. -Lastly, Philip had completed his military arrangements by organizing -what may be called an effective siege-train for sieges as well as -for battles; a stock of projectile and battering machines, superior -to anything at that time extant. We find this artillery used by -Alexander in the very first year of his reign, in his campaign -against the Illyrians.<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" -class="fnanchor">[143]</a> Even in his most distant Indian marches, -he either carried it with him, or had the means of constructing new -engines for the occasion. There was no part of his military equipment -more essential to his conquests. The victorious sieges of Alexander -are among his most memorable exploits.</p> - -<p>To all this large, multifarious, and systematized array of -actual force, are to be added the civil establishments, the depôts, -magazines of arms, provision for remounts, drill officers and -adjutants, etc., indispensable for maintaining it in constant -training and efficiency. At the time of Philip’s accession, Pella -was an unimportant place;<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" -class="fnanchor">[144]</a> at his death, it was not only strong as -a fortification and place of deposit for regal treasure, but also -the permanent centre, war-office, and training quarters, of the -greatest military force then known. The military registers as well as -the traditions of Macedonian discipline were preserved there until -the fall of the monarchy.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" -class="fnanchor">[145]</a> Philip had employed his life in organizing -this powerful instrument of dominion. His revenues, large as they -were, both from mines and from tributary conquests, had been -exhausted in the work, so that he had left at his decease a debt -of 500 talents. But his son Alexander found the instrument ready -made, with excellent officers, and trained veterans for the front -ranks of his phalanx.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" -class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<p>This scientific organization of military force, on a large scale -and with all the varieties of arming and equipment made to co<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[p. 67]</span>-operate for one end, is -the great fact of Macedonian history. Nothing of the same kind and -magnitude had ever before been seen. The Macedonians, like Epirots -and Ætolians, had no other aptitude or marking quality except -those of soldiership. Their rude and scattered tribes manifest no -definite political institutions and little sentiment of national -brotherhood; their union was mainly that of occasional fellowship -in arms under the king as chief. Philip the son of Amyntas was the -first to organize this military union into a system permanently and -efficaciously operative, achieving by means of it conquests such as -to create in the Macedonians a common pride of superiority in arms, -which served as substitute for political institutions or nationality. -Such pride was still farther exalted by the really superhuman career -of Alexander. The Macedonian kingdom was nothing but a well-combined -military machine, illustrating the irresistible superiority of the -rudest men, trained in arms and conducted by an able general, not -merely over undisciplined multitudes, but also over free, courageous, -and disciplined, citizenship with highly gifted intelligence.</p> - -<p>During the winter of 335-334 <small>B. C.</small>, after the -destruction of Thebes and the return of Alexander from Greece to -Pella, his final preparations were made for the Asiatic expedition. -The Macedonian army with the auxiliary contingents destined for this -enterprise were brought together early in the spring. Antipater, one -of the oldest and ablest officers of Philip, was appointed to act as -viceroy of Macedonia during the king’s absence. A military force, -stated at 12,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry,<a id="FNanchor_147" -href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> was left with him -to keep down the cities of Greece, to resist aggressions from the -Persian fleet, and to repress discontents at home. Such discontents -were likely to be instigated by leading Macedonians or pretenders -to the throne, especially as Alexander had no direct heir: and -we are told that Antipater and Parmenio advised postponement of -the expedition until the young king could leave behind him an -heir of his own lineage.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" -class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Alexander overruled these representations; -yet he did not disdain to lessen the perils at home by putting -to death such men as he principally<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_68">[p. 68]</span> feared or mistrusted, especially the -kinsmen of Philip’s last wife Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_149" -href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Of the dependent -tribes around, the most energetic chiefs accompanied his army into -Asia, either by their own preference or at his requisition. After -these precautions, the tranquillity of Macedonia was entrusted -to the prudence and fidelity of Antipater, which were still -farther ensured by the fact that three of his sons accompanied the -king’s army and person.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" -class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Though unpopular in his deportment,<a -id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> -Antipater discharged the duties of his very responsible position -with zeal and ability; notwithstanding the dangerous enmity of -Olympias, against whom he sent many complaints to Alexander when in -Asia, whilst she on her side wrote frequent but unavailing letters -with a view to ruin him in the esteem of her son. After a long -period of unabated confidence, Alexander began during the last years -of his life to dislike and mistrust Antipater. He always treated -Olym<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[p. 69]</span>pias with -the greatest respect; trying however to restrain her from meddling -with political affairs, and complaining sometimes of her imperious -exigencies and violence.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" -class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p> - -<p>The army intended for Asia, having been assembled at Pella, -was conducted by Alexander himself first to Amphipolis, where it -crossed the Strymon; next along the road near the coast to the river -Nestus and to the towns of Abdêra and Maroneia; then through Thrace -across the rivers Hebrus and Melas; lastly, through the Thracian -Chersonese to Sestos. Here it was met by his fleet, consisting -of 160 triremes, with a number of trading vessels besides;<a -id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> -made up in large proportions from contingents furnished by Athens -and Grecian cities.<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" -class="fnanchor">[154]</a> The passage of the whole army, infantry, -cavalry, and machines, on ships, across the strait from Sestos -in Europe to Abydos in Asia,—was superintended by Parmenio, and -accomplished without either difficulty or resistance. But Alexander -himself, separating from the army at Sestos, went down to Elæus at -the southern extremity of the Chersonese. Here stood the chapel and -sacred precinct of the hero Protesilaus, who was slain by Hektor; -having been the first Greek (according to the legend of the Trojan -war) who touched the shore of Troy. Alexander, whose imagination -was then full of Homeric reminiscences, offered sacrifice to the -hero, praying that his own disembarkation might terminate more -auspiciously.</p> - -<p>He then sailed across in the admiral’s trireme, steering with -his own hand, to the landing place near Ilium called the Harbor -of the Achæans. At mid-channel of the strait, he sacrificed a -bull, with libations out of a golden goblet, to Poseidon and the -Nereids. Himself too in full armor, he was the first (like Pro<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[p. 70]</span>tesilaus) to tread the -Asiatic shore; but he found no enemy like Hektor to meet him. From -hence, mounting the hill on which Ilium was placed, he sacrificed -to the patron-goddess Athênê; and deposited in her temple his own -panoply, taking in exchange some of the arms said to have been worn -by the heroes in the Trojan war, which he caused to be carried by -guards along with him in his subsequent battles. Among other real or -supposed monuments of this interesting legend, the Ilians showed to -him the residence of Priam with its altar of Zeus Herkeios, where -that unhappy old king was alleged to have been slain by Neoptolemus. -Numbering Neoptolemus among his ancestors, Alexander felt himself -to be the object of Priam’s yet unappeased wrath; and accordingly -offered sacrifice to him at the same altar, for the purpose of -expiation and reconciliation. On the tomb and monumental column of -Achilles, father of Neoptolemus, he not only placed a decorative -garland, but also went through the customary ceremony of anointing -himself with oil and running naked round it: exclaiming how much -he envied the lot of Achilles, who had been blest during life with -a faithful friend, and after death, with a great poet to celebrate -his exploits. Lastly, to commemorate his crossing, Alexander erected -permanent altars, in honor of Zeus, Athênê, and Hêraklês; both on -the point of Europe which his army had quitted, and on that of -Asia where it had landed.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" -class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[p. 71]</span>The proceedings -of Alexander, on the ever-memorable site of Ilium, are interesting -as they reveal one side of his imposing character—the vein of -legendary sympathy and religious sentiment wherein alone consisted -his analogy with the Greeks. The young Macedonian prince had -nothing of that sense of correlative right and obligation, which -characterized the free Greeks of the city-community. But he was in -many points a reproduction of the heroic Greeks,<a id="FNanchor_156" -href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> his warlike ancestors -in legend, Achilles and Neoptolemus, and others of that Æakid race, -unparalleled in the attributes of force—a man of violent impulse -in all directions, sometimes generous, often vindictive—ardent in -his individual affections both of love and hatred, but devoured -especially by an inextinguishable pugnacity, appetite for conquest, -and thirst for establishing at all cost his superiority of force over -others—“Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis”—taking pride, -not simply in victorious generalship and direction of the arms of -soldiers, but also in the personal forwardness of an Homeric chief, -the foremost to encounter both danger and hardship. To dispositions -resembling those of Achilles, Alexander indeed added one attribute -of a far higher order. As a general, he surpassed his age in -provident and even long-sighted combinations. With all his exuberant -courage and sanguine temper, nothing was ever omitted in the way of -systematic military precaution. Thus much be borrowed, though with -many improvements of his own, from Grecian intelligence as applied -to soldiership. But the character and dispositions, which he took -with him to Asia, had the features, both striking and repulsive, of -Achilles, rather than those of Agesilaus or Epaminondas.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[p. 72]</span>The army, when -reviewed on the Asiatic shore after its crossing, presented a total -of 30,000 infantry, and 4500 cavalry, thus distributed:—</p> - -<table class="tsxc mt1" summary="Army of Alexander"> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc pt1"><span class="smcap">Infantry.</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl pt05">Macedonian phalanx and hypaspists</td> - <td class="tdrb pt05">12,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">Allies</td> - <td class="tdrb">7,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">Mercenaries</td> - <td class="tdrb bb">5,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl pt05">Under the command of Parmenio</td> - <td class="tdrb pt05">24,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Odryssians, Triballi (both Thracians), and Illyrians</td> - <td class="tdrb">5,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Agriânes and archers</td> - <td class="tdrb bb">1,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdrb pt05">Total Infantry</td> - <td class="tdrb pt05">30,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc pt1"><span class="smcap">Cavalry.</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl pt05">Macedonian heavy—under Philotas son of Parmenio</td> - <td class="tdrb pt05">1,500</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Thessalian (also heavy)—under Kallas</td> - <td class="tdrb">1,500</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Miscellaneous Grecian—under Erigyius</td> - <td class="tdrb">600</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Thracian and Pæonian (light)—under Kassander</td> - <td class="tdrb bb">900</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdrb pt05">Total Cavalry</td> - <td class="tdrb pt05">4,500</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class="mt1">Such seems the most trustworthy enumeration -of Alexander’s first invading army. There were however other -accounts, the highest of which stated as much as 43,000 infantry -with 4000 cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" -class="fnanchor">[157]</a> Besides these troops, also, there must -have been an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[p. 73]</span> -effective train of projectile machines and engines, for battles and -sieges, which we shall soon find in operation. As to money, the -military chest of Alexander, exhausted in part by profuse donatives -to his Macedonian officers,<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" -class="fnanchor">[158]</a> was as poorly furnished as that of -Napoleon Buonaparte on first entering Italy for his brilliant -campaign of 1796. According to Aristobulus, he had with him only -seventy talents; according to another authority, no more than the -means of maintaining his army for thirty days. Nor had he even been -able to bring together his auxiliaries, or complete the outfit of his -army, without incurring a debt of 800 talents, in addition to that -of 500 talents contracted by his father Philip.<a id="FNanchor_159" -href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Though Plutarch<a -id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> -wonders at the smallness of the force with which Alexander -contemplated the execution of such great projects, yet the fact -is, that in infantry he was far above any force which the Persians -had to oppose him;<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" -class="fnanchor">[161]</a> not to speak of comparative discipline -and organization, surpassing even that of the Grecian mercenaries, -who formed the only good infantry in the Persian service; while his -cavalry, though inferior as to number, was superior in quality and in -the shock of close combat.</p> - -<p>Most of the officers exercising important command in Alexander’s -army were native Macedonians. His intimate personal friend -Hephæstion, as well as his body-guards Leonnatus and Lysimachus, -were natives of Pella: Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and Pithon, were -Eordians from Upper Macedonia; Kraterus and Perdikkas, from the -district of Upper Macedonia called Orestis;<a id="FNanchor_162" -href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Antipater with -his son Kassander, Kleitus son of Drôpides, Parmenio with his two -sons Philôtas and Nikanor,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[p. -74]</span> Seleukus, Kœnus, Amyntas, Philippus (these two last names -were borne by more than one person), Antigonus, Neoptolemus,<a -id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> -Meleager, Peukestes, etc., all these seem to have been native -Macedonians. All or most of them had been trained to war under -Philip, in whose service Parmenio and Antipater, especially, had -occupied a high rank.</p> - -<p>Of the many Greeks in Alexander’s service, we hear of few in -important station. Medius, a Thessalian from Larissa, was among -his familiar companions; but the ablest and most distinguished of -all was Eumenes, a native of Kardia in the Thracian Chersonese. -Eumenes, combining an excellent Grecian education with bodily -activity and enterprise, had attracted when a young man the notice -of Philip and had been appointed as his secretary. After discharging -these duties for seven years until the death of Philip, he was -continued by Alexander in the post of chief secretary during the -whole of that king’s life.<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" -class="fnanchor">[164]</a> He conducted most of Alexander’s -correspondence, and the daily record of his proceedings, which was -kept under the name of the Royal Ephemerides. But though his special -duties were thus of a civil character, he was not less eminent as -an officer in the field. Occasionally entrusted with high military -command, he received from Alexander signal recompenses and tokens of -esteem. In spite of these great qualities—or perhaps in consequence -of them—he was the object of marked jealousy and dislike<a -id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> -on the part of the Macedonians,—from Hephæstion the friend, and -Neoptolemus the chief armor-bearer, of Alexander, down to the -principal soldiers of the phalanx. Neoptolemus despised Eumenes as an -unwarlike penman. The contemptuous pride with which Macedonians had -now come to look down on Greeks, is a notable characteristic of the -victorious army of Alexander, as well as a new feature in history; -retorting the ancient Hellenic sentiment in which Demosthenes, -a few years before, had indulged towards the Macedonians.<a -id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[p. 75]</span>Though Alexander -has been allowed to land in Asia unopposed, an army was already -assembled under the Persian satraps within a few days’ march of -Abydos. Since the reconquest of Egypt and Phenicia, about eight or -nine years before, by the Persian king Ochus, the power of that -empire had been restored to a point equal to any anterior epoch since -the repulse of Xerxes from Greece. The Persian successes in Egypt -had been achieved mainly by the arms of Greek mercenaries, under the -conduct and through the craft of the Rhodian general Mentor; who, -being seconded by the preponderant influence of the eunuch Bagôas, -confidential minister of Ochus, obtained not only ample presents, -but also the appointment of military commander on the Hellespont -and the Asiatic seaboard.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" -class="fnanchor">[167]</a> He procured the recall of his brother -Memnon, who with his brother-in-law Artabazus had been obliged to -leave Asia from unsuccessful revolt against the Persians, and had -found shelter with Philip.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" -class="fnanchor">[168]</a> He farther subdued, by force or by fraud, -various Greek and Asiatic chieftains on the Asiatic coast; among -them, the distinguished Hermeias, friend of Aristotle, and master of -the strong post of Atarneus.<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" -class="fnanchor">[169]</a> These successes of Mentor seem to have -occurred about 343 <small>B. C.</small> He, and his -brother Memnon after him, upheld vigorously the authority of the -Persian king in the regions near the Hellespont. It was probably -by them that troops were sent across the strait both to rescue the -besieged town of Perinthus from Philip, and to act against that -prince in other parts of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[p. -76]</span> Thrace;<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" -class="fnanchor">[170]</a> that an Asiatic chief, who was intriguing -to facilitate Philip’s intended invasion of Asia, was seized and -sent prisoner to the Persian court; and that envoys from Athens, -soliciting aid against Philip, were forwarded to the same place.<a -id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p> - -<p>Ochus, though successful in regaining the full extent of -Persian dominion, was a sanguinary tyrant, who shed by wholesale -the blood of his family and courtiers. About the year 338 -<small>B. C.</small>, he died, poisoned by the eunuch Bagôas, -who placed upon the throne Arses, one of the king’s sons, killing -all the rest. After two years, however, Bagôas conceived mistrust of -Arses, and put him to death also, together with all his children; -thus leaving no direct descendant of the regal family alive. He then -exalted to the throne one of his friends named Darius Codomannus -(descended from one of the brothers of Artaxerxes Memnon), who -had acquired glory, in a recent war against the Kadusians, by -killing in single combat a formidable champion of the enemy’s -army. Presently, however, Bagôas attempted to poison Darius also; -but the latter, detecting the snare, forced him to drink the -deadly draught himself.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" -class="fnanchor">[172]</a> In spite of such murders and change in the -line of succession, which Alexander afterwards reproached to Darius<a -id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>—the -authority of Darius seems to have been recognized, without any -material opposition, throughout all the Persian empire.</p> - -<p>Succeeding to the throne in the early part of -<small>B. C.</small> 336, when Philip was organizing the -projected invasion of Persia, and when the first Macedonian -division under Parmenio and Attalus was already making war in -Asia—Darius prepared measures of defence at home, and tried to -encourage anti-Macedonian movements in Greece.<a id="FNanchor_174" -href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> On the assassination -of Philip by Pausanias, the Persian king publicly proclaimed himself -(probably untruly) as having instigated the deed, and alluded in -contemptuous terms<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[p. 77]</span> -to the youthful Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" -class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Conceiving the danger from Macedonia -to be past, he imprudently slackened his efforts and withheld his -supplies during the first months of Alexander’s reign, when the -latter might have been seriously embarrassed in Greece and in -Europe by the effective employment of Persian ships and money. But -the recent successes of Alexander in Thrace, Illyria, and Bœotia, -satisfied Darius that the danger was not past, so that he resumed -his preparations for defence. The Phenician fleet was ordered -to be equipped: the satraps in Phrygia and Lydia got together a -considerable force, consisting in part of Grecian mercenaries; while -Memnon, on the seaboard, was furnished with the means of taking 5000 -of these mercenaries under his separate command.<a id="FNanchor_176" -href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p> - -<p>We cannot trace with any exactness the course of these events, -during the nineteen months between Alexander’s accession and his -landing in Asia (August 336 <small>B. C.</small>, -to March or April 334 <small>B. C.</small>) We -learn generally that Memnon was active and even aggressive on -the north-eastern coast of the Ægean. Marching northward from -his own territory (the region of Assus or Atarneus skirting the -Gulf of Adramyttium<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" -class="fnanchor">[177]</a>) across the range of Mount Ida, he came -suddenly upon the town of Kyzikus on the Propontis. He failed, -however, though only by a little, in his attempt to surprise -it, and was forced to content himself with a rich booty from -the district around.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" -class="fnanchor">[178]</a> The Macedonian generals Parmenio and -Kallas had crossed into Asia with bodies of troops. Parmenio, -acting in Æolis, took Grynium, but was compelled by Memnon to raise -the siege of Pitanê; while Kallas, in the Troad, was attacked, -defeated, and compelled to retire to Rhœteium.<a id="FNanchor_179" -href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> - -<p>We thus see that during the season preceding the landing of -Alexander, the Persians were in considerable force, and Mem<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[p. 78]</span>non both active and -successful even against the Macedonian generals, on the region -north-east of the Ægean. This may help to explain that fatal -imprudence, whereby the Persians permitted Alexander to carry over -without opposition his grand army into Asia, in the spring of 334 -<small>B. C.</small> They possessed ample means of -guarding the Hellespont, had they chosen to bring up their fleet, -which, comprising as it did the force of the Phenician towns, -was decidedly superior to any naval armament at the disposal of -Alexander. The Persian fleet actually came into the Ægean a few weeks -afterwards. Now Alexander’s designs, preparations, and even intended -time of march, must have been well known not merely to Memnon, but -to the Persian satraps in Asia Minor, who had got together troops to -oppose him. These satraps unfortunately supposed themselves to be a -match for him in the field, disregarding the pronounced opinion of -Memnon to the contrary, and even overruling his prudent advice by -mistrustful and calumnious imputations.</p> - -<p>At the time of Alexander’s landing, a powerful Persian force -was already assembled near Zeleia in the Hellespontine Phrygia, -under command of Arsites the Phrygian satrap, supported by several -other leading Persians—Spithridates (satrap of Lydia and Ionia), -Pharnakes, Atizyes, Mithridates, Rhomithres, Niphates, Petines, -etc. Forty of these men were of high rank (denominated kinsmen of -Darius), and distinguished for personal valor. The greater number -of the army consisted of cavalry, including Medes, Baktrians, -Hyrkanians, Kappadokians, Paphlagonians, etc.<a id="FNanchor_180" -href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> In cavalry they -greatly outnumbered Alexander; but their infantry was much -inferior in number,<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" -class="fnanchor">[181]</a> composed however, in large proportion, of -Grecian mercenaries. The Persian total is given by Arrian as 20,000 -cavalry, and nearly 20,000 mercenary foot; by Diodorus as 10,000 -cavalry, and 100,000 infantry; by Justin even at 600,000. The numbers -of Arrian are the more credible; in those of Diodorus, the total of -infantry is certainly much above the truth—that of cavalry probably -below it.</p> - -<p>Memnon, who was present with his sons and with his own<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[p. 79]</span> division, earnestly -dissuaded the Persian leaders from hazarding a battle. Reminding -them that the Macedonians were not only much superior in infantry, -but also encouraged by the leadership of Alexander—he enforced the -necessity of employing their numerous cavalry to destroy the forage -and provisions, and if necessary, even towns themselves—in order to -render any considerable advance of the invading force impracticable. -While keeping strictly on the defensive in Asia, he recommended that -aggressive war should be carried into Macedonia; that the fleet -should be brought up, a powerful land-force put aboard, and strenuous -efforts made, not only to attack the vulnerable points of Alexander -at home, but also to encourage active hostility against him from the -Greeks and other neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" -class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> - -<p>Had this plan been energetically executed by Persian arms and -money, we can hardly doubt that Antipater in Macedonia would speedily -have found himself pressed by serious dangers and embarrassments, -and that Alexander would have been forced to come back and protect -his own dominions; perhaps prevented by the Persian fleet from -bringing back his whole army. At any rate, his schemes of Asiatic -invasion must for the time have been suspended. But he was rescued -from this dilemma by the ignorance, pride, and pecuniary interests -of the Persian leaders.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[p. -80]</span> Unable to appreciate Alexander’s military superiority, -and conscious at the same time of their own personal bravery, they -repudiated the proposition of retreat as dishonorable, insinuating -that Memnon desired to prolong the war in order to exalt his own -importance in the eyes of Darius. This sentiment of military dignity -was farther strengthened by the fact, that the Persian military -leaders, deriving all their revenues from the land, would have been -impoverished by destroying the landed produce. Arsites, in whose -territory the army stood, and upon whom the scheme would first -take effect, haughtily announced that he would not permit a single -house in it to be burnt.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" -class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Occupying the same satrapy as Pharnabazus -had possessed sixty years before, he felt that he would be reduced to -the same straits as Pharnabazus under the pressure of Agesilaus—“of -not being able to procure a dinner in his own country”.<a -id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> The -proposition of Memnon was rejected, and it was resolved to await the -arrival of Alexander on the banks of the river Granikus.</p> - -<p>This unimportant stream, commemorated in the Iliad, and -immortalized by its association with the name of Alexander, takes -its rise from one of the heights of Mount Ida near Skêpsis,<a -id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> -and flows northward into the Propontis, which it reaches at a -point somewhat east of the Greek town of Parium. It is of no great -depth: near the point where the Persians encamped, it seems to have -been fordable in many places; but its right bank was somewhat high -and steep, thus offering obstruction to an enemy’s attack. The -Persians, marching forward from Zeleia, took up a position near the -eastern side of the Granikus, where the last declivities of Mount -Ida descend into the plain of Adrasteia, a Greek city situated -between Priapus and Parium.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" -class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile Alexander marched onward towards this position, -from Arisbê (where he had reviewed his army)—on the first<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[p. 81]</span> day to Perkôtê, on the -second to the river Praktius, on the third to Hermôtus; receiving -on his way the spontaneous surrender of the town of Priapus. Aware -that the enemy was not far distant, he threw out in advance a body of -scouts under Amyntas, consisting of four squadrons of light cavalry -and one of the heavy Macedonian (Companion) cavalry. From Hermôtus -(the fourth day from Arisbê) he marched direct towards the Granikus, -in careful order, with his main phalanx in double files, his cavalry -on each wing, and the baggage in the rear. On approaching the river, -he made his dispositions for immediate attack, though Parmenio -advised waiting until the next morning. Knowing well, like Memnon on -the other side, that the chances of a pitched battle were all against -the Persians, he resolved to leave them no opportunity of decamping -during the night.</p> - -<p>In Alexander’s array, the phalanx or heavy infantry formed the -central body. The six Taxeis or divisions, of which it consisted, -were commanded (reckoning from right to left) by Perdikkas, Kœnus, -Amyntas son of Andromenes, Philippus, Meleager, and Kraterus.<a -id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> -Immediately on the right of the phalanx, were the hypaspistæ, -or light infantry, under Nikanor son of Parmenio—then the light -horse or lancers, the Pæonians, and the Apolloniate squadron of -Companion-cavalry commanded by the Ilarch Sokrates, all under -Amyntas son of Arrhibæus—lastly the full body of Companion-cavalry, -the bowmen, and the Agrianian darters, all under Philôtas -(son of Parmenio), whose division formed the extreme right.<a -id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> -The left flank of the phalanx<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[p. -82]</span> was in like manner protected by three distinct divisions -of cavalry or lighter troops—first, by the Thracians, under -Agathon—next, by the cavalry of the allies, under Philippus, son -of Menelaus—lastly, by the Thessalian cavalry, under Kallas, -whose division formed the extreme left. Alexander himself took -the command of the right, giving that of the left to Parmenio; by -right and left are meant the two halves of the army, each of them -including three Taxeis or divisions of the phalanx with the cavalry -on its flank—for there was no recognized centre under a distinct -command. On the other side of the Granikus, the Persian cavalry -lined the bank. The Medes and Baktrians were on their right, under -Rheomithres—the Paphlagonians and Hyrkanians in the centre, under -Arsites and Spithridates—on the left were Memnon and Arsamenes, -with their divisions.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" -class="fnanchor">[189]</a> The Persian infantry, both Asiatic and -Grecian, were kept back in reserve; the cavalry alone being relied -upon to dispute the passage of the river.</p> - -<p>In this array, both parties remained for some time, watching each -other in anxious silence.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" -class="fnanchor">[190]</a> There being no firing or smoke, as with -modern armies, all the details on each side were clearly visible -to the other; so that the Persians easily recognized Alexander -himself on the Macedonian right from the splendor of his armor and -military costume, as well as from the respectful demeanor of those -around him. Their principal leaders accordingly thronged to their -own left, which they reinforced with the main strength of their -cavalry, in order to oppose him personally. Presently he addressed -a few words of encouragement to the troops, and gave the order for -advance. He directed the first attack to be made by the squadron of -Companion-cavalry whose turn it was on that day to take the lead—(the -squadron of Apollonia, of which Sokrates was captain—commanded on -this day by Ptolemæus son of Philippus) supported by the light horse -or Lancers, the Pæonian darters (infantry), and one division of<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[p. 83]</span> regularly armed infantry, -seemingly hypaspistæ.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" -class="fnanchor">[191]</a> He then himself entered the river, at -the head of the right half of the army, cavalry and infantry, which -advanced under sound of trumpets and with the usual war-shouts. -As the occasional depths of water prevented a straightforward -march with one uniform line, the Macedonians slanted their course -suitably to the fordable spaces; keeping their front extended so as -to approach the opposite bank as much as possible in line, and not -in separate columns with flanks exposed to the Persian cavalry.<a -id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> Not -merely the right under Alexander, but also the left under Parmenio, -advanced and crossed in the same movement and under the like -precautions.</p> - -<p>The foremost detachment under Ptolemy and Amyntas, on reaching the -opposite bank, encountered a strenuous resistance, concentrated as it -was here upon one point. They found Memnon and his sons with the best -of the Persian cavalry immediately in their front; some on the summit -of the bank, from whence they hurled down their javelins—others -down at the water’s-edge, so as to come to closer quarters. The -Macedonians tried every effort to make good their landing, and push -their way by main force through the Persian horse, but in vain. -Having both lower ground and insecure footing, they could make no -impression, but were thrust back with some loss, and retired upon the -main body which Alexander was now bringing across. On his approaching -the shore, the same struggle was renewed around his person with -increased fervor on both sides. He was himself<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_84">[p. 84]</span> among the foremost, and all near him were -animated by his example. The horsemen on both sides became jammed -together, and the contest was one of physical force and pressure by -man and horse; but the Macedonians had a great advantage in being -accustomed to the use of the strong close-fighting pike, while the -Persian weapon was the missile javelin. At length the resistance -was surmounted, and Alexander with those around him, gradually -thrusting back the defenders, made good their way up the high bank -to the level ground. At other points the resistance was not equally -vigorous. The left and centre of the Macedonians, crossing at the -same time on all practicable spaces along the whole line, overpowered -the Persians stationed on the slope, and got up to the level ground -with comparative facility.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" -class="fnanchor">[193]</a> Indeed no cavalry could possibly stand -on the bank to offer opposition to the phalanx with its array of -long pikes, wherever this could reach the ascent in any continuous -front. The easy crossing of the Macedonians at other points helped to -constrain those Persians, who were contending with Alexander himself -on the slope, to recede to the level ground above.</p> - -<p>Here again, as at the water’s edge, Alexander was foremost in -personal conflict. His pike having been broken, he turned to a -soldier near him—Aretis, one of the horseguards who generally aided -him in mounting his horse—and asked for another. But this man, -having broken his pike also, showed the fragment to Alexander, -requesting him to ask some one else; upon which the Corinthian -Demaratus, one of the Companion-cavalry close at hand, gave him -his weapon instead. Thus armed anew, Alexander spurred his horse -forward against Mithridates (son-in-law<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_85">[p. 85]</span> of Darius), who was bringing up a column -of cavalry to attack him, but was himself considerably in advance -of it. Alexander thrust his pike into the face of Mithridates, and -laid him prostrate on the ground: he then turned to another of the -Persian leaders, Rhœsakes, who struck him a blow on the head with his -scymetar, knocked off a portion of his helmet, but did not penetrate -beyond. Alexander avenged this blow by thrusting Rhœsakes through -the body with his pike.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" -class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Meanwhile a third Persian leader, -Spithridates, was actually close behind Alexander, with hand and -scymetar uplifted to cut him down. At this critical moment, Kleitus -son of Dropides—one of the ancient officers of Philip, high in -the Macedonian service—struck with full force at the uplifted arm -of Spithridates and severed it from the body, thus preserving -Alexander’s life. Other leading Persians, kinsmen of Spithridates, -rushed desperately on Alexander, who received many blows on his -armor, and was in much danger. But the efforts of his companions -near were redoubled, both to defend his person and to second his -adventurous daring. It was on that point that the Persian cavalry -was first broken. On the left of the Macedonian line, the Thessalian -cavalry also fought with vigor and success;<a id="FNanchor_195" -href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> and the light-armed -foot, intermingled with Alexander’s cavalry generally, did great -damage to the enemy. The rout of the Persian cavalry, once begun, -speedily became general. They fled in all directions, pursued by the -Macedonians.</p> - -<p>But Alexander and his officers soon checked this ardor of pursuit, -calling back their cavalry to complete his victory. The Persian -infantry, Asiatics as well as Greeks, had remained without movement -or orders, looking on the cavalry battle which had just disastrously -terminated. To them Alexander immediately turned his attention.<a -id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> He -brought up his phalanx and hypaspistæ to attack them in front, while -his cavalry assailed on all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[p. -86]</span> sides their unprotected flanks and rear; he himself -charged with the cavalry, and had a horse killed under him. His -infantry alone was more numerous than they, so that against such -odds the result could hardly be doubtful. The greater part of these -mercenaries, after a valiant resistance, were cut to pieces on the -field. We are told that none escaped, except 2000 made prisoners, and -some who remained concealed in the field among the dead bodies.<a -id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p> - -<p>In this complete and signal defeat, the loss of the Persian -cavalry was not very serious in mere number—for only 1000 of them -were slain. But the slaughter of the leading Persians, who had -exposed themselves with extreme bravery in the personal conflict -against Alexander, was terrible. There were slain not only -Mithridates, Rhœsakes, and Spithridates, whose names have been -already mentioned,—but also Pharnakes, brother-in-law of Darius, -Mithrobarzanes satrap of Kappadokia, Atizyes, Niphates, Petines, -and others; all Persians of rank and consequence. Arsites, the -satrap of Phrygia, whose rashness had mainly caused the rejection of -Memnon’s advice, escaped from the field, but died shortly afterwards -by his own hand, from anguish and humiliation.<a id="FNanchor_198" -href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> The Persian or -Perso-Grecian infantry, though probably more of them individually -escaped than is implied in Arrian’s account, was as a body -irretrievably ruined. No force was either left in the field, or could -be afterwards reassembled in Asia Minor.</p> - -<p>The loss on the side of Alexander is said to have been very -small. Twenty-five of the Companion-cavalry, belonging to the -division under Ptolemy and Amyntas, were slain in the first -unsuccessful attempt to pass the river. Of the other cavalry, sixty -in all were slain; of the infantry, thirty. This is given to us -as the entire loss on the side of Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_199" -href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> It is only the -number of killed; that of the wounded is not stated; but assuming -it to be ten times the number of killed, the total of both together -will<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[p. 87]</span> be 1265.<a -id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> -If this be correct, the resistance of the Persian cavalry, except -near that point where Alexander himself and the Persian chiefs came -into conflict, cannot have been either serious or long protracted. -But when we add farther the contest with the infantry, the smallness -of the total assigned for Macedonian killed and wounded will appear -still more surprising. The total of the Persian infantry is stated -at nearly 20,000, most part of them Greek mercenaries. Of these only -2000 were made prisoners; nearly all the rest (according to Arrian) -were slain. Now the Greek mercenaries were well armed, and not likely -to let themselves be slain with impunity; moreover Plutarch expressly -affirms that they resisted with desperate valor, and that most of -the Macedonian loss was incurred in the conflict against them. It -is not easy therefore to comprehend how the total number of slain -can be brought within the statement of Arrian.<a id="FNanchor_201" -href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> - -<p>After the victory, Alexander manifested the greatest solicitude -for his wounded soldiers, whom he visited and consoled in person. -Of the twenty-five Companions slain, he caused brazen statues, by -Lysippus, to be erected at Dium in Macedonia, where they were still -standing in the time of Arrian. To the surviving relatives of all -the slain he also granted immunity from taxation and from personal -service. The dead bodies were honorably buried, those of the enemy -as well as of his own soldiers. The two thousand Greeks in the -Persian service who had become his prisoners, were put in chains, -and transported to Macedonia, there to work as slaves; to which -treatment Alexander condemned them on the ground that they had taken -arms on behalf of the foreigner against Greece, in contravention of -the general vote passed by the synod at Corinth. At the same time, -he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[p. 88]</span> sent to Athens -three hundred panoplies selected from the spoil, to be dedicated -to Athênê in the acropolis with this inscription—“Alexander son of -Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedæmonians (<i>present these -offerings</i>), out of the spoils of the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”<a -id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> -Though the vote to which Alexander appealed represented no existing -Grecian aspiration, and granted only a sanction which could not -be safely refused, yet he found satisfaction in clothing his own -self-aggrandizing impulse under the name of a supposed Pan-hellenic -purpose: which was at the same time useful, as strengthening his -hold upon the Greeks, who were the only persons competent, either -as officers or soldiers, to uphold the Persian empire against him. -His conquests were the extinction of genuine Hellenism, though -they diffused an exterior varnish of it, and especially the Greek -language, over much of the Oriental world. True Grecian interests lay -more on the side of Darius than of Alexander.</p> - -<p>The battle of the Granikus, brought on by Arsites and the other -satraps contrary to the advice of Memnon, was moreover so unskilfully -fought by them, that the gallantry of their infantry, the most -formidable corps of Greeks that had ever been in the Persian service, -was rendered of little use. The battle, properly speaking, was fought -only by the Persian cavalry;<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" -class="fnanchor">[203]</a> the infantry was left to be surrounded and -destroyed afterwards.</p> - -<p>No victory could be more decisive or terror-striking than that -of Alexander. There remained no force in the field to oppose him. -The impression made by so great a public catastrophe was enhanced -by two accompanying circumstances; first, by the number of Persian -grandees who perished, realizing almost the wailings of Atossa, -Xerxes, and the Chorus, in the Persæ of Æschylus,<a id="FNanchor_204" -href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> after the battle of -Salamis—next, by the chivalrous and successful prowess of Alexander -himself, who, emulating the Homeric Achilles, not only rushed -foremost into the <i>mélée</i>, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[p. -89]</span> killed two of these grandees with his own hand. Such -exploits, impressive even when we read of them now, must at the -moment when they occurred have acted most powerfully upon the -imagination of contemporaries.</p> - -<p>Several of the neighboring Mysian mountaineers, though mutinous -subjects towards Persia, came down to make submission to him, and -were permitted to occupy their lands under the same tribute as they -had paid before. The inhabitants of the neighboring Grecian city -of Zeleia, whose troops had served with the Persians, surrendered -and obtained their pardon; Alexander admitting the plea that -they had served only under constraint. He then sent Parmenio to -attack Daskylium, the stronghold and chief residence of the satrap -of Phrygia. Even this place was evacuated by the garrison and -surrendered, doubtless with a considerable treasure therein. The -whole satrapy of Phrygia thus fell into Alexander’s power, and was -appointed to be administered by Kallas for his behalf, levying the -same amount of tribute as had been paid before.<a id="FNanchor_205" -href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> He himself then -marched, with his main force, in a southerly direction towards -Sardis—the chief town of Lydia, and the main station of the Persians -in Asia Minor. The citadel of Sardis—situated on a lofty and steep -rock projecting from Mount Tmolus, fortified by a triple wall with an -adequate garrison—was accounted impregnable, and at any rate could -hardly have been taken by anything less than a long blockade,<a -id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> -which would have allowed time for the arrival of the fleet and the -operations of Memnon. Yet such was the terror which now accompanied -the Macedonian conqueror, that when he arrived within eight miles -of Sardis, he met not only a deputation of the chief citizens, but -also the Persian governor of the citadel, Mithrines. The town, -citadel, garrison, and treasure Were delivered up to him without a -blow. Fortunately for Alexander, there were not in Asia any Persian -governors of courage and fidelity such as had been displayed by -Maskames<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[p. 90]</span> and -Boges after the repulse of Xerxes from Greece.<a id="FNanchor_207" -href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> Alexander treated -Mithrines with courtesy and honor, granted freedom to the Sardians -and to the other Lydians generally, with the use of their own Lydian -laws. The betrayal of Sardis by Mithrines was a signal good fortune -to Alexander. On going up to the citadel, he contemplated with -astonishment its prodigious strength; congratulating himself on so -easy an acquisition, and giving directions to build there a temple -of Olympian Zeus, on the spot where the old palace of the kings of -Lydia had been situated. He named Pausanias governor of the citadel, -with a garrison of Peloponnesians from Argos; Asander, satrap of -the country; and Nikias, collector of tribute.<a id="FNanchor_208" -href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> The freedom granted -to the Lydians, whatever it may have amounted to, did not exonerate -them from paying the usual tribute.</p> - -<p>From Sardis, he ordered Kallas, the new satrap of Hellespontine -Phrygia—and Alexander son of Aëropus, who had been promoted in place -of Kallas to the command of the Thessalian cavalry—to attack Atarneus -and the district belonging to Memnon, on the Asiatic coast opposite -Lesbos. Meanwhile he himself directed his march to Ephesus, which he -reached on the fourth day. Both at Ephesus and at Miletus—the two -principal strongholds of the Persians on the coast, as Sardis was -in the interior—the sudden catastrophe at the Granikus had struck -unspeakable terror. Hegesistratus, governor of the Persian garrison -(Greek mercenaries) at Miletus, sent letters to Alexander offering to -surrender the town on his approach; while the garrison at Ephesus, -with the Macedonian exile Amyntas, got on board two triremes in -the harbor, and fled. It appears that there had been recently a -political revolution in the town, conducted by Syrphax and other -leaders, who had established an oligarchical government. These men, -banishing their political opponents, had committed depredations on -the temple of Artemis, overthrown the statue of Philip of Macedon -dedicated therein, and destroyed the sepulchre of Heropythus the -liberator in the agora.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" -class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Some of the party, though abandoned by -their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[p. 91]</span> garrison, -were still trying to invoke aid from Memnon, who however was yet at a -distance. Alexander entered the town without resistance, restored the -exiles, established a democratical constitution, and directed that -the tribute heretofore paid to the Persians should now be paid to the -Ephesian Artemis. Syrphax and his family sought refuge in the temple, -from whence they were dragged by the people and stoned to death. More -of the same party would have been despatched, had not the popular -vengeance been restrained by Alexander; who displayed an honorable -and prudent moderation.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" -class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> - -<p>Thus master of Ephesus, Alexander found himself in communication -with his fleet, under the command of Nikanor; and received -propositions of surrender from the two neighboring inland cities, -Magnesia and Tralleis. To occupy these cities, he despatched -Parmenio with 5000 foot (half of them Macedonians) and 200 of the -Companion-cavalry; while he at the same time sent Antimachus with -an equal force in a northerly direction, to liberate the various -cities of Æolic and Ionic Greeks. This officer was instructed to -put down in each of them the ruling oligarchy, which acted with -a mercenary garrison as an instrument of Persian supremacy—to -place the government in the hands of the citizens—and to abolish -all payment of tribute. He himself—after taking part in a solemn -festival and procession to the temple of Ephesian Artemis, with his -whole army in battle array—marched southward towards Miletus; his -fleet under Nikanor proceeding thither by sea.<a id="FNanchor_211" -href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> He expected -probably to enter Miletus with as little resistance as Ephesus. -But his hopes were disappointed: Hegesistratus, commander of -the garrison in that town, though under the immediate terror of -the defeat at the Granikus he had written to offer submission, -had now altered his tone, and determined to hold out. The -formidable Persian fleet,<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" -class="fnanchor">[212]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[p. -92]</span> four hundred sail of Phenician and Cyprian ships of war -with well-trained seamen, was approaching.</p> - -<p>This naval force, which a few weeks earlier would have prevented -Alexander from crossing into Asia, now afforded the only hope of -arresting the rapidity and ease of his conquests. What steps had been -taken by the Persian officers since the defeat at the Granikus, we -do not hear. Many of them had fled, along with Memnon, to Miletus;<a -id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> -and they were probably disposed, under the present desperate -circumstances, to accept the command of Memnon as their only hope -of safety, though they had despised his counsel on the day of the -battle. Whether the towns in Memnon’s principality of Atarneus had -attempted any resistance against the Macedonians, we do not know. -His interests however were so closely identified with those of -Persia, that he had sent up his wife and children as hostages, to -induce Darius to entrust him with the supreme conduct of the war. -Orders to this effect were presently sent down by that prince;<a -id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> but -at the first arrival of the fleet, it seems not to have been under -the command of Memnon, who was however probably on board.</p> - -<p>It came too late to aid in the defence of Miletus. Three days -before its arrival, Nikanor the Macedonian admiral, with his fleet of -one hundred and sixty ships, had occupied the island of Ladê, which -commanded the harbor of that city. Alexander found the outer portion -of Miletus evacuated, and took it without resistance. He was making -preparations to besiege the inner city, and had already transported -4000 troops across to the island of Ladê, when the powerful Persian -fleet came in sight, but found itself excluded from Miletus, and -obliged to take moorings under the neighboring promontory of Mykalê. -Unwilling to abandon without a battle the command of the sea, -Parmenio advised Alexander to fight this fleet, offering himself to -share the hazard aboard. But Alexander disapproved the proposition, -affirming that his fleet was inferior not less in skill than in -numbers; that the high training of the Macedonians would tell for -nothing on shipboard; and that a naval defeat would be the signal -for insurrection in Greece. Besides debating such pruden<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[p. 93]</span>tial reasons, Alexander -and Parmenio also differed about the religious promise of the -case. On the sea-shore, near the stern of the Macedonian ships, -Parmenio had seen an eagle, which filled him with confidence that -the ships would prove victorious. But Alexander contended that this -interpretation was incorrect. Though the eagle doubtless promised -to him victory, yet it had been seen on land—and therefore his -victories would be on land: hence the result signified was, that he -would overcome the Persian fleet, by means of land-operations.<a -id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> -This part of the debate, between two practical military men of -ability, is not the least interesting of the whole; illustrating -as it does, not only the religious susceptibilities of the age, -but also the pliancy of the interpretative process, lending itself -equally well to inferences totally opposite. The difference between -a sagacious and a dull-witted prophet, accommodating ambiguous omens -to useful or mischievous conclusions, was one of very material -importance in the ancient world.</p> - -<p>Alexander now prepared vigorously to assault Miletus, repudiating -with disdain an offer brought to him by a Milesian citizen named -Glaukippus—that the city should be neutral and open to him as well as -to the Persians. His fleet under Nikanor occupied the harbor, blocked -up its narrow mouth against the Persians, and made threatening -demonstrations from the water’s edge; while he himself brought up -his battering-engines against the walls, shook or overthrew them -in several places, and then stormed the city. The Milesians, with -the Grecian mercenary garrison, made a brave defence, but were -overpowered by the impetuosity of the assault. A large number of -them were slain, and there was no way of escape except by jumping -into little boats, or swimming off upon the hollow of the shield. -Even of these fugitives, most part were killed by the seamen of the -Macedonian triremes; but a division of 300 Grecian mercenaries got on -to an isolated rock near the mouth of the harbor, and there prepared -to sell their lives dearly. Alexander, as soon as his soldiers were -thoroughly masters of the city, went himself on shipboard to attack -the mercenaries on the rock, taking with him ladders in order to -effect a landing upon it. But when he saw that they were resolved -on a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[p. 94]</span> desperate -defence, he preferred admitting them to terms of capitulation, -and received them into his own service.<a id="FNanchor_216" -href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> To the surviving -Milesian citizens he granted the condition of a free city, while he -caused all the remaining prisoners to be sold as slaves.</p> - -<p>The powerful Persian fleet, from the neighboring promontory of -Mykalê, was compelled to witness, without being able to prevent, the -capture of Miletus, and was presently withdrawn to Halikarnassus. -At the same time Alexander came to the resolution of disbanding his -own fleet; which, while costing more than he could then afford, was -nevertheless unfit to cope with the enemy in open sea. He calculated -that by concentrating all his efforts on land-operations, especially -against the cities on the coast, he should exclude the Persian fleet -from all effective hold on Asia Minor, and ensure that country to -himself. He therefore paid off all the ships, retaining only a -moderate squadron for the purposes of transport.<a id="FNanchor_217" -href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> - -<p>Before this time, probably, the whole Asiatic coast northward of -Miletus—including the Ionic and Æolic cities and the principality of -Memnon—had either accepted willingly the dominion of Alexander, or -had been reduced by his detachments. Accordingly he now directed his -march southward from Miletus, towards Karia, and especially towards -Halikarnassus, the principal city of that territory. On entering -Karia, he was met by Ada, a member of the Karian princely family, -who tendered to him her town of Alinda and her other possessions, -adopting him as her son, and entreating his protection. Not many -years earlier, under Mausôlus and Artemisia, the powerful princes -of this family had been formidable to all the Grecian islands. It -was the custom of Karia that brothers and sisters of the reigning -family intermarried with each other: Mausôlus and his wife Artemisia -were succeeded by Idrieus and his wife Ada, all four being brothers -and sisters, sons and daughters of Hekatomnus. On the<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[p. 95]</span> death of Idrieus, his -widow Ada, was expelled from Halikarnassus and other parts of Karia -by her surviving brother Pixodarus; though she still preserved some -strong towns, which proved a welcome addition to the conquests of -Alexander. Pixodarus, on the contrary, who had given his daughter in -marriage to a leading Persian named Orontobates, warmly espoused the -Persian cause, and made Halikarnassus a capital point of resistance -against the invader.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" -class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p> - -<p>But it was not by him alone that this city was defended. The -Persian fleet had repaired thither from Miletus; Memnon, now invested -by Darius with supreme command on the Asiatic coast and the Ægean, -was there in person. There was not only Orontobates with many other -Asiatics, but also a large garrison of mercenary Greeks, commanded -by Ephialtes, a brave Athenian exile. The city, strong both by -nature and by art, with a surrounding ditch forty-five feet broad -and twenty-two feet deep,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" -class="fnanchor">[219]</a> had been still farther strengthened -under the prolonged superintendence of Memnon;<a id="FNanchor_220" -href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> lastly, there were -two citadels, a fortified harbor, with its entrance fronting the -south, abundant magazines of arms, and good provision of defensive -engines. The siege of Halikarnassus was the most arduous enterprise -which Alexander had yet undertaken. Instead of attacking it by land -and sea at once, as at Miletus, he could make his approaches only -from the land, while the defenders were powerfully aided from seaward -by the Persian ships with their numerous crews.</p> - -<p>His first efforts, directed against the gate on the north or -north-east of the city, which led towards Mylasa, were interrupted -by frequent sallies and discharges from the engines on the walls. -After a few days thus spent without much avail, he passed with a -large section of his army to the western side of the town, towards -the outlying portion of the projecting tongue of land, on which -Halikarnassus and Myndus (the latter farther westward) were situated. -While making demonstrations on this side of Halikarnassus, he at -the same time attempted a night-attack on Myn<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_96">[p. 96]</span>dus, but was obliged to retire after some -hours of fruitless effort. He then confined himself to the siege -of Halikarnassus. His soldiers, protected from missiles by movable -penthouses (called Tortoises), gradually filled up the wide and deep -ditch round the town, so as to open a level road for his engines -(rolling towers of wood) to come up close to the walls. The engines -being brought up close, the work of demolition was successfully -prosecuted; notwithstanding vigorous sallies from the garrison, -repulsed; though not without loss and difficulty, by the Macedonians. -Presently the shock of the battering-engines had overthrown two -towers of the city-wall, together with two intermediate breadths of -wall; and a third tower was beginning to totter. The besieged were -employed in erecting an inner wall of brick to cover the open space, -and a wooden tower of the great height of 150 feet for the purpose -of casting projectiles.<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" -class="fnanchor">[221]</a> It appears that Alexander waited for the -full demolition of the third tower, before he thought the breach -wide enough to be stormed; but an assault was prematurely brought -on by two adventurous soldiers from the division of Perdikkas.<a -id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> -These men, elate with wine, rushed up single-handed to attack the -Mylasean gate, and slew the foremost of the defenders who came out to -oppose them, until at length, reinforcements arriving successively -on both sides, a general combat took place at a short distance from -the wall. In the end, the Macedonians were victorious, and drove -the besieged back into the city. Such was the confusion, that the -city might then have been assaulted and taken, had measures been -prepared for it beforehand. The third tower was speedily overthrown; -nevertheless, before this could be accomplished, the besieged had -already completed their half-moon within, against which accordingly, -on the next day, Alexander pushed forward his engines. In this -advanced position, however, being as it were within the circle -of the city-wall, the Macedonians were exposed to discharges not -only from engines in their front, but also from the towers yet -standing on each side of them. Moreover, at night, a fresh sally -was made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[p. 97]</span> with -so much impetuosity, that some of the covering wicker-work of the -engines, and even the main wood-work of one of them, was burnt. It -was not without difficulty that Philôtas and Hellanikus, the officers -on guard, preserved the remainder; nor were the besieged finally -driven in, until Alexander himself appeared with reinforcements.<a -id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> -Though his troops had been victors in these successive combats, -yet he could not carry off his dead, who lay close to the walls, -without soliciting a truce for burial. Such request usually counted -as a confession of defeat: nevertheless Alexander solicited the -truce, which was granted by Memnon, in spite of the contrary -opinion of Ephialtes.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" -class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p> - -<p>After a few days of interval, for burying his dead and repairing -the engines, Alexander recommenced attack upon the half-moon, -under his own personal superintendence. Among the leaders within, -a conviction gained ground that the place could not long hold out. -Ephialtes especially, resolved not to survive the capture, and -seeing that the only chance of preservation consisted in destroying -the besieging engines, obtained permission from Memnon to put -himself at the head of a last desperate sally.<a id="FNanchor_225" -href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> He took immediately -near him 2000 chosen troops, half to encounter the enemy, half -with torches to burn the engines. At daybreak, all the gates -being suddenly and simultaneously thrown<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_98">[p. 98]</span> open, sallying parties rushed out from -each against the besiegers; the engines from within supporting them -by multiplied discharges of missiles. Ephialtes with his division, -marching straight against the Macedonians on guard at the main -point of attack, assailed them impetuously, while his torch-bearers -tried to set the engines on fire. Himself distinguished no less for -personal strength than for valor, he occupied the front rank, and -was so well seconded by the courage and good array of his soldiers -charging in deep column, that for a time he gained advantage. Some of -the engines were successfully fired, and the advanced guard of the -Macedonian troops, consisting of young troops, gave way and fled. -They were rallied partly by the efforts of Alexander, but still -more by the older Macedonian soldiers, companions in all Philip’s -campaigns; who, standing exempt from night-watches, were encamped -more in the rear. These veterans, among whom one Atharrias was the -most conspicuous, upbraiding the cowardice of their comrades,<a -id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> -cast themselves into their accustomed phalanx-array, and thus both -withstood and repulsed the charge of the victorious enemy. Ephialtes, -foremost among the combatants, was slain, the rest were driven back -to the city, and the burning engines were saved with some damage. -During this same time, an obstinate conflict had also taken place at -the gate called Tripylon, where the besieged had made another sally, -over a narrow bridge thrown across the ditch. Here the Macedonians -were under the command of Ptolemy (not the son of Lagus), one of the -king’s body-guards. He, with two or three other conspicuous officers, -perished in the severe struggle which ensued, but the sallying party -were at length repulsed and driven into the city.<a id="FNanchor_227" -href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> The loss of the -besieged was severe, in trying to get again within the walls, under -vigorous pursuit from the Macedonians.</p> - -<p>By this last unsuccessful effort, the defensive force of -Halikar<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[p. 99]</span>nassus -was broken. Memnon and Orontobates, satisfied that no longer -defence of the town was practicable, took advantage of the night -to set fire to their wooden projectile engines and towers, as -well as to their magazines of arms, with the houses near the -exterior wall, while they carried away the troops, stores, and -inhabitants, partly to the citadel called Salmakis—partly to the -neighboring islet called Arkonnesus—partly to the island of Kos.<a -id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> -Though thus evacuating the town, however, they still kept good -garrisons well-provisioned in the two citadels belonging to it. The -conflagration, stimulated by a strong wind, spread widely. It was -only extinguished by the orders of Alexander, when he entered the -town, and put to death all those whom he found with firebrands. He -directed that the Halikarnassians found in the houses should be -spared, but that the city itself should be demolished. He assigned -the whole of Karia to Ada, as a principality, doubtless under -condition of tribute. As the citadels still occupied by the enemy -were strong enough to require a long siege, he did not think it -necessary to remain in person for the purpose of reducing them; -but surrounding them with a wall of blockade, he left Ptolemy and -3000 men to guard it.<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" -class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> - -<p>Having concluded the siege of Halikarnassus, Alexander sent back -his artillery to Tralles, ordering Parmenio, with a large portion -of the cavalry, the allied infantry, and the baggage waggons, to -Sardis.</p> - -<p>The ensuing winter months he employed in the conquest of Lykia, -Pamphylia, and Pisidia. All this southern coast of Asia Minor is -mountainous; the range of Mount Taurus descending nearly to the sea, -so as to leave little or no intervening breadth of plain. In spite -of great strength of situation, such was the terror of Alexander’s -arms, that all the Lykian towns—Hyparna, Telmissus, Pinara, Xanthus, -Patara, and thirty others—submitted to him without a blow.<a -id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> -One alone among them, called Marmareis, resisted to desperation.<a -id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> -On reaching the territory called Milyas, the Phrygian frontier of -Lykia, Alexander<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[p. 100]</span> -received the surrender of the Greek maritime city, Phasêlis. He -assisted the Phaselites in destroying a mountain fort erected and -garrisoned against them by the neighboring Pisidian mountaineers, and -paid a public compliment to the sepulchre of their deceased townsman, -the rhetorician Theodektes.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" -class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> - -<p>After this brief halt at Phasêlis, Alexander directed his course -to Pergê in Pamphylia. The ordinary mountain road, by which he sent -most of his army, was so difficult as to require some leveling by -Thracian light troops sent in advance for the purpose. But the -king himself, with a select detachment, took a road more difficult -still, under the mountains by the brink of the sea, called Klimax. -When the wind blew from the south, this road was covered by such -a depth of water as to be impracticable; for some time before he -reached the spot, the wind had blown strong from the south—but -as he came near, the special providence of the gods (so he and -his friends conceived it) brought on a change to the north, so -that the sea receded and left an available passage, though his -soldiers had the water up to their waists.<a id="FNanchor_233" -href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> From Pergê he -marched on to Sidê, receiving on his way envoys from Aspendus, who -offered to surrender their city, but deprecated the entrance of a -garrison; which they were allowed to buy off promising fifty talents -in money, together with the horses which they were bringing up as -tribute for the Persian king. Having left a garrison at Sidê, he -advanced onward to a strong place called Syllium, defended by brave -natives with a body of mercenaries to aid them. These men held -out, and even repulsed a first assault; which Alexander could not -stay to repeat, being apprised that the Aspendians had refused to -execute the conditions imposed, and had put their city in a state -of defence. Returning rapidly, he constrained them to submission, -and then marched back to Pergê; from whence he directed his course -towards the greater Phrygia,<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" -class="fnanchor">[234]</a> through the difficult mountains, and -almost indomitable population, of Pisidia.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[p. 101]</span>After -remaining in the Pisidian mountains long enough to reduce several -towns or strong posts, Alexander proceeded northward into Phrygia, -passing by the salt lake called Askanius to the steep and -impregnable fortress of Kelænæ, garrisoned by 1000 Karians, and -100 mercenary Greeks. These men, having no hope of relief from -the Persians, offered to deliver up the fortress, unless such -relief should arrive before the sixtieth day.<a id="FNanchor_235" -href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Alexander accepted -the propositions, remained ten days at Kelænæ, and left there -Antigonus (afterwards the most powerful among his successors) as -satrap of Phrygia, with 1500 men. He then marched northward to -Gordium on the river Sangarius, where Parmenio was directed to meet -him, and where his winter-campaign was concluded.<a id="FNanchor_236" -href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - -<div class="section" id="App_92"> -<p class="large center g1 mt2"><big>APPENDIX.</big></p> -<p class="center">ON THE LENGTH OF THE MACEDONIAN SARISSA OR PIKE.</p> -</div> - -<div class="appendix"> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> statements here given -about the length of the sarissa carried by the phalangite, are taken -from Polybius, whose description is on all points both clear and -consistent with itself. “The sarissa (he says) is sixteen cubits -long, according to the original theory; and fourteen cubits as -adapted to actual practice”—τὸ δὲ τῶν σαρισσῶν μέγεθός ἐστι, κατὰ μὲν -τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν, ἑκκαίδεκα πηχῶν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἁρμογὴν τὴν πρὸς -τὴν ἀλήθειαν, δεκατεσσάρων. Τούτων δὲ τοὺς τέσσαρας ἀφαιρεῖ τὸ μεταξὺ -ταῖν χεροῖν διάστημα, καὶ τὸ κατόπιν σήκωμα τῆς προβολῆς (xviii. -12).</p> - -<p>The difference here indicated by Polybius between the length in -theory, and that in practice, may probably be understood to mean, -that the phalangites, when in exercise, used pikes of the greater -length; when on service, of the smaller: just as the Roman soldiers -were trained in their exercises to use arms heavier than they -employed against an enemy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[p. 102]</span>Of the later -tactic writers, Leo (Tact. vi. 39) and Constantine Porphyrogenitus, -repeat the double measurement of the sarissa as given by Polybius. -Arrian (Tact. c. 12) and Polyænus (ii. 29, 2) state its length at -sixteen cubits—Ælian (Tact. c. 14) gives fourteen cubits. All these -authors follow either Polybius, or some other authority concurrent -with him. None of them contradict him, though none state the case so -clearly as he does.</p> - -<p>Messrs. Rüstow and Köchly (Gesch. des Griech. Kriegswesens, -p. 238), authors of the best work that I know respecting ancient -military matters, reject the authority of Polybius as it here stands. -They maintain that the passage must be corrupt, and that Polybius -must have meant to say that the sarissa was sixteen <i>feet</i> in -length—not sixteen <i>cubits</i>. I cannot subscribe to their opinion, nor -do I think that their criticism on Polybius is a just one.</p> - -<p>First, they reason as if Polybius had said that the sarissa of -actual service was <i>sixteen</i> cubits long. Computing the weight -of such a weapon from the thickness required in the shaft, they -pronounce that it would be unmanageable. But Polybius gives the -actual length as only <i>fourteen</i> cubits: a very material difference. -If we accept the hypothesis of these authors—that corruption of the -text has made us read <i>cubits</i> where we ought to have read <i>feet</i>,—it -will follow that the length of the sarissa, as given by Polybius, -would be <i>fourteen feet</i>, not <i>sixteen feet</i>. Now this length is not -sufficient to justify various passages in which its prodigious length -is set forth.</p> - -<p>Next, they impute to Polybius a contradiction in saying that -the Roman soldier occupied a space of three feet, equal to that -occupied by a Macedonian soldier—and yet that in the fight, he had -two Macedonian soldiers and ten pikes opposed to him (xviii. 13). -But there is here no contradiction at all: for Polybius expressly -says that the Roman, though occupying three feet when the legion was -drawn up in order, required, when fighting, an expansion of the ranks -and an increased interval to the extent of three feet behind him -and on each side of him (χάλασμα καὶ διάστασιν ἀλλήλων ἔχειν δεήσει -τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐλάχιστον τρεῖς πόδας κατ᾽ ἐπιστάτην καὶ παραστάτην) in -order to allow full play for his sword and shield. It is therefore -perfectly true that each Roman soldier, when actually marching up to -attack the phalanx, occupied as much ground as two phalangites, and -had ten pikes to deal with.</p> - -<p>Farther, it is impossible to suppose that Polybius, in speaking of -<i>cubits</i>, really meant <i>feet</i>; because (cap. 12) he speaks of <i>three -feet</i> as the interval between each rank in the file, and these <i>three -feet</i> are clearly made equal to <i>two cubits</i>. His computation will -not come right, if in place of <i>cubits</i> you substitute <i>feet</i>.</p> - -<p>We must therefore take the assertion of Polybius as we find it: -that the pike of the phalangite was fourteen cubits or twenty-one -feet in length. Now Polybius had every means of being well informed -on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[p. 103]</span> such a point. -He was above thirty years of age at the time of the last war of the -Romans against the Macedonian king Perseus, in which war he himself -served. He was intimately acquainted with Scipio, the son of Paulus -Emilius, who gained the battle of Pydna. Lastly, he had paid great -attention to tactics, and had even written an express work on the -subject.</p> - -<p>It might indeed be imagined, that the statement of Polybius, -though true as to his own time, was not true as to the time of -Philip and Alexander. But there is nothing to countenance such a -suspicion—which moreover is expressly disclaimed by Rüstow and -Köchly.</p> - -<p>Doubtless twenty-one feet is a prodigious length, unmanageable, -except by men properly trained, and inconvenient for all evolutions. -But these are just the terms under which the pike of the phalangite -is always spoken of. So Livy, xxxi. 39, “Erant pleraque silvestria -circa, incommoda phalangi maximè Macedonum: quæ, nisi ubi <i>prælongis -hastis</i> velut vallum ante clypeos objecit (quod ut fiat, libero campo -opus est) nullius admodum usus est.” Compare also Livy, xliv. 40, 41, -where, among other intimations of the immense length of the pike, we -find, “Si carptim aggrediendo, circumagere <i>immobilem longitudine et -gravitate hastam</i> cogas, confusâ strue implicatur:” also xxxiii. 8, -9.</p> - -<p>Xenophon tells us that the Ten Thousand Greeks in their retreat -had to fight their way across the territory of the Chalybes, who -carried a pike <i>fifteen cubits</i> long, together with a short sword; he -does not mention a shield, but they wore greaves and helmets (Anab. -iv. 7, 15). This is a length greater than what Polybius ascribes to -the pike of the Macedonian phalangite. The Mosynœki defended their -citadel “with pikes so long and thick that a man could hardly carry -them” (Anabas. v. 4, 25). In the Iliad, when the Trojans are pressing -hard upon the Greek ships, and seeking to set them on fire, Ajax is -described as planting himself upon the poop, and keeping off the -assailants with a thrusting-pike of twenty-two cubits or thirty-three -feet in length (ξυστὸν ναύμαχον ἐν παλάμῃσιν—δυωκαιεικοσίπηχυ, Iliad, -xv. 678). The spear of Hektor is ten cubits, or eleven cubits, -in length—intended to be hurled (Iliad vi. 319; viii. 494)—the -reading is not settled whether ἔγχος ἔχ᾽ ἑνδεκάπηχυ, or ἔγχος ἔχεν -δεκάπηχυ.</p> - -<p>The Swiss infantry, and the German Landsknechte, in the sixteenth -century, were in many respects a reproduction of the Macedonian -phalanx: close ranks, deep files, long pikes, and the three or -four first ranks, composed of the strongest and bravest men in the -regiment—either officers, or picked soldiers receiving double pay. -The length and impenetrable array of their pikes enabled them to -resist the charge of the heavy cavalry or men at arms: they were -irresistible in front, unless an enemy could find means to break in -among the pikes, which was sometimes, though rarely, done. Their -great confidence was in the length of the pike—Macciavelli says of -them (Ritratti dell’ Alamagna, Opere t. iv. p. 159; and Dell’ Arte -della Guerra, p. 232-236),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[p. -104]</span> “Dicono tenere tale ordine, che non é possibile entrare -tra loro, né accostarseli, quanto é la picca lunga. Sono ottime genti -in campagna, à far giornata: ma per espugnare terra non vagliono, e -poco nel difenderlo: ed universalmente, dove non possano tenere l’ -ordine loro della milizia, non vagliono.”</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_93"> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCIII.<br /> - SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER — BATTLE - OF ISSUS — SIEGE OF TYRE.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">It</span> was about February or -March 333 <small>B. C.</small>, when Alexander -reached Gordium; where he appears to have halted for some time, -giving to the troops who had been with him in Pisidia a repose -doubtless needful. While at Gordium, he performed the memorable -exploit familiarly known as the cutting of the Gordian knot. There -was preserved in the citadel an ancient waggon of rude structure, -said by the legend to have once belonged to the peasant Gordius and -his son Midas—the primitive rustic kings of Phrygia, designated as -such by the gods, and chosen by the people. The cord (composed of -fibres from the bark of the cornel tree), attaching the yoke of -this waggon to the pole, was so twisted and entangled as to form -a knot of singular complexity, which no one had ever been able to -untie. An oracle had pronounced, that to the person who should -untie it the empire of Asia was destined. When Alexander went up -to see this ancient relic, the surrounding multitude, Phrygian as -well as Macedonian, were full of expectation that the conqueror of -the Granikus and of Halikarnassus would overcome the difficulties -of the knot, and acquire the promised empire. But Alexander, on -inspecting the knot, was as much perplexed as others had been before -him, until at length, in a fit of impatience, he drew his sword -and severed the cord in two. By every one this was accepted as a -solution of the problem, thus making good his title to the empire -of Asia; a belief which the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[p. -105]</span> gods ratified by a storm of thunder and lightning -during the ensuing night.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" -class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> - -<p>At Gordium, Alexander was visited by envoys from Athens, -entreating the liberation of the Athenian prisoners taken at the -Granikus, who were now at work chained in the Macedonian mines. -But he refused this prayer until a more convenient season. Aware -that the Greeks were held attached to him only by their fears, and -that, if opportunity occurred, a large fraction of them would take -part with the Persians, he did not think it prudent to relax his -hold upon their conduct.<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" -class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> - -<p>Such opportunity seemed now not unlikely to occur. Memnon, -excluded from efficacious action on the continent since the loss of -Halikarnassus, was employed among the islands of the Ægean (during -the first half of 333 <small>B. C.</small>), with -the purpose of carrying war into Greece and Macedonia. Invested -with the most ample command, he had a large Phenician fleet and a -considerable body of Grecian mercenaries, together with his nephew -Pharnabazus and the Persian Autophradates. Having acquired the -important island of Chios, through the co-operation of a part of its -inhabitants, he next landed on Lesbos, where four out of the five -cities, either from fear or preference, declared in his favor; while -Mitylênê, the greatest of the five, already occupied by a Macedonian -garrison, stood out against him. Memnon accordingly disembarked -his troops and commenced the blockade of the city both by sea and -land, surrounding it with a double palisade wall from sea to sea. -In the midst of this operation he died of sickness; but his nephew -Pharnabazus, to whom he had consigned the command provisionally, -until the pleasure of Darius could be known, prosecuted his measures -vigorously, and brought the city to a capitulation. It was stipulated -that the garrison introduced by Alexander should be dismissed; that -the column, recording alliance with him, should be demolished; that -the Mityleneans should become allies of Darius, upon the terms of -the old convention called by the name of Antalkidas; and that the -citizens in banishment should be recalled, with restitution of half -their property. But Pharnabazus, as soon as admitted, vio<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[p. 106]</span>lated the capitulation -at once. He not only extorted contributions, but introduced a -garrison under Lykomêdes, and established a returned exile named -Diogenes as despot.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" -class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Such breach of faith was ill calculated to -assist the farther extension of Persian influence in Greece.</p> - -<p>Had the Persian fleet been equally active a year earlier, -Alexander’s army could never have landed in Asia. Nevertheless, -the acquisitions of Chios and Lesbos, late as they were in coming, -were highly important as promising future progress. Several of -the Cyclades islands sent to tender their adhesion to the Persian -cause; the fleet was expected in Eubœa, and the Spartans began to -count upon aid for an anti-Macedonian movement.<a id="FNanchor_240" -href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> But all these hopes -were destroyed by the unexpected decease of Memnon.</p> - -<p>It was not merely the superior ability of Memnon, but also his -established reputation both with Greeks and Persians, which rendered -his death a fatal blow to the interests of Darius. The Persians had -with them other Greek officers—brave and able—probably some not -unfit to execute the full Memnonian schemes. But none of them had -gone through the same experience in the art of exercising command -among Orientals—none of them had acquired the confidence of Darius -to the same extent, so as to be invested with the real guidance of -operations, and upheld against court-calumnies. Though Alexander had -now become master of Asia Minor, yet the Persians had ample means, -if effectively used, of defending all that yet remained, and even -of seriously disturbing him at home. But with Memnon vanished the -last chance of employing these means with wisdom or energy. The full -value of his loss was better appreciated by the intelligent enemy -whom he opposed, than by the feeble master whom he served. The death -of Memnon lessening the efficiency of the Persians at sea, allowed -full leisure to reorganize the Macedonian fleet,<a id="FNanchor_241" -href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> and to employ the -undivided land-force for farther inland conquest.<a id="FNanchor_242" -href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[p. 107]</span>If Alexander -was a gainer in respect to his own operations by the death of -this eminent Rhodian, he was yet more a gainer by the change of -policy which that event induced Darius to adopt. The Persian king -resolved to renounce the defensive schemes of Memnon, and to take -the offensive against the Macedonians on land. His troops, already -summoned from the various parts of the empire, had partially arrived, -and were still coming in.<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" -class="fnanchor">[243]</a> Their numbers became greater and greater, -amounting at length to a vast and multitudinous host, the total of -which is given by some as 600,000 men; by others, as 400,000 infantry -and 100,000 cavalry. The spectacle of this showy and imposing mass, -in every variety of arms, costume, and language, filled the mind of -Darius with confidence; especially as there were among them between -20,000 and 30,000 Grecian mercenaries. The Persian courtiers, -themselves elate and sanguine, stimulated and exaggerated the same -feeling in the king himself, who became confirmed in his persuasion -that his enemies could never resist him. From Sogdiana, Baktria, -and India, the contingents had not yet had time to arrive; but most -of those between the Persian Gulf and the Caspian sea had come -in—Persians, Medes, Armenians, Derbikes, Barkanians, Hyrkanians, -Katdakes, etc.; all of whom, mustered in the plains of Mesopotamia, -are said to have been counted, like the troops of Xerxes in the plain -of Doriskus, by paling off a space capable of containing exactly -10,000 men, and passing all the soldiers through it in succession.<a -id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> -Neither Darius himself, nor any of those around him, had ever before -seen so overwhelming a manifestation of the Persian imperial force. -To an Oriental eye, incapable of appreciating the real conditions -of military preponderance,—accustomed only to the gross and visible -computation of numbers and physical strength,—the king who marched -forth at the head of such an army appeared like a god on earth, -certain to trample down all before him—just as most Greeks had -con<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[p. 108]</span>ceived -respecting Xerxes,<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" -class="fnanchor">[245]</a> and by stronger reason Xerxes respecting -himself, a century and a half before. Because all this turned out a -ruinous mistake, the description of the feeling, given in Curtius -and Diodorus, is often mistrusted as baseless rhetoric. Yet it is in -reality the self-suggested illusion of untaught men, as opposed to -trained and scientific judgment.</p> - -<p>But though such was the persuasion of Orientals, it found no -response in the bosom of an intelligent Athenian. Among the Greeks -now near Darius, was the Athenian exile Charidemus, who having -incurred the implacable enmity of Alexander, had been forced to quit -Athens after the Macedonian capture of Thebes, and had fled together -with Ephialtes to the Persians. Darius, elate with the apparent -omnipotence of his army under review, and hearing but one voice of -devoted concurrence from the courtiers around him, asked the opinion -of Charidemus, in full expectation of receiving an affirmative -reply. So completely were the hopes of Charidemus bound up with -the success of Darius, that he would not suppress his convictions, -however unpalatable, at a moment when there was yet a possibility -that they might prove useful. He replied (with the same frankness -as Demaratus had once employed towards Xerxes), that the vast -multitude now before him were unfit to cope with the comparatively -small number of the invaders. He advised Darius to place no reliance -on Asiatics, but to employ his immense treasures in subsidizing an -increased army of Grecian mercenaries. He tendered his own hearty -services either to assist or to command. To Darius, what he said -was alike surprising and offensive; in the Persian courtiers, it -provoked intolerable wrath. Intoxicated as they all were with the -spectacle of their present muster, it seemed to them a combination of -insult with absurdity, to pronounce Asiatics worthless as compared -with Macedonians, and to teach the king that his empire could be -defended by none<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[p. 109]</span> -but Greeks. They denounced Charidemus as a traitor who wished to -acquire the king’s confidence in order to betray him to Alexander. -Darius, himself stung with the reply, and still farther exasperated -by the clamors of his courtiers, seized with his own hands the girdle -of Charidemus, and consigned him to the guards for execution. “You -will discover too late (exclaimed the Athenian), the truth of what -I have said. My avenger will soon be upon you.”<a id="FNanchor_246" -href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> - -<p>Filled as he now was with certain anticipations of success and -glory, Darius resolved to assume in person the command of his -army, and march down to overwhelm Alexander. From this moment, his -land-army became the really important and aggressive force, with -which he himself was to act. Herein we note his distinct abandonment -of the plans of Memnon—the turning-point of his future fortune. He -abandoned them, too, at the precise moment when they might have been -most safely and completely executed. For at the time of the battle -of the Granikus, when Memnon’s counsel was originally given, the -defensive part of it was not easy to act upon; since the Persians had -no very strong or commanding position. But now, in the spring of 333 -<small>B. C.</small>, they had a line of defence -as good as they could possibly desire; advantages, indeed, scarcely -to be paralleled elsewhere. In the first place, there was the line -of Mount Taurus, barring the entrance of Alexander into Kilikia; a -line of defence (as will presently appear) nearly inexpugnable. Next, -even if Alexander had succeeded in forcing this line and mastering -Kilikia, there would yet remain the narrow road between Mount Amanus -and the sea, called the Amanian Gates, and the Gates of Kilikia and -Assyria—and after that, the passes over Mount Amanus itself— all -indispensable for Alexander to pass through, and capable of being -held, with proper precautions, against the strongest force of attack. -A better opportunity, for executing the defensive part of Memnon’s -scheme, could not present itself; and he himself must doubtless have -reckoned that such advantages would not be thrown away.</p> - -<p>The momentous change of policy, on the part of the Persian king, -was manifested by the order which he sent to the fleet after<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[p. 110]</span> receiving intelligence -of the death of Memnon. Confirming the appointment of Pharnabazus -(made provisionally by the dying Memnon) as admiral, he at the same -time despatched Thymôdes (son of Mentor and nephew of Memnon) to -bring away from the fleet the Grecian mercenaries who served aboard, -to be incorporated with the main Persian army.<a id="FNanchor_247" -href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> Here was a clear -proof that the main stress of offensive operations was henceforward -to be transferred from the sea to the land.</p> - -<p>It is the more important to note such desertion of policy, on the -part of Darius, as the critical turning-point in the Greco-Persian -drama—because Arrian and the other historians leave it out of sight, -and set before us little except the secondary points in the case. -Thus, for example, they condemn the imprudence of Darius, for coming -to fight Alexander within the narrow space near Issus, instead of -waiting for him on the spacious plains beyond Mount Amanus. Now, -unquestionably, granting that a general battle was inevitable, this -step augmented the chances in favor of the Macedonians. But it was a -step upon which no material consequences turned; for the Persian army -under Darius was hardly less unfit for a pitched battle in the open -plain; as was afterwards proved at Arbela. The real imprudence—the -neglect of the Memnonian warning—consisted in fighting the battle at -all. Mountains and defiles were the real strength of the Persians, -to be held as posts of defence against the invader. If Darius erred, -it was not so much in relinquishing the open plain of Sochi, as in -originally preferring that plain with a pitched battle, to the strong -lines of defence offered by Taurus and Amanus.</p> - -<p>The narrative of Arrian, exact perhaps in what it affirms, is not -only brief and incomplete, but even omits on various occasions to put -in relief the really important and determining points.</p> - -<p>While halting at Gordium, Alexander was joined by those -newly-married Macedonians whom he had sent home to winter, and who -now came back with reinforcements to the number of 3000 infantry and -300 cavalry, together with 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleians.<a -id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> -As soon as his troops had been suf<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_111">[p. 111]</span>ficiently rested, he marched (probably -about the latter half of May) towards Paphlagonia and Kappadokia. -At Ankyra he was met by a deputation from the Paphlagonians, who -submitted themselves to his discretion, only entreating that he -would not conduct his army into their country. Accepting these -terms, he placed them under the government of Kallas, his satrap of -Hellespontine Phrygia. Advancing farther, he subdued the whole of -Kappadokia, even to a considerable extent beyond the Halys, leaving -therein Sabiktas as satrap.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" -class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> - -<p>Having established security in his rear, Alexander marched -southward towards Mount Taurus. He reached a post called the Camp -of Cyrus, at the northern foot of that mountain, near the pass -Tauri-pylæ, or Kilikian Gates, which forms the regular communication, -between Kappadokia on the north side, and Kilikia on the south, -of this great chain. The long road ascending and descending was -generally narrow, winding, and rugged, sometimes between two steep -and high banks; and it included, near its southern termination, -one spot particularly obstructed and difficult. From ancient -times, down to the present, the main road from Asia Minor into -Kilikia and Syria has run through this pass. During the Roman -empire, it must doubtless have received many improvements, so as -to render the traffic comparatively easier. Yet the description -given of it by modern travellers represents it to be as difficult -as any road ever traversed by an army.<a id="FNanchor_250" -href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Seventy years -before Alexander, it had been traversed by the younger Cyrus -with the 10,000 Greeks, in his march up to attack his brother -Artaxerxes; and Xenophon,<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" -class="fnanchor">[251]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[p. -112]</span> who then went through it, pronounces it absolutely -impracticable for an army, if opposed by any occupying force. So -thoroughly persuaded was Cyrus himself of this fact, that he had -prepared a fleet, in case he found the pass occupied, to land troops -by sea in Kilikia in the rear of the defenders; and great indeed -was his astonishment, to discover that the habitual recklessness -of Persian management had left the defile unguarded. The narrowest -part, while hardly sufficient to contain four armed men abreast, -was shut in by precipitous rock on each side.<a id="FNanchor_252" -href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Here, if anywhere, -was the spot in which the defensive policy of Memnon might have been -made sure. To Alexander, inferior as he was by sea, the resource -employed by the younger Cyrus was not open.</p> - -<p>Yet Arsames, the Persian satrap commanding at Tarsus in Kilikia, -having received seemingly from his master no instructions, or worse -than none, acted as if ignorant of the existence of his enterprising -enemy north of Mount Taurus. On the first approach of Alexander, -the few Persian soldiers occupying the pass fled without striking -a blow, being seemingly unprepared for any enemy more formidable -than mountain-robbers. Alexander thus became master of this almost -insuperable barrier, without the loss of a man.<a id="FNanchor_253" -href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> On the ensuing day, -he marched his whole army over it into Kilikia, and arriving in a -few hours at Tarsus, found the town already evacuated by Arsames.<a -id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> - -<p>At Tarsus Alexander made a long halt; much longer than he -intended. Either from excessive fatigue—or from bathing while hot in -the chilly water of the river Kydnus—he was seized with a violent -fever, which presently increased to so dangerous a pitch that his -life was despaired of. Amidst the grief and alarm with which this -misfortune filled the army, none of the physicians would venture -to administer remedies, for fear of being<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_113">[p. 113]</span> held responsible for what threatened -to be a fatal result.<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" -class="fnanchor">[255]</a> One alone among them, an Akarnanian -named Philippus, long known and trusted by Alexander, engaged to -cure him by a violent purgative draught. Alexander directed him to -prepare it; but before the time for taking it arrived, he received -a confidential letter from Parmenio, entreating him to beware of -Philippus, who had been bribed by Darius to poison him. After reading -the letter, he put it under his pillow. Presently came Philippus with -the medicine, which Alexander accepted and swallowed without remark, -at the same time giving Philippus the letter to read, and watching -the expression of his countenance. The look, words, and gestures of -the physician were such as completely to reassure him. Philippus, -indignantly repudiating the calumny, repeated his full confidence -in the medicine, and pledged himself to abide the result. At first -it operated so violently as to make Alexander seemingly worse, and -even to bring him to death’s door; but after a certain interval, its -healing effects became manifest. The fever was subdued, and Alexander -was pronounced out of danger, to the delight of the whole army.<a -id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> A -reasonable time sufficed, to restore him to his former health and -vigor.</p> - -<p>It was his first operation, after recovery, to send forward -Parmenio, at the head of the Greeks, Thessalians, and Thracians, -in his army, for the purpose of clearing the forward route and -of securing the pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria.<a -id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> -This narrow road, bounded by the range of Mount Amanus on the -east and by the sea on the west, had been once barred by a<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[p. 114]</span> double cross-wall -with gates for passage, marking the original boundaries of Kilikia -and Syria. The Gates, about six days’ march beyond Tarsus,<a -id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> -were found guarded, but the guard fled with little resistance. At -the same time Alexander himself, conducting the Macedonian troops -in a south-westerly direction from Tarsus, employed some time -in mastering and regulating the towns of Anchialus and Soli, as -well as the Kilikian mountaineers. Then, returning to Tarsus, and -recommencing his forward march, he advanced with the infantry and -with his chosen squadron of cavalry, first to Magarsus near the mouth -of the river Pyramus, next to Mallus; the general body of cavalry, -under Philôtus, being sent by a more direct route across the Alëian -plain. Mallus, sacred to the prophet Amphilocus as a patron-hero, -was said to be a colony from Argos; on both these grounds Alexander -was disposed to treat it with peculiar respect. He offered solemn -sacrifice to Amphilocus, exempted Mallus from tribute, and appeased -some troublesome discord among the citizens.<a id="FNanchor_259" -href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p> - -<p>It was at Mallus that he received his first distinct communication -respecting Darius and the main Persian army; which was said to be -encamped at Sochi in Syria, on the eastern side of Mount Amanus, -about two days’ march from the mountain pass now called Beylan. -That pass, traversing the Amanian range, forms the continuance of -the main road from Asia Minor into Syria, after having passed first -over Taurus, and next through the difficult point of ground above -specified (called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria), between Mount -Amanus and the sea. Assembling his principal officers, Alexander -communicated to them the position of Darius, now encamped in a -spacious plain with prodigious superiority of numbers, especially -of cavalry. Though the locality was thus rather favorable to the -enemy, yet the Macedonians, full of hopes and courage, called upon -Alexander to lead them forthwith against him. Accordingly Alexander, -well pleased with their alacrity, began his forward march on the -following morning. He passed through Issus, where he left some sick -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[p. 115]</span> wounded under -a moderate guard—then through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria. At -the second day’s march from those Gates, he reached the seaport of -Myriandrus, the first town of Syria or Phenicia.<a id="FNanchor_260" -href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p> - -<p>Here, having been detained in his camp one day by a dreadful -storm, he received intelligence which altogether changed his plans. -The Persian army had been marched away from Sochi, and was now in -Kilikia, following in his rear. It had already got possession of -Issus.</p> - -<p>Darius had marched out of the interior his vast and miscellaneous -host, stated at 600,000 men. His mother, his wife, his harem, his -children, his personal attendants of every description, accompanied -him, to witness what was anticipated as a certain triumph. All the -apparatus of ostentation and luxury was provided in abundance, for -the king and for his Persian grandees. The baggage was enormous: -of gold and silver alone, we are told, that there was enough to -furnish load for 600 mules and 300 camels.<a id="FNanchor_261" -href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> A temporary bridge -being thrown over the Euphrates, five days were required to enable -the whole army to cross.<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" -class="fnanchor">[262]</a> Much of the treasure and baggage, however, -was not allowed to follow the army to the vicinity of Mount Amanus, -but was sent under a guard to Damascus in Syria.</p> - -<p>At the head of such an overwhelming host, Darius was eager to -bring on at once a general battle. It was not sufficient for him -simply to keep back an enemy, whom, when once in presence, he -calculated on crushing altogether. Accordingly, he had given no -orders (as we have just seen) to defend the line of the Taurus; he -had admitted Alexander unopposed into Kilikia, and he intended to let -him enter in like manner through the remaining strong passes—first, -the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, between Mount Amanus and the -sea—next, the pass, now called Beylan, across Amanus itself. He -both expected and wished that his enemy should come into the plain -to fight, there to be trodden down by the countless horsemen of -Persia.</p> - -<p>But such anticipation was not at once realized. The movements -of Alexander, hitherto so rapid and unremitting, seemed<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[p. 116]</span> suspended. We have -already noticed the dangerous fever which threatened his life, -occasioning not only a long halt, but much uneasiness among the -Macedonian army. All was doubtless reported to the Persians, -with abundant exaggerations: and when Alexander, immediately -after recovery, instead of marching forward towards them, turned -away from them to subdue the western portion of Kilikia, this -again was construed by Darius as an evidence of hesitation and -fear. It is even asserted that Parmenio wished to await the -attack of the Persians in Kilikia, and that Alexander at first -consented to do so.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" -class="fnanchor">[263]</a> At any rate, Darius, after a certain -interval, contracted the persuasion, and was assured by his Asiatic -councillors and courtiers, that the Macedonians, though audacious -and triumphant against frontier satraps, now hung back intimidated -by the approaching majesty and full muster of the empire, and that -they would not stand to resist his attack. Under this impression -Darius resolved upon an advance into Kilikia with all his army. -Thymôdes indeed, and other intelligent Grecian advisers—together -with the Macedonian exile Amyntas—deprecated his new resolution, -entreating him to persevere in his original purpose. They pledged -themselves that Alexander would come forth to attack him wherever -he was, and that too, speedily. They dwelt on the imprudence of -fighting in the narrow defiles of Kilikia, where his numbers, and -especially his vast cavalry, would be useless. Their advice, however, -was not only disregarded by Darius, but denounced by the Persian -councillors as traitorous.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" -class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Even some of the Greeks in the camp -shared, and transmitted in their letters to Athens, the blind -confidence of the monarch. The order was forthwith given for the -whole army to quit the plains of Syria and march across Mount<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[p. 117]</span> Amanus into Kilikia.<a -id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> To -cross, by any pass, over such a range as that of Mount Amanus, with a -numerous army, heavy baggage, and ostentatious train (including all -the suite necessary for the regal family), must have been a work of -no inconsiderable time; and the only two passes over this mountain -were, both of them, narrow and easily defensible.<a id="FNanchor_266" -href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> Darius followed the -northernmost of the two, which brought him into the rear of his -enemy.</p> - -<p>Thus at the same time that the Macedonians were marching southward -to cross Mount Amanus by the southern pass, and attack Darius in -the plain—Darius was coming over into Kilikia by the northern pass -to drive them before him back into Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_267" -href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Reaching Issus, -seemingly about two days after they had left it, he became master -of their sick and wounded left in the town. With odious brutality, -his grandees impelled him to inflict upon these poor men either -death or amputation of hands and arms.<a id="FNanchor_268" -href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> He then marched -forward—along the same road by the shore of the Gulf which had -already been followed by Alexander—and encamped on the banks of the -river Pinarus.</p> - -<p>The fugitives from Issus hastened to inform Alexander, whom they -overtook at Myriandrus. So astonished was he, that he refused to -believe the news, until it had been confirmed by some officers whom -he sent northward along the coast of the Gulf in a small galley, -and to whom the vast Persian multitude on the shore was distinctly -visible. Then, assembling the chief officers, he communicated to -them the near approach of the enemy, ex<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_118">[p. 118]</span>patiating on the favorable auspices -under which a battle would now take place.<a id="FNanchor_269" -href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> His address was -hailed with acclamation by his hearers, who demanded only to be -led against the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" -class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> - -<p>His distance from the Persian position may have been about -eighteen miles.<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" -class="fnanchor">[271]</a> By an evening march, after supper, he -reached at midnight the narrow defile (between Mount Amanus and the -sea) called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, through which he had -marched two days before. Again master of that important position, -he rested there the last portion of the night, and advanced forward -at daybreak northward towards Darius. At first the breadth of -practicable road was so confined, as to admit only a narrow column -of march, with the cavalry following the infantry; presently it -widened, enabling Alexander to enlarge his front by bringing up -successively the divisions of the phalanx. On approaching near to -the river Pinarus (which flowed across the pass), he adopted his -order of battle. on the extreme right he placed the hypaspists, or -light division of hoplites; next (reckoning from right to left), -five Taxeis or divisions of the phalanx, under Kœnus, Perdikkas, -Meleager, Ptolemy, and Amyntas. Of these three last or left -divisions, Kraterus had the general command; himself subject to -the orders of Parmenio, who commanded the entire left half of the -army. The breadth of plain between the mountains on the right, and -the sea on the left, is said to have been not more than fourteen -stadia, or about one English mile and a half.<a id="FNanchor_272" -href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> From fear of being -outflanked by the superior numbers of the Persians, he gave strict -orders to Parmenio to keep close to the sea. His Macedonian cavalry, -the Companions, together with the Thessalians, were placed on his -right flank; as were also the Agrianes, and the principal portion -of the light infantry. The Peloponnesian and allied cav<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[p. 119]</span>alry, with the Thracian -and Kretan light infantry, were sent on the left flank to Parmenio.<a -id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p> - -<p>Darius, informed that Alexander was approaching, resolved -to fight where he was encamped, behind the river Pinarus. He, -however, threw across the river a force of 30,000 cavalry, and -20,000 infantry, to ensure the undisturbed formation of his main -force behind the river.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" -class="fnanchor">[274]</a> He composed his phalanx or main line of -battle, of 90,000 hoplites; 30,000 Greek hoplites in the centre, -and 30,000 Asiatics armed as hoplites (called Kardakes), on each -side of these Greeks. These men—not distributed into separate -divisions, but grouped in one body or multitude<a id="FNanchor_275" -href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>—filled the breadth -between the mountains and the sea. On the mountains to his left, he -placed a body of 20,000 men, intended to act against the right flank -and rear of Alexander. But for the great numerical mass of his vast -host, he could find no room to act; accordingly they remained useless -in the rear of his Greek and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[p. -120]</span> Asiatic hoplites, yet not formed into any body of -reserve, or kept disposable for assisting in case of need. When his -line was thoroughly formed, he recalled to the left bank of the -Pinarus the 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry which he had sent -across as a protecting force. A part of this cavalry were sent to his -extreme left wing, but the mountain ground was found unsuitable for -them to act, so that they were forced to cross the right wing, where -accordingly the great mass of the Persian cavalry became assembled. -Darius himself in his chariot was in the centre of the line, behind -the Grecian hoplites. In the front of his whole line ran the river or -rivulet Pinarus; the banks of which, in many parts naturally steep, -he obstructed in some places by embankments.<a id="FNanchor_276" -href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p> - -<p>As soon as Alexander, by the retirement of the Persian covering -detachment, was enabled to perceive the final dispositions of Darius, -he made some alteration in his own, transferring his Thessalian -cavalry by a rear movement from his right to his left wing, and -bringing forward the lancer-cavalry or sarissophori, as well as -the light infantry, Pæonians, and archers, to the front of his -right. The Agrianians, together with some cavalry and another body -of archers, were detached from the general line to form an oblique -front against the 20,000 Persians posted on the hill to outflank -him. As these 20,000 men came near enough to threaten his flank, -Alexander directed the Agrianians to attack them, and to drive them -farther away on the hills. They manifested so little firmness, and -gave way so easily, that he felt no dread of any serious aggressive -movement from them. He therefore contented himself with holding back -in reserve against them a body of 300 heavy cavalry; while he placed -the Agrianians and the rest on the right of his main line, in order -to make his front equal to that of his enemies.<a id="FNanchor_277" -href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[p. 121]</span>Having thus -formed his array, after giving the troops a certain halt after their -march, he advanced at a very slow pace, anxious to maintain his own -front even, and anticipating that the enemy might cross the Pinarus -to meet him. But as they did not move, he continued his advance, -preserving the uniformity of the front, until he arrived within -bowshot, when he himself, at the head of his cavalry, hypaspists, -and divisions of the phalanx on the right, accelerated his pace, -crossed the river at a quick step, and fell upon the Kardakes or -Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left. Unprepared for the suddenness -and vehemence of this attack, these Kardakes scarcely resisted a -moment, but gave way as soon as they came to close quarters, and -fled, vigorously pressed by the Macedonian right. Darius, who was in -his chariot in the centre, perceived that this untoward desertion -exposed his person from the left flank. Seized with panic, he caused -his chariot to be turned round, and fled with all speed among -the foremost fugitives.<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" -class="fnanchor">[278]</a> He kept to his chariot as long<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[p. 122]</span> as the ground -permitted, but quitted it on reaching some rugged ravines, and -mounted on horseback to make sure of escape; in such terror, that he -cast away his bow, his shield, and his regal mantle. He does not seem -to have given a single order, nor to have made the smallest effort -to repair a first misfortune. The flight of the king was the signal -for all who observed it to flee also; so that the vast host in the -rear were quickly to be seen trampling one another down, in their -efforts to get through the difficult ground out of the reach of the -enemy. Darius was himself not merely the centre of union for all -the miscellaneous contingents composing the army, but also the sole -commander; so that after his flight there was no one left to give any -general order.</p> - -<p>This great battle—we ought rather to say, that which ought to have -been a great battle—was thus lost,—through the giving way of the -Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left, and the immediate flight of -Darius,—within a few minutes after its commencement. But the centre -and right of the Persians, not yet apprised of these misfortunes, -behaved with gallantry. When Alexander made his rapid dash forward -with the right, under his own immediate command, the phalanx in his -left centre (which was under Kraterus and Parmenio) either did not -receive the same accelerating order, or found itself both retarded -and disordered by greater steepness in the banks of the Pinarus. -Here it was charged by the Grecian mercenaries, the best troops in -the Persian service. The combat which took place was obstinate, and -the Macedonian loss not inconsiderable; the general of division, -Ptolemy son of Seleukus, with 120 of the front rank men or choice -phalangites, being slain. But presently Alexander, having completed -the rout on the enemies’ left, brought back his victorious troops -from the pursuit, attacked the Grecian mercenaries in flank, and gave -decisive superiority to their enemies. These Grecian mercenaries were -beaten and forced to retire.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[p. -123]</span> On finding that Darius himself had fled, they got away -from the field as well as they could, yet seemingly in good order. -There is even reason to suppose that a part of them forced their -way up the mountains or through the Macedonian line, and made -their escape southward.<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" -class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile on the Persian right, towards the sea, the heavy-armed -Persian cavalry had shown much bravery. They were bold enough -to cross the Pinarus<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" -class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and vigorously to charge the Thessalians; -with whom they maintained a close contest, until the news spread that -Darius had disappeared, and that the left of the army was routed. -They then turned their backs and fled, sustaining terrible damage -from their enemies in the retreat. Of the Kardakes on the <i>right</i> -flank of the Grecian hoplites in the Persian line, we hear nothing, -nor of the Macedonian infantry opposed to them. Perhaps these -Kardakes came little into action, since the cavalry on their part -of the field were so severely engaged. At any rate they took part -in the general flight of the Persians, as soon as Darius was known -to have left the field.<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" -class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p> - -<p>The rout of the Persians being completed, Alexander began a -vigorous pursuit. The destruction and slaughter of the fugitives -was prodigious. Amidst so small a breadth of practicable ground, -narrowed sometimes into a defile and broken by frequent watercourses, -their vast numbers found no room, and trod one another down. -As many perished in this way as by the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_124">[p. 124]</span> sword of the conquerors; insomuch -that Ptolemy (afterwards king of Egypt, the companion and -historian of Alexander) recounts that he himself in the pursuit -came to a ravine choked up with dead bodies, of which he made a -bridge to pass over it.<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" -class="fnanchor">[282]</a> The pursuit was continued as long as the -light of a November day allowed; but the battle had not begun till -a late hour. The camp of Darius was taken together with his mother, -his wife, his sister, his infant son, and two daughters. His chariot, -his shield, and his bow also fell into the power of the conquerors; -and a sum of 3000 talents in money was found, though much of the -treasure had been sent to Damascus. The total loss of the Persians -is said to have amounted to 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot; among -the slain moreover were several eminent Persian grandees,—Arsames, -Rheomithres, and Atizyes, who had commanded at the Granikus—Sabakes, -satrap of Egypt. Of the Macedonians we are told that 300 foot and -150 horse were killed. Alexander himself was slightly wounded in -the thigh by a sword.<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" -class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p> - -<p>The mother, wife, and family of Darius, who became captives, -were treated by Alexander’s order with the utmost consideration and -respect. When Alexander returned at night from the pursuit, he found -the regal tent reserved and prepared for him. In an inner compartment -of it he heard the tears and wailings of women. He was informed that -the mourners were the mother and wife of Darius, who had learnt that -the bow and shield of Darius had been taken, and were giving loose -to their grief under the belief that Darius himself was killed. -Alexander immediately sent Leonnatus to assure them that Darius was -still living, and to promise further that they should be allowed -to preserve the regal title and state—his war against Darius being -undertaken not from any feelings of hatred, but as a fair contest -for the empire of Asia.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" -class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Besides this anecdote, which depends on -good<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[p. 125]</span> authority, -many others, uncertified or untrue, were recounted about his kind -behavior to these princesses; and Alexander himself, shortly after -the battle, seems to have heard fictions about it, which he thought -himself obliged to contradict in a letter. It is certain, (from -the extract now remaining of this letter) that he never saw, nor -ever entertained the idea of seeing, the captive wife of Darius, -said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia; moreover he even -declined to hear encomiums upon her beauty.<a id="FNanchor_285" -href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p> - -<p>How this vast host of fugitives got out of the narrow limits of -Kilikia, or how many of them quitted that country by the same pass -over Mount Amanus as that by which they had entered it—we cannot make -out. It is probable that many, and Darius himself among the number, -made their escape across the mountain by various subordinate roads -and by-paths; which, though unfit for a regular army with baggage, -would be found a welcome resource by scattered companies. Darius -managed to get together 4000 of the fugitives, with whom he hastened -to Thapsakus, and there recrossed the Euphrates. The only remnant of -force, still in a position of defence after the battle, consisted of -8000 of the Grecian mercenaries under Amyntas and Thymôdes. These -men, fighting their way out of Kilikia (seemingly towards the south, -by or near Myriandrus), marched to Tripolis on the coast of Phenicia, -where they still found the same vessels in which they had themselves -been brought from the armament of Lesbos. Seizing sufficient means -of transport, and destroying the rest to prevent pursuit, they -immediately crossed over to Cyprus, and from thence to Egypt.<a -id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> -With this single exception, the enormous Persian host disappears with -the battle of Issus. We hear of no attempt to rally or reform, nor of -any fresh Persian force afoot until two years afterwards. The booty -acquired by the victors was immense, not merely in gold and silver, -but also in captives for the slave-merchant. On the morrow of the -battle, Alex<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[p. 126]</span>ander -offered a solemn sacrifice of thanksgiving, with three altars erected -on the banks of the Pinarus; while he at the same time buried the -dead, consoled the wounded, and rewarded or complimented all who had -distinguished themselves.<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" -class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p> - -<p>No victory recorded in history was ever more complete in itself, -or more far-stretching in its consequences, than that of Issus. Not -only was the Persian force destroyed or dispersed, but the efforts -of Darius for recovery were paralyzed by the capture of his family. -Portions of the dissipated army of Issus may be traced, re-appearing -in different places for operations of detail; but we shall find no -farther resistance to Alexander and his main force, except from the -brave freemen of two fortified cities. Everywhere an overwhelming -sentiment of admiration and terror was spread abroad, towards the -force, skill, or good fortune of Alexander, by whichever name it -might be called—together with contempt for the real value of a -Persian army, in spite of so much imposing pomp and numerical show; a -contempt, not new to intelligent Greeks, but now communicated even to -vulgar minds by the recent unparalleled catastrophe. Both as general -and as soldier, indeed, the consummate excellence of Alexander stood -conspicuous, not less than the signal deficiency of Darius. The fault -in the latter, upon which most remark is usually made, was, that of -fighting the battle, not in an open plain, but in a narrow valley, -whereby his superiority of number was rendered unprofitable. But this -(as I have already observed) was only one among many mistakes, and by -no means the most serious. The result would have been the same, had -the battle been fought in the plains to the eastward of Mount Amanus. -Superior numbers are of little avail on any ground unless there be a -general who knows how to make use of them; unless they be distributed -into separate divisions ready to combine for offensive action on -many points at once, or at any rate to lend support to each other -in defence, so that a defeat of one fraction is not a defeat of the -whole. The faith of Darius in simple multitude was altogether blind -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[p. 127]</span> childish;<a -id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> -nay, that faith, though overweening beforehand, disappeared at once -when he found his enemies did not run away, but faced him boldly—as -was seen by his attitude on the banks of the Pinarus, where he stood -to be attacked instead of executing his threat of treading down the -handful opposed to him.<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" -class="fnanchor">[289]</a> But it was not merely as a general, that -Darius acted in such a manner as to render the loss of the battle -certain. Had his dispositions been ever so skilful, his personal -cowardice, in quitting the field and thinking only of his own safety, -would have sufficed to nullify their effect.<a id="FNanchor_290" -href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> Though the Persian -grandees are generally conspicuous for personal courage, yet we -shall find Darius hereafter again exhibiting the like melancholy -timidity, and the like incompetence for using numbers with effect, -at the battle of Arbela, though fought in a spacious plain chosen by -himself.</p> - -<p>Happy was it for Memnon, that he did not live to see the -renunciation of his schemes, and the ruin consequent upon it! -The fleet in the Ægean, which had been transferred at his death -to Pharnabazus, though weakened by the loss of those mercenaries -whom Darius had recalled to Issus, and disheartened by a serious -defeat which the Persian Orontobates had received from the -Macedonians in Karia,<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" -class="fnanchor">[291]</a> was nevertheless not inactive in trying -to organize an anti-Macedonian manifestation in Greece. While -Pharnabazus was at the island of Siphnos with his 100 triremes, -he was visited by the Lacedæmonian king Agis, who pressed him to -embark for Peloponnesus as large a force as he could spare, to -second a movement projected by the Spartans. But such aggressive -plans were at once crushed by the terror-striking news<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[p. 128]</span> of the battle of -Issus. Apprehending a revolt in the island of Chios as the result -of this news, Pharnabazus immediately sailed thither with a large -detachment. Agis, obtaining nothing more than a subsidy of thirty -talents and a squadron of ten triremes, was obliged to renounce his -projects in Peloponnesus, and to content himself with directing some -operations in Krete, to be conducted by his brother Agesilaus; while -he himself remained among the islands, and ultimately accompanied -the Persian Autophradates to Halikarnassus.<a id="FNanchor_292" -href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> It appears, however, -that he afterwards went to conduct the operations in Krete, -and that he had considerable success in that island, bringing -several Kretan towns to join the Persians.<a id="FNanchor_293" -href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> On the whole, -however, the victory of Issus overawed all free spirit throughout -Greece, and formed a guarantee to Alexander for at least a temporary -quiescence. The philo-Macedonian synod, assembled at Corinth during -the Isthmian festival, manifested their joy by sending to him an -embassy of congratulation and a wreath of gold.<a id="FNanchor_294" -href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p> - -<p>With little delay after his victory, Alexander marched through -Kœle-Syria to the Phenician coast, detaching Parmenio in his way -to attack Damascus, whither Darius, before the battle, had sent -most part of his treasure with many confidential officers, Persian -women of rank, and envoys. Though the place might have held out -a considerable siege, it was surrendered without resistance -by the treason or cowardice of the governor; who made a feint -of trying to convey away the treasure, but took care that it -should fall into the hands of the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_295" -href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> There was captured -a large treasure—with a prodigious number and variety of attendants -and ministers of luxury, belonging to the court and the grandees.<a -id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> -Moreover the prisoners made were so numerous,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_129">[p. 129]</span> that most of the great Persian families -had to deplore the loss of some relative, male or female. There were -among them the widow and daughters of king Ochus, the predecessor -of Darius—the daughter of Darius’s brother Oxathres—the wives of -Artabazus, and of Pharnabazus—the three daughters of Mentor, and -Barsinê, widow of the deceased Memnon with her child, sent up by -Memnon to serve as an hostage for his fidelity. There were also -several eminent Grecian exiles, Theban, Lacedæmonian and Athenian, -who had fled to Darius, and whom he had thought fit to send to -Damascus, instead of allowing them to use their pikes with the army -at Issus. The Theban and Athenian exiles were at once released by -Alexander; the Lacedæmonians were for the time put under arrest, -but not detained long. Among the Athenian exiles was a person of -noble name and parentage—Iphikrates, son of the great Athenian -officer of that name.<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" -class="fnanchor">[297]</a> The captive Iphikrates not only received -his liberty, but was induced by courteous and honorable treatment -to remain with Alexander. He died however shortly afterwards from -sickness, and his ashes were then collected, by order of Alexander, -to be sent to his family at Athens.</p> - -<p>I have already stated in a former volume<a id="FNanchor_298" -href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> that the elder -Iphikrates had been adopted by Alexander’s grandfather into the regal -family of Macedonia, as the savior of their throne: probably this was -the circumstance which determined the superior favor shown to the -son, rather than any sentiment either towards Athens or towards the -military genius of the father. The difference of position, between -Iphikrates the father and Iphikrates the son, is one among the -painful evidences of the downward march of Hellenism; the father, a -distinguished officer moving amidst a circle of freemen, sustaining -by arms the security and dignity of his own fellow-citizens, and even -interfering for the rescue of the Macedonian regal family; the son, -condemned to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[p. 130]</span> -witness the degradation of his native city by Macedonian arms, and -deprived of all other means of reviving or rescuing her, except -such as could be found in the service of an Oriental prince, whose -stupidity and cowardice threw away at once his own security and the -freedom of Greece.</p> - -<p>Master of Damascus and of Kœle-Syria, Alexander advanced onward to -Phenicia. The first Phenician town which he approached was Marathus, -on the mainland opposite the islet of Aradus, forming, along with -that islet and some other neighboring towns, the domain of the -Aradian prince Gerostratus. That prince was himself now serving with -his naval contingent among the Persian fleet in the Ægean; but his -son Strata, acting as viceroy at home, despatched to Alexander his -homage with a golden wreath, and made over to him at once Aradus with -the neighboring towns included in its domain. The example of Strato -was followed, first by the inhabitants of Byblus, the next Phenician -city in a southerly direction; next, by the great city of Sidon, the -queen and parent of all Phenician prosperity. The Sidonians even -sent envoys to meet him and invite his approach.<a id="FNanchor_299" -href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> Their sentiments -were unfavorable to the Persians, from remembrance of the bloody -and perfidious proceedings which (about eighteen years before) -had marked the recapture of their city by the armies of Ochus.<a -id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> -Nevertheless, the naval contingents both of Byblus and of Sidon (as -well as that of Aradus), were at this moment sailing in the Ægean -with the Persian admiral Autophradates, and formed a large proportion -of his entire fleet.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" -class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> - -<p>While Alexander was still at Marathus, however, previous to his -onward march, he received both envoys and a letter from Darius, -asking for the restitution of his mother, wife, and children—and -tendering friendship and alliance, as from one king to another. -Darius farther attempted to show, that the Macedonian Philip had -begun the wrong against Persia,—that Alexander had continued it—and -that he himself (Darius) had acted merely in self-defence. In -reply, Alexander wrote a letter, wherein he set forth his own case -against Darius, proclaiming himself the appointed leader of the -Greeks, to avenge the an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[p. -131]</span>cient invasion of Greece by Xerxes. He then alleged -various complaints against Darius, whom he accused of having -instigated the assassination of Philip, as well as the hostilities -of the anti-Macedonian cities in Greece. “Now (continued he), by the -grace of the gods, I have been victorious, first over your satraps, -next over yourself. I have taken care of all who submit to me, and -made them satisfied with their lot. Come yourself to me also, as to -the master of all Asia. Come without fear of suffering harm; ask -me, and you shall receive back your mother and wife, and anything -else which you please. When next you write to me, however, address -me not as an equal, but as lord of Asia and of all that belongs to -you; otherwise I shall deal with you as a wrong-doer. If you intend -to contest the kingdom with me, stand and fight for it, and do not -run away. I shall march forward against you, wherever you may be.”<a -id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> - -<p>This memorable correspondence, which led to no result, is of -importance only as it marks the character of Alexander, with whom -fighting and conquering were both the business and the luxury of -life, and to whom all assumption of equality and independence with -himself, even on the part of other kings—every thing short of -submission and obedience—appeared in the light of wrong and insult to -be avenged. The recital of comparative injuries, on each side, was -mere unmeaning pretence. The real and only question was (as Alexander -himself had put it in his message to the captive Sisygambis<a -id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>) -which of the two should be master of Asia.</p> - -<p>The decision of this question, already sufficiently advanced on -the morrow after the battle of Issus, was placed almost beyond doubt -by the rapid and unopposed successes of Alexander among most of -the Phenician cities. The last hopes of Persia now turned chiefly -upon the sentiments of these Phenicians. The greater part of the -Persian fleet in the Ægean was composed of Phenician triremes, -partly from the coast of Syria, partly from<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_132">[p. 132]</span> the island of Cyprus. If the Phenician -towns made submission to Alexander, it was certain that their ships -and seamen would either return home spontaneously or be recalled; -thus depriving the Persian quiver of its best remaining arrow. But -if the Phenician towns held out resolutely against him, one and -all, so as to put him under the necessity of besieging them in -succession—each lending aid to the rest by sea, with superiority of -naval force, and more than one of them being situated upon islets—the -obstacles to be overcome would have been so multiplied, that even -Alexander’s energy and ability might hardly have proved sufficient -for them: at any rate, he would have had hard work before him for -perhaps two years, opening the door to many new accidents and -efforts. It was therefore a signal good fortune to Alexander when -the prince of the islet of Aradus spontaneously surrendered to him -that difficult city, and when the example was followed by the still -greater city of Sidon. The Phenicians, taking them generally, had -no positive tie to the Persians; neither had they much confederate -attachment one towards the other, although as separate communities -they were brave and enterprising. Among the Sidonians, there was -even a prevalent feeling of aversion to the Persians, from the cause -above mentioned. Hence the prince of Aradus, upon whom Alexander’s -march first came, had little certainty of aid from his neighbors, -if he resolved to hold out; and still less disposition to hold -out single-handed, after the battle of Issus had proclaimed the -irresistible force of Alexander not less than the impotence of -Persia. One after another, all these important Phenician seaports, -except Tyre, fell into the hands of Alexander without striking a -blow. At Sidon, the reigning prince Strato, reputed as philo-Persian, -was deposed, and a person named Abdalonymus—of the reigning -family, yet poor in circumstances—was appointed in his room.<a -id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></p> - -<p>With his usual rapidity, Alexander marched onward towards Tyre; -the most powerful among the Phenician cities, though apparently less -ancient than Sidon. Even on the march, he was<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_133">[p. 133]</span> met by a deputation from Tyre, composed -of the most eminent men in the city, and headed by the son of the -Tyrian prince Azemilchus, who was himself absent commanding the -Tyrian contingent in the Persian fleet. These men brought large -presents and supplies for the Macedonian army, together with a -golden wreath of honor; announcing formally that the Tyrians were -prepared to do whatever Alexander commanded.<a id="FNanchor_305" -href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In reply, he -commended the dispositions of the city, accepted the presents, -and desired the deputation to communicate at home, that he wished -to enter Tyre and offer sacrifice to Herakles. The Phenician god -Melkart was supposed identical with the Grecian Herakles, and was -thus ancestor of the Macedonian kings. His temple at Tyre was of -the most venerable antiquity; moreover the injunction, to sacrifice -there, is said to have been conveyed to Alexander in an oracle.<a -id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> -The Tyrians at home, after deliberating on this message, sent out an -answer declining to comply, and intimating that they would not admit -within their walls either Macedonians or Persians; but that as to all -other points, they would obey Alexander’s orders.<a id="FNanchor_307" -href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> They added that -his wish to sacrifice to Herakles might be accomplished without -entering their city, since there was in Palætyrus (on the -mainland over against the islet of Tyre, separated from it only -by the narrow strait) a temple of that god yet more ancient and -venerable than their own.<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" -class="fnanchor">[308]</a> Incensed at this qualified adhesion, -in which he took note only of the point refused,—Alexander -dismissed the envoys with angry menaces, and immediately resolved -on taking Tyre by force.<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" -class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[p. 134]</span>Those who -(like Diodorus) treat such refusal on the part of the Tyrians -as foolish wilfulness,<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" -class="fnanchor">[310]</a> have not fully considered how much -the demand included. When Alexander made a solemn sacrifice to -Artemis at Ephesus, he marched to her temple with his whole force -armed and in battle army.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" -class="fnanchor">[311]</a> We cannot doubt that his sacrifice at -Tyre to Herakles—his ancestral Hero, whose especial attribute was -force—would have been celebrated with an array equally formidable, as -in fact it was, after the town had been taken.<a id="FNanchor_312" -href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> The Tyrians were thus -required to admit within their walls an irresistible military force; -which might indeed be withdrawn after the sacrifice was completed, -but which might also remain, either wholly or in part, as permanent -garrison of an almost impregnable position. They had not endured such -treatment from Persia, nor were they disposed to endure it from a new -master. It was in fact hazarding their all; submitting at once to a -fate which might be as bad as could befall them after a successful -siege. On the other hand, when we reflect that the Tyrians promised -everything short of submission to military occupation, we see that -Alexander, had he been so inclined, could have obtained from them -all that was really essential to his purpose, without the necessity -of besieging the town. The great value of Phenician cities consisted -in their fleet, which now acted with the Persians, and gave to them -the command of the sea.<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" -class="fnanchor">[313]</a> Had Alexander required that this fleet -should be withdrawn from the Persians and placed in his service, -there can be no doubt that he would have obtained it readily. -The Tyrians had no motive to devote themselves for Persia, nor -did they probably (as Arrian supposes) attempt to trim between -the two belligerents, as if the contest were still undecided.<a -id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> Yet -rather than hand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[p. 135]</span> -over their city to the chances of a Macedonian soldiery, they -resolved to brave the hazards of a siege. The pride of Alexander, -impatient of opposition even to his most extreme demands, prompted -him to take a step politically unprofitable, in order to make display -of his power, by degrading and crushing, with or without a siege, one -of the most ancient, spirited, wealthy and intelligent communities of -the ancient world.</p> - -<p>Tyre was situated on an islet nearly half a mile from -the mainland;<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" -class="fnanchor">[315]</a> the channel between the two being shallow -towards the land, but reaching a depth of eighteen feet in the part -adjoining the city. The islet was completely surrounded by prodigious -walls, the loftiest portion of which, on the side fronting the -mainland, reached a height not less than 150 feet, with corresponding -solidity and base.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" -class="fnanchor">[316]</a> Besides these external fortifications, -there was a brave and numerous population within, aided by a good -stock of arms, machines, ships, provisions, and other things -essential to defence.</p> - -<p>It was not without reason, therefore, that the Tyrians, when -driven to their last resource, entertained hopes of holding out even -against the formidable arm of Alexander; and against Alexander as -he then stood, they might have held out successfully; for he had as -yet no fleet, and they could defy any attack made simply from land. -The question turned upon the Phenician and Cyprian ships, which -were for the most part (the Tyrian among them) in the Ægean under -the Persian admiral. Alexander—master as he was of Aradus, Byblus, -Sidon, and all the Phenician cities except Tyre—calculated that the -seamen belonging to these cities would follow their countrymen at -home and bring away their ships to join him. He hoped also, as the -victorious potentate, to draw to himself the willing adhesion<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[p. 136]</span> of the Cyprian cities. -This could hardly have failed to happen if he had treated the Tyrians -with decent consideration; but it was no longer certain, now that he -had made them his enemies.</p> - -<p>What passed among the Persian fleet under Autophradates in the -Ægean, when they were informed, first that Alexander was master of -the other Phenician cities; next, that he was commencing the siege of -Tyre—we know very imperfectly. The Tyrian prince Azemilchus brought -home his ships for the defence of his own city;<a id="FNanchor_317" -href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> the Sidonian and -Aradian ships also went home, no longer serving against a power to -whom their own cities had submitted; but the Cyprians hesitated -longer before they declared themselves. If Darius, or even -Autophradates without Darius, instead of abandoning Tyre altogether -(as they actually did), had energetically aided the resistance which -it offered to Alexander, as the interests of Persia dictated—the -Cypriot ships might not improbably have been retained on that side in -the struggle. Lastly, the Tyrians might indulge a hope, that their -Phenician brethren, if ready to serve Alexander against Persia, would -be nowise hearty as his instruments for crushing a kindred city. -These contingencies, though ultimately they all turned out in favor -of Alexander, were in the beginning sufficiently promising to justify -the intrepid resolution of the Tyrians; who were farther encouraged -by promises of aid from the powerful fleets of their colony Carthage. -To that city, whose deputies were then within their walls for some -religious solemnities, they sent many of their wives and children.<a -id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander began the siege of Tyre without any fleet; the Sidonian -and Aradian ships not having yet come. It was his first<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[p. 137]</span> task to construct a -solid mole two hundred feet broad, reaching across the half mile -channel between the mainland and the islet. He pressed into his -service laboring hands by thousands from the neighborhood; he had -stones in abundance from Palætyrus, and wood from the forests in -Lebanon. But the work, though prosecuted with ardor and perseverance, -under pressing instigations from Alexander, was tedious and toilsome, -even near the mainland, where the Tyrians could do little to impede -it; and became far more tedious as it advanced into the sea, so as -to be exposed to their obstruction, as well as to damage from winds -and waves. The Tyrian triremes and small boats perpetually annoyed -the workmen, and destroyed parts of the work, in spite of all the -protection devised by the Macedonians, who planted two towers in -front of their advancing mole, and discharged projectiles from -engines provided for the purpose. At length, by unremitting efforts, -the mole was pushed forward until it came nearly across the channel -to the city wall; when suddenly, on a day of strong wind, the Tyrians -sent forth a fireship loaded with combustibles, which they drove -against the front of the mole and set fire to the two towers. At -the same time, the full naval force of the city, ships and little -boats, was sent forth to land men at once on all parts of the mole. -So successful was this attack, that all the Macedonian engines were -burnt,—the outer wood-work which kept the mole together was torn up -in many places,—and a large part of the structure came to pieces.<a -id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander had thus not only to construct fresh engines, but also -to begin the mole nearly anew. He resolved to give it greater breadth -and strength, for the purpose of carrying more towers abreast in -front, and for better defence against lateral attacks. But it had -now become plain to him, that while the Tyrians were masters of the -sea, no efforts by land alone would enable him to take the town. -Leaving Perdikkas and Kraterus to reconstruct the mole and build new -engines, he himself repaired to Sidon, for the purpose of assembling -as large a fleet as he could. He got together triremes from various -quarters—two from Rhodes, ten from the seaports in Lykia, three from -Soli and Mallus. But his principal force was obtained by putting -in requisi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[p. 138]</span>tion -the ships of the Phenician towns, Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus, now -subject to him. These ships, eighty in number, had left the Persian -admiral and come to Sidon, there awaiting his orders; while not long -afterwards, the princes of Cyprus came thither also, tendering to -him their powerful fleet of 120 ships of war.<a id="FNanchor_320" -href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> He was now master of -a fleet of 200 sail, comprising the most part and the best part, of -the Persian navy. This was the consummation of Macedonian triumph—the -last real and effective weapon wrested from the grasp of Persia. -The prognostic afforded by the eagle near the ships at Miletus, as -interpreted by Alexander, had now been fulfilled; since by successful -operations on land, he had conquered and brought into his power a -superior Persian fleet.<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" -class="fnanchor">[321]</a></p> - -<p>Having directed these ships to complete their equipments and -training, with Macedonians as soldiers on board, Alexander put -himself at the head of some light troops for an expedition of eleven -days against the Arabian mountaineers on Libanus, whom he dispersed -or put down, though not without some personal exposure and hazard.<a -id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> On -returning to Sidon, he found Kleander arrived with a reinforcement -of 4000 Grecian hoplites, welcome auxiliaries for prosecuting the -siege. Then, going aboard his fleet in the harbor of Sidon, he sailed -with it in good battle order to Tyre, hoping that the Tyrians would -come out and fight. But they kept within, struck with surprise and -consternation; having not before known that their fellow-Phenicians -were now among the besiegers. Alexander, having ascertained that -the Tyrians would not accept a sea-fight, immediately caused their -two harbors to be blocked up and watched; that on the north, -towards Sidon, by the Cyprians—that on the south, towards Egypt, -by the Phenicians.<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" -class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[p. 139]</span>From this -time forward, the doom of Tyre was certain. The Tyrians could no -longer offer obstruction to the mole, which was completed across -the channel and brought up to the town. Engines were planted upon -it to batter the walls: movable towers were rolled up to take them -by assault; attack was also made from seaward. Yet though reduced -altogether to the defensive, the Tyrians still displayed obstinate -bravery, and exhausted all the resources of ingenuity in repelling -the besiegers. So gigantic was the strength of the wall fronting the -mole, and even that of the northern side fronting Sidon, that none -of Alexander’s engines could make any breach in it; but on the south -side towards Egypt he was more successful. A large breach having been -made in this south-wall, he assaulted it with two ships manned by -the hypaspists and the soldiers of his phalanx: he himself commanded -in one and Admêtus in the other. At the same time he caused the -town to be menaced all round, at every approachable point, for the -purpose of distracting the attention of the defenders. Himself and -his two ships having been rowed close up to the breach in the south -wall, boarding bridges were thrown out from each deck, upon which he -and Admêtus rushed forward with their respective storming-parties. -Admêtus got upon the wall, but was there slain; Alexander also was -among the first to mount, and the two parties got such a footing on -the wall as to overpower all resistance. At the same time, his ships -also forced their way into the two harbors, so that Tyre came on -all sides into his power.<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" -class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p> - -<p>Though the walls were now lost, and resistance had become -desperate, the gallant defenders did not lose their courage. They -barricaded the streets, and concentrated their strength especially -at a defensible post called the Agenorion, or chapel of Agenor. Here -the battle again raged furiously until they were overpowered by the -Macedonians, incensed with the long toils of the previous siege, as -well as by the slaughter of some of their prisoners, whom the Tyrians -had killed publicly on the battlements. All who took shelter in the -temple of Hêraklês were spared by Alexander from respect to the -sanctuary: among the number were the prince Azemilchus, a few leading -Tyrians, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[p. 140]</span> -Carthaginian envoys, and some children of both sexes. The Sidonians -also, displaying a tardy sentiment of kindred, and making partial -amends for the share which they had taken in the capture, preserved -some lives from the sword of the conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_325" -href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> But the greater -number of the adult freemen perished with arms in their hands; -while 2000 of them who survived, either from disabling wounds, or -from the fatigue of the slaughterers, were hanged on the sea-shore -by order of Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" -class="fnanchor">[326]</a> The females, the children, and the -slaves, were sold to the slave-merchant. The number sold is said -to have been about 30,000: a total rather small, as we must assume -slaves to be included; but we are told that many had been previously -sent away to Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" -class="fnanchor">[327]</a></p> - -<p>Thus master of Tyre, Alexander marched into the city and -consummated his much-desired sacrifice to Herakles. His whole -force, land and naval, fully armed and arrayed, took part in the -procession. A more costly hecatomb had never been offered to that -god, when we consider that it had been purchased by all the toils -of an unnecessary siege, and by the extirpation of these free and -high-spirited citizens, his former worshippers. What the loss of the -Macedonians had been, we cannot say. The number of their slain is -stated by Arrian at 400, which must be greatly beneath the truth; -for the courage and skill of the besieged had prolonged the siege -to the prodigious period of seven months, though Alexander had -left no means untried to accomplish it sooner.<a id="FNanchor_328" -href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p> - -<p>Towards the close of the siege of Tyre, Alexander received and -rejected a second proposition from Darius, offering 10,000 talents, -with the cession of all the territory westward of the Euphrates, as -ransom for his mother and wife, and proposing that Alexander should -become his son-in-law as well as his ally. “If I were Alexander -(said Parmenio) I should accept such terms,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_141">[p. 141]</span> instead of plunging into farther -peril.”—“So would I (replied Alexander) if I were Parmenio; but -since I am Alexander, I must return a different answer.” His answer -to Darius was to this effect—“I want neither your money nor your -cession. All your money and territory are already mine, and you -are tendering to me a part in place of the whole. If I choose to -marry your daughter, I <i>shall</i> marry her—whether you give her -to me or not. Come hither to me, if you wish to obtain from me -any act of friendship.”<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" -class="fnanchor">[329]</a> Alexander might spare the submissive and -the prostrate; but he could not brook an equal or a competitor, and -his language towards them was that of brutal insolence. Of course -this was the last message sent by Darius, who now saw, if he had not -before seen, that he had no chance open except by the renewal of -war.</p> - -<p>Being thus entire master of Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine, and -having accepted the voluntary submission of the Jews, Alexander -marched forward to conquer Egypt. He had determined, before he -undertook any farther expedition into the interior of the Persian -empire, to make himself master of all the coast-lands which kept -open the communications of the Persians with Greece, so as to secure -his rear against any serious hostility. His great fear was, of -Grecian soldiers or cities raised against him by Persian gold;<a -id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> -and Egypt was the last remaining possession of the Persians, -which gave them the means of acting upon Greece. Those means -were indeed now prodigiously curtailed by the feeble condition -of the Persian fleet in the Ægean, unable to contend with -the increasing fleet of the Macedonian admirals Hegelochus -and Amphoterus, now numbering 160 sail.<a id="FNanchor_331" -href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> During the summer -of 332 <small>B. C.</small>, while Alexander was prosecuting -the siege of Tyre, these admirals recovered all the important -acquisitions—Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos—which had been made by -Memnon for the Persian interests. The inhabi<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_142">[p. 142]</span>tants of Tenedos invited them and -ensured their success; those of Chios attempted to do the same, -but were coerced by Pharnabazus, who retained the city by means -of his insular partisans, Apollonides and others, with a military -force. The Macedonian admirals laid siege to the town, and were -presently enabled to carry it by their friends within. Pharnabazus -was here captured with his entire force; twelve triremes thoroughly -armed and manned, thirty store-ships, several privateers, and -3000 Grecian mercenaries. Aristonikus, philo-Persian despot of -Methymna—arriving at Chios shortly afterwards, but ignorant of the -capture—was entrapped into the harbor, and made prisoner. There -remained only Mitylênê, which was held for the Persians by the -Athenian Chares, with a garrison of 2000 men; who, however, seeing no -hope of holding out against the Macedonians, consented to evacuate -the city on condition of a free departure. The Persians were thus -expelled from the sea, from all footing among the Grecian islands, -and from the vicinity of Greece and Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_332" -href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p> - -<p>These successes were in full progress, when Alexander himself -directed his march from Tyre to Egypt, stopping in his way to -besiege Gaza. This considerable town, the last before entering on -the desert track between Syria and Egypt, was situated between one -and two miles from the sea. It was built upon a lofty artificial -mound, and encircled with a high wall; but its main defence was -derived from the deep sands immediately around it, as well as from -the mud and quicksand on its coast. It was defended by a brave man, -the eunuch Batis, with a strong garrison of Arabs, and abundant -provision of every kind. Confiding in the strength of the place, -Batis refused to admit Alexander. Moreover his judgment was confirmed -by the Macedonian engineers themselves, who, when Alexander first -surveyed the walls, pronounced it to be impregnable, chiefly from -the height of its supporting mound. But Alexander could not endure -the thought of tacitly confessing his inability to take Gaza. The -more difficult the enterprise, the greater was the charm for him, -and the greater would be the astonishment<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_143">[p. 143]</span> produced all around when he should be -seen to have triumphed.<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" -class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p> - -<p>He began by erecting a mound south of the city, close by the -wall, for the purpose of bringing up his battering engines. This -external mound was completed, and the engines had begun to batter -the wall, when a well-planned sally by the garrison overthrew the -assailants and destroyed the engines. The timely aid of Alexander -himself with his hypaspists, protected their retreat; but he -himself, after escaping a snare from a pretended Arabian deserter, -received a severe wound through the shield and the breastplate into -the shoulder, by a dart discharged from a catapult; as the prophet -Aristander had predicted—giving assurance at the same time, that Gaza -would fall into his hands.<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" -class="fnanchor">[334]</a> During the treatment of his wound, he -ordered the engines employed at Tyre to be brought up by sea; and -caused his mound to be carried around the whole circumference of -the town, so as to render it approachable from every point. This -Herculean work, the description of which we read with astonishment, -was 250 feet high all round, and two stadia (1240 feet) broad<a -id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>; -the loose sand around could hardly have been suitable, so that -materials must have been brought up from a distance. The undertaking -was at length completed; in what length of time we do not know, -but it must have been considerable—though doubtless thousands of -laborers would be pressed in from the circumjacent country.<a -id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[p. 144]</span>Gaza was now -attacked at all points by battering-rams, by mines, and by projectile -engines with various missiles. Presently the Walls were breached -in several places, though the defenders were unremitting in their -efforts to repair the damaged parts. Alexander attempted three -distinct general assaults; but in all three he was repulsed by the -bravery of the Gazæans. At length, after still farther breaching -the wall, he renewed for the fourth time his attempt to storm. The -entire Macedonian phalanx being brought up to attack at different -points, the greatest emulation reigned among the officers. The Æakid -Neoptolemus was first to mount the wall; but the other divisions -manifested hardly less ardor, and the town was at length taken. Its -gallant defenders resisted, with unabated spirit, to the last; and -all fell in their posts, the incensed soldiery being no way disposed -to give quarter.</p> - -<p>One prisoner alone was reserved for special treatment—the prince -or governor himself, the eunuch Batis; who, having manifested the -greatest energy and valor, was taken severely wounded, yet still -alive. In this condition he was brought by Leonatus and Philôtas into -the presence of Alexander, who cast upon him looks of vengeance and -fury. The Macedonian prince had undertaken the siege mainly in order -to prove to the world that he could overcome difficulties insuperable -to others. But he had incurred so much loss, spent so much time and -labor, and undergone so many repulses before he succeeded,—that the -palm of honor belonged rather to the minority vanquished than to -the multitude of victors. To such disappointment, which would sting -Alexander in the tenderest point, is to be added the fact, that -he had himself incurred great personal risk and received a severe -wound. Here was ample ground for violent anger; which was moreover -still farther exasperated by the appearance of Batis—an eunuch—a -black man—tall and robust, but at the same time fat and lumpish—and -doubtless at the moment covered with blood and dirt. Such visible -circumstances, repulsive to eyes familiar with Grecian gymnastics, -contributed to kindle the wrath of Alexander to its highest pitch. -After the siege of Tyre, his indignation had been satiated by the -hanging of the 2000 surviving combatants; here, to discharge the -pressure of a still stronger feeling, there remained only the single -captive,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[p. 145]</span> upon -whom therefore he resolved to inflict a punishment as novel as it -was cruel. He directed the feet of Batis to be bored, and brazen -rings to be passed through them; after which the naked body of this -brave man, yet surviving, was tied with cords to the tail of a -chariot driven by Alexander himself, and dragged at full speed amidst -the triumphant jeers and shouts of the army.<a id="FNanchor_337" -href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Herein Alexander, -emulous even from childhood of the exploits of his legendary -ancestor Achilles, copied the ignominious treatment described in the -Iliad as inflicted on the dead body of Hektor.<a id="FNanchor_338" -href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></p> - -<p>This proceeding of Alexander, the product of Homeric reminiscences -operating upon an infuriated and vindictive temperament, stands -out in respect of barbarity from all that we read respecting the -treatment of conquered towns in antiquity. His remaining measures -were conformable to received usage. The wives and children of the -Gazæans were sold into slavery. New inhabitants were admitted from -the neighborhood, and a garrison was placed there to hold the town -for the Macedonians.<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" -class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p> - -<p>The two sieges of Tyre and Gaza, which occupied both -together nine mouths,<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" -class="fnanchor">[340]</a> were the hardest fighting that Alexander -had ever encountered, or in fact ever did encounter throughout his -life. After such toils, the march to Egypt, which he now<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[p. 146]</span> commenced (October 332 -<small>B. C.</small>), was an affair of holiday and -triumph. Mazakes, the satrap of Egypt, having few Persian troops -and a disaffected native population, was noway disposed to resist -the approaching conqueror. Seven days’ march brought Alexander and -his army from Gaza to Pelusium, the frontier fortress of Egypt, -commanding the eastern branch of the Nile, whither his fleet, under -the command of Hephæstion, had come also. Here he found not only -open gates and a submissive governor, but also crowds of Egyptians -assembled to welcome him.<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" -class="fnanchor">[341]</a> He placed a garrison in Pelusium, sent -his fleet up the river to Memphis, and marched himself to the same -place by land. The satrap Mazakes surrendered himself, with all -the treasure in the city, 800 talents in amount, and much precious -furniture. Here Alexander reposed some time, offering splendid -sacrifices to the gods generally, and especially to the Egyptian god -Apis; to which he added gymnastic and musical matches, sending to -Greece for the most distinguished artists.</p> - -<p>From Memphis, he descended the westernmost branch of the Nile -to Kanôpus at its mouth, from whence he sailed westerly along the -shore to look at the island of Pharos, celebrated in Homer, and the -lake Mareôtis. Reckoning Egypt now as a portion of his empire, and -considering that the business of keeping down an unquiet population, -as well as of collecting a large revenue, would have to be performed -by his extraneous land and sea force, he saw the necessity of -withdrawing the seat of government from Memphis, where both the -Persians and the natives had maintained it, and of founding a new -city of his own on the seaboard, convenient for communication with -Greece and Macedonia. His imagination, susceptible to all Homeric -impressions and influenced by a dream, first fixed upon the isle of -Pharos as a suitable place for his intended city.<a id="FNanchor_342" -href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> Perceiving soon, -however, that this little isle was inadequate by itself, he included -it as part of a larger city to be founded on the adjacent mainland. -The gods were consulted, and encouraging responses were obtained; -upon which Alexander himself marked out the circuit of the walls, -the direction of the principal streets,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_147">[p. 147]</span> and the sites of numerous temples -to Grecian gods as well as Egyptian.<a id="FNanchor_343" -href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> It was thus that the -first stone was laid of the mighty, populous, and busy Alexandria; -which however the founder himself never lived to see, and wherein -he was only destined to repose as a corpse. The site of the place, -between the sea and the Lake Mareôtis, was found airy and healthy, -as well as convenient for shipping and commerce. The protecting -island of Pharos gave the means of forming two good harbors for -ships coming by sea, on a coast harborless elsewhere; while the -Lake Mareôtis, communicating by various canals with the river Nile, -received with facility the exportable produce from the interior.<a -id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> -As soon as houses were ready, commencement was made by transporting -to them in mass the population of the neighboring town of Kanôpus, -and probably of other towns besides, by the intendant Kleomenes.<a -id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p> - -<p>Alexandria became afterwards the capital of the Ptolemaic princes. -It acquired immense grandeur and population during their rule of two -centuries and a half, when their enormous revenues were spent greatly -in its improvement and decoration. But we cannot reasonably ascribe -to Alexander himself any prescience of such an imposing future. -He intended it as a place from which he could conveniently rule -Egypt, considered as a portion of his extensive empire all round the -Ægean; and had Egypt remained thus a fraction, instead of becoming -a substantive imperial whole, Alexandria would probably not have -risen beyond mediocrity.<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" -class="fnanchor">[346]</a></p> - -<p>The other most notable incident, which distinguished the four or -five months’ stay of Alexander in Egypt, was his march through the -sandy desert to the temple of Zeus Ammon. This is chiefly memorable -as it marks his increasing self-adoration and<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_148">[p. 148]</span> inflation above the limits of humanity. -His achievements during the last three years had so transcended the -expectations of every one, himself included—the gods had given to -him such incessant good fortune, and so paralyzed or put down his -enemies—that the hypothesis of a superhuman personality seemed the -natural explanation of such a superhuman career.<a id="FNanchor_347" -href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> He had to look back -to the heroic legends, and to his ancestors Perseus and Herakles, to -find a worthy prototype.<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" -class="fnanchor">[348]</a> Conceiving himself to be (like them) the -son of Zeus, with only a nominal human parentage, he resolved to -go and ascertain the fact by questioning the infallible oracle of -Zeus Ammon. His march of several days, through a sandy desert—always -fatiguing, sometimes perilous, was distinguished by manifest -evidences of the favor of the gods. Unexpected rain fell just when -the thirsty soldiers required water. When the guides lost their -track, from shifting of the sand, on a sudden two speaking serpents, -or two ravens, appeared preceding the march and indicating the right -direction. Such were the statements made by Ptolemy, Aristobulus, -and Kallisthenes, companions and contemporaries; while Arrian, -four centuries afterwards, announces his positive conviction that -there was a divine intervention on behalf of Alexander, though -he cannot satisfy himself about the details.<a id="FNanchor_349" -href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The priest of -Zeus Ammon addressed Alexander, as being the son of the god, and -farther assured him that his career would be one of uninterrupted -victory, until he was taken away to the gods; while his friends -also, who consulted the oracle for their own satisfaction, received -for answer that the rendering of divine honors to him would be -acceptable to Zeus. After profuse sacrifices and presents, Alexander -quitted the oracle, with a full and sincere faith that he really -was the son of Zeus Ammon; which faith was farther confirmed by -declarations transmitted to him from other oracles—that of Erythræ -in Io<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[p. 149]</span>nia, and -of Branchidæ near Miletus.<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" -class="fnanchor">[350]</a> Though he did not directly order himself -to be addressed as the son of Zeus, he was pleased with those who -volunteered such a recognition, and angry with sceptics or scoffers, -who disbelieved the oracle of Ammon. Plutarch thinks that this was a -mere political manœuvre of Alexander, for the purpose of overawing -the non-Hellenic population over whom he was enlarging his empire.<a -id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> -But it seems rather to have been a genuine faith,—a simple -exaggeration of that exorbitant vanity which from the beginning -reigned so largely in his bosom. He was indeed aware that it was -repugnant to the leading Macedonians in many ways, but especially -as a deliberate insult to the memory of Philip. This is the theme -always touched upon in moments of dissatisfaction. To Parmenio, to -Philôtas, to Kleitus, and other principal officers, the insolence of -the king in disclaiming Philip and putting himself above the level -of humanity, appeared highly offensive. Discontents on this subject -among the Macedonian officers, though condemned to silence by fear -and admiration of Alexander, became serious, and will be found -re-appearing hereafter.<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" -class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p> - -<p>The last month of Alexander’s stay in Egypt was passed at Memphis. -While nominating various officers for the permanent administration -of the country, he also received a visit of Hegelochus his admiral, -who brought as prisoners Aristonikus of Methymna, and other despots -of the various insular Grecian cities. Alexander ordered them -to be handed over to their respective cities, to be dealt with -as the citizens pleased; all except the Chian Apollonides, who -was sent to Elephantinê in the south of Egypt for detention. In -most of the cities, the despots had incurred such violent hatred, -that when delivered up, they were tortured and put to death.<a -id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> -Pharnabazus also had been among<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_150">[p. 150]</span> the prisoners, but had found means -to escape from his guards when the fleet touched at Kos.<a -id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p> - -<p>In the early spring, after receiving reinforcements of Greeks -and Thracians, Alexander marched into Phenicia. It was there that -he regulated the affairs of Phenicia, Syria, and Greece, prior -to his intended expedition into the interior against Darius. He -punished the inhabitants of Samaria, who had revolted and burnt -alive the Macedonian prefect Andromachus.<a id="FNanchor_355" -href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> In addition to all -the business transacted, Alexander made costly presents to the -Tyrian Herakles, and offered splendid sacrifices to other gods. -Choice festivals with tragedy were also celebrated, analogous to the -Dionysia at Athens, with the best actors and chorists contending for -the prize. The princes of Cyprus vied with each other in doing honor -to the son of Zeus Ammon; each undertaking the duty of chorêgus, -getting up at his own cost a drama with distinguished chorus and -actors, and striving to obtain the prize from pre-appointed judges—as -was practised among the ten tribes at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_356" -href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></p> - -<p>In the midst of these religious and festive exhibitions, Alexander -was collecting magazines for his march into the interior.<a -id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> He -had already sent forward a detachment to Thapsacus, the usual ford of -the Euphrates, to throw bridges over the river. The Persian Mazæus -was on guard on the other side, with a small force of 3000 men, 2000 -of them Greeks; not sufficient to hinder the bridges from being -built, but only to hinder them from being carried completely over to -the left bank. After eleven days of march from Phenicia, Alexander -and his whole army reached Thapsakus. Mazæus, on the other side, -as soon as he saw the main army arrive, withdrew his small force -without delay, and retreated to the Tigris; so that the two bridges -were completed, and Alexander crossed forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_358" -href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p> - -<p>Once over the Euphrates, Alexander had the option of marching -down the left bank of that river to Babylon, the chief city -of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[p. 151]</span> the Persian -empire, and the natural place to find Darius.<a id="FNanchor_359" -href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> But this march (as -we know from Xenophon, who made it with the Ten Thousand Greeks) -would be one of extreme suffering and through a desert country -where no provisions were to be got. Moreover, Mazæus in retreating -had taken a north-easterly direction towards the upper part of the -Tigris; and some prisoners reported that Darius with his main army -was behind the Tigris, intending to defend the passage of that river -against Alexander. The Tigris appears not to be fordable below -Nineveh (Mosul). Accordingly he directed his march, first nearly -northward, having the Euphrates on his left hand; next eastward -across Northern Mesopotamia, having the Armenian mountains on his -left hand. On reaching the ford of the Tigris, he found it absolutely -undefended. Not a single enemy being in sight, he forded the river -as soon as possible, with all his infantry, cavalry, and baggage. -The difficulties and perils of crossing were extreme, from the depth -of the water, above their breasts, the rapidity of the current, -and the slippery footing.<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" -class="fnanchor">[360]</a> A resolute and vigilant enemy might -have rendered the passage almost impossible. But the good fortune -of Alexander was not less conspicuous in what his enemies left -undone, than in what they actually did.<a id="FNanchor_361" -href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p> - -<p>After this fatiguing passage, Alexander rested for two days. -During the night an eclipse of the moon occurred, nearly total; which -spread consternation among the army, combined with complaints against -his overweening insolence, and mistrust as to the unknown regions on -which they were entering.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[p. -152]</span> Alexander, while offering solemn sacrifices to Sun, -Moon, and Earth, combated the prevailing depression by declarations -from his own prophet Aristander and from Egyptian astrologers, -who proclaimed that Helios favored the Greeks, and Selênê the -Persians; hence the eclipse of the moon portended victory to the -Macedonians—and victory too (so Aristander promised), before the -next new moon. Having thus reassured the soldiers, Alexander marched -for four days in a south-easterly direction through the territory -called Aturia, with the Tigris on his right hand, and the Gordyene -or Kurd mountains on his left. Encountering a small advanced guard -of the Persians, he here learnt from prisoners that Darius with his -main host was not far off.<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" -class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p> - -<p>Nearly two years had elapsed since the ruinous defeat of Issus. -What Darius had been doing during this long interval, and especially -during the first half of it, we are unable to say. We hear only -of one proceeding on his part—his missions, twice repeated, to -Alexander, tendering or entreating peace, with the especial view of -recovering his captive family. Nothing else does he appear to have -done, either to retrieve the losses of the past, or to avert the -perils of the future; nothing, to save his fleet from passing into -the hands of the conqueror; nothing, to relieve either Tyre or Gaza, -the sieges of which collectively occupied Alexander for near ten -months. The disgraceful flight of Darius at Issus had already lost -him the confidence of several of his most valuable servants. The -Macedonian exile Amyntas, a brave and energetic man, with the best -of the Grecian mercenaries, gave up the Persian cause as lost,<a -id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> and -tried to set up for himself, in which attempt he failed and perished -in Egypt. The satrap of Egypt, penetrated with contempt for the -timidity of his master, was induced, by that reason as well as by -others, to throw open the country to Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_364" -href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> Having incurred so -deplorable a loss, as well in reputation as in territory, Darius had -the strongest motives to redeem it by augmented vigor.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[p. 153]</span>But he was -paralyzed by the fact, that his mother, his wife, and several of -his children, had fallen into the hands of the conqueror. Among -the countless advantages growing out of the victory of Issus, this -acquisition was not the least. It placed Darius in the condition -of one who had given hostages for good behavior to his enemy. The -Persian kings were often in the habit of exacting from satraps -or generals the deposit of their wives and families, as a pledge -for fidelity; and Darius himself had received this guarantee from -Memnon, as a condition of entrusting him with the Persian fleet.<a -id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> -Bound by the like chains himself, towards one who had now become his -superior, Darius was afraid to act with energy, lest success should -bring down evil upon his captive family. By allowing Alexander to -subdue unopposed all the territory west of the Euphrates, he hoped -to be allowed to retain his empire eastward, and to ransom back -his family at an enormous price. Such propositions did satisfy -Parmenio, and would probably have satisfied even Philip, had -Philip been the victor. The insatiate nature of Alexander had not -yet been fully proved. It was only when the latter contemptuously -rejected everything short of surrender at discretion, that Darius -began to take measures east of the Euphrates for defending what yet -remained.</p> - -<p>The conduct of Alexander towards the regal hostages, honorable as -it was to his sentiment, evinced at the same time that he knew their -value as a subject of political negotiation.<a id="FNanchor_366" -href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> It was<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[p. 154]</span> essential that he -should treat them with the full deference due to their rank, if he -desired to keep up their price as hostages in the eyes of Darius -as well as of his own army. He carried them along with his army, -from the coast of Syria, over the bridge of the Euphrates, and even -through the waters of the Tigris. To them, this must have proved a -severe toil; and in fact, the queen Statira became so worn out that -she died shortly after crossing the Tigris;<a id="FNanchor_367" -href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> to him also, it -must have been an onerous obligation, since he not only sought to -ensure to them all their accustomed pomp, but must have assigned a -considerable guard to watch them, at a moment when he was marching -into an unknown country, and required all his military resources to -be disposable. Simply for safe detention, the hostages would have -been better guarded and might have been treated with still greater -ceremony, in a city or a fortress. But Alexander probably wished to -have them near him, in case of the possible contingency of serious -reverses to his army on the eastern side of the Tigris. Assuming such -a misfortune to happen, the surrender of them might ensure a safe -retreat under circumstances otherwise fatal to its accomplishment.</p> - -<p>Being at length convinced that Alexander would not be satisfied -with any prize short of the entire Persian empire, Darius summoned -all his forces to defend what he still retained. He brought together -a host said to be superior in number to that<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_155">[p. 155]</span> which had been defeated at Issus.<a -id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> -Contingents arrived from the farthest extremities of the vast Persian -territory—from the Caspian sea, the rivers Oxus and Indus, the -Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. The plains eastward of the Tigris, -about the latitude of the modern town of Mosul, between that river -and the Gordyene mountains (Zagros), were fixed upon for the muster -of this prodigious multitude; partly conducted by Darius himself from -Babylon, partly arriving there by different routes from the north, -east, and south. Arbêla—a considerable town about twenty miles east -of the Great Zab river, still known under the name of Erbil, as a -caravan station on the ordinary road between Erzeroum and Bagdad—was -fixed on as the muster-place or head-quarters, where the chief -magazines were collected and the heavy baggage lodged, and near which -the troops were first assembled and exercised.<a id="FNanchor_369" -href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></p> - -<p>But the spot predetermined for a pitched battle was, the -neighborhood of Gaugamela near the river Bumôdus, about thirty miles -west of Arbêla, towards the Tigris, and about as much south-east -of Mosul—a spacious and level plain, with nothing more than a few -undulating slopes, and without any trees. It was by nature well -adapted for drawing up a numerous army, especially for the free -manœuvres of cavalry, and the rush of scythed chariots; moreover, the -Persian officers had been careful beforehand to level artificially -such of the slopes as they thought inconvenient.<a id="FNanchor_370" -href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> There seemed every -thing in the ground to favor the operation both of the vast total, -and the special forces, of Darius; who fancied that his defeat -at Issus had been occasioned altogether by his having adventured -himself in the narrow defiles of Kilikia—and that on open and level -ground his superior numbers must be triumphant. He was even anxious -that Alexander should come and attack him on the plain. Hence the -undefended passage of the Tigris.</p> - -<p>For those who looked only to numbers, the host assembled -at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[p. 156]</span> Arbêla -might well inspire confidence; for it is said to have consisted -of 1,000,000 of infantry<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" -class="fnanchor">[371]</a>—40,000 cavalry—200 scythed chariots—and -fifteen elephants; of which animals we now read for the first time -in a field of battle. But besides the numbers, Darius had provided -for his troops more effective arms; instead of mere javelins, strong -swords and short thrusting pikes, such as the Macedonian cavalry -wielded so admirably in close combat—together with shields for the -infantry and breastplates for the horsemen.<a id="FNanchor_372" -href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> He counted much -also on the terrific charge of the chariots, each of which had a -pole projecting before the horses and terminating in a sharp point, -together with three sword-blades stretching from the yoke on each -side, and scythes also laterally from the naves of the wheels.<a -id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p> - -<p>Informed of the approach of Alexander, about the time when the -Macedonian army first reached the Tigris, Darius moved from Arbêla, -where his baggage and treasure were left—crossed by bridges the river -Lykus or Great Zab, an operation which occupied five days—and marched -to take post on the prepared ground near Gaugamela. His battle array -was formed—of the Baktrians on the extreme left, under command of -Bessus the satrap of Baktria; next, the Dahæ and Arachôti, under -command of Barsäentes, satrap of Arachosia; then the native Persians, -horse and foot alternating—the Susians, under Oxathres,—and the -Kadusians. On the extreme right were the contingents of Syria both -east and west of the Euphrates, under Mazæus; then the Medes, under -Atropates; next, the Parthians, Sakæ, Tapyrians, and Hyrkanians, -all cavalry, under Phrata<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[p. -157]</span>phernes; then the Albanians and the Sakesinæ. Darius -himself was in the centre, with the choice troops of the army near -and around him—the Persian select Horse-guards, called the king’s -kinsmen—the Persian foot-guards, carrying pikes with a golden apple -at the butt-end—a regiment of Karians, or descendants of Karians, -who had been abstracted from their homes and planted as colonists in -the interior of the empire—the contingent of Mardi, good archers—and -lastly, the mercenary Greeks, of number unknown, in whom Darius -placed his greatest confidence.</p> - -<p>Such was the first or main line of the Persians. In the rear of -it stood deep masses of Babylonians,—inhabitants of Sittakê down to -the Persian Gulf—Uxians, from the territory adjoining Susiana to the -east—and others in unknown multitude. In front of it were posted the -scythed chariots, with small advanced bodies of cavalry—Scythians -and Baktrians on the left, with one hundred chariots—Armenians -and Kappadokians on the right, with fifty more—and the remaining -fifty chariots in front of the centre.<a id="FNanchor_374" -href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander had advanced within about seven miles of the Persian -army, and four days’ march since his crossing the Tigris—when he -first learnt from Persian prisoners how near his enemies were. He at -once halted, established on the spot a camp with ditch and stockade; -and remained there for four days, in order that the soldiers might -repose. On the night of the fourth day, he moved forward, yet -leaving under guard in the camp the baggage, the prisoners, and the -ineffectives. He began his march, over a range of low elevations -which divided<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[p. 158]</span> -him from the enemy, hoping to approach and attack them at daybreak. -But his progress was so retarded, that day broke, and the two -armies first came in sight, when he was still on the descending -slope of the ground, more than three miles distant. On seeing the -enemy, he halted, and called together his principal officers, to -consult whether he should not prosecute his march and commence -the attack forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" -class="fnanchor">[375]</a> Though most of them pronounced for the -affirmative, yet Parmenio contended that this course would be rash; -that the ground before them, with all its difficulties, natural or -artificial, was unknown, and that the enemy’s position, which they -now saw for the first time, ought to be carefully reconnoitred. -Adopting this latter view, Alexander halted for the day; yet still -retaining his battle order, and forming a new entrenched camp, to -which the baggage and the prisoners were now brought forward from the -preceding day’s encampment.<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" -class="fnanchor">[376]</a> He himself spent the day, with an escort -of cavalry and light troops, in reconnoitring both the intermediate -ground and the enemy, who did not interrupt him, in spite of -their immense superiority in cavalry. Parmenio, with Polysperchon -and others, advised him to attack the enemy in the night; which -promised some advantages, since Persian armies were notoriously -unmanageable by night,<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" -class="fnanchor">[377]</a> and since their camp had no defence. -But on the other hand, the plan involved so many disadvantages and -perils, that Alexander rejected it; declaring—with an emphasis -intentionally enhanced, since he spoke in the hearing of<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[p. 159]</span> many others—that he -disdained the meanness of stealing a victory; that he both would -conquer, and could conquer, Darius fairly and in open daylight.<a -id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> -Having then addressed to his officers a few brief encouragements, -which met with enthusiastic response, he dismissed them to their -evening meal and repose.</p> - -<p>On the next morning, he marshalled his army, consisting of -40,000 foot, and 7000 horse, in two lines.<a id="FNanchor_379" -href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> The first or -main line was composed, on the right, of the eight squadrons of -Companion-cavalry, each with its separate captain, but all under -the command of Philôtas, son of Parmenio. Next (proceeding from -right to left) came the Agêma or chosen band of the Hypaspistæ—then -the remaining Hypaspistæ, under Nikanor—then the phalanx properly -so called, distributed into six divisions, under the command -of Kœnus, Perdikkas, Meleager, Polysperchon, Simmias, and -Kraterus, respectively.<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" -class="fnanchor">[380]</a> Next on the left of the phalanx, were -ranged the allied Grecian cavalry, Lokrian and Phokian, Phthiot, -Malians, and Peloponnesians; after whom, at the extreme left, came -the Thessalians under Philippus—among the best cavalry in the army, -hardly inferior to the Macedonian Companions. As in the two former -battles, Alexander himself took the command of the right half of the -army, confiding the left to Parmenio.</p> - -<p>Behind this main line, was placed a second or body of reserve, -intended to guard against attacks in the flanks and rear, which -the superior numbers of the Persians rendered probable. For this -purpose, Alexander reserved,—on the right, the light cavalry or -Lancers—the Pæonians, under Aretes and Aristo—half the Agrianes, -under Attalus—the Macedonian archers, under Brisson—and the -mercenaries of old service, under Kleander; on the left, various -bodies of Thracian and allied cavalry, under their separate -officers. All these different regiments were held ready to repel -attack either in flank or rear. In front of the main line were some -advanced squadrons of cavalry and light troops—Grecian cavalry, under -Menidas on the right, and under Andromachus on the left—a brigade of -darters under Balakrus, together with Agrianian darters, and some -bow<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[p. 160]</span>men. Lastly, -the Thracian infantry were left to guard the camp and baggage.<a -id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p> - -<p>Forewarned by a deserter, Alexander avoided the places where -iron spikes had been planted to damage the Macedonian cavalry.<a -id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> He -himself, at the head of the Royal Squadron, on the extreme right, led -the march obliquely in that direction, keeping his right somewhat -in advance. As he neared the enemy, he saw Darius himself with the -Persian left centre immediately opposed to him—Persian guards, -Indians, Albanians, and Karians. Alexander went on inclining to the -right, and Darius stretching his front towards the left to counteract -this movement, but still greatly outflanking the Macedonians to the -left. Alexander had now got so far to his right, that he was almost -beyond the ground levelled by Darius for the operations of his -chariots in front. To check any farther movement in this direction, -the Baktrian 1000 horse and the Scythians in front of the Persian -left, were ordered to make a circuit and attack the Macedonian right -flank. Alexander detached against them his regiment of cavalry -under Menidas, and the action thus began.<a id="FNanchor_383" -href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p> - -<p>The Baktrian horse, perceiving the advance of Menidas, turned from -their circuitous movement to attack him, and at first drove him back -until he was supported by the other advanced detachments—Pæonians -and Grecian cavalry. The Baktrians, defeated in their turn, were -supported by the satrap Bessus with the main body of Baktrians and -Scythians in the left portion of Darius’s line. The action was here -for some time warmly contested, with some loss to the Greeks; who -at length however, by a more compact order against enemies whose -fighting was broken and desultory, succeeded in pushing them out of -their place in the line, and thus making a partial opening in it.<a -id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a></p> - -<p>While this conflict was still going on, Darius had ordered his -scythed chariots to charge, and his main line to follow them, -calculating on the disorder which he expected that they would -occasion. But the chariots were found of little service. The horses -were terrified, checked, or wounded, by the Macedonian archers<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[p. 161]</span> and darters in front; -who even found means to seize the reins, pull down the drivers, -and kill the horses. Of the hundred chariots in Darius’s front, -intended to beat down the Macedonian ranks by simultaneous pressure -along their whole line, many were altogether stopped or disabled; -some turned right round, the horses refusing to face the protended -pikes, or being scared with the noise of pike and shield struck -together; some which reached the Macedonian line, were let through -without mischief by the soldiers opening their ranks; a few only -inflicted wounds or damage.<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" -class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p> - -<p>As soon as the chariots were thus disposed of, and the Persian -main force laid open as advancing behind them, Alexander gave -orders to the troops of his main line, who had hitherto been -perfectly silent,<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" -class="fnanchor">[386]</a> to raise the war-shout and charge at a -quick pace; at the same time directing Aretes with the Pæonians to -repel the assailants on his right flank. He himself, discontinuing -his slanting movement to the right, turned towards the Persian -line, and dashed, at the head of all the Companion-cavalry, into -that partial opening in it, which had been made by the flank -movement of the Baktrians. Having by this opening got partly within -the line, he pushed straight towards the person of Darius; his -cavalry engaging in the closest hand-combat, and thrusting with -their short pikes at the faces of the Persians. Here, as at<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[p. 162]</span> the Granikus, the -latter were discomposed by this mode of fighting—accustomed as they -were to rely on the use of missiles, with rapid wheeling of the -horse for renewed attack.<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" -class="fnanchor">[387]</a> They were unable to prevent Alexander and -his cavalry from gaining ground and approaching nearer to Darius; -while at the same time, the Macedonian phalanx in front, with its -compact order and long protended pikes, pressed upon the Persian -line opposed to it. For a short interval, the combat here was close -and obstinate; and it might have been much prolonged—since the best -troops of Darius’s army—Greeks, Karians, Persian guards, regal -kinsmen, etc., were here posted,—had the king’s courage been equal to -that of his soldiers. But here, even worse than at Issus, the flight -of the army began with Darius himself. It had been the recommendation -of Cyrus the younger, in attacking the army of his brother Artaxerxes -at Kunaxa, to aim the main blow at the spot where his brother was in -person—since he well knew that victory there was victory everywhere. -Having already once followed this scheme successfully at Issus, -Alexander repeated it with still more signal success at Arbêla. -Darius, who had long been in fear, from the time when he first beheld -his formidable enemy on the neighboring hills, became still more -alarmed when he saw the scythed chariots prove a failure, and when -the Macedonians, suddenly breaking out from absolute silence into an -universal war-cry, came to close quarters with his troops, pressing -towards and menacing the conspicuous chariot on which he stood.<a -id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> -The sight and hearing of this terrific <i>mêlée</i>, combined with the -prestige already attaching to Alexander’s name, completely overthrew -the courage and self-possession of Darius. He caused his chariot -to be turned round, and himself set the example of flight.<a -id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[p. 163]</span>From this -moment, the battle, though it had lasted so short a time, was -irreparably lost. The king’s flight, followed of course immediately -by that of the numerous attendants around him, spread dismay among -all his troops, leaving them neither centre of command, nor chief to -fight for. The best soldiers in his army, being those immediately -around him, were under these circumstances the first to give way. -The fierce onset of Alexander with the Companion-cavalry, and -the unremitting pressure of the phalanx in front was obstructed -by little else than a mass of disordered fugitives. During the -same time, Aretes with his Pæonians had defeated the Baktrians -on the right flank,<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" -class="fnanchor">[390]</a> so that Alexander was free to pursue -the routed main body,—which he did most energetically. The cloud -of dust raised by the dense multitude is said to have been so -thick, that nothing could be clearly seen, nor could the pursuers -distinguish the track taken by Darius himself. Amidst this darkness, -the cries and noises from all sides were only the more impressive; -especially the sound from the whips of the charioteers, pushing -their horses to full speed.<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" -class="fnanchor">[391]</a> It was the dust alone which saved Darius -himself from being overtaken by the pursuing cavalry.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[p. 164]</span>While -Alexander was thus fully successful on his right and centre, the -scene on his left under Parmenio was different. Mazæus, who commanded -the Persian right, after launching his scythed chariots (which may -possibly have done more damage than those launched on the Persian -left, though we have no direct information about them), followed it -up by vigorously charging the Grecian and Thessalian horse in his -front, and also by sending round a detachment of cavalry to attack -them on their left flank.<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" -class="fnanchor">[392]</a> Here the battle was obstinately contested, -and success for some time doubtful. Even after the flight of -Darius, Parmenio found himself so much pressed, that he sent a -message to Alexander. Alexander, though full of mortification at -relinquishing the pursuit, checked his troops, and brought them -back to the assistance of his left, by the shortest course across -the field of battle. The two left divisions of the phalanx, under -Simmias and Kraterus, had already stopped short in the pursuit, -on receiving the like message from Parmenio; leaving the other -four divisions to follow the advanced movement of Alexander.<a -id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> -Hence there arose a gap in the midst of the phalanx, between the -four right divisions, and the two left; into which gap a brigade of -Indian and Persian cavalry darted, galloping through the midst of -the Macedonian line to get into the rear and attack the baggage.<a -id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> -At first this movement was successful, the guard was found -unprepared, and the Persian prisoners rose at once to set themselves -free; though Sisygambis, whom these prisoners were above measure -anxious to liberate, refused to accept their<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_165">[p. 165]</span> aid, either from mistrust of their -force, or gratitude for the good treatment received from Alexander.<a -id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> -But while these assailants were engaged in plundering the baggage, -they were attacked in the rear by the troops forming the second -Macedonian line, who though at first taken by surprise, had now had -time to face about and reach the camp. Many of the Persian brigade -were thus slain, the rest got off as they could.<a id="FNanchor_396" -href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p> - -<p>Mazæus maintained for a certain time fair equality, on his own -side of the battle, even after the flight of Darius. But when, to -the paralyzing effect of that fact in itself, there was added the -spectacle of its disastrous effects on the left half of the Persian -army, neither he nor his soldiers could persevere with unabated vigor -in a useless combat. The Thessalian and Grecian horse, on the other -hand, animated by the turn of fortune in their favor, pressed their -enemies with redoubled energy and at length drove them to flight; so -that Parmenio was victor, on his own side and with his own forces, -before the succors from Alexander reached him.<a id="FNanchor_397" -href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a></p> - -<p>In conducting those succors, on his way back from the pursuit, -Alexander traversed the whole field of battle, and thus met face -to face some of the best Persian and Parthian cavalry, who were -among the last to retire. The battle was already lost, and they -were seeking only to escape. As they could not turn back, and had -no chance for their lives except by forcing their way through his -Companion-cavalry, the combat here was desperate and mur<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[p. 166]</span>derous; all at close -quarters, cut and thrust with hand weapons on both sides contrary to -the Persian custom. Sixty of the Macedonian cavalry were slain; and a -still greater number, including Hephæstion, Kœnus, and Menidas, were -wounded, and Alexander himself encountered great personal danger. He -is said to have been victorious; yet probably most of these brave -men forced their way through and escaped, though leaving many of -their number on the field.<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" -class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p> - -<p>Having rejoined his left, and ascertained that it was not only -out of danger, but victorious, Alexander resumed his pursuit of the -flying Persians, in which Parmenio now took part.<a id="FNanchor_399" -href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> The host of Darius -was only a multitude of disorderly fugitives, horse and foot -mingled together. The greater part of them had taken no share in -the battle. Here, as at Issus, they remained crowded in stationary -and unprofitable masses, ready to catch the contagion of terror -and to swell the number of runaways, so soon as the comparatively -small proportion of real combatants in the front had been beaten. -On recommencing the pursuit, Alexander pushed forward with such -celerity, that numbers of the fugitives were slain or taken, -especially at the passage of the river Lykus;<a id="FNanchor_400" -href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> where he was obliged -to halt for a while, since his men as well as their horses were -exhausted. At midnight, he again pushed forward, with such cavalry -as could follow him, to Arbêla, in hopes of capturing the person of -Darius. In this he was disappointed, though he reached Arbêla the -next day. Darius had merely passed through it, leaving an undefended -town, with his bow, shield, chariot, a large treasure, and rich -equipage, as prey to the victor. Parmenio had also occupied without -resistance the Persian camp near the field of battle, capturing -the baggage, the camels, and the elephants.<a id="FNanchor_401" -href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[p. 167]</span>To state -anything like positive numbers of slain or prisoners, is impossible. -According to Arrian, 300,000 Persians were slain, and many more -taken prisoners. Diodorus puts the slain at 90,000, Curtius at -40,000. The Macedonian killed were, according to Arrian, not more -than 100—according to Curtius, 300: Diodorus states the slain -at 500, besides a great number of wounded.<a id="FNanchor_402" -href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> The estimate of -Arrian is obviously too great on one side, and too small on the -other; but whatever may be the numerical truth, it is certain that -the prodigious army of Darius was all either killed, taken, or -dispersed, at the battle of Arbêla. No attempt to form a subsequent -army ever succeeded; we read of nothing stronger than divisions -or detachments. The miscellaneous contingents of this once mighty -empire, such at least among them as survived, dispersed to their -respective homes and could never be again mustered in mass.</p> - -<p>The defeat of Arbêla was in fact the death blow of the Persian -empire. It converted Alexander into the Great King, and Darius into -nothing better than a fugitive pretender. Among all the causes of -the defeat—here as at Issus—the most prominent and indisputable was -the cowardice of Darius himself. Under a king deficient not merely -in the virtues of a general, but even in those of a private soldier, -and who nevertheless insisted on commanding in person—nothing -short of ruin could ensue. To those brave Persians whom he dragged -into ruin along with him and who knew the real facts, he must have -appeared as the betrayer of the empire. We shall have to recall -this state of sentiment, when we describe hereafter the conspiracy -formed by the Baktrian satrap Bessus. Nevertheless, even if Darius -had behaved with unimpeachable courage, there is little reason to -believe, that the defeat of Arbêla, much less that of Issus, could -have been converted into a victory. Mere immensity of number, even -with immensity of space, was of no efficacy without skill as well as -bravery in the commander. Three-fourths of the Persian army were mere -spectators, who did nothing, and produced absolutely no effect. The -flank movement against Alexander’s right, instead of being made by -some unemployed division, was so carried into effect, as to distract -the Baktrian troops from their place in the front line, and<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[p. 168]</span> thus to create a fatal -break, of which Alexander availed himself for his own formidable -charge in front. In spite of amplitude of space—the condition wanting -at Issus,—the attacks of the Persians on Alexander’s flanks and rear -were feeble and inefficient. After all, Darius relied mainly upon his -front line of battle, strengthened by the scythed chariots; these -latter being found unprofitable, there remained only the direct -conflict, wherein the strong point of the Macedonians resided.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, in so far as we can follow the dispositions of -Alexander, they appear the most signal example recorded in antiquity, -of military genius and sagacious combination. He had really as great -an available force as his enemies, because every company in his army -was turned to account, either in actual combat, or in reserve against -definite and reasonable contingences. All his successes, and this -most of all, were fairly earned by his own genius and indefatigable -effort, combined with the admirable organization of his army. But -his good fortune was no less conspicuous in the unceasing faults -committed by his enemies. Except during the short period of Memnon’s -command, the Persian king exhibited nothing but ignorant rashness -alternating with disgraceful apathy; turning to no account his vast -real power of resistance in detail—keeping back his treasures to -become the booty of the victor—suffering the cities which stoutly -held out to perish unassisted—and committing the whole fate of -the empire on two successive occasions, to that very hazard which -Alexander most desired.</p> - -<p>The decisive character of the victory was manifested at -once by the surrender of the two great capitals of the Persian -empire—Babylon and Susa. To Babylon, Alexander marched in person; -to Susa, he sent Philoxenus. As he approached Babylon, the satrap -Mazæus met him with the keys of the city; Bagophanes, collector of -the revenue, decorated the road of march with altars, sacrifices, -and scattered flowers; while the general Babylonian population and -their Chaldæan priests poured forth in crowds with acclamations and -presents. Susa was yielded to Philoxenus with the same readiness, -as Babylon to Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" -class="fnanchor">[403]</a> The sum of treasure acquired at Babylon -was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[p. 169]</span> great: -sufficient to furnish a large donative to the troops—600 drachms per -man to the Macedonian cavalry, 500 to the foreign cavalry, 200 to the -Macedonian infantry, and something less to the foreign infantry.<a -id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> -But the treasure found and appropriated at Susa was yet greater. It -is stated at 50,000 talents<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" -class="fnanchor">[405]</a> (= about £11,500,000 sterling), a sum -which we might have deemed incredible, if we did not find it greatly -exceeded by what is subsequently reported about the treasures in -Persepolis. Of this Susian treasure four-fifths are said to have -been in uncoined gold and silver, the remainder in golden Darics<a -id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>; -the untouched accumulations of several preceding kings, who had -husbanded them against a season of unforeseen urgency. A moderate -portion of this immense wealth, employed by Darius three years -earlier to push the operations of his fleet, subsidize able Grecian -Officers, and organize anti-Macedonian resistance—would have -preserved both his life and his crown.</p> - -<p>Alexander rested his troops for more than thirty days amidst -the luxurious indulgences of Babylon. He gratified the feelings of -the population and the Chaldæan priests by solemn sacrifices to -Belus, as well as by directing that the temple of that god, and -the other temples destroyed in the preceding century by Xerxes, -should be rebuilt.<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" -class="fnanchor">[407]</a> Treating the Persian empire now as -an established conquest, he nominated the various satraps. He -confirmed the Persian Mazæus in the satrapy of Babylon, but put -along with them two Greeks as assistants and guarantees—Apollodorus -of Amphipolis, as commander of the military force—Asklepiodorus as -collector of the revenue. He rewarded the Persian traitor Mithrines, -who had surrendered at his approach the strong citadel of Sardis, -with the satrapy of Armenia. To that of Syria and Phenicia, he -appointed Menes, who took with him 3000 talents, to be remitted -to Antipater for levying new troops against the Lacedæmonians -in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" -class="fnanchor">[408]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[p. -170]</span> The march of Alexander from Babylon to Susa occupied -twenty days; an easy route through a country abundantly supplied. -At Susa he was joined by Amyntas son of Andromenes, with a large -reinforcement of about 15,000 men—Macedonians, Greeks, and Thracians. -There were both cavalry and infantry—and what is not the least -remarkable, fifty Macedonian youths of noble family, soliciting -admission into Alexander’s corps of pages.<a id="FNanchor_409" -href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> The incorporation -of these new-comers into the army afforded him the opportunity for -remodelling on several points the organization of his different -divisions, the smaller as well as the larger.<a id="FNanchor_410" -href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a></p> - -<p>After some delay at Susa—and after confirming the Persian -Abulites, who had surrendered the city, in his satrapy, yet not -without two Grecian officers as guarantees, one commanding the -military force, the other governor of the citadel—Alexander crossed -the river Eulæus or Pasitigris, and directed his march to the -south-east towards Persis proper, the ancient hearth or primitive -seat from whence the original Persian conquerors had issued.<a -id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> -Between Susa and Persis lay a mountainous region occupied by the -Uxii—rude but warlike shepherds, to whom the Great King himself -had always been obliged to pay a tribute<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_171">[p. 171]</span> whenever he went from Susa to -Persepolis, being unable with his inefficient military organization -to overcome the difficulties of such a pass held by an enemy. The -Uxii now demanded the like tribute from Alexander, who replied by -inviting them to meet him at their pass and receive it. Meanwhile -a new and little frequented mountain track had been made known to -him, over which he conducted in person a detachment of troops so -rapidly and secretly as to surprise the mountaineers in their own -villages. He thus not only opened the usual mountain pass for the -transit of his main army, but so cut to pieces and humiliated the -Uxii, that they were forced to sue for pardon. Alexander was at first -disposed to extirpate or expel them; but at length, at the request -of the captive Sisygambis, permitted them to remain as subjects of -the satrap of Susa, imposing a tribute of sheep, horses, and cattle, -the only payment which their poverty allowed.<a id="FNanchor_412" -href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p> - -<p>But bad as the Uxian pass had been, there remained another still -worse—called the Susian or Persian gates,<a id="FNanchor_413" -href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> in the mountains -which surrounded the plain of Persepolis, the centre of Persis -proper. Ariobarzanes, satrap of the province, held this pass; a -narrow defile walled across, with mountain positions on both sides, -from whence the defenders, while out of reach themselves, could -shower down missiles upon an approaching enemy. After four days of -march, Alexander reached on the fifth day the Susian Gates; which, -inexpugnable as they seemed, he attacked on the ensuing morning. In -spite of all the courage of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[p. -172]</span> his soldiers, however, he sustained loss without damaging -his enemy, and was obliged to return to his camp. He was informed -that there was no other track by which this difficult pass could be -turned; but there was a long circuitous march of many days whereby -it might be evaded, and another entrance found into the plain of -Persepolis. To recede from any enterprise as impracticable, was -a humiliation which Alexander had never yet endured. On farther -inquiry, a Lykian captive, who had been for many years tending sheep -as a slave on the mountains, acquainted him with the existence -of a track known only to himself, whereby he might come on the -flank of Ariobarzanes. Leaving Kraterus in command of the camp, -with orders to attack the pass in front, when he should hear the -trumpet give signal—Alexander marched forth at night at the head -of a light detachment, under the guidance of the Lykian. He had to -surmount incredible hardship and difficulty—the more so as it was -mid-winter, and the mountain was covered with snow; yet such were -the efforts of his soldiers and the rapidity of his movements, that -he surprised all the Persian outposts, and came upon Ariobarzanes -altogether unprepared. Attacked as they were at the same time by -Kraterus also, the troops of the satrap were forced to abandon the -Gates, and were for the most part cut to pieces. Many perished in -their flight among the rocks and precipices; the satrap himself being -one of a few that escaped.<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" -class="fnanchor">[414]</a></p> - -<p>Though the citadel of Persepolis is described as one of the -strongest of fortresses,<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" -class="fnanchor">[415]</a> yet after this unexpected conquest of -a pass hitherto deemed inexpugnable, few had courage to think of -holding it against Alexander. Nevertheless Ariobarzanes, hastening -thither from the conquered pass, still strove to organize a defence, -and at least to carry off the regal treasure, which some in the -town were already preparing to pillage. But Tiridates, commander of -the garrison, fearing the wrath of the conqueror, resisted this, -and despatched a message entreating Alexander to hasten his march. -Accordingly Alexander, at the head of his cavalry, set forth with -the utmost speed, and arrived in time to detain and appropriate -the whole. Ariobarzanes, in a vain at<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_173">[p. 173]</span>tempt to resist, was slain with all his -companions. Persepolis and Pasargadæ—the two peculiar capitals of -the Persian race, the latter memorable as containing the sepulchre -of Cyrus the Great—both fell into the hands of the conqueror.<a -id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p> - -<p>On approaching Persepolis, the compassion of the army was -powerfully moved by the sight of about 800 Grecian captives, all of -them mutilated in some frightful and distressing way, by loss of -legs, arms, eyes, ears, or some other bodily members. Mutilation -was a punishment commonly inflicted in that age by Oriental -governors, even by such as were not accounted cruel. Thus Xenophon, -in eulogizing the rigid justice of Cyrus the younger, remarks -that in the public roads of his satrapy, men were often seen who -had been deprived of their arms or legs, or otherwise mutilated, -by penal authority.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" -class="fnanchor">[417]</a> Many of these maimed captives at -Persepolis were old, and had lived for years in their unfortunate -condition. They had been brought up from various Greek cities by -order of some of the preceding Persian kings; but on what pretences -they had been thus cruelly dealt with, we are not informed. -Alexander, moved to tears at such a spectacle, offered to restore -them to their respective homes, with a comfortable provision for -the future. But most of them felt so ashamed of returning to their -homes, that they entreated to be allowed to remain all together in -Persis, with lands assigned to them, and with dependent cultivators -to raise produce for them. Alexander granted their request in the -fullest measure, conferring besides upon each an ample donation of -money, clothing, and cattle.<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" -class="fnanchor">[418]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[p. 174]</span>The sight -of these mutilated Greeks was well calculated to excite not merely -sympathy for them, but rage against the Persians, in the bosoms -of all spectators. Alexander seized this opportunity, as well for -satiating the anger and cupidity of his soldiers, as for manifesting -himself in his self-assumed character of avenger of Greece against -the Persians, to punish the wrongs done by Xerxes a century and a -half before. He was now amidst the native tribes and seats of the -Persians, the descendants of those rude warriors who, under the first -Cyrus, had overspread Western Asia from the Indus to the Ægean. In -this their home the Persian kings had accumulated their national -edifices, their regal sepulchres, the inscriptions commemorative -of their religious or legendary sentiment, with many trophies and -acquisitions arising out of their conquests. For the purposes of the -Great King’s empire, Babylon, or Susa, or Ekbatana, were more central -and convenient residences; but Persepolis was still regarded as the -heart of Persian nationality. It was the chief magazine, though -not the only one, of those annual accumulations from the imperial -revenue, which each king successively increased, and which none -seems to have ever diminished. Moreover, the Persian grandees and -officers, who held the lucrative satrapies and posts of the empire, -were continually sending wealth home to Persis, for themselves or -their relatives.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[p. 175]</span> -We may therefore reasonably believe what we find asserted, that -Persepolis possessed at this time more wealth, public and private, -than any place within the range of Grecian or Macedonian knowledge.<a -id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> - -<p>Convening his principal officers, Alexander denounced -Persepolis as the most hostile of all Asiatic cities,—the home -of those impious invaders of Greece, whom he had come to attack. -He proclaimed his intention of abandoning it to be plundered, as -well as of burning the citadel. In this resolution he persisted, -notwithstanding the remonstrance of Parmenio, who reminded him -that the act would be a mere injury to himself by ruining his own -property, and that the Asiatics would construe it as evidence of -an intention to retire speedily, without founding any permanent -dominion in the country.<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" -class="fnanchor">[420]</a> After appropriating the regal treasure—to -the alleged amount of 120,000 talents in gold and silver = -£27,600,000 sterling<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" -class="fnanchor">[421]</a>—Alexander set fire<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_176">[p. 176]</span> to the citadel. A host of mules, with -5000 camels, were sent for from Mesopotamia and elsewhere, to carry -off this prodigious treasure; the whole of which was conveyed out of -Persis proper, partly to be taken along with Alexander himself in -his ulterior marches, partly to be lodged in Susa and Ekbatana. Six -thousand talents more, found in Pasargadæ, were added to the spoil.<a -id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> -The persons and property of the inhabitants were abandoned to -the license of the soldiers, who obtained an immense booty, -not merely in gold and silver, but also in rich clothing, -furniture, and ostentatious ornaments of every kind. The male -inhabitants were slain,<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" -class="fnanchor">[423]</a> the females dragged into servitude; -except such as obtained safety by flight, or burned themselves with -their property in their own houses. Among the soldiers themselves, -much angry scrambling took place for the possession of precious -articles, not without occasional bloodshed.<a id="FNanchor_424" -href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> As soon as<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[p. 177]</span> their ferocity and -cupidity had been satiated, Alexander arrested the massacre. His -encouragement and sanction of it was not a burst of transient fury, -provoked by unexpected length of resistance, such as the hanging of -the 2000 Tyrians and the dragging of Batis at Gaza—but a deliberate -proceeding, intended partly as a recompense and gratification -to the soldiery, but still more as an imposing manifestation of -retributive vengeance against the descendants of the ancient Persian -invaders. In his own letters seen by Plutarch, Alexander described -the massacre of the native Persians as having been ordered by him on -grounds of state policy.<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" -class="fnanchor">[425]</a></p> - -<p>As it was now winter or very early spring, he suffered his main -army to enjoy a month or more of repose at or near Persepolis. But -he himself, at the head of a rapidly moving division, traversed -the interior of Persia proper; conquering or receiving into -submission the various towns and villages.<a id="FNanchor_426" -href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> The greatest -resistance which he experienced was offered by the<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[p. 178]</span> rude and warlike -tribe called the Mardi; but worse than any enemy was the severity -of the season and the rugged destitution of a frozen country. -Neither physical difficulties, however, nor human enemies, could -arrest the march of Alexander. He returned from his expedition, -complete master of Persis; and in the spring, quitted that province -with his whole army, to follow Darius into Media. He left only a -garrison of 3000 Macedonians at Persepolis, preserving to Tiridates, -who had surrendered to him the place, the title of satrap.<a -id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p> - -<p>Darius was now a fugitive, with the mere title of king, and -with a simple body-guard rather than an army. On leaving Arbêla -after the defeat, he had struck in an easterly direction across -the mountains into Media; having only a few attendants round him, -and thinking himself too happy to preserve his own life from an -indefatigable pursuer.<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" -class="fnanchor">[428]</a> He calculated that, once across these -mountains, Alexander would leave him for a time unmolested, in haste -to march southward for the purpose of appropriating the great and -real prizes of the campaign—Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. The last -struggles of this ill-starred prince will be recounted in another -chapter.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_94"> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCIV.<br /> - MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER, AFTER - HIS WINTER-QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH - AT BABYLON.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">From</span> this time forward -to the close of Alexander’s life—a period of about seven years—his -time was spent in conquering the eastern half of the Persian empire, -together with various independent tribes lying beyond its extreme -boundary. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[p. 179]</span> -neither Greece, nor Asia Minor, nor any of his previous western -acquisitions, was he ever destined to see again.</p> - -<p>Now, in regard to the history of Greece—the subject of these -volumes—the first portion of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns (from his -crossing the Hellespont to the conquest of Persis, a period of four -years, March 334 <small>B. C.</small>, to March 330 -<small>B. C.</small>), though not of direct bearing, -is yet of material importance. Having in his first year completed -the subjugation of the Hellenic world, he had by these subsequent -campaigns absorbed it as a small fraction into the vast Persian -empire, renovated under his imperial sceptre. He had accomplished a -result substantially the same as would have been brought about if the -invasion of Greece by Xerxes, destined, a century and a half before, -to incorporate Greece with the Persian monarchy, had succeeded -instead of failing.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" -class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Towards the kings of Macedonia alone, -the subjugation of Greece would never have become complete, so long -as she could receive help from the native Persian kings, who were -perfectly adequate as a countervailing and tutelary force, had they -known how to play their game. But all hope for Greece from without -was extinguished, when Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis became subject -to the same ruler as Pella and Amphipolis—and that ruler too, the -ablest general, and most insatiate aggressor, of his age; to whose -name was attached the prestige of success almost superhuman. Still, -against even this overwhelming power, some of the bravest of the -Greeks at home tried to achieve their liberation with the sword: we -shall see presently how sadly the attempt miscarried.</p> - -<p>But though the first four years of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition, -in which he conquered the Western half of the Persian empire, had -thus an important effect on the condition and destinies of the -Grecian cities—his last seven years, on which we are now about to -enter, employed chiefly in conquering the Eastern half, scarcely -touched these cities in any way. The stupendous marches to the -rivers Jaxartes, Indus, and Hyphasis, which<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_180">[p. 180]</span> carried his victorious arms over so -wide a space of Central Asia, not only added nothing to his power -over the Greeks, but even withdrew him from all dealings with them, -and placed him almost beyond their cognizance. To the historian of -Greece, therefore, these latter campaigns can hardly be regarded as -included within the range of his subject. They deserve to be told, -as examples of military skill and energy, and as illustrating the -character of the most illustrious general of antiquity—one who, -though not a Greek, had become the master of all Greeks. But I shall -not think it necessary to recount them in any detail, like the -battles of Issus and Arbêla.</p> - -<p>About six or seven months had elapsed from the battle of -Arbêla to the time when Alexander prepared to quit his most -recent conquest—Persis proper. During all this time, Darius had -remained at Ekbatana,<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" -class="fnanchor">[430]</a> the chief city of Media, clinging to the -hope, that Alexander, when possessed of the three southern capitals -and the best part of the Persian empire, might have reached the point -of satiation, and might leave him unmolested in the more barren -East. As soon as he learnt that Alexander was in movement towards -him, he sent forward his harem and his baggage to Hyrkania, on the -south-eastern border of the Caspian sea. Himself, with the small -force around him, followed in the same direction, carrying off the -treasure in the city (7000 talents= £1,610,000 in amount), and passed -through the Caspian Grates into the territory of Parthyênê. His only -chance was to escape to Baktria at the eastern extremity of the -empire, ruining the country in his way for the purpose of retarding -pur<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[p. 181]</span>suers. -But this chance diminished every day, from desertion among his -few followers, and angry disgust among many who remained.<a -id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></p> - -<p>Eight days after Darius had quitted Ekbatana, Alexander entered -it. How many days had been occupied in his march from Persepolis, we -cannot say: in itself a long march, it had been farther prolonged, -partly by the necessity of subduing the intervening mountaineers -called Parætakeni,<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" -class="fnanchor">[432]</a> partly by rumors exaggerating the Persian -force at Ekbatana, and inducing him to advance with precaution and -regular array. Possessed of Ekbatana—the last capital stronghold -of the Persian kings, and their ordinary residence during the -summer months—he halted to rest his troops, and establish a new -base of operations for his future proceedings eastward. He made -Ekbatana his principal depôt; depositing in the citadel, under the -care of Harpalus as treasurer, with a garrison of 6000 or 7000 -Macedonians, the accumulated treasures of his past conquests, out -of Susa and Persepolis; amounting, we are told, to the enormous -sum of 180,000 talents = £41,400,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_433" -href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> Parmenio was -invested with the chief command of this important post, and of the -military force left in Media; of which territory Oxodates, a Persian -who had been imprisoned at Susa by Darius, was named satrap.<a -id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></p> - -<p>At Ekbatana Alexander was joined by a fresh force of 6000 -Grecian mercenaries,<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" -class="fnanchor">[435]</a> who had marched from Kilikia into the -interior, probably crossing the Euphrates and Tigris at the same -points as Alexander himself had crossed. Hence he was enabled the -better to dismiss his Thessalian cavalry, with other Greeks who -had been serving during his four years of Asiatic war, and who -now wished to go home.<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" -class="fnanchor">[436]</a> He distributed among them the sum of 2000 -talents in addition to their full pay, and<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_182">[p. 182]</span> gave them the price of their horses, -which they sold before departure. The operations which he was now -about to commence against the eastern territories of Persia were -not against regular armies, but against flying corps and distinct -native tribes, relying for defence chiefly on the difficulties -which mountains, deserts, privation, or mere distance, would -throw in the way of an assailant. For these purposes he required -an increased number of light troops, and was obliged to impose -even upon his heavy-armed cavalry the most rapid and fatiguing -marches, such as none but his Macedonian Companions would have -been contented to execute; moreover he was called upon to act less -with large masses, and more with small and broken divisions. He -now therefore for the first time established a regular Taxis, or -division of horse-bowmen.<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" -class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p> - -<p>Remaining at Ekbatana no longer than was sufficient for -these new arrangements, Alexander recommenced his pursuit of -Darius. He hoped to get before Darius to the Caspian Gates, -at the north-eastern extremity of Media; by which Gates<a -id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> -was un<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[p. 183]</span>derstood -a mountain-pass, or rather a road of many hours’ march, including -several difficult passes stretching eastward along the southern -side of the great range of Taurus towards Parthia. He marched with -his Companion-cavalry, the light-horse, the Agrianians, and the -bowmen—the greater part of the phalanx keeping up as well as it -could—to Rhagæ, about fifty miles north of the Caspian Gates; which -town he reached in eleven days, by exertions so severe that many men -as well as horses were disabled on the road. But in spite of all -speed, he learnt that Darius had already passed through the Caspian -Gates. After five days of halt at Rhagæ, indispensable for his army, -Alexander passed them also. A day’s march on the other side of them, -he was joined by two eminent Persians, Bagistanes and Antibêlus, -who informed him that Darius was already dethroned and in imminent -danger of losing his life.<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" -class="fnanchor">[439]</a></p> - -<p>The conspirators by whom this had been done, were Bessus, satrap -of Baktria—Barsaentes, satrap of Drangiana and Arachosia—and -Nabarzanes, general of the regal guards. The small force of Darius -having been thinned by daily desertion, most of those who remained -were the contingents of the still unconquered territories, Baktria, -Arachosia, and Drangiana, under the orders of their respective -satraps. The Grecian mercenaries, 1500 in number, and Artabazus, -with a band under his special command, adhered inflexibly to -Darius, but the soldiers of Eastern Asia followed their own -satraps. Bessus and his colleagues intended to make their peace -with Alexander by surrendering Darius, should Alexander pursue so -vigorously as to leave them no hope of escape; but if they could -obtain time to reach Baktria and Sogdiana, they resolved to organize -an energetic resistance, under their own joint command, for the -defence of those eastern provinces—the most warlike population of -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[p. 184]</span> empire.<a -id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> -Under the desperate circumstances of the case, this plan was perhaps -the least unpromising that could be proposed. The chance of resisting -Alexander, small as it was at the best, became absolutely nothing -under the command of Darius, who had twice set the example of flight -from the field of battle, betraying both his friends and his empire, -even when surrounded by the full force of Persia. For brave and -energetic Persians, unless they were prepared at once to submit to -the invader, there was no choice but to set aside Darius; nor does -it appear that the conspirators intended at first anything worse. -At a village called Thara in Parthia, they bound him in chains of -gold—placed him in a covered chariot surrounded by the Baktrian -troops,—and thus carried him onward, retreating as fast as they -could; Bessus assuming the command. Artabazus, with the Grecian -mercenaries, too feeble to prevent the proceeding, quitted the army -in disgust, and sought refuge among the mountains of the Tapuri -bordering on Hyrkania towards the Caspian Sea.<a id="FNanchor_441" -href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></p> - -<p>On hearing this intelligence, Alexander strained every nerve to -overtake the fugitives and get possession of the person of Darius. -At the head of his Companion-cavalry, his light-horse, and a body of -infantry picked out for their strength and activity, he put himself -in instant march, with nothing but arms and two days’ provisions -for each man; leaving Kraterus to bring on the main body by easier -journeys. A forced march of two nights and one day, interrupted only -by a short midday repose (it was now the month of July), brought him -at daybreak to the Persian camp which his informant Bagistanes had -quitted. But Bessus and his troops were already beyond it, having -made considerable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[p. 185]</span> -advance in their flight; upon which Alexander, notwithstanding the -exhaustion both of men and horses, pushed on with increased speed -through all the night to the ensuing day at noon. He there found -himself in the village where Bessus had encamped on the preceding -day. Yet learning from deserters that his enemies had resolved to -hasten their retreat by night marches, he despaired of overtaking -them, unless he could find some shorter road. He was informed that -there was another shorter, but leading through a waterless desert. -Setting out by this road late in the day with his cavalry, he got -over no less than forty-five miles during the night, so as to come on -Bessus by complete surprise on the following morning. The Persians, -marching in disorder without arms, and having no expectation of -an enemy, were so panic-struck at the sudden appearance of their -indefatigable conqueror, that they dispersed and fled without any -attempt to resist. In this critical moment, Bessus and Barsaentes -urged Darius to leave his chariot, mount his horse, and accompany -them in their flight. But he refused to comply. They were determined -however that he should not fall alive into the hands of Alexander, -whereby his name would have been employed against them, and would -have materially lessened their chance of defending the eastern -provinces; they were moreover incensed by his refusal, and had -contracted a feeling of hatred and contempt to which they were -glad to give effect. Casting their javelins at him, they left him -mortally wounded, and then pursued their flight.<a id="FNanchor_442" -href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> His chariot, not -distinguished by any visible mark, nor known even to the Persian -soldiers themselves, was for some time not detected by the pursuers. -At length a Macedonian soldier named Polystratus found him expiring, -and is said to have received his last words; wherein he expressed -thanks to Alexander for the kind treatment of his captive female -relatives, and satisfaction that the Persian throne, lost to -himself, was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[p. 186]</span> -about to pass to so generous a conqueror. It is at least certain -that he never lived to see Alexander himself.<a id="FNanchor_443" -href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander had made the prodigious and indefatigable marches of -the last four days, not without destruction to many men and horses, -for the express purpose of taking Darius alive. It would have been a -gratification to his vanity to exhibit the Great King as a helpless -captive, rescued from his own servants by the sword of his enemy, and -spared to occupy some subordinate command as a token of ostentatious -indulgence. Moreover, apart from such feelings, it would have been a -point of real advantage to seize the person of Darius, by means of -whose name Alexander would have been enabled to stifle all farther -resistance in the extensive and imperfectly known regions eastward of -the Caspian Gates. The satraps of these regions had now gone thither -with their hands free, to kindle as much Asiatic sentiment and levy -as large a force as they could, against the Macedonian conqueror; who -was obliged to follow them, if he wished to complete the subjugation -of the empire. We can understand therefore that Alexander was deeply -mortified in deriving no result from this ruinously fatiguing march, -and can the better explain that savage wrath which we shall hereafter -find him manifesting against the satrap Bessus.</p> - -<p>Alexander caused the body of Darius to be buried with full -pomp and ceremonial, in the regal sepulchres of Persis. The last -days of this unfortunate prince have been described with almost -tragic pathos by historians; and there are few subjects in history -better calculated to excite such a feeling, if we regard simply the -magnitude of his fall, from the highest pitch of power and splendor -to defeat, degradation, and assassination. But an impartial review -will not allow us to forget that the main cause of such ruin was -his own blindness—his long apathy after the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_187">[p. 187]</span> battle of Issus, and abandonment -of Tyre and Gaza, in the fond hope of repurchasing queens whom -he had himself exposed to captivity—lastly, what is still less -pardonable, his personal cowardice in both the two decisive battles -deliberately brought about by himself. If we follow his conduct -throughout the struggle, we shall find little of that which renders -a defeated prince either respectable or interesting. Those who had -the greatest reason to denounce and despise him were his friends -and his countrymen, whom he possessed ample means of defending, yet -threw those means away. On the other hand, no one had better grounds -for indulgence towards him than his conqueror; for whom he had -kept unused the countless treasures of the three capitals, and for -whom he had lightened in every way the difficulties of a conquest, -in itself hardly less than impracticable.<a id="FNanchor_444" -href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></p> - -<p>The recent forced march, undertaken by Alexander for the purpose -of securing Darius as a captive, had been distressing in the extreme -to his soldiers, who required a certain period of repose and -compensation. This was granted to them at the town of Hekatompylus -in Parthia, where the whole army was again united. Besides abundant -supplies from the neighboring region, the soldiers here received a -donative derived from the large booty taken in the camp of Darius.<a -id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> In -the enjoyment and revelry universal throughout the army, Alexander -himself partook. His indulgences in the banquet and in wine-drinking, -to which he was always addicted when leisure allowed were<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[p. 188]</span> now unusually -multiplied and prolonged. Public solemnities were celebrated, -together with theatrical exhibitions by artists who joined the army -from Greece. But the change of most importance in Alexander’s conduct -was, that he now began to feel and act manifestly as successor of -Darius on the Persian throne; to disdain the comparative simplicity -of Macedonian habits, and to assume the pomp, the ostentatious -apparatus of luxuries, and even the dress, of a Persian king.</p> - -<p>To many of Alexander’s soldiers, the conquest of Persia appeared -to be consummated and the war finished, by the death of Darius. -They were reluctant to exchange the repose and enjoyments of -Hekatompylus for fresh fatigues; but Alexander, assembling the -select regiments, addressed to them an emphatic appeal which -revived the ardor of all.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" -class="fnanchor">[446]</a> His first march was, across one of the -passes from the south to the north of Mount Elburz, into Hyrkania, -the region bordering the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea. -Here he found no resistance; the Hyrkanian satrap Phrataphernes, -together with Nabarzanes, Artabazus, and other eminent Persians, -surrendered themselves to him, and were favorably received. The -Greek mercenaries, 1500 in number, who had served with Darius, but -had retired when that monarch was placed under arrest by Bessus, -sent envoys requesting to be allowed to surrender on capitulation. -But Alexander—reproaching them with guilt for having taken service -with the Persians, in contravention of the vote passed by the -Hellenic synod—required them to surrender at discretion; which they -expressed their readiness to do, praying that an officer might be -despatched to conduct them to him in safety.<a id="FNanchor_447" -href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The Macedonian -Andronikus was sent for this purpose, while Alexander undertook -an expedition into the mountains of the Mardi; a name seemingly -borne by several distinct tribes in parts remote from each other, -but all poor and brave mountaineers. These Mardi occupied parts of -the northern slope of the range of Mount Elburz a few miles from -the Caspian Sea (Mazanderan and Ghilan). Alexander pursued them -into all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[p. 189]</span> their -retreats,—overcame them, when they stood on their defence, with -great slaughter,—and reduced the remnant of the half-destroyed -tribes to sue for peace.<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" -class="fnanchor">[448]</a></p> - -<p>From this march, which had carried him in a westerly direction, -he returned to Hyrkania. At the first halt he was met by the -Grecian mercenaries who came to surrender themselves, as well as by -various Grecian envoys from Sparta, Chalkedon, and Sinôpe, who had -accompanied Darius in his flight. Alexander put the Lacedæmonians -under arrest, but liberated the other envoys, considering Chalkedon -and Sinôpe to have been subjects of Darius, not members of the -Hellenic synod. As to the mercenaries, he made a distinction between -those who had enlisted in the Persian service before the recognition -of Philip as leader of Greece—and those whose enlistment had been -of later date. The former he liberated at once; the latter he -required to remain in his service under the command of Andronikus, -on the same pay as they had hitherto received.<a id="FNanchor_449" -href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> Such was the untoward -conclusion of Grecian mercenary service with Persia; a system whereby -the Persian monarchs, had they known how to employ it with tolerable -ability, might well have maintained their empire even against such -an enemy as Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" -class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p> - -<p>After fifteen days of repose and festivity at Zeudracarta, the -chief town of Hyrkania, Alexander marched eastward with his united -army through Parthia into Aria—the region adjoining the modern Herat -with its river now known as Herirood. Satibarzanes, the satrap -of Aria, came to him near the border, to a town named Susia,<a -id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> -submitted, and was allowed to retain his<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_190">[p. 190]</span> satrapy; while Alexander, merely -skirting the northern border of Aria, marched in a direction nearly -east towards Baktria against the satrap Bessus, who was reported as -having proclaimed himself King of Persia. But it was discovered, -after three or four days, that Satibarzanes was in league with -Bessus; upon which Alexander suspended for the present his plans -against Baktria, and turned by forced marches to Artakoana, the -chief city of Aria.<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" -class="fnanchor">[452]</a> His return was so unexpectedly rapid, -that the Arians were overawed, and Satibarzanes was obliged to -escape. A few days enabled him to crush the disaffected Arians and -to await the arrival of his rear division under Kraterus. He then -marched southward into the territory of the Drangi, or Drangiana (the -modern Seiestan), where he found no resistance—the satrap Barsaentes -having sought safety among some of the Indians.<a id="FNanchor_453" -href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p> - -<p>In the chief town of Drangiana occurred the revolting tragedy, -of which Philotas was the first victim, and his father Parmenio the -second. Parmenio, now seventy years of age, and therefore little -qualified for the fatigue inseparable from the invasion of the -eastern satrapies, had been left in the important post of com<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[p. 191]</span>manding the great -depôt and treasure at Ekbatana. His long military experience, and -confidential position even under Philip, rendered him the second -person in the Macedonian army, next to Alexander himself. His three -sons were all soldiers. The youngest of them, Hektor, had been -accidentally drowned in the Nile, while in the suite of Alexander -in Egypt; the second, Nikanor, had commanded the hypaspists or -light infantry, but had died of illness, fortunately for himself, -a short time before;<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" -class="fnanchor">[454]</a> the eldest, Philotas, occupied the high -rank of general of the Companion-cavalry, in daily communication with -Alexander, from whom he received personal orders.</p> - -<p>A revelation came to Philotas, from Kebalinus, brother of a -youth named Nikomachus, that a soldier, named Dimnus of Chalastra, -had made boast to Nikomachus, his intimate friend or beloved -person, under vows of secrecy, of an intended conspiracy against -Alexander, inviting him to become an accomplice.<a id="FNanchor_455" -href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Nikomachus, at -first struck with abhorrence, at length simulated compliance, asked -who were the accomplices of Dimnus, and received intimation of a -few names; all of which he presently communicated to his brother -Kebalinus, for the purpose of being divulged. Kebalinus told the -facts to Philotas, entreating him to mention them to Alexander. But -Philotas, though every day in communication with the king, neglected -to do this for two days; upon which Kebalinus began to suspect him -of connivance, and caused the revelation to be made to Alexander -through one of the pages named Metron. Dimnus was immediately -arrested, but ran himself through with his sword, and expired without -making any declaration.<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" -class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p> - -<p>Of this conspiracy, real or pretended, every thing rested on the -testimony of Nikomachus. Alexander indignantly sent for Philotas, -demanding why he had omitted for two days to communicate what -he had heard. Philotas replied, that the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_192">[p. 192]</span> source from which it came was too -contemptible to deserve notice—that it would have been ridiculous -to attach importance to the simple declarations of such a youth as -Nikomachus, recounting the foolish boasts addressed to him by a -lover. Alexander received, or affected to receive, the explanation, -gave his hand to Philotas, invited him to supper, and talked to him -with his usual familiarity.<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" -class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p> - -<p>But it soon appeared that advantage was to be taken of this -incident for the disgrace and ruin of Philotas, whose free-spoken -criticisms on the pretended divine paternity,—-coupled with boasts, -that he and his father Parmenio had been chief agents in the -conquest of Asia,—had neither been forgotten nor forgiven. These, -and other self-praises, disparaging to the glory of Alexander, -had been divulged by a mistress to whom Philotas was attached; a -beautiful Macedonian woman of Pydna, named Antigonê, who, having -first been made a prize in visiting Samothrace by the Persian -admiral Autophradates, was afterwards taken amidst the spoils of -Damascus by the Macedonians victorious at Issus. The reports of -Antigonê, respecting some unguarded language held by Philotas to -her, had come to the knowledge of Kraterus, who brought her to -Alexander, and caused her to repeat them to him. Alexander desired -her to take secret note of the confidential expressions of Philotas, -and report them from time to time to himself.<a id="FNanchor_458" -href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p> - -<p>It thus turned out that Alexander, though continuing to Philotas -his high military rank, and talking to him constantly with seeming -confidence, had for at least eighteen months, ever since his -conquest of Egypt and perhaps even earlier, disliked and suspected -him, keeping him under perpetual watch through the suborned and -secret communications of a treacherous mistress.<a id="FNanchor_459" -href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a><span -class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[p. 193]</span> Some of the generals -around Alexander—especially Kraterus, the first suborner of -Antigonê—fomented these suspicions, from jealousy of the great -ascendency of Parmenio and his family. Moreover, Philotas himself was -ostentatious and overbearing in his demeanor, so as to have made many -enemies among the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" -class="fnanchor">[460]</a> But whatever may have been his defects -on this head—defects which he shared with the other Macedonian -generals, all gorged with plunder and presents<a id="FNanchor_461" -href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>—his fidelity as well -as his military merits stand attested by the fact that Alexander had -continued to employ him in the highest and most confidential command -throughout all the long subsequent interval; and that Parmenio was -now general at Ekbatana, the most important military appointment -which the king had to confer. Even granting the deposition of -Nikomachus to be trustworthy, there was nothing to implicate -Philotas, whose name had not been included among the accomplices said -to have been enumerated by Dimnus. There was not a tittle of evidence -against him, except the fact that the deposition had been made known -to him, and that he had seen Alexander twice without communicating -it. Upon this single fact, however, Kraterus, and the other enemies -of Philotas, worked so effectually as to inflame the suspicions -and the pre-existing ill-will of Alexander into fierce rancor. He -resolved on the disgrace, torture, and death of Philotas,—and on the -death of Parmenio besides.<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" -class="fnanchor">[462]</a></p> - -<p>To accomplish this, however, against the two highest officers -in the Macedonian service, one of them enjoying a separate and -distant command—required management. Alexander was obliged to -carry the feelings of the soldiers along with him, and to obtain -a condemnation from the army; according to an ancient Macedonian -custom, in regard to capital crimes, though<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_194">[p. 194]</span> (as it seems) not uniformly practised. -Alexander not only kept the resolution secret, but is even said to -have invited Philotas to supper with the other officers, conversing -with him just as usual.<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" -class="fnanchor">[463]</a> In the middle of the night, Philotas -was arrested while asleep in his bed,—put in chains,—and clothed -in an ignoble garb. A military assembly was convened at daybreak, -before which Alexander appeared with the chief officers in his -confidence. Addressing the soldiers in a vehement tone of mingled -sorrow and anger, he proclaimed to them that his life had just -been providentially rescued from a dangerous conspiracy organized -by two men hitherto trusted as his best friends—Philotas and -Parmenio—through the intended agency of a soldier named Dimnus, -who had slain himself when arrested. The dead body of Dimnus was -then exhibited to the meeting, while Nikomachus and Kebalinus -were brought forward to tell their story. A letter from Parmenio -to his sons Philotas and Nikanor, found among the papers seized -on the arrest, was read to the meeting. Its terms were altogether -vague and unmeaning; but Alexander chose to construe them as it -suited his purpose.<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" -class="fnanchor">[464]</a></p> - -<p>We may easily conceive the impression produced upon these -assembled soldiers by such denunciations from Alexander -himself—revelations of his own personal danger, and reproaches -against treacherous friends. Amyntas, and even Kœnus, the -brother-in-law of Philotas, were yet more unmeasured in -their invectives against the accused.<a id="FNanchor_465" -href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> They, as well as -the other officers with whom the arrest had been concerted, set the -example of violent manifestation against him, and ardent sympathy -with the king’s danger. Philotas was heard in his defence, which -though strenuously denying the charge, is said to have been feeble. -It was indeed sure to be so, coming from one seized thus suddenly, -and overwhelmed with disadvantages; while a degree of courage, -absolutely heroic, would have been required<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_195">[p. 195]</span> for any one else to rise and presume to -criticise the proofs. A soldier named Bolon harangued his comrades on -the insupportable insolence of Philotas, who always (he said) treated -the soldiers with contempt, turning them out of their quarters to -make room for his countless retinue of slaves. Though this allegation -(probably enough well-founded) was no way connected with the charge -of treason against the king, it harmonized fully with the temper of -the assembly, and wound them up to the last pitch of fury. The royal -pages began the cry, echoed by all around, that they would with -their own hands tear the parricide in pieces.<a id="FNanchor_466" -href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p> - -<p>It would have been fortunate for Philotas if their wrath had -been sufficiently ungovernable to instigate the execution of -such a sentence on the spot. But this did not suit the purpose -of his enemies. Aware that he had been condemned upon the regal -word, with nothing better than the faintest negative ground of -suspicion, they determined to extort from him a confession such -as would justify their own purposes, not only against him, but -against his father Parmenio—whom there was as yet nothing to -implicate. Accordingly, during the ensuing night, Philotas was -put to the torture. Hephæstion, Kraterus, and Kœnus—the last of -the three being brother-in-law of Philotas<a id="FNanchor_467" -href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>—themselves -superintended the ministers of physical suffering. Alexander -himself too was at hand, but concealed by a curtain. It is said -that Philotas manifested little firmness under torture, and that -Alexander, an unseen witness, indulged in sneers against the -cowardice of one who had fought by his side in so many battles.<a -id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> -All who stood by were enemies, and likely to describe the conduct -of Philotas in such manner as to justify their own hatred. The -tortures inflicted,<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" -class="fnanchor">[469]</a> cruel in the extreme and long<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[p. 196]</span>-continued, wrung from -him at last a confession, implicating his father along with himself. -He was put to death; and at the same time, all those whose names had -been indicated by Nikomachus, were slain also—apparently by being -stoned, without preliminary torture. Philotas had serving in the -army a numerous kindred, all of whom were struck with consternation -at the news of his being tortured. It was the Macedonian law that -all kinsmen of a man guilty of treason were doomed to death along -with him. Accordingly, some of these men slew themselves, others -fled from the camp, seeking refuge wherever they could. Such was -the terror and tumult in the camp, that Alexander was obliged to -proclaim a suspension of this sanguinary law for the occasion.<a -id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p> - -<p>It now remained to kill Parmenio, who could not be safely left -alive after the atrocities used towards Philotas; and to kill him, -moreover, before he could have time to hear of them, since he was -not only the oldest, most respected, and most influential of all -Macedonian officers, but also in separate command of the great -depôt at Ekbatana. Alexander summoned to his presence one of the -Companions named Polydamas; a particular friend, comrade, or <i>aide -de camp</i>, of Parmenio. Every friend of Philotas felt at this moment -that his life hung by a thread; so that Polydamas entered the -king’s presence in extreme terror, the rather as he was ordered to -bring with him his two younger brothers. Alexander addressed him, -denouncing Parmenio as a traitor, and intimating that Polydamas would -be required to carry a swift and confidential message to Ekbatana, -ordering his execution. Polydamas was selected as the attached friend -of Parmenio, and therefore as best calculated to deceive him. Two -letters were placed in his hands, addressed to Parmenio; one from -Alexander himself, conveying ostensibly military communications -and orders; the other, signed with the seal-ring of the deceased -Philotas, and purporting to be addressed by the son to the father. -Together with these, Polydamas received the real and important -despatch, addressed by Alexander to Kleander<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_197">[p. 197]</span> and Menidas, the officers immediately -subordinate to Parmenio at Ekbatana; proclaiming Parmenio guilty of -high treason, and directing them to kill him at once. Large rewards -were offered to Polydamas if he performed this commission with -success, while his two brothers were retained as hostages against -scruples or compunction. He promised even more than was demanded—too -happy to purchase this reprieve from what had seemed impending -death. Furnished with native guides and with swift dromedaries, -he struck by the straightest road across the desert of Khorasan, -and arrived at Ekbatana on the eleventh day—a distance usually -requiring more than thirty days to traverse.<a id="FNanchor_471" -href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> Entering the camp by -night, without the knowledge of Parmenio, he delivered his despatch -to Kleander, with whom he concerted measures. On the morrow he was -admitted to Parmenio, while walking in his garden with Kleander -and the other officers marked out by Alexander’s order as his -executioners. Polydamas ran to embrace his old friend, and was -heartily welcomed by the unsuspecting veteran, to whom he presented -the letters professedly coming from Alexander and Philotas. While -Parmenio was absorbed in the perusal, he was suddenly assailed by a -mortal stab from the hand and sword of Kleander. Other wounds were -heaped upon him as he fell, by the remaining officers,—the last even -after life had departed.<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" -class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[p. 198]</span>The soldiers -in Ekbatana, on hearing of this bloody deed, burst into furious -mutiny, surrounded the garden wall, and threatened to break in for -the purpose of avenging their general, unless Polydamas and the other -murderers should be delivered to them. But Kleander, admitting a few -of the ringleaders, exhi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[p. -199]</span>bited to them Alexander’s written orders, to which the -soldiers yielded, not without murmurs of reluctance and indignation. -Most of them dispersed, yet a few remained, entreating permission -to bury Parmenio’s body. Even this was long refused by Kleander, -from dread of the king’s displeasure. At last, however, thinking -it prudent to comply in part, he cut off the head, delivering to -them the trunk alone for burial. The head was sent to Alexander.<a -id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p> - -<p>Among the many tragical deeds recounted throughout the course of -this history, there is none more revolting than the fate of these two -generals. Alexander, violent in all his impulses, displayed on this -occasion a personal rancor worthy of his ferocious mother Olympias, -exasperated rather than softened by the magnitude of past services.<a -id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> -When we see the greatest officers of the Macedonian army directing in -person, and under the eye of Alexander, the laceration and burning -of the naked body of their colleague Philotas, and assassinating -with their own hands the veteran Parmenio,—we feel how much we have -passed out of the region of Greek civic feeling into that of the more -savage Illyrian warrior, partially orientalized. It is not surprising -to read, that Antipater, viceroy of Macedonia, who had shared with -Parmenio the favor and confidence of Philip as well as of Alexander, -should tremble when informed of such proceedings, and cast about -for a refuge against the like possibilities to himself. Many other -officers were alike alarmed and disgusted with the transactions.<a -id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> -Hence Alexander, opening and examining the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_200">[p. 200]</span> letters sent home from his army to -Macedonia, detected such strong expressions of indignation, that he -thought it prudent to transfer many pronounced malcontents into a -division by themselves, parting them off from the remaining army.<a -id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> -Instead of appointing any substitute for Philotas in the command -of the Companion-cavalry, he cast that body into two divisions, -nominating Hephæstion to the command of one and Kleitus to -that of the other.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" -class="fnanchor">[477]</a></p> - -<p>The autumn and winter were spent by Alexander in reducing -Drangiana, Gedrosia, Arachosia, and the Paropamisadæ; the modern -Seiestan, Afghanistan, and the Western part of Kabul, lying between -Ghazna on the north, Kandahar or Kelat on the south, and Furrah in -the west. He experienced no combined resistance, but his troops -suffered severely from cold and privation.<a id="FNanchor_478" -href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> Near the southern -termination of one of the passes of the Hindoo-Koosh (apparently -north-east of the town of Kabul) he founded a new city, called -Alexandria ad Caucasum, where he planted 7000 old soldiers, -Macedonians, and others as colonists.<a id="FNanchor_479" -href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a><span class="pagenum" -id="Page_201">[p. 201]</span> Towards the close of Winter he crossed -over the mighty range of the Hindoo-Koosh; a march of fifteen days -through regions of snow, and fraught with hardship to his army. On -reaching the north side of these mountains, he found himself in -Baktria.</p> - -<p>The Baktrian leader Bessus, who had assumed the title of king, -could muster no more than a small force, with which he laid waste -the country, and then retired across the river Oxus into Sogdiana, -destroying all the boats. Alexander overran Baktria with scarce -any resistance; the chief places, Baktra (Balkh) and Aornos -surrendering to him on the first demonstration of attack. Having -named Artabazus satrap of Baktria, and placed Archelaus with a -garrison in Aornos,<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" -class="fnanchor">[480]</a> he marched northward towards the river -Oxus, the boundary between Baktria and Sogdiana. It was a march of -extreme hardship; reaching for two or three days across a sandy -desert destitute of water, and under very hot weather, The Oxus, -six furlongs in breadth, deep, and rapid, was the most formidable -river that the Macedonians had yet seen.<a id="FNanchor_481" -href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> Alexander transported -his army across it on the tent-skins inflated and stuffed with -straw. It seems surprising that Bessus did not avail himself of -this favorable opportunity for resisting a passage in itself so -difficult; he had however been abandoned by his Baktrian cavalry at -the moment when he quitted their territory. Some of his companions, -Spita<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[p. 202]</span>menes and -others, terrified at the news that Alexander had crossed the Oxus, -were anxious to make their own peace by betraying their leader.<a -id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> -They sent a proposition to this effect; upon which Ptolemy with a -light division was sent forward by Alexander, and was enabled, by -extreme celerity of movements, to surprise and seize Bessus in a -village. Alexander ordered that he should be held in chains, naked -and with a collar round his neck, at the side of the road along -which the army were marching. On reaching the spot, Alexander -stopped his chariot, and sternly demanded from Bessus, on what -pretence he had first arrested, and afterwards slain, his king -and benefactor Darius. Bessus replied, that he had not done this -single-handed; others were concerned in it along with him, to -procure for themselves lenient treatment from Alexander. The king -said no more, but ordered Bessus to be scourged, and then sent back -as prisoner to Baktra<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" -class="fnanchor">[483]</a>—where we shall again hear of him.</p> - -<p>In his onward march, Alexander approached a small town, inhabited -by the Branchidæ; descendants of those Branchidæ near<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[p. 203]</span> Miletus on the coast -of Ionia, who had administered the great temple and oracle of Apollo -on Cape Poseidion, and who had yielded up the treasures of that -temple to the Persian king Xerxes, 150 years before. This surrender -had brought upon them so much odium, that when the dominion of -Xerxes was overthrown on the coast, they retired with him into the -interior of Asia. He assigned to them lands in the distant region of -Sogdiana, where their descendants had ever since remained; bilingual -and partially dis-hellenized, yet still attached to their traditions -and origin. Delighted to find themselves once more in commerce with -Greeks, they poured forth to meet and welcome the army, tendering -all that they possessed. Alexander, when he heard who they were -and what was their parentage, desired the Milesians in his army to -determine how they should be treated. But as these Milesians were -neither decided nor unanimous, Alexander announced that he would -determine for himself. Having first occupied the city in person -with a select detachment, he posted his army all round the walls, -and then gave orders not only to plunder it, but to massacre the -entire population—men, women, and children. They were slain without -arms or attempt at resistance, resorting to nothing but prayers and -suppliant manifestations. Alexander next commanded the walls to -be levelled, and the sacred groves cut down, so that no habitable -site might remain, nor any thing except solitude and sterility.<a -id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> -Such was the revenge taken upon these unhappy vic<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[p. 204]</span>tims for the deeds of -their ancestors in the fourth or fifth generation before. Alexander -doubtless considered himself to be executing the wrath of Apollo -against an accursed race who had robbed the temple of the god.<a -id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> The -Macedonian expedition had been proclaimed to be undertaken originally -for the purpose of revenging upon the contemporary Persians the -ancient wrongs done to Greece by Xerxes; so that Alexander would -follow out the same sentiment in revenging upon the contemporary -Branchidæ the acts of their ancestors—yet more guilty than Xerxes, -in his belief. The massacre of this unfortunate population was in -fact an example of human sacrifice on the largest scale, offered -to the gods by the religious impulses of Alexander, and worthy to -be compared to that of the Carthaginian general Hannibal, when he -sacrificed 3000 Grecian prisoners on the field of Himera, where -his grandfather Hamilkar had been slain seventy years before.<a -id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander then continued his onward progress, first to -Marakanda (Samarcand), the chief town of Sogdiana—next, to the -river Jaxartes, which he and his companions, in their imperfect -geographical notions, believed to be the Tanais, the boundary -between Asia, and Europe.<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" -class="fnanchor">[487]</a> In his march, he left garrisons in<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[p. 205]</span> various towns,<a -id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> -but experienced no resistance, though detached bodies of the natives -hovered on his flanks. Some of these bodies, having cut off a few -of his foragers, took refuge afterwards on a steep and rugged -mountain, conceived to be unassailable. Thither however Alexander -pursued them, at the head of his lightest and most active troops. -Though at first repulsed, he succeeded in scaling and capturing -the place. Of its defenders, thirty thousand in number, three -fourths were either put to the sword, or perished in jumping down -the precipices. Several of his soldiers were wounded with arrows, -and he himself received a shot from one of them through his leg.<a -id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> But -here, as elsewhere, we perceive that nearly all the Orientals whom -Alexander subdued were men little suited for close combat hand to -hand,—fighting only with missiles.</p> - -<p>Here, on the river Jaxartes, Alexander projected the foundation -of a new city to bear his name; intended partly as a protection -against incursions from the Scythian Nomads on the other side of the -river, partly as a facility for himself to cross over and subdue -them, which he intended to do as soon as he could find opportunity.<a -id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> -He was however called off for the time by the news of a wide-spread -revolt among the newly-conquered inhabitants both of Sogdiana and -Baktria. He suppressed the revolt with his habitual vigor and -celerity, distributing his troops so as to capture five townships -in two days, and Kyropolis or Kyra, the largest of the neighboring -Sogdian towns (founded by the Persian Cyrus), immediately -afterwards. He put all the defenders and inhabitants to the sword. -Returning then to the Jaxartes, he completed in twenty days the -fortifications of his new town of Alexandria (perhaps at or near -Khodjend), with suitable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[p. -206]</span> sacrifices and festivities to the gods. He planted in -it some Macedonian veterans and Grecian mercenaries, together with -volunteer settlers from the natives around.<a id="FNanchor_491" -href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> An army of Scythian -Nomads, showing themselves on the other side of the river, piqued his -vanity to cross over and attack them. Carrying over a division of -his army on inflated skins, he defeated them with little difficulty, -pursuing them briskly into the desert. But the weather was intensely -hot, and the army suffered much from thirst; while the little water -to be found was so bad, that it brought upon Alexander a diarrhœa -which endangered his life.<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" -class="fnanchor">[492]</a> This chase, of a few miles on the right -bank of the Jaxartes (seemingly in the present Khanat of Kokand), -marked the utmost limit of Alexander’s progress northward.</p> - -<p>Shortly afterwards, a Macedonian detachment, unskilfully -conducted, was destroyed in Sogdiana by Spitamenes and the -Scythians: a rare misfortune, which Alexander avenged by -overrunning the region<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" -class="fnanchor">[493]</a> near the river Polytimêtus (the Kohik), -and putting to the sword the inhabitants of all the towns which he -took. He then recrossed the Oxus, to rest during the extreme season -of winter at Zariaspa in Baktria, from whence his communications -with the West and with Macedonia were more easy, and where he -received various reinforcements of Greek troops.<a id="FNanchor_494" -href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Bessus, who had -been here retained as a prisoner, was now brought forward amidst a -public assembly; wherein Alexander, having first reproached him for -his treason to Darius, caused his nose and ears to be cut off—and -sent him in this condition to Ekbatana, to be finally slain by -the Medes and Persians.<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" -class="fnanchor">[495]</a> Mutilation was a practice altogether -Oriental and non-Hellenic:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[p. -207]</span> even Arrian, admiring and indulgent as he is towards -his hero, censures this savage order, as one among many proofs how -much Alexander had taken on Oriental dispositions. We may remark -that his extreme wrath on this occasion was founded partly on -disappointment that Bessus had frustrated his toilsome efforts for -taking Darius alive—partly on the fact that the satrap had committed -treason against the king’s person, which it was the policy as well -as the feeling of Alexander to surround with a circle of Deity.<a -id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> -For as to traitors against Persia, as a cause and country, Alexander -had never discouraged, and had sometimes signally recompensed them. -Mithrines, the governor of Sardis, who opened to him the gates -of that almost impregnable fortress immediately after the battle -of the Granikus—the traitor who perhaps, next to Darius himself, -had done most harm to the Persian cause—obtained from him high -favor and promotion.<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" -class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p> - -<p>The rude but spirited tribes of Baktria and Sogdiana were as -yet but imperfectly subdued, seconded as their resistance was by -wide spaces of sandy desert, by the neighborhood of the Scythian -Nomads, and by the presence of Spitamenes as a leader. Alexander, -distributing his army into five divisions, traversed the country and -put down all resistance, while he also took measures for establishing -several military posts, or new towns in convenient places.<a -id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> -After some time the whole army was reunited at the chief place -of Sogdiana—Marakanda—where some halt and repose was given.<a -id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[p. 208]</span>During this -halt at Marakanda (Samarcand) the memorable banquet occurred wherein -Alexander murdered Kleitus. It has been already related that Kleitus -had saved his life at the battle of the Granikus, by cutting off -the sword arm of the Persian Spithridates when already uplifted to -strike him from behind. Since the death of Philotas, the important -function of general of the Companion-cavalry had been divided between -Hephæstion and Kleitus. Moreover, the family of Kleitus had been -attached to Philip, by ties so ancient, that his sister, Lanikê, had -been selected as the nurse of Alexander himself when a child. Two of -her sons had already perished in the Asiatic battles. If, therefore, -there were any man who stood high in the service, or was privileged -to speak his mind freely to Alexander, it was Kleitus.</p> - -<p>In this banquet at Marakanda, when wine, according to -the Macedonian habit, had been abundantly drunk, and when -Alexander, Kleitus, and most of the other guests were already -nearly intoxicated, enthusiasts or flatterers heaped immoderate -eulogies upon the king’s past achievements.<a id="FNanchor_500" -href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> They exalted him -above all the most venerated legendary heroes; they proclaimed that -his superhuman deeds proved his divine paternity, and that he had -earned an apotheosis like Herakles, which nothing but envy could -withhold from him during his life. Alexander himself joined in these -boasts, and even took credit for the later victories of the reign -of his father, whose abilities and glory he depreciated. To the old -Macedonian officers, such an insult cast on<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_209">[p. 209]</span> the memory of Philip was deeply -offensive. But among them all, none had been more indignant than -Kleitus, with the growing insolence of Alexander—his assumed -filiation from Zeus Ammon, which put aside Philip as unworthy—his -preference for Persian attendants, who granted or refused admittance -to his person—his extending to Macedonian soldiers the contemptuous -treatment habitually endured by Asiatics, and even allowing them to -be scourged by Persian hands and Persian rods.<a id="FNanchor_501" -href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> The pride of a -Macedonian general in the stupendous successes of the last five -years, was effaced by his mortification when he saw that they tended -only to merge his countrymen amidst a crowd of servile Asiatics, -and to inflame the prince with high-flown aspirations transmitted -from Xerxes or Ochus. But whatever might be the internal thoughts of -Macedonian officers, they held their peace before Alexander, whose -formidable character and exorbitant self-estimation would tolerate no -criticism.</p> - -<p>At the banquet of Marakanda, this long suppressed repugnance -found an issue, accidental indeed and unpremeditated, but for that -very reason all the more violent and unmeasured. The wine, which -made Alexander more boastful and his flatterers fulsome to excess, -overpowered altogether the reserve of Kleitus. He rebuked the impiety -of those who degraded the ancient heroes in order to make a pedestal -for Alexander. He protested against the injustice of disparaging the -exalted and legitimate fame of Philip; whose achievements he loudly -extolled, pronouncing them to be equal, and even superior to those of -his son. For the exploits of Alexander, splendid as they were, had -been accomplished, not by himself alone, but by that unconquerable -Macedonian force which he had found ready made to his hands;<a -id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> -whereas those of Philip had been his own—since he had found Macedonia -prostrate and disorganized, and had had to create for himself -both soldiers, and a military system. The<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_210">[p. 210]</span> great instruments of Alexander’s -victories had been Philip’s old soldiers, whom he now despised—and -among them Parmenio, whom he had put to death.</p> - -<p>Remarks such as these, poured forth in the coarse language of a -half-intoxicated Macedonian veteran, provoked loud contradiction from -many, and gave poignant offence to Alexander; who now for the first -time heard the open outburst of disapprobation, before concealed -and known to him only by surmise. But wrath and contradiction, both -from him and from others, only made Kleitus more reckless in the -outpouring of his own feelings, now discharged with delight after -having been so long pent up. He passed from the old Macedonian -soldiers to himself individually. Stretching forth his right hand -towards Alexander, he exclaimed—“Recollect that you owe your life -to me; this hand preserved you at the Granikus. Listen to the -outspoken language of truth, or else abstain from asking freemen to -supper, and confine yourself to the society of barbaric slaves.” All -these reproaches stung Alexander to the quick. But nothing was so -intolerable to him as the respectful sympathy for Parmenio, which -brought to his memory one of the blackest deeds of his life—and the -reminiscence of his preservation at the Granikus, which lowered -him into the position of a debtor towards the very censor under -whose reproof he was now smarting. At length wrath and intoxication -together drove him into uncontrollable fury. He started from his -couch, and felt for his dagger to spring at Kleitus; but the dagger -had been put out of reach by one of his attendants. In a loud voice -and with the Macedonian word of command, he summoned the body guards -and ordered the trumpeter to sound an alarm. But no one obeyed so -grave an order, given in his condition of drunkenness. His principal -officers, Ptolemy, Perdikkas and others, clung round him, held his -arms and body, and besought him to abstain from violence; others -at the same time tried to silence Kleitus and hurry him out of the -hall, which had now become a scene of tumult and consternation. -But Kleitus was not in a humor to confess himself in the wrong by -retiring; while Alexander, furious at the opposition now, for the -first time, offered to his will, exclaimed, that his officers held -him in chains as Bessus had held Darius, and left him nothing but the -name of a king.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[p. 211]</span> -Though anxious to restrain his movements, they doubtless did not dare -to employ much physical force; so that his great personal strength, -and continued efforts, presently set him free. He then snatched a -pike from one of the soldiers, rushed upon Kleitus, and thrust him -through on the spot, exclaiming, “Go now to Philip and Parmenio”.<a -id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[p. 212]</span>No sooner was -the deed perpetrated, than the feelings of Alexander underwent an -entire revolution. The spectacle of Kleitus, a bleeding corpse on -the floor,—the marks of stupefaction and horror evident in all the -spectators, and the reaction from a furious impulse instantaneously -satiated—plunged him at once into the opposite extreme of remorse -and self-condemnation. Hastening out of the hall, and retiring -to bed, he passed three days in an agony of distress, without -food or drink. He burst into tears and multiplied exclamations -on his own mad act; he dwelt upon the name of Kleitus and Lanikê -with the debt of gratitude which he owed to each, and denounced -himself as unworthy to live after having requited such services -with a foul murder.<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" -class="fnanchor">[504]</a> His friends at length prevailed on him to -take food, and return to activity. All joined in trying to restore -his self-satisfaction. The Macedonian army passed a public vote -that Kleitus had been justly slain, and that his body should remain -unburied; which afforded opportunity to Alexander to reverse the -vote, and to direct that it should be buried by his own order.<a -id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> -The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[p. 213]</span> prophets -comforted him by the assurance that his murderous impulse had arisen, -not from his own natural mind, but from a maddening perversion -intentionally brought on by the god Dionysus, to avenge the omission -of a sacrifice due to him on the day of the banquet, but withheld.<a -id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> -Lastly, the Greek sophist or philosopher, Anaxarchus of Abdera, -revived Alexander’s spirits by well-timed flattery, treating his -sensibility as nothing better than generous weakness; reminding -him that in his exalted position of conqueror and Great King, he -was entitled to prescribe what was right and just, instead of -submitting himself to laws dictated from without.<a id="FNanchor_507" -href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> Kallisthenes the -philosopher was also summoned, along with Anaxarchus, to the king’s -presence, for the same purpose of offering consolatory reflections. -But he is said to have adopted a tone of discourse altogether -different, and to have given offence rather than satisfaction to -Alexander.</p> - -<p>To such remedial influences, and probably still more to the -absolute necessity for action, Alexander’s remorse at length yielded. -Like the other emotions of his fiery soul, it was violent and -overpowering while it lasted. But it cannot be shown to have left -any durable trace on his character, nor any effects justifying the -unbounded admiration of Arrian; who has little but blame to bestow on -the murdered Kleitus, while he expresses the strongest sympathy for -the mental suffering of the murderer.</p> - -<p>After ten days,<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" -class="fnanchor">[508]</a> Alexander again put his army in motion, -to complete the subjugation of Sogdiana. He found no enemy capable -of meeting him in pitched battle; yet Spitamenes, with<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[p. 214]</span> the Sogdians and some -Scythian allies, raised much hostility of detail, which it cost -another year to put down. Alexander underwent the greatest fatigue -and hardships in his marches through the mountainous parts of this -wide, rugged, and poorly supplied country, with rocky positions, -strong by nature, which his enemies sought to defend. One of these -fastnesses, held by a native chief named Sisymithres, seemed -almost unattackable, and was indeed taken rather by intimidation -than by actual force.<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" -class="fnanchor">[509]</a> The Scythians, after a partial success -over a small Macedonian detachment, were at length so thoroughly -beaten and overawed, that they slew Spitamenes and sent his head -to the conqueror as a propitiatory offering.<a id="FNanchor_510" -href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p> - -<p>After a short rest at Naütaka during the extreme winter, -Alexander resumed operations, by attacking a strong post called the -Sogdian Rock, whither a large number of fugitives had assembled, -with an ample supply of provision. It was a precipice supposed -to be inexpugnable; and would seemingly have proved so, in spite -of the energy and abilities of Alexander, had not the occupants -altogether neglected their guard, and yielded at the mere sight -of a handful of Macedonians who had scrambled up the precipice. -Among the captives, taken by Alexander on this rock, were the wife -and family of the Baktrian chief Oxyartes; one of whose daughters, -named Roxana, so captivated Alexander by her beauty that he resolved -to make her his wife.<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" -class="fnanchor">[511]</a> He then passed out of Sogdiana into -the neighboring territory Parætakênê, where there was another -inexpugnable site called the Rock of Choriênes, which he was also -fortunate enough to reduce.<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" -class="fnanchor">[512]</a></p> - -<p>From hence Alexander went to Baktra. Sending Kraterus with a -division to put the last hand to the reduction of Parætakênê, he -himself remained at Baktra, preparing for his expedition across -the Hindoo-Koosh to the conquest of India. As a security for the -tranquillity of Baktria and Sogdiana during his<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_215">[p. 215]</span> absence, he levied 30,000 young -soldiers from those countries to accompany him.<a id="FNanchor_513" -href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p> - -<p>It was at Baktra that Alexander celebrated his marriage with -the captive Roxana. Amidst the repose and festivities connected -with that event, the Oriental temper which he was now acquiring -displayed itself more forcibly than ever. He could no longer be -satisfied without obtaining prostration, or worship, from Greeks -and Macedonians as well as from Persians; a public and unanimous -recognition of his divine origin and superhuman dignity. Some Greeks -and Macedonians had already rendered to him this homage. Nevertheless -to the greater number, in spite of their extreme deference and -admiration for him, it was repugnant and degrading. Even the -imperious Alexander shrank from issuing public and formal orders on -such a subject; but a manœuvre was concerted, with his privity, by -the Persians and certain compliant Greek sophists or philosophers, -for the purpose of carrying the point by surprise.</p> - -<p>During a banquet at Baktra, the philosopher Anaxarchus, addressing -the assembly in a prepared harangue, extolled Alexander’s exploits -as greatly surpassing those of Dionysus and Herakles. He proclaimed -that Alexander had already done more than enough to establish a -title to divine honors from the Macedonians; who, (he said) would -assuredly worship Alexander after his death, and ought in justice -to worship him during his life, forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_514" -href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a></p> - -<p>This harangue was applauded, and similar sentiments were enforced, -by others favorable to the plan; who proceeded to set the example -of immediate compliance, and were themselves the first to tender -worship. Most of the Macedonian officers sat unmoved, disgusted at -the speech. But though disgusted they said nothing. To reply to a -speech doubtless well-turned and flowing, required some powers of -oratory; moreover, it was well known that whoever dared to reply -stood marked out for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[p. -216]</span> antipathy of Alexander. The fate of Kleitus, who had -arraigned the same sentiments in the banqueting hall of Marakanda, -was fresh in the recollection of every one. The repugnance which -many felt, but none ventured to express, at length found an organ in -Kallisthenes of Olynthus.</p> - -<p>This philosopher, whose melancholy fate imparts a peculiar -interest to his name, was nephew of Aristotle, and had enjoyed -through his uncle an early acquaintance with Alexander during -the boyhood of the latter. At the recommendation of Aristotle, -Kallisthenes had accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition. -He was a man of much literary and rhetorical talent, which he -turned towards the composition of history—and to the history -of recent times.<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" -class="fnanchor">[515]</a> Alexander, full of ardor for conquest, was -at the same time anxious that his achievements should be commemorated -by poets and men of letters;<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" -class="fnanchor">[516]</a> there were seasons also when he enjoyed -their conversation. On both these grounds, he invited several of them -to accompany the army. The more prudent among them declined, but -Kallisthenes obeyed, partly in hopes of procuring the reconstitution -of his native city Olynthus, as Aristotle had obtained the like -favor for Stageira.<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" -class="fnanchor">[517]</a> Kallisthenes had composed a narrative -(not preserved) of Alexander’s exploits, which certainly reached to -the battle of Arbela, and may perhaps have gone down farther. The -few fragments of this narrative remaining seem to betoken extreme -admiration, not merely of the bravery and ability, but also of the -transcendent and unbroken good fortune, of Alexander—marking him -out as the chosen favorite of the gods. This feeling was perfectly -natural under the grandeur of the events.<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_217">[p. 217]</span> Insofar as we can judge from one or two -specimens, Kallisthenes was full of complimentary tribute to the hero -of his history. But the character of Alexander himself had undergone -a material change during the six years between his first landing in -Asia and his campaign in Sogdiana. All his worst qualities had been -developed by unparalleled success and by Asiatic example. He required -larger doses of flattery, and had now come to thirst, not merely for -the reputation of divine paternity, but for the actual manifestations -of worship as towards a god.</p> - -<p>To the literary Greeks who accompanied Alexander, this change in -his temper must have been especially palpable and full of serious -consequence; since it was chiefly manifested, not at periods of -active military duty, but at his hours of leisure, when he recreated -himself by their conversation and discourses. Several of these -Greeks—Anaxarchus, Kleon, the poet Agis of Argos—accommodated -themselves to the change, and wound up their flatteries to the pitch -required. Kallisthenes could not do so. He was a man of sedate -character, of simple, severe, and almost unsocial habits—to whose -sobriety the long Macedonian potations were distasteful. Aristotle -said of him, that he was a great and powerful speaker, but that -he had no judgment; according to other reports, he was a vain and -arrogant man, who boasted that Alexander’s reputation and immortality -were dependent on the composition and tone of <i>his</i> history.<a -id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> -Of per<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[p. 218]</span>sonal -vanity,—a common quality among literary Greeks,—Kallisthenes probably -had his full share. But there is no ground for believing that <i>his</i> -character had altered. Whatever his vanity may have been, it had -given no offence to Alexander during the earlier years, nor would it -have given offence now, had not Alexander himself become a different -man.</p> - -<p>On occasion of the demonstration led up by Anaxarchus at the -banquet, Kallisthenes had been invited by Hephæstion to join -in the worship intended to be proposed towards Alexander; and -Hephæstion afterwards alleged, that he had promised to comply.<a -id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> -But his actual conduct affords reasonable ground for believing that -he made no such promise; for he not only thought it his duty to -refuse the act of worship, but also to state publicly his reasons -for disapproving it; the more so, as he perceived that most of -the Macedonians present felt like himself. He contended that -the distinction between gods and men was one which could not be -confounded without impiety and wrong. Alexander had amply earned,—as -a man, a general, and a king,—the highest honors compatible with -humanity; but to exalt him into a god would be both an injury to -him, and an offence to the gods. Anaxarchus (he said) was the last -person from whom such a proposition ought to come, because he was -one of those whose only title to Alexander’s society was founded -upon his capacity to give instructive and wholesome counsel.<a -id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></p> - -<p>Kallisthenes here spoke out, what numbers of his hearers felt. -The speech was not only approved, but so warmly applauded by the -Macedonians present, especially the older officers,—that Alexander -thought it prudent to forbid all farther discussion upon this -delicate subject. Presently the Persians present, according to -Asiatic custom, approached him and performed their prostration; -after which Alexander pledged, in successive<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_219">[p. 219]</span> goblets of wine, those Greeks and -Macedonians with whom he had held previous concert. To each of -them the goblet was handed, and each, after drinking to answer the -pledge, approached the king, made his prostration, and then received -a salute. Lastly, Alexander sent the pledge to Kallisthenes, who, -after drinking like the rest, approached him, for the purpose of -receiving the salute, but without any prostration. Of this omission -Alexander was expressly informed by one of the Companions; upon -which he declined to admit Kallisthenes to a salute. The latter -retired, observing, “Then I shall go away, worse off than others as -far as the salute goes.”<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" -class="fnanchor">[521]</a></p> - -<p>Kallisthenes was imprudent, and even blamable, in making this last -observation, which without any necessity or advantage, aggravated -the offence already given to Alexander. He was more imprudent -still, if we look simply to his own personal safety in standing -forward publicly to protest against the suggestion for rendering -divine honors to that prince, and in thus creating the main offence -which even in itself was inexpiable. But here the occasion was one -serious and important, so as to convert the imprudence into an act -of genuine moral courage. The question was, not about obeying an -order given by Alexander, for no order had been given—but about -accepting or rejecting a motion made by Anaxarchus; which Alexander, -by a shabby, preconcerted manœuvre, affected to leave to the free -decision of the assembly, in full confidence that no one would be -found intrepid enough to oppose it. If one Greek sophist made a -proposition, in itself servile and disgraceful, another sophist could -do himself nothing but honor by entering public protest against -it; more especially since this was done (as we may see by the -report in Arrian) in terms no way insulting, but full of respectful -admiration, towards Alexander personally. The perfect success of -the speech is in itself a proof of the propriety of its tone;<a -id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> for -the Macedonian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[p. 220]</span> -officers would feel indifference, if not contempt towards a rhetor -like Kallisthenes, while towards Alexander they had the greatest -deference short of actual worship. There are few occasions on which -the free spirit of Greek letters and Greek citizenship, in their -protest against exorbitant individual insolence, appears more -conspicuous and estimable than in the speech of Kallisthenes.<a -id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> -Arrian disapproves the purpose of Alexander, and strongly blames -the motion of Anaxarchus; nevertheless, such is his anxiety to find -some excuse for Alexander, that he also blames Kallisthenes for -unseasonable frankness, folly, and insolence, in offering opposition. -He might have said with some truth, that Kallisthenes would have done -well to withdraw earlier (if indeed he could have withdrawn without -offence) from the camp of Alexander, in which no lettered Greek could -now associate without abnegating his freedom of speech and sentiment, -and emulating the servility of Anaxarchus. But being present, as -Kallisthenes was, in the hall at Baktra when the proposition of -Anaxarchus was made, and when silence would have been assent—his -protest against it was both seasonable and dignified; and all the -more dignified for being fraught with danger to himself.</p> - -<p>Kallisthenes knew that danger well, and was quickly enabled to -recognize it in the altered demeanor of Alexander towards him. He -was, from that day, a marked man in two senses: first, to Alexander -himself, as well as to the rival sophists and all promoters of -the intended deification,—for hatred, and for getting up some -accusatory pretence such as might serve to ruin<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_221">[p. 221]</span> him; next, to the more free-spirited -Macedonians, indignant witnesses of Alexander’s increased insolence, -and admirers of the courageous Greek who had protested against the -motion of Anaxarchus. By such men he was doubtless much extolled; -which praises aggravated his danger, as they were sure to be reported -to Alexander. The pretext for his ruin was not long wanting.</p> - -<p>Among those who admired and sought the conversation of -Kallisthenes, was Hermolaus, one of the royal pages—the band, -selected from noble Macedonian families, who did duty about the -person of the king. It had happened that this young man, one -of Alexander’s companions in the chase, on seeing a wild boar -rushing up to attack the king, darted his javelin, and slew the -animal. Alexander, angry to be anticipated in killing the boar, -ordered Hermolaus to be scourged before all the other pages, and -deprived him of his horse.<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" -class="fnanchor">[524]</a> Thus humiliated and outraged—for an -act not merely innocent, but the omission of which, if Alexander -had sustained any injury from the boar, might have been held -punishable—Hermolaus became resolutely bent on revenge.<a -id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> -He enlisted in the project his intimate friend Sostratus, with -several others among the pages, and it was agreed among them to kill -Alexander in his chamber, on the first night when they were all on -guard together. The appointed night arrived, without any divulgation -of their secret; yet the scheme was frustrated by the accident, -that Alexander continued till daybreak drinking with his officers, -and never retired to bed. On the morrow, one of the conspirators, -becoming alarmed or repentant, divulged the scheme to his friend -Charikles, with the names of those concerned. Eurylochus, brother to -Charikles, apprised by him of what he had heard, immediately informed -Ptolemy, through whom it was conveyed to Alexander. By Alexander’s -order, the persons indicated were arrested and put to the torture;<a -id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> -under which they confessed that they had themselves conspired to -kill him, but named no other accomplices, and even denied that -any one else was privy to the scheme. In<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_222">[p. 222]</span> this denial they persisted, though -extreme suffering was applied to extort the revelation of new -names. They were then brought up and arraigned as conspirators -before the assembled Macedonian soldiers. There their confession -was repeated. It is even said that Hermolaus, in repeating it, -boasted of the enterprise as legitimate and glorious; denouncing -the tyranny and cruelty of Alexander us having become insupportable -to a freeman. Whether such boast was actually made or not, the -persons brought up were pronounced guilty, and stoned to death -forthwith by the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" -class="fnanchor">[527]</a></p> - -<p>The pages thus executed were young men of good Macedonian -families, for whose condemnation accordingly, Alexander had thought -it necessary to invoke—what he was sure of obtaining against any -one—the sentence of the soldiers. To satisfy his hatred against -Kallisthenes—not a Macedonian, but only a Greek citizen, one of -the surviving remnants of the subverted city of Olynthus—no such -formality was required.<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" -class="fnanchor">[528]</a> As yet, there was not a shadow of -proof to implicate this philosopher; for obnoxious as his name -was known to be, Hermolaus and his companions had, with exemplary -fortitude, declined to purchase the chance of respite from extreme -torture by pronouncing it. Their confessions,—all extorted by -suffering, unless confirmed by other evidence, of which we do -not know whether any was taken—were hardly of the least value, -even against themselves; but against Kallisthenes, they had no -bearing whatever; nay, they tended indirectly, not to convict, but -to absolve him. In his case, therefore, as in that of Philotas -before, it was necessary to pick up matter of suspicious tendency -from his reported remarks and conversations. He was alleged<a -id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> -to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[p. 223]</span> have addressed -dangerous and inflammatory language to the pages, holding up -Alexander to odium, instigating them to conspiracy, and pointing out -Athens as a place of refuge; he was moreover well known to have been -often in conversation with Hermolaus. For a man of the violent temper -and omnipotent authority of Alexander, such indications were quite -sufficient as grounds of action against one whom he hated.</p> - -<p>On this occasion, we have the state of Alexander’s mind disclosed -by himself, in one of the references to his letters given by -Plutarch. Writing to Kraterus and to others immediately afterwards, -Alexander distinctly stated that the pages throughout all their -torture had deposed against no one but themselves. Nevertheless, -in another letter, addressed to Antipater in Macedonia, he -used these expressions—“The pages were stoned to death by the -Macedonians; but I myself shall punish the sophist, as well as -those who sent him out here, and those who harbor in their cities -conspirators against me.”<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" -class="fnanchor">[530]</a> The sophist Kallisthenes had been sent -out by Aristotle, who is here designated; and probably the Athenians -after him. Fortunately for Aristotle, he was not at Baktra, but at -Athens. That he could have had any concern in the conspiracy of the -pages, was impossible. In this savage outburst of menace against his -absent preceptor, Alexan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[p. -224]</span>der discloses the real state of feeling which prompted him -to the destruction of Kallisthenes; hatred towards that spirit of -citizenship and free speech, which Kallisthenes not only cherished, -in common with Aristotle and most other literary Greeks, but had -courageously manifested in his protest against the motion for -worshipping a mortal.</p> - -<p>Kallisthenes was first put to the torture and then hanged.<a -id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> -His tragical fate excited a profound sentiment of sympathy and -indignation among the philosophers of antiquity.<a id="FNanchor_532" -href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p> - -<p>The halts of Alexander were formidable to friends and companions; -his marches, to the unconquered natives whom he chose to treat as -enemies. On the return of Kraterus from Sogdiana, Alexander began -his march from Baktra (Balkh) southward to the mountain range -Paropamisus or Caucasus (Hindoo-Koosh); leaving however at Baktra -Amyntas, with a large force of 10,000 foot and 3500 horse, to keep -these intractable territories in subjugation.<a id="FNanchor_533" -href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> His march over the -mountains occupied ten days; he then visited his newly-founded city -Alexandria in the Paropamisadæ. At or near the river Kophen (Kabool -river), he was joined by Taxiles, a powerful Indian prince, who -brought as a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[p. 225]</span> -present twenty-five elephants, and whose alliance was very valuable -to him. He then divided his army, sending one division under -Hephæstion and Perdikkas, towards the territory called Peukelaôtis -(apparently that immediately north of the confluence of the Kabool -river with the Indus); and conducting the remainder himself in -an easterly direction, over the mountainous regions between the -Hindoo-Koosh and the right bank of the Indus. Hephæstion was ordered, -after subduing all enemies in his way, to prepare a bridge ready -for passing the Indus by the time when Alexander should arrive. -Astes, prince of Peukelaôtis, was taken and slain in the city where -he had shut himself up; but the reduction of it cost Hephæstion -a siege of thirty days.<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" -class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p> - -<p>Alexander, with his own half of the army, undertook the -reduction of the Aspasii, the Guræi, and the Assakeni, tribes -occupying mountainous and difficult localities along the southern -slopes of the Hindoo-Koosh; but neither they nor their various -towns mentioned—Arigæon, Massaga, Bazira, Ora, Dyrta, etc., -except perhaps the remarkable rock of Aornos,<a id="FNanchor_535" -href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> near the Indus<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[p. 226]</span>—can be more exactly -identified. These tribes were generally brave, and seconded by towns -of strong position as well as by a rugged country, in many parts -utterly without roads.<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" -class="fnanchor">[536]</a> But their defence was conducted with -little union, no military skill, and miserable weapons; so that they -were no way qualified to op<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[p. -227]</span>pose the excellent combination and rapid movements of -Alexander, together with the confident attack and very superior -arms, offensive, as well as defensive, of his soldiers. All those -who attempted resistance were successively attacked, overpowered and -slain. Even those who did not resist, but fled to the mountains, were -pursued, and either slaughtered or sold for slaves. The only way of -escaping the sword was to remain, submit, and await the fiat of the -invader. Such a series of uninterrupted successes, all achieved with -little loss, it is rare in military history to read. The capture of -the rock of Aornos was peculiarly gratifying to Alexander, because -it enjoyed the legendary reputation of having been assailed in vain -by Herakles—and indeed he himself had deemed it, at first sight, -unassailable. After having thus subdued the upper regions (above -Attock or the confluence of the Kabul river) on the right bank of -the Indus, he availed himself of some forests alongside to fell -timber and build boats. These boats were sent down the stream, to the -point where Hephæstion and Perdikkas were preparing the bridge.<a -id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></p> - -<p>Such fatiguing operations of Alexander, accomplished amidst all -the hardships of winter, were followed by a halt of thirty days, to -refresh the soldiers before he crossed the Indus, in the early spring -of 326 <small>B. C.</small><a id="FNanchor_538" -href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> It is presumed, -probably enough, that he crossed at or near Attock, the passage now -frequented. He first marched to Taxila, where the prince Taxilus at -once submitted, and reinforced the army with a strong contingent of -Indian soldiers. His alliance and information was found extremely -valuable. The whole neighboring territory submitted, and was placed -under Philippus as satrap, with a garrison and depôt at Taxila. -He experienced no resistance until he reached the river Hydaspes -(Jelum), on the other side of which the Indian prince Porus stood -prepared to dispute the passage; a brave man, with a formidable -force, better armed than Indians generally were, and with many -trained elephants; which animals the Macedonians had never yet -encountered in battle. By<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[p. -228]</span> a series of admirable military combinations, Alexander -eluded the vigilance of Porus, stole the passage of the river at a -point a few miles above, and completely defeated the Indian army. In -spite of their elephants, which were skilfully managed, the Indians -could not long withstand the shock of close combat, against such -cavalry and infantry as the Macedonian. Porus, a prince of gigantic -stature, mounted on an elephant, fought with the utmost gallantry, -rallying his broken troops and keeping them together until the last. -Having seen two of his sons slain, himself wounded and perishing -with thirst, he was only preserved by the special directions of -Alexander. When Porus was brought before him, Alexander was struck -with admiration at his stature, beauty, and undaunted bearing.<a -id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> -Addressing him first, he asked, what Porus wished to be done for -him. “That you should treat me as a king,” was the reply of Porus. -Alexander, delighted with these words, behaved towards Porus with the -utmost courtesy and generosity; not only ensuring to him his actual -kingdom, but enlarging it by new additions. He found in Porus a -faithful and efficient ally. This was the greatest day of Alexander’s -life; if we take together the splendor and difficulty of the military -achievement, and the generous treatment of his conquered opponent.<a -id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[p. 229]</span>Alexander -celebrated his victory by sacrifices to the gods, and festivities -on the banks of the Hydaspes; where he also gave directions for -the foundation of two cities—Nikæa, on the eastern bank; and -Bukephalia, on the western, so named in commemoration of his favorite -horse, who died here of age and fatigue.<a id="FNanchor_541" -href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Leaving Kraterus -to lay out and erect these new estab<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_230">[p. 230]</span>lishments, as well as to keep up -communication, he conducted his army onward in an easterly -direction towards the river Akesines (Chenab).<a id="FNanchor_542" -href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> His recent victory -had spread terror around; the Glaukæ, a powerful Indian tribe, with -thirty-seven towns and many populous villages, submitted, and were -placed under the dominion of Porus; while embassies of submission -were also received from two considerable princes—Abisares, and a -second Porus, hitherto at enmity with his namesake. The passage of -the great river Akesines, now full and impetuous in its current, -was accomplished by boats and by inflated hides, yet not without -difficulty and danger. From thence he proceeded onward in the -same direction, across the Punjab—finding no enemies, but leaving -detachments at suitable posts to keep up his communications and -ensure his supplies—to the river Hydraotes or Ravee; which, though -not less broad and full than the Akesines, was comparatively -tranquil, so as to be crossed with facility.<a id="FNanchor_543" -href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> Here some free -Indian tribes, Kathæans and others, had the courage to resist. They -first attempted to maintain themselves in Sangala by surrounding -their town with a triple entrenchment of waggons. These being -attacked and carried, they were driven within the walls, which they -now began to despair of defending, and resolved to evacuate by -night. But the project was divulged to Alexander by deserters, and -frustrated by his vigilance. On the next day, he took the town by -storm, putting to the sword 17,000 Indians, and taking (according to -Arrian) 70,000 captives. His own loss before the town was less than -100 killed, and 1200 wounded. Two neighboring towns, in alliance -with Sangala, were evacuated by their terrified inhabitants. -Alexander pursued, but could not overtake them, except 500 sick or -weakly persons, whom his soldiers put to death. Demolishing<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[p. 231]</span> the town of Sangala, he -added the territory to the dominion of Porus, then present, with a -contingent of 5000 Indians.<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" -class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p> - -<p>Sangala was the easternmost of all Alexander’s conquests. -Presently his march brought him to the river Hyphasis (Sutledge), -the last of the rivers in the Punjab—seemingly at a point below -its confluence with the Beas. Beyond this river, broad and rapid, -Alexander was informed that there lay a desert of eleven days’ march, -extending to a still greater river called the Ganges; beyond which -dwelt the Gandaridæ, the most powerful, warlike, and populous, of -all the Indian tribes, distinguished for the number and training -of their elephants.<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" -class="fnanchor">[545]</a> The prospect of a difficult march, and -of an enemy esteemed invincible, only instigated his ardor. He gave -orders for the crossing. But here for the first time his army, -officers as well as soldiers, manifested symptoms of uncontrollable -weariness; murmuring aloud at these endless toils, and marches they -knew not whither. They had already over-passed the limits where -Dionysus and Herakles were said to have stopped: they were travelling -into regions hitherto unvisited either by Greeks or by Persians, -merely for the purpose of provoking and conquering new enemies. Of -victories they were sated; of their plunder, abundant as it was, -they had no enjoyment;<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" -class="fnanchor">[546]</a> the hardships of a perpetual onward march, -often excessively accelerated, had exhausted both men and horses; -moreover, their advance from the Hydaspes had been accomplished in -the wet season, under rains more violent and continued than they had -ever before experienced.<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" -class="fnanchor">[547]</a> Informed of the reigning discontent, -Alexander assembled his officers and harangued them, endeavoring -to revive in them that forward spirit and promptitude which he had -hitherto found not inade<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[p. -232]</span>quate to his own.<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" -class="fnanchor">[548]</a> But he entirely failed. No one indeed -dared openly to contradict him. Kœnus alone hazarded some words -of timid dissuasion; the rest manifested a passive and sullen -repugnance, even when he proclaimed that those who desired might -return, with the shame of having deserted their king, while he would -march forward with the volunteers only. After a suspense of two days, -passed in solitary and silent mortification—he still apparently -persisted in his determination, and offered the sacrifice usual -previous to the passage of a river. The victims were inauspicious; -he bowed to the will of the gods; and gave orders for return, to the -unanimous and unbounded delight of his army.<a id="FNanchor_549" -href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a></p> - -<p>To mark the last extremity of his eastward progress, he erected -twelve altars of extraordinary height and dimension on the western -bank of the Hyphasis, offering sacrifices of thanks to the gods, with -the usual festivities, and matches of agility and force. Then, having -committed all the territory west of the Hyphasis to the government -of Porus, he marched back, repassed the Hydraotes and Akesines, and -returned to the Hydaspes near the point where<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_233">[p. 233]</span> he had first crossed it. The two new -cities—Bukephalia and Nikæa—which he had left orders for commencing -on that river, had suffered much from the rains and inundations -during his forward march to the Hyphasis, and now required -the aid of the army to repair the damage.<a id="FNanchor_550" -href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> The heavy rains -continued throughout most of his return march to the Hydaspes.<a -id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a></p> - -<p>On coming back to this river, Alexander received a large -reinforcement both of cavalry and infantry, sent to him from -Europe, together with 25,000 new panoplies, and a considerable -stock of medicines.<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" -class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Had these reinforcements reached him on -the Hyphasis, it seems not impossible that he might have prevailed -on his army to accompany him in his farther advance to the Ganges -and the regions beyond. He now employed himself, assisted by Porus -and Taxilus, in collecting and constructing a fleet for sailing -down the Hydaspes and thence down to the mouth of the Indus. By the -early part of November, a fleet of nearly 2000 boats or vessels -of various sizes having been prepared, he began his voyage.<a -id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> -Kraterus marched with one division of the army, along the right bank -of the Hydaspes—Hephæstion on the left bank with the remainder, -including 200 elephants; Nearchus had the command of the fleet in -the river, on board of which was Alexander himself. He pursued his -voyage slowly down the river, to the confluence of the Hydaspes -with the Akesines—with the Hydraotes—and with the Hyphasis—all -pouring, in one united stream, into the Indus. He sailed down the -Indus to its junction with the Indian Ocean. Altogether this voyage -occupied nine months,<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" -class="fnanchor">[554]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[p. -234]</span> from November 326 <small>B. C.</small> -to August 325 <small>B. C.</small> But it was a -voyage full of active military operations on both sides of the -river. Alexander perpetually disembarked to attack, subdue, and -slaughter all such nations near the banks as did not voluntarily -submit. Among them were the Malli and Oxydrakæ, free and brave -tribes, who resolved to defend their liberty, but, unfortunately -for themselves, were habitually at variance, and could not now -accomplish any hearty co-operation against the common invader.<a -id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> -Alexander first assailed the Malli with his usual celerity and -vigor, beat them with slaughter in the field, and took several -of their towns.<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" -class="fnanchor">[556]</a> There remained only their last and -strongest town, from which the defenders were already driven -out and forced to retire to the citadel.<a id="FNanchor_557" -href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> Thither they were -pursued by the Macedonians, Alexander being among the foremost, with -only a few guards near him. Impatient because the troops with their -scaling-ladders did not come up more rapidly, he mounted upon a -ladder that happened to be at hand, attended only by Peukestes and -one or two others, with an adventurous courage even transcending -what he was wont to display. Having cleared the wall by killing -several of its defenders, he jumped down into the interior of the -citadel, and made head for some time, nearly alone, against all -within. He received however a bad wound from an arrow in the breast, -and was on the point of fainting, when his soldiers burst in, -rescued him, and took the place. Every person within, man, woman, -and child, was slain.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" -class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> - -<p>The wound of Alexander was so severe, that he was at first -reported to be dead to the great consternation and distress -of the army. However, he became soon sufficiently recovered -to show<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[p. 235]</span> -himself, and to receive their ardent congratulations, in the camp -established at the point of junction between the Hydraotes (Ravee) -and Akesines (Chenab).<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" -class="fnanchor">[559]</a> His voyage down the river, though -delayed by the care of his wound, was soon resumed and prosecuted, -with the same active operations by his land-force on both sides -to subjugate all the Indian tribes and cities within accessible -distance. At the junction of the river Akesines (Punjnud) with -the Indus, Alexander directed the foundation of a new city, with -adequate docks and conveniences for ship-building, whereby he -expected to command the internal navigation.<a id="FNanchor_560" -href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> Having no farther -occasion now for so large a land-force, he sent a large portion of -it, under Kraterus, westward (seemingly through the pass now called -Bolan) into Karmania.<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" -class="fnanchor">[561]</a> He established another military and naval -post at Pattala, where the Delta of the Indus divided; and he then -sailed, with a portion of his fleet, down the right arm of the river -to have the first sight of the Indian Ocean. The view of ebbing -and flowing tide, of which none had had experience on the scale -there exhibited, occasioned to all much astonishment and alarm.<a -id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a></p> - -<p>The fleet was now left to be conducted by the admiral Nearchus, -from the mouth of the Indus round by the Persian Gulf to that of -the Tigris: a memorable nautical enterprise in Grecian antiquity. -Alexander himself (about the month of August) began his march by -land westward through the territories of the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_236">[p. 236]</span> Arabitæ and the Oritæ, and afterwards -through the deserts of Gedrosia. Pura, the principal town of the -Gedrosians, was sixty days’ march from the boundary of the Oritæ.<a -id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p> - -<p>Here his army, though without any formidable opposing enemy, -underwent the most severe and deplorable sufferings; their march -being through a sandy and trackless desert, with short supplies -of food and still shorter supplies of water, under a burning sun. -The loss in men, horses, and baggage-cattle from thirst, fatigue, -and disease was prodigious; and it required all the unconquerable -energy of Alexander to bring through even the diminished number.<a -id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> -At Pura the army obtained repose and refreshment, and was enabled -to march forward into Karmania, where Kraterus joined them with -his division from the Indus, and Kleander with the division which -had been left at Ekbatana. Kleander, accused of heinous crimes in -his late command, was put to death or imprisoned: several of his -comrades were executed. To recompense the soldiers for their recent -distress in Gedrosia, the king conducted them for seven days in -drunken bacchanalian procession through Karmania, himself and all -his friends taking part in the revelry; an imitation of the jovial -festivity and triumph with which the god Dionysus had marched back -from the conquest of India.<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" -class="fnanchor">[565]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[p. 237]</span>During -the halt in Karmania Alexander had the satisfaction of seeing -his admiral Nearchus,<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" -class="fnanchor">[566]</a> who had brought the fleet round from -the mouth of the Indus to the harbor called Harmozeia (Ormuz), -not far from the entrance of the Persian Gulf; a voyage of much -hardship and distress, along the barren coasts of the Oritæ, -the Gedrosians, and the Ichthyophagi.<a id="FNanchor_567" -href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> Nearchus, highly -commended and honored, was presently sent back to complete his -voyage as far as the mouth of the Euphrates; while Hephæstion -also was directed to conduct the larger portion of the army, with -the elephants and heavy baggage, by the road near the coast from -Karmania into Persis. This road, though circuitous, was the most -convenient, as it was now the winter season;<a id="FNanchor_568" -href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> but Alexander -himself, with the lighter divisions of his army, took the more -direct mountain road from Karmania to Pasargadæ and Persepolis. -Visiting the tomb of Cyrus the Great, founder of the Persian empire, -he was incensed to find it violated and pillaged. He caused it to -be carefully restored, put to death a Macedonian named Polymachus -as the offender, and tortured the Magian guardians of it for the -purpose of discovering accomplices, but in vain.<a id="FNanchor_569" -href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> Orsines, satrap of -Persis, was however accused of connivance in the deed, as well as -of various acts of murder and spoliation: according to Curtius, -he was not only innocent, but had manifested both good faith and -devotion to Alexander;<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" -class="fnanchor">[570]</a> in spite of which he became a victim of -the hostility of the favorite eunuch Bagoas, who both poisoned the -king’s mind with calumnies of his own, and suborned other accusers -with false<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[p. 238]</span> -testimony. Whatever may be the truth of the story, Alexander caused -Orsines to be hanged; naming as satrap Peukestes, whose favor -was now high, partly as comrade and preserver of the king in his -imminent danger at the citadel of the Malli,—partly from his having -adopted the Persian dress, manners, and language more completely -than any other Macedonian.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" -class="fnanchor">[571]</a></p> - -<p>It was about February, in 324 <small>B. C.</small>,<a -id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> -that Alexander marched out of Persis to Susa. During this progress, -at the point where he crossed the Pasitigris, he was again joined by -Nearchus, who having completed his circumnavigation from the mouth of -the Indus to that of the Euphrates, had sailed back with the fleet -from the latter river and come up the Pasitigris.<a id="FNanchor_573" -href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> It is probable that -the division of Hephæstion also rejoined him at Susa, and that the -whole army was there for the first time brought together, after the -separation in Karmania.</p> - -<p>In Susa and Susiana Alexander spent some months. For the first -time since his accession to the throne, he had now no military -operations in hand or in immediate prospect. No enemy was before -him, until it pleased him to go in quest of a new one;<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[p. 239]</span>—nor indeed could any -new one be found, except at a prodigious distance. He had emerged -from the perils of the untrodden East, and had returned into the -ordinary localities and conditions of Persian rule, occupying -that capital city from whence the great Achæmenid kings had been -accustomed to govern the Western as well as the Eastern portions of -their vast empire. To their post, and to their irritable love of -servility, Alexander had succeeded; but bringing with him a restless -energy such as none of them except the first founder Cyrus had -manifested—and a splendid military genius, such as was unknown alike -to Cyrus and to his successors.</p> - -<p>In the new position of Alexander, his principal subjects of -uneasiness were, the satraps and the Macedonian soldiers. During -the long interval (more than five years) which had elapsed since he -marched eastward from Hyrkania in pursuit of Bessus, the satraps had -necessarily been left much to themselves. Some had imagined that he -would never return; an anticipation noway unreasonable, since his -own impulse towards forward march was so insatiate that he was only -constrained to return by the resolute opposition of his own soldiers; -moreover his dangerous wound among the Malli, and his calamitous -march through Gedrôsia, had given rise to reports of his death, -credited for some time even by Olympias and Kleopatra in Macedonia.<a -id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> -Under these uncertainties, some satraps stood accused of having -pillaged rich temples, and committed acts of violence towards -individuals. Apart from all criminality, real or alleged, several of -them, also, had taken into pay bodies of mercenary troops, partly -as a necessary means of authority in their respective districts, -partly as a protection to themselves in the event of Alexander’s -decease. Respecting the conduct of the satraps and their officers, -many denunciations and complaints were sent in; to which Alexander -listened readily and even eagerly, punishing the accused with -indiscriminate rigor, and resenting especially the suspicion -that they had calculated upon his death.<a id="FNanchor_575" -href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> Among those -executed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[p. 240]</span> were -Abulites, satrap of Susiana, with his son Oxathres; the latter was -even slain by the hands of Alexander himself, with a sarissa<a -id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a>—the -dispensation of punishment becoming in his hands an outburst -of exasperated temper. He also despatched peremptory orders -to all the satraps, enjoining them to dismiss their mercenary -troops without delay.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" -class="fnanchor">[577]</a> This measure produced considerable -effect on the condition of Greece—about which I shall speak in a -subsequent chapter. Harpalus, satrap of Babylon (about whom also -more, presently), having squandered large sums out of the revenues of -the post upon ostentatious luxury, became terrified when Alexander -was approaching Susiana, and fled to Greece with a large treasure and -a small body of soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" -class="fnanchor">[578]</a> Serious alarm was felt among all the -satraps and officers, inno<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[p. -241]</span>cent as well as guilty. That the most guilty were -not those who fared worst, we may see by the case of Kleomenes -in Egypt, who remained unmolested in his government, though his -iniquities were no secret.<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" -class="fnanchor">[579]</a></p> - -<p>Among the Macedonian soldiers, discontent had been perpetually -growing, from the numerous proofs which they witnessed that Alexander -had made his election for an Asiatic character, and abnegated his own -country. Besides his habitual adoption of the Persian costume and -ceremonial, he now celebrated a sort of national Asiatic marriage at -Susa. He had already married the captive Roxana, in Baktria; he next -took two additional wives—Statira, daughter of Darius—and Parysatis, -daughter of the preceding king Ochus. He at the same time caused -eighty of his principal friends and officers, some very reluctantly, -to marry (according to Persian rites) wives selected from the -noblest Persian families, providing dowries for all of them.<a -id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> -He made presents besides, to all those Macedonians who gave in -their names as having married Persian women. Splendid festivities<a -id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> -accompanied these nuptials, with honorary rewards distributed to -favorites and meritorious officers. Macedonians and Persians, the -two imperial races, one in Europe, the other in Asia, were thus -intended to be amalgamated. To soften the aversion of the soldiers -generally towards these Asiatising marriages,<a id="FNanchor_582" -href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> Alexander issued -proclamation that he would himself discharge their debts, inviting -all who owed money to give in their names with an intimation of the -sums due. It was known that the debtors were numerous; yet few came -to enter their names. The soldiers suspected the proclamation as -a stratagem,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[p. 242]</span> -intended for the purpose of detecting such as were spendthrifts, -and obtaining a pretext for punishment: a remarkable evidence -how little confidence or affection Alexander now inspired, and -how completely the sentiment entertained towards him was that of -fear mingled with admiration. He himself was much hurt at their -mistrust, and openly complained of it; at the same time proclaiming -that paymasters and tables should be planted openly in the camp, -and that any soldier might come and ask for money enough to pay -his debts, without being bound to give in his name. Assured of -secrecy, they now made application in such numbers that the total -distributed was prodigiously great; reaching, according to some, to -10,000 talents—according to Arrian, not less than 20,000 talents -or £4,600,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" -class="fnanchor">[583]</a></p> - -<p>Large as this donative was, it probably gave but partial -satisfaction, since the most steady and well-conducted soldiers could -have received no benefit, except in so far as they might choose to -come forward with fictitious debts. A new modification moreover was -in store for the soldiers generally. There arrived from the various -satrapies—even from those most distant, Sogdiana, Baktria, Aria, -Drangiana, Arachosia, etc.—contingents of young and fresh native -troops, amounting in total to 30,000 men; all armed and drilled -in the Macedonian manner. From the time when the Macedonians had -refused to cross the river Hyphasis and march forward into India, -Alexander saw, that for his large aggressive schemes it was necessary -to disband the old soldiers, and to organize an army at once more -fresh and more submissive. He accordingly despatched orders to the -satraps to raise and discipline new Asiatic levies, of vigorous -native youths; and the fruit of these orders was now seen.<a -id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> -Alexander reviewed the new levies, whom he called the Epigoni, with -great satisfaction. He moreover incorporated many native Persians, -both officers and soldiers, into the Companion-cavalry, the most -honorable service in the army; making the important change of -arm<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[p. 243]</span>ing them -with the short Macedonian thrusting-pike in place of the missile -Persian javelin. They were found such apt soldiers, and the genius -of Alexander for military organization was so consummate, that he -saw himself soon released from his dependence on the Macedonian -veterans; a change evident enough to them as well as to him.<a -id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a></p> - -<p>The novelty and success of Nearchus in his exploring voyage had -excited in Alexander an eager appetite for naval operations. Going -on board his fleet in the Pasitigris (the Karun, the river on the -east side of Susa), he sailed in person down to the Persian Gulf, -surveyed the coast as far as the mouth of the Tigris, and then -sailed up the latter river as far as Opis. Hephæstion meanwhile, -commanding the army, marched by land in concert with this voyage, and -came back to Opis, where Alexander disembarked.<a id="FNanchor_586" -href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a></p> - -<p>Sufficient experiment had now been made with the Asiatic levies, -to enable Alexander to dispense with many of his Macedonian veterans. -Calling together the army, he intimated his intention of sending -home those who were unfit for service either from age or wounds, but -of allotting to them presents at departure sufficient to place them -in an enviable condition, and attract fresh Macedonian substitutes. -On hearing this intimation, all the long-standing discontent of the -soldiers at once broke out. They felt themselves set aside as worn -out and useless,—and set aside, not to make room for younger men of -their own country, but in favor of those Asiatics into whose arms -their king had now passed. They demanded with a loud voice that he -should dismiss them all—advising him by way of taunt to make his -future conquests along with his father Ammon. These manifestations so -incensed Alexander, that he leaped down from the elevated platform on -which he had stood to speak, rushed with a few of his guards among -the crowd of soldiers, and seized or caused to be seized thirteen -of those apparently most forward, ordering them immediately to be -put to death. The multitude were thoroughly overawed and reduced to -silence, upon which Alexander remounted the platform and addressed -them in a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[p. 244]</span> speech -of considerable length. He boasted of the great exploits of Philip, -and of his own still greater: he affirmed that all the benefit of -his conquests had gone to the Macedonians, and that he himself -had derived from them nothing but a double share of the common -labors, hardships, wounds, and perils. Reproaching them as base -deserters from a king who had gained for them all these unparalleled -acquisitions, he concluded by giving discharge to all—commanding -them forthwith to depart.<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" -class="fnanchor">[587]</a></p> - -<p>After this speech—teeming (as we read it in Arrian) with that -exorbitant self-exaltation which formed the leading feature in -his character—Alexander hurried away into the palace, where he -remained shut up for two days without admitting any one except his -immediate attendants. His guards departed along with him, leaving -the discontented soldiers stupefied and motionless. Receiving no -farther orders, nor any of the accustomed military indications,<a -id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> -they were left in the helpless condition of soldiers constrained to -resolve for themselves, and at the same time altogether dependent -upon Alexander whom they had offended. On the third day, they learnt -that he had convened the Persian officers, and had invested them -with the chief military commands, distributing the newly arrived -Epigoni into divisions of infantry and cavalry, all with Macedonian -military titles, and passing over the Macedonians themselves as if -they did not exist. At this news, the soldiers were overwhelmed with -shame and remorse. They rushed to the gates of the palace, threw down -their arms, and supplicated with tears and groans for Alex<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[p. 245]</span>ander’s pardon. -Presently he came out, and was himself moved to tears by seeing their -prostrate deportment. After testifying his full reconciliation, -he caused a solemn sacrifice to be celebrated, coupled with a -multitudinous banquet of mixed Macedonians and Persians. The Grecian -prophets, the Persian magi and all the guests present, united in -prayer and libation for fusion, harmony, and community of empire, -between the two nations.<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" -class="fnanchor">[589]</a></p> - -<p>This complete victory over his own soldiers was probably as -gratifying to Alexander as any one gained during his past life; -carrying as it did a consoling retribution for the memorable stoppage -on the banks of the Hyphasis, which he had neither forgotten nor -forgiven. He selected 10,000 of the oldest and most exhausted among -the soldiers to be sent home under Kraterus, giving to each full pay -until the time of arrival in Macedonia, with a donation of one talent -besides. He intended that Kraterus, who was in bad health, should -remain in Europe as viceroy of Macedonia, and that Antipater should -come out to Asia with a reinforcement of troops.<a id="FNanchor_590" -href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> Pursuant to this -resolution, the 10,000 soldiers were now singled out for return, -and separated from the main army. Yet it does not appear that they -actually did return, during the ten months of Alexander’s remaining -life.</p> - -<p>Of the important edict issued this summer by Alexander to the -Grecian cities, and read at the Olympic festival in July—directing -each city to recall its exiled citizens—I shall speak in a future -chapter. He had now accomplished his object of organizing a land -force, half Macedonian, half Asiatic. But since the expedition of -Nearchus, he had become bent upon a large extension of his naval -force also; which was indeed an indispensable condition towards -his immediate projects of conquering Arabia, and of pushing both -nautical exploration and aggrandizement from the Persian Gulf round -the Arabian coast. He de<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[p. -246]</span>spatched orders to the Phenician ports, directing that a -numerous fleet should be built; and that the ships should then be -taken to pieces, and conveyed across to Thapsakus on the Euphrates, -from whence they would sail down to Babylon. At that place, he -directed the construction of other ships from the numerous cypress -trees around—as well as the formation of an enormous harbor in -the river at Babylon, adequate to the accommodation of 1000 ships -of war. Mikkalus, a Greek of Klazomenæ, was sent to Phenicia with -500 talents, to enlist, or to purchase, seamen for the crews. -It was calculated that these preparations (probably under the -superintendence of Nearchus) would be completed by the spring, -for which period contingents were summoned to Babylon for the -expedition against Arabia.<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" -class="fnanchor">[591]</a></p> - -<p>In the mean time, Alexander himself paid a visit to Ekbatana, -the ordinary summer residence of the Persian kings. He conducted -his army by leisurely marches, reviewing by the way the ancient -regal parks of the celebrated breed called Nisæan horses now -greatly reduced in number.<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" -class="fnanchor">[592]</a> On the march, a violent altercation -occurred between his personal favorite Hephæstion,—and his secretary -Eumenes, the most able, dexterous, and long-sighted man in his -service. Eumenes, as a Greek of Kardia, had been always regarded -with slight and jealousy by the Macedonian officers, especially -by Hephæstion; Alexander now took pains to reconcile the two, -experiencing no difficulty with Eumenes, but much with Hephæstion.<a -id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> -During his stay at Ekbatana, he celebrated magnificent sacrifices -and festivities, with gymnastic and musical exhibitions, which were -farther enlivened, according to the Macedonian habits, by banquets -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[p. 247]</span> excessive -wine-drinking. Amidst these proceedings, Hephæstion was seized with -a fever. The vigor of his constitution emboldened him to neglect -all care or regimen, so that in a few days the disease carried him -off. The final crisis came on suddenly, and Alexander was warned of -it while sitting in the theatre; but though he instantly hurried -to the bedside, he found Hephæstion already dead. His sorrow for -this loss was unbounded, manifesting itself in excesses suitable to -the general violence of his impulses, whether of affection or of -antipathy. Like Achilles mourning for Patroklus, he cast himself -on the ground near the dead body, and remained there wailing for -several hours; he refused all care, and even food, for two days; -he cut his hair close, and commanded that all the horses and mules -in the camp should have their manes cut close also; he not only -suspended the festivities, but interdicted all music and every sign -of joy in the camp; he directed that the battlements of the walls -belonging to the neighboring cities should be struck off; he hung, or -crucified, the physician Glaukias, who had prescribed for Hephæstion; -he ordered that a vast funeral pile should be erected at Babylon, -at a cost given to us as 10,000 talents (£2,300,000), to celebrate -the obsequies; he sent messengers to the oracle of Ammon, to inquire -whether it was permitted to worship Hephæstion as a god. Many of -those around him, accommodating themselves to this passionate impulse -of the ruler, began at once to show a sort of worship towards the -deceased, by devoting to him themselves and their arms; of which -Eumenes set the example, conscious of his own personal danger, if -Alexander should suspect him of being pleased at the death of his -recent rival. Perdikkas was instructed to convey the body in solemn -procession to Babylon, there to be burnt in state when preparations -should be completed.<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" -class="fnanchor">[594]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[p. 248]</span>Alexander -stayed at Ekbatana until winter was at hand, seeking distraction from -his grief in exaggerated splendor of festivals and ostentation of -life. His temper became so much more irascible and furious, that no -one approached him without fear, and he was propitiated by the most -extravagant flatteries.<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" -class="fnanchor">[595]</a> At length he roused himself and -found his true consolation, in gratifying the primary passions -of his nature—fighting and man-hunting.<a id="FNanchor_596" -href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> Between Media and -Persis, dwelt the tribes called Kossæi, amidst a region of lofty, -trackless, inaccessible mountains. Brave and predatory, they had -defied the attacks of the Persian kings. Alexander now conducted -against them a powerful force, and in spite of increased difficulties -arising from the wintry season, pushed them from point to point, -following them into the loftiest and most impenetrable recesses of -their mountains. These efforts were continued for forty days, under -himself and Ptolemy, until the entire male population was slain; -which passed for an acceptable offering to the manes of Hephæstion.<a -id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p> - -<p>Not long afterwards, Alexander commenced his progress to -Babylon; but in slow marches, farther retarded by various foreign -embassies which met him on the road. So widely had the terror -of his name and achievements been spread, that several of these -envoys came from the most distant regions. There were some -from the various tribes of Lybia—from Carthage—from Sicily and -Sardinia—from the Illyrians and Thracians—from the Lucanians, -Bruttians, and Tuscans, in Italy—nay, even (some affirmed) from -the Romans, as yet a people of moderate power.<a id="FNanchor_598" -href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> But there -were other names yet more surprising<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_249">[p. 249]</span>—Æthiopians, from the extreme south, -beyond Egypt—Scythians from the north, beyond the Danube—Iberians and -Gauls, from the far west, beyond the Mediterranean Sea. Legates also -arrived from various Grecian cities, partly to tender congratulations -and compliments upon his matchless successes, partly to remonstrate -against his sweeping mandate for the general restoration of -the Grecian exiles.<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" -class="fnanchor">[599]</a> It was remarked that these Grecian -legates approached him with wreaths on their heads, tendering golden -wreaths to him,—as if they were coming into the presence of a god.<a -id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> -The proofs which Alexander received even from distant tribes with -names and costumes unknown to him, of fear for his enmity and anxiety -for his favor, were such as had never been shown to any historical -person, and such as entirely to explain his superhuman arrogance.</p> - -<p>In the midst of this exuberant pride and good fortune, however, -dark omens and prophecies crowded upon him as he approached Babylon. -Of these the most remarkable was, the warning of the Chaldean -priests, who apprised him, soon after he crossed the Tigris, that -it would be dangerous for him to enter that city, and exhorted -him to remain outside of the gates. At first he was inclined to -obey; but his scruples were overruled, either by arguments from -the Greek sophist Anaxarchus, or by the shame of shutting himself -out from the most memorable city of the em<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_250">[p. 250]</span>pire, where his great naval preparations -were now going on. He found Nearchus with his fleet, who had come -up from the mouth of the river,—and also the ships directed to be -built in Phenicia, which had come down the river from Thapsakus, -together with large numbers of seafaring men to serve aboard.<a -id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> The -ships of cypress-wood, and the large docks, which he had ordered to -be constructed at Babylon, were likewise in full progress. He lost -no time in concerting with Nearchus the details of an expedition -into Arabia and the Persian Gulf, by his land-force and naval force -coöperating. From various naval officers, who had been sent to survey -the Persian Gulf and now made their reports, he learned that though -there were no serious difficulties within it or along its southern -coast, yet to double the eastern cape which terminated that coast—to -circumnavigate the unknown peninsula of Arabia—and thus to reach the -Red Sea—was an enterprise perilous at least, if not impracticable.<a -id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> -But to achieve that which other men thought impracticable, was the -leading passion of Alexander. He resolved to circumnavigate Arabia -as well as to conquer the Arabians, from whom it was sufficient -offence that they had sent no envoys to him. He also contemplated the -foundation of a great maritime city in the interior of the Persian -Gulf, to rival in wealth and commerce the cities of Phenicia.<a -id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a></p> - -<p>Amidst preparations for this expedition—and while the immense -funeral pile destined for Hephæstion was being built—Alexander -sailed down the Euphrates to the great dyke called Pallakopas, about -ninety miles below Babylon; a sluice constructed by the ancient -Assyrian kings, for the purpose of being opened when the river was -too full, so as to let off the water into<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_251">[p. 251]</span> the interminable marshes stretching out -near the western bank. The sluice being reported not to work well, -he projected the construction of a new one somewhat farther down. He -then sailed through the Pallakopas in order to survey the marshes, -together with the tombs of the ancient Assyrian kings which had been -erected among them. Himself steering his vessel, with the kausia -on his head, and the regal diadem above it,<a id="FNanchor_604" -href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> he passed some time -among these lakes and swamps, which were so extensive that his fleet -lost the way among them. He stayed long enough also to direct, and -even commence, the foundation of a new city, in what seemed to -him a convenient spot.<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" -class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p> - -<p>On returning to Babylon, Alexander found large reinforcements -arrived there—partly under Philoxenus, Menander, and Menidas, from -Lydia and Karia—partly 20,000 Persians, under Peukestes the satrap. -He caused these Persians to be incorporated in the files of the -Macedonian phalanx. According to the standing custom, each of these -files was sixteen deep, and each soldier was armed with the long pike -or sarissa wielded by two hands; the lochage, or front-rank man, -being always an officer receiving double pay, of great strength and -attested valor—and those second and third in the file, as well as the -rearmost man of all, being likewise strong and good men, receiving -larger pay than the rest. Alexander, in his new arrangement, retained -the three first ranks and the rear rank unchanged, as well as the -same depth of file; but he substituted twelve Persians in place -of the twelve Macedonians who followed after the third-rank man; -so that the file was composed first of the lochage and two other -chosen Macedonians, each armed with the sarissa—then of twelve -Persians armed in their own manner with bow or javelin—lastly, -of a Macedonian with his sarissa bringing up the the rear.<a -id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> -In this Macedonico-Persian file, the front would have<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[p. 252]</span> only three projecting -pikes, instead of five, as the ordinary Macedonian phalanx presented; -but then, in compensation, the Persian soldiers would be able to -hurl their javelins at an advancing enemy, over the heads of their -three front-rank men. The supervening death of Alexander prevented -the actual execution of this reform, interesting as being his last -project for amalgamating Persians and Macedonians into one military -force.</p> - -<p>Besides thus modifying the phalanx, Alexander also passed in -review his fleet, which was now fully equipped. The order was -actually given for departing, so soon as the obsequies of Hephæstion -should be celebrated. This was the last act which remained for him to -fulfil. The splendid funeral pile stood ready—two hundred feet high, -occupying a square area, of which the side was nearly one furlong, -loaded with mostly decorations from the zeal, real and simulated, -of the Macedonian officers. The invention of artists was exhausted, -in long discussions with the king himself, to produce at all cost -an exhibition of magnificence singular and stupendous. The outlay -(probably with addition of the festivals immediately following) is -stated at 12,000 talents, or £2,760,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_607" -href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> Alexander awaited -the order from the oracle of Ammon, having sent thither messengers -to inquire what measure of reverential honor he might properly -and piously show to his departed friend.<a id="FNanchor_608" -href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> The answer was now -brought back, intimating that Hephæstion was to be worshipped as a -Hero—the secondary form of worship, not on a level with that paid -to the gods. Delighted with this divine testimony to Hephæstion, -Alexander caused the pile to be lighted, and the obsequies -celebrated, in a manner suitable to the injunctions of the oracle.<a -id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> He -farther directed that magnificent chapels or sacred edifices should -be erected for the worship and honor of Hephæstion, at Alexandria in -Egypt,—at Pella in Macedonia,—and probably in other cities also.<a -id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[p. 253]</span>Respecting -the honors intended for Hephæstion at Alexandria, he addressed to -Kleomenes, the satrap of Egypt, a despatch which becomes in part -known to us. I have already stated that Kleomenes was among the -worst of the satraps; having committed multiplied public crimes, -of which Alexander was not uninformed. The regal despatch enjoined -him to erect in commemoration of Hephæstion a chapel on the terra -firma of Alexandria, with a splendid turret on the islet of Pharos; -and to provide besides that all mercantile written contracts, as -a condition of validity, should be inscribed with the name of -Hephæstion. Alexander concluded thus: “If on coming I find the -Egyptian temples and the chapels of Hephæstion completed in the best -manner, I will forgive you for all your past crimes; and in future, -whatever magnitude of crime you may commit, you shall suffer no -bad treatment from me.”<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" -class="fnanchor">[611]</a> This despatch strikingly illustrates how -much the wrong doings of satraps were secondary considerations in -his view, compared with splendid manifestations towards the gods and -personal attachments towards friends.</p> - -<p>The intense sorrow felt by Alexander for the death of -Hephæstion—not merely an attached friend, but of the same age<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[p. 254]</span> and exuberant vigor as -himself—laid his mind open to gloomy forebodings from numerous omens, -as well as to jealous mistrust even of his oldest officers. Antipater -especially, no longer protected against the calumnies of Olympias by -the support of Hephæstion,<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" -class="fnanchor">[612]</a> fell more and more into discredit; -whilst his son Kassander, who had recently come into Asia with a -Macedonian reinforcement, underwent from Alexander during irascible -moments much insulting violence. In spite of the dissuasive warning -of the Chaldean priests,<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" -class="fnanchor">[613]</a> Alexander had been persuaded to distrust -their sincerity, and had entered Babylon, though not without -hesitation and uneasiness. However, when, after having entered -the town, he went out of it again safely on his expedition for -the survey of the lower Euphrates, he conceived himself to have -exposed them as deceitful alarmists, and returned to the city with -increased confidence, for the obsequies of his deceased friend.<a -id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a></p> - -<p>The sacrifices connected with these obsequies were on the most -prodigious scale. Victims enough were offered to furnish a feast for -the army, who also received ample distributions of wine. Alexander -himself presided at the feast, and abandoned himself to conviviality -like the rest. Already full of wine, he was persuaded by his -friend Medius to sup with him, and to pass the whole night in yet -farther drinking, with the boisterous indul<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_255">[p. 255]</span>gence called by the Greeks Kômus or -Revelry. Having slept off his intoxication during the next day, he in -the evening again supped with Medius, and spent a second night in the -like unmeasured indulgence.<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" -class="fnanchor">[615]</a> It appears that he already had the -seeds of fever upon him, which was so fatally aggravated by this -intemperance that he was too ill to return to his palace. He took -the bath, and slept in the house of Medius; on the next morning, -he was unable to rise. After having been carried out on a couch to -celebrate sacrifice (which was his daily habit), he was obliged to -lie in bed all day. Nevertheless he summoned the generals to his -presence, prescribing all the details of the impending expedition, -and ordering that the land-force should begin its march on the -fourth day following, while the fleet, with himself aboard, would -sail on the fifth day. In the evening, he was carried on a couch -across the Euphrates into a garden on the other side, where he -bathed and rested for the night. The fever still continued, so that -in the morning, after bathing and being carried out to perform the -sacrifices, he remained on his couch all day, talking and playing at -dice with Medius; in the evening, he bathed, sacrificed again, and -ate a light supper, but endured a bad night with increased fever. The -next two days passed in the same manner, the fever becoming worse -and worse; nevertheless Alexander still summoned Nearchus to his -bedside, discussed with him many points about his maritime projects, -and repeated his order that the fleet should be ready by the third -day. On the ensuing morning the fever was violent; Alexander reposed -all day in a bathing-house in the garden, yet still calling in the -generals to direct the filling up of vacancies among the officers, -and ordering that the armament should be ready to move. Throughout -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[p. 256]</span> two next -days, his malady became hourly more aggravated. On the last day -of the two, Alexander could with difficulty support the being -lifted out of bed to perform the sacrifice; even then, however, -he continued to give orders to the generals about the expedition. -On the morrow, though desperately ill, he still made the effort -requisite for performing the sacrifice; he was then carried across -from the garden-house to the palace, giving orders that the generals -and officers should remain in permanent attendance in and near the -hall. He caused some of them to be called to his bedside; but though -he knew them perfectly, he had by this time become incapable of -utterance. One of his last words spoken is said to have been, on -being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom, “<i>To the strongest</i>;” -one of his last acts was, to take the signet ring from his finger, -and hand it to Perdikkas.<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" -class="fnanchor">[616]</a></p> - -<p>For two nights and a day he continued in this state, without -either amendment or repose. Meanwhile, the news of his malady had -spread through the army, filling them with grief and consternation. -Many of the soldiers, eager to see him once more, forced their way -into the palace, and were admitted unarmed. They passed along by the -bedside, with all the demonstrations of affliction and sympathy: -Alexander knew them, and made show of friendly recognition as well as -he could; but was unable to say a word. Several of the generals slept -in the temple of Serapis, hoping to be informed by the god in a dream -whether they ought to bring Alexander into it, as a suppliant to -experience the divine healing power. The god informed them in their -dream, that Alexander ought not to be brought into the temple—that -it would be better for him to be left where he was. In the afternoon -he expired—June 323 <small>B. C.</small>—after a -life of thirty-two years and eight months—and a reign of twelve -years and eight months.<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" -class="fnanchor">[617]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[p. 257]</span>The death of -Alexander, thus suddenly cut off by a fever in the plenitude of -health, vigor, and aspirations, was an event impressive as well as -important, in the highest possible degree, to his contemporaries -far and near. When the first report of it was brought to Athens, -the orator Demades exclaimed:—“It cannot be true: if Alexander were -dead, the whole habitable world would have smelt of his carcass.”<a -id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> -This coarse but em<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[p. -258]</span>phatic comparison illustrates the immediate, powerful, -and wide-reaching impression produced by the sudden extinction of -the great conqueror. It was felt by each of the many remote envoys -who had so recently come to propitiate this far-shooting Apollo—by -every man among the nations who had sent these envoys—throughout -Europe, Asia, and Africa, as then known,—to affect either his -actual condition or his probable future.<a id="FNanchor_619" -href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> The first growth -and development of Macedonia, during the twenty-two years preceding -the battle of Chæroneia, from an embarrassed secondary State into -the first of all known powers, had excited the astonishment of -contemporaries, and admiration for Philip’s organizing genius. -But the achievements of Alexander, during his twelve years of -reign, throwing Philip into the shade, had been on a scale so much -grander and vaster, and so completely without serious reverse or -even interruption, as to transcend the measure, not only of human -expectation, but almost of human belief. The Great King (as the king -of Persia was called by excellence) was, and had long been, the type -of worldly power and felicity, even down to the time when Alexander -crossed the Hellespont. Within four years and three months from this -event, by one stupendous defeat after another, Darius had lost all -his Western Empire, and had become a fugitive eastward of the Caspian -Gates, escaping captivity at the hands of Alexander only to perish by -those of the satrap Bessus. All antecedent historical parallels—the -ruin and captivity of the Lydian Crœsus, the expulsion and mean -life of the Syracusan Dionysius, both of them impressive examples -of the mutability of human condition,—sank into trifles compared -with the overthrow of this towering Persian colossus. The orator -Æschines expressed the genuine sentiment of a Grecian spectator, -when he exclaimed (in a speech delivered at Athens shortly before -the death of Darius):—“What is there among the list of strange and -unexpected events, that has not occurred in our time? Our lives -have transcended the limits of humanity; we are born to serve as a -theme for incredible tales to posterity. Is not the Persian king—who -dug<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[p. 259]</span> through Athos -and bridged the Hellespont,—who demanded earth and water from the -Greeks,—who dared to proclaim himself, in public epistles, master -of all mankind from the rising to the setting sun—is not <i>he</i> now -struggling to the last, not for dominion over others, but for the -safety of his own person?”<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" -class="fnanchor">[620]</a></p> - -<p>Such were the sentiments excited by Alexander’s career even in -the middle of 330 <small>B. C.</small>, more than -seven years before his death. During the following seven years, -his additional achievements had carried astonishment yet farther. -He had mastered, in defiance of fatigue, hardship, and combat, not -merely all the eastern half of the Persian empire, but unknown Indian -regions beyond its easternmost limits. Besides Macedonia, Greece, -and Thrace, he possessed all that immense treasure and military -force which had once rendered the Great King so formidable. By no -contemporary man had any such power ever been known or conceived. -With the turn of imagination then prevalent, many were doubtless -disposed to take him for a god on earth, as Grecian spectators -had once supposed with regard to Xerxes, when they beheld the -innumerable Persian host crossing the Hellespont.<a id="FNanchor_621" -href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></p> - -<p>Exalted to this prodigious grandeur, Alexander was at the time -of his death little more than thirty-two years old—the age at -which a citizen of Athens was growing into important commands; ten -years less than the age for a consul at Rome;<a id="FNanchor_622" -href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> two years younger -than the age at which Timour first acquired the crown, and began -his foreign conquests.<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" -class="fnanchor">[623]</a> His extraordinary<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_260">[p. 260]</span> bodily powers were unabated; he -had acquired a large stock of military experience; and what was -still more important, his appetite for farther conquest was as -voracious, and his readiness to purchase it at the largest cost of -toil or danger, as complete, as it had been when he first crossed -the Hellespont. Great as his past career had been, his future -achievements, with such increased means and experience, were -likely to be yet greater. His ambition would have been satisfied -with nothing less than the conquest of the whole habitable -world as then known;<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" -class="fnanchor">[624]</a> and if his life had been prolonged, he -would probably have accomplished it. Nowhere (so far as our knowledge -reaches) did there reside any military power capable of making head -against him; nor were his soldiers, when he commanded them, daunted -or baffled by any extremity of cold, heat, or fatigue. The patriotic -feelings of Livy dispose him to maintain<a id="FNanchor_625" -href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> that Alexander, -had he invaded Italy and assailed Romans or Samnites, would have -failed and perished like his relative Alexander of Epirus. But this -conclusion cannot be accepted. If we grant the courage and discipline -of the Roman infantry to have been equal to the best infantry of -Alexander’s army, the same cannot be said of the Roman cavalry as -compared with the Macedonian Companions. Still less is it likely -that a Roman consul, annually changed, would have been found a match -for Alexander in military genius and combinations; nor, even if -personally equal, would he have possessed the same variety of troops -and arms, each effective in its separate way, and all conspiring -to one common purpose—nor the same unbounded influence over their -minds in stimulating them<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[p. -261]</span> to full effort. I do not think that even the Romans could -have successfully resisted Alexander the Great; though it is certain -that he never throughout all his long marches encountered such -enemies as they, nor even such as Samnites and Lucanians—combining -courage, patriotism, discipline, with effective arms both for defence -and for close combat.<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" -class="fnanchor">[626]</a></p> - -<p>Among all the qualities which go to constitute the highest -military excellence, either as a general or as a soldier, none -was wanting in the character of Alexander. Together with his own -chivalrous courage—sometimes indeed both excessive and unseasonable, -so as to form the only military defect which can be fairly -imputed to him—we trace in all his operations the most careful -dispositions taken beforehand, vigilant precaution in guarding -against possible reverse, and abundant resource in adapting himself -to new contingences. Amidst constant success, these precautionary -combinations were never discontinued. His achievements are the -earliest recorded evidence of scientific military organization on -a large scale, and of its overwhelming effects. Alexander overawes -the imagination more than any other personage of antiquity, by the -matchless development of all that constitutes effective force—as an -individual warrior, and as organizer and leader of armed masses; not -merely the blind impetuosity ascribed by Homer to Ares, but also -the intelligent, methodized, and all-subduing compression which he -personifies in Athênê. But all his great qualities were fit for use -only against enemies; in which category indeed were numbered all -mankind, known and unknown, except those who chose to submit to -him. In his Indian campaigns, amidst tribes of utter strangers, we -perceive that not only those who stand on their defence, but also -those who abandon their property and flee to the mountains, are alike -pursued and slaughtered.</p> - -<p>Apart from the transcendent merits of Alexander as a soldier and -a general, some authors give him credit for grand and bene<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[p. 262]</span>ficent views on the -subject of imperial government, and for intentions highly favorable -to the improvement of mankind. I see no ground for adopting this -opinion. As far as we can venture to anticipate what would have -been Alexander’s future, we see nothing in prospect except years -of ever-repeated aggression and conquest, not to be concluded -until he had traversed and subjugated all the inhabited globe. The -acquisition of universal dominion—conceived not metaphorically, -but literally, and conceived with greater facility in consequence -of the imperfect geographical knowledge of the time—was the -master-passion of his soul. At the moment of his death, he was -commencing fresh aggression in the south against the Arabians, to -an indefinite extent;<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" -class="fnanchor">[627]</a> while his vast projects against the -western tribes in Africa and Europe, as far as the pillars of -Herakles, were consigned in the orders and memoranda confidentially -communicated to Kraterus.<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" -class="fnanchor">[628]</a> Italy, Gaul, and Spain, would have been -successively attacked and conquered; the enterprises proposed to -him when in Baktria by the Chorasmian prince Pharasmanes, but -postponed then until a more convenient season, would have been -next taken up, and he would have marched from the Danube northward -round the Euxine and Palus Mæotis against the Scythians and the -tribes of Caucasus.<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" -class="fnanchor">[629]</a> There remained moreover the Asiatic -regions east of the Hyphasis, which his soldiers had refused to -enter upon, but which he certainly would have invaded at a future -opportunity, were it only to efface the poignant humiliation -of having been compelled to relinquish his proclaimed purpose. -Though this sounds like romance and hyperbole, it was nothing more -than the real insatiate aspiration of Alexander, who looked upon -every new acquisition mainly as a capital for acquiring more.<a -id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> -“You are a man like all of us, Alexander<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_263">[p. 263]</span>—except that you abandon your home (said -the naked Indian to him<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" -class="fnanchor">[631]</a>) like a meddlesome destroyer, to -invade the most distant regions; enduring hardship yourself, and -inflicting hardship upon others.” Now, how an empire thus boundless -and heterogeneous, such as no prince has ever yet realized, could -have been administered with any superior advantages to subjects—it -would be difficult to show. The mere task of acquiring and -maintaining—of keeping satraps and tribute-gatherers in authority -as well as in subordination—of suppressing resistances ever liable -to recur in regions distant by months of march<a id="FNanchor_632" -href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>—would occupy the -whole life of a world-conqueror, without leaving any leisure for the -improvements suited to peace and stability, if we give him credit for -such purposes in theory.</p> - -<p>But even this last is more than can be granted. Alexander’s -acts indicate that he desired nothing better than to take up -the traditions of the Persian empire; a tribute-levying and -army-levying system, under Macedonians, in large proportion, as -his instruments; yet partly also under the very same Persians who -had administered before, provided they submitted to him. It has -indeed been extolled among his merits that he was thus willing to -re-appoint Persian grandees (putting their armed force however -under the command of a Macedonian officer)—and to continue native -princes in their dominions, if they did willing homage to him, as -tributary subordinates. But all this had been done before him by the -Persian kings, whose system it was to leave the conquered princes -undisturbed, subject only to the payment of tribute, and to the -obligation of furnishing a military contingent when required.<a -id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> -In like manner Alexander’s Asiatic empire would thus have been -composed of an aggregate of satrapies and dependent principalities, -furnishing money and sol<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[p. -264]</span>diers; in other respects, left to the discretion of -local rule, with occasional extreme inflictions of punishment, -but no systematic examination or control.<a id="FNanchor_634" -href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> Upon this, the -condition of Asiatic empire in all ages, Alexander would have -grafted one special improvement: the military organization of the -empire, feeble under the Achæmenid princes, would have been greatly -strengthened by his genius, and by the able officers formed in -his school, both for foreign aggression and for home control.<a -id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a></p> - -<p>The Persian empire was a miscellaneous aggregate, with no strong -feeling of nationality. The Macedonian conqueror who seized its -throne was still more indifferent to national sentiment. He was -neither Macedonian nor Greek. Though the absence of this prejudice -has sometimes been mounted to him as a virtue, it only made room, in -my opinion, for prejudices yet worse. The substitute for it was an -exorbitant personality and self-estimation, manifested even in his -earliest years, and inflamed by extraordinary success into the belief -in divine parentage; which, while setting him above the idea of -communion with any special nationality, made him conceive all mankind -as subjects under one common sceptre to be wielded by himself. To -this universal empire the Persian king made the nearest approach,<a -id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> -according to the opinions then prevalent. Accordingly Alexander, when -victorious, accepted the position and pretensions of the overthrown -Persian court as approaching most nearly to his full due. He became -more Persian than either Macedonian or Greek. While himself adopting, -as far as he could safely venture, the personal habits of the Persian -court, he took studied pains to transform his Macedonian officers -into Persian grandees, encouraging and even forcing intermarriages -with Persian women according to Persian rites. At the time of -Alexander’s death, there was comprised, in his written orders given -to Kraterus, a plan for the wholesale transportation of inhabitants, -both out of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[p. 265]</span> -Europe into Asia, and out of Asia into Europe, in order to fuse these -populations into one by multiplying intermarriages and intercourse.<a -id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> -Such reciprocal translation of peoples would have been felt as -eminently odious, and could not have been accomplished without -coercive authority.<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" -class="fnanchor">[638]</a> It is rash to speculate upon unexecuted -purposes; but, as far as we can judge, such compulsory mingling of -the different races promises nothing favorable to the happiness of -any of them, though it might serve as an imposing novelty and memento -of imperial omnipotence.</p> - -<p>In respect of intelligence and combining genius, Alexander -was Hellenic to the full; in respect of disposition and purpose, -no one could be less Hellenic. The acts attesting his Oriental -violence of impulse, unmeasured self-will,<a id="FNanchor_639" -href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> and exaction of -reverence above the limits of humanity—have been already recounted. -To describe him as a son of Hellas, imbued with the political -maxims of Aristotle, and bent on the systematic diffusion of -Hellenic culture for the improvement of mankind<a id="FNanchor_640" -href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a>—is, in my<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[p. 266]</span> judgment, an estimate -of his character contrary to the evidence. Alexander is indeed -said to have invited suggestions from Aristotle as to the best -mode of colonizing; but his temper altered so much, after a few -years of Asiatic conquest, that he came not only to lose all -deference for Aristotle’s advice, but even to hate him bitterly.<a -id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> -Moreover, though the philosopher’s full suggestions have not been -preserved, yet we are told generally that he recommended Alexander to -behave to the Greeks as a leader or president, or limited chief—and -to the Barbarians (non-Hellenes) as a master;<a id="FNanchor_642" -href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> a distinction -substantially coinciding with that pointed out by Burke in his -speeches at the beginning of the American war, between the principles -of government proper to be followed by England in the American -colonies, and in British India. No Greek thinker believed the -Asiatics to be capable of that free civil polity<a id="FNanchor_643" -href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> upon which the march -of every Gre<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[p. 267]</span>cian -community was based. Aristotle did not wish to degrade the Asiatics -below the level to which they had been accustomed, but rather to -preserve the Greeks from being degraded to the same level. Now -Alexander recognized no such distinction as that drawn by his -preceptor. He treated Greeks and Asiatics alike, not by elevating -the latter, but by degrading the former. Though he employed all -indiscriminately as instruments, yet he presently found the free -speech of Greeks, and even of Macedonians, so distasteful and -offensive, that his preferences turned more and more in favor of -the servile Asiatic sentiment and customs. Instead of hellenizing -Asia, he was tending to asiatize Macedonia and Hellas. His temper -and character, as modified by a few years of conquest, rendered him -quite unfit to follow the course recommended by Aristotle towards the -Greeks—quite as unfit as any of the Persian kings, or as the French -Emperor Napoleon, to endure that partial frustration, compromise, and -smart from free criticism, which is inseparable from the position of -a limited chief. Among a multitude of subjects more diverse-colored -than even the army of Xerxes, it is quite possible that he might have -turned his power towards the improvement of the rudest portions. -We are told (though the fact is difficult to credit, from his want -of time) that he abolished various barbarisms of the Hyrkanians, -Arachosians, and Sogdians.<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" -class="fnanchor">[644]</a> But Macedonians as well as Greeks would -have been pure losers by being absorbed into an immense Asiatic -aggregate.</p> - -<p>Plutarch states that Alexander founded more than seventy -new cities in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" -class="fnanchor">[645]</a> So large a number of them is neither -veri<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[p. 268]</span>fiable nor -probable, unless we either reckon up simple military posts, or borrow -from the list of foundations really established by his successors. -Except Alexandria in Egypt, none of the cities founded by Alexander -himself can be shown to have attained any great development. Nearly -all were planted among the remote, warlike, and turbulent peoples -eastward of the Caspian Gates. Such establishments were really -fortified posts to hold the country in subjection: Alexander lodged -in them detachments from his army; but none of these detachments -can well have been large, since he could not afford materially to -weaken his army, while active military operations were still going -on and while farther advance was in contemplation. More of these -settlements were founded in Sogdiana than elsewhere; but respecting -the Sogdian foundations, we know that the Greeks whom he established -there, chained to the spot only by fear of his power, broke away in -mutiny immediately on the news of his death.<a id="FNanchor_646" -href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> Some Greek -soldiers in Alexander’s army on the Jaxartes or the Hydaspes, -sick and weary of his interminable marches, might prefer being -enrolled among the colonists of a new city on one of these unknown -rivers, to the ever-repeated routine of ex<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_269">[p. 269]</span>hausting duty.<a id="FNanchor_647" -href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> But it is certain -that no volunteer emigrants would go forth to settle at distances -such as their imaginations could hardly conceive. The absorbing -appetite of Alexander was conquest, to the East, West, South, and -North; the cities which he planted were established, for the most -part, as garrisons to maintain his most distant and most precarious -acquisitions. The purpose of colonization was altogether subordinate; -and that of hellenizing Asia, so far as we can see, was not even -contemplated, much less realized.</p> - -<p>This process of hellenizing Asia—in so far as Asia was ever -hellenized—which has often been ascribed to Alexander, was in -reality the work of the Diadochi who came after him; though his -conquests doubtless opened the door and established the military -ascendency which rendered such a work practicable. The position, the -aspirations, and the interests of these Diadochi—Antigonus, Ptolemy, -Seleukus, Lysimachus, etc.—were materially different from those of -Alexander. They had neither appetite nor means for new and remote -conquest; their great rivalry was with each other; each sought to -strengthen himself near home against the rest. It became a matter -of fashion and pride with them, not less than of interest, to found -new cities immortalizing their family names. These foundations -were chiefly made in the regions of Asia near and known to Greeks, -where Alexander had planted none. Thus the great and numerous -foundations of Seleukus Nikator and his successors covered Syria, -Mesopotamia, and parts of Asia Minor. All these regions were known -to Greeks, and more or less tempting to new Grecian immigrants—not -out of reach or hearing of the Olympic and other festivals, as the -Jaxartes and the Indus were. In this way a considerable influx of new -hellenic blood was poured into Asia during the century succeeding -Alexander,—probably in great measure from Italy and Sicily, where the -condition of the Greek cities became still more calamitous—besides -the numerous Greeks who took service as individuals under -these Asiatic kings. Greeks, and Macedonians speaking Greek, -became predominant, if not in numbers,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_270">[p. 270]</span> at least in importance, throughout -most of the cities in Western Asia. In particular, the Macedonian -military organization, discipline, and administration, was maintained -systematically among these Asiatic kings. In the account of the -battle of Magnesia, fought by the Seleukid king Atiochus the Great -against the Romans in 190 <small>B. C.</small>, the -Macedonian phalanx, constituting the main force of his Asiatic army, -appears in all its completeness, just as it stood under Philip and -Perseus in Macedonia itself.<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" -class="fnanchor">[648]</a></p> - -<p>When it is said however that Asia became hellenized under -Alexander’s successors, the phrase requires explanation. -Hellenism, properly so called—the aggregate of habits, sentiments, -energies, and intelligence, manifested by the Greeks during -their epoch of autonomy<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" -class="fnanchor">[649]</a>—never passed over into Asia; neither -the highest qualities of the Greek mind, not even the entire -character of ordinary Greeks. This genuine Hellenism could not -subsist under the overruling compression of Alexander, nor even -under the less irresistible pressure of his successors. Its living -force, productive genius, self-organizing power, and active spirit -of political communion, were stifled, and gradually died out. All -that passed into Asia was a faint and partial resemblance of it, -carrying the superficial marks of the original. The administration of -the Greco-Asiatic kings was not hellenic (as it has been sometimes -called), but completely despotic, as that of the Persians had been -before. Whoever follows their history, until the period of Roman -dominion, will see that it turned upon the tastes, temper, and -ability of the prince, and on the circumstances of the regal family. -Viewing their government as a system, its promi<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_271">[p. 271]</span>nent difference as compared with -their Persian predecessors, consisted in their retaining the -military traditions and organization of Philip and Alexander, an -elaborate scheme of discipline and manœuvring, which would not be -kept up without permanent official grades and a higher measure of -intelligence than had ever been displayed under the Achæmenid kings, -who had no military school or training whatever. Hence a great number -of individual Greeks found employment in the military as well as -in the civil service of these Greco-Asiatic kings. The intelligent -Greek, instead of a citizen of Hellas, became the instrument of a -foreign prince; the details of government were managed to a great -degree by Greek officials, and always in the Greek language.</p> - -<p>Moreover, besides this, there was the still more important fact -of the many new cities founded in Asia by the Seleukidæ and the -other contemporary kings. Each of these cities had a considerable -infusion of Greek and Macedonian citizens, among the native Orientals -located there, often brought by compulsion from neighboring villages. -In what numerical ratio these two elements of the civic population -stood to each other, we cannot say. But the Greeks and Macedonians -were the leading and active portion, who exercised the greatest -assimilating force, gave imposing effect to the public manifestations -of religion, had wider views and sympathies, dealt with the central -government, and carried on that contracted measure of municipal -autonomy which the city was permitted to retain. In these cities the -Greek inhabitants, though debarred from political freedom, enjoyed -a range of social activity suited to their tastes. In each, Greek -was the language of public business and dealing; each formed a -centre of attraction and commerce for an extensive neighborhood; all -together, they were the main hellenic or quasi-hellenic element in -Asia under the Greco-Asiatic kings, as contrasted with the rustic -villages, where native manners, and probably native speech, still -continued with little modification. But the Greeks of Antioch, or -Alexandria, or Seleukeia, were not like citizens of Athens or Thebes, -nor even like men of Tarentum or Ephesus. While they communicated -their language to Orientals, they became themselves substantially -orientalized. Their feelings, judgments, and habits of action, ceased -to be hellenic. Polybius,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[p. -272]</span> when he visited Alexandria, looked with surprise and -aversion on the Greeks there resident, though they were superior -to the non-hellenic population, whom he considered worthless.<a -id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> -Greek social habits, festivals, and legends, passed with the hellenic -settlers into Asia; all becoming amalgamated and transformed so as to -suit a new Asiatic abode. Important social and political consequences -turned upon the diffusion of the language, and upon the establishment -of such a common medium of communication throughout Western Asia. -But after all, the hellenized Asiatic was not so much a Greek as a -foreigner with Grecian speech, exterior varnish, and superficial -manifestations; distinguished fundamentally from those Greek citizens -with whom the present history has been concerned. So he would have -been considered by Sophokles, by Thucydides, by Sokrates.</p> - -<p>Thus much is necessary in order to understand the bearing of -Alexander’s conquests, not only upon the hellenic population, but -upon hellenic attributes and peculiarities. While crushing the Greeks -as communities at home, these conquests opened a wider range to the -Greeks as individuals abroad; and produced—perhaps the best of all -their effects—a great increase of intercommunication, multiplication -of roads, extension of commercial dealing, and enlarged facilities -for the acquisition of geographical knowledge. There already existed -in the Persian empire an easy and convenient royal road (established -by Darius son of Hystaspes and described as well as admired by -Herodotus) for the three months’ journey between Sardis and Susa; -and there must<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[p. 273]</span> -have been another regular road from Susa and Ekbatana to Baktria, -Sogdiana, and India. Alexander, had he lived, would doubtless have -multiplied on a still larger scale the communications both by sea -and land between the various parts of his world-empire. We read -that among the gigantic projects which he was contemplating when -surprised by death, one was, the construction of a road all along -the northern coast of Africa, as far as the Pillars of Herakles.<a -id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> He -had intended to found a new maritime city on the Persian Gulf, at the -mouth of the Euphrates, and to incur much outlay for regulating the -flow of water in its lower course. The river would probably have been -thus made again to afford the same conveniences, both for navigation -and irrigation, as it appears to have furnished in earlier times -under the ancient Babylonian kings. Orders had been also given for -constructing a fleet to explore the Caspian Sea. Alexander believed -that sea to be connected with the Eastern Ocean,<a id="FNanchor_652" -href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> and intended to make -it his point of departure for circumnavigating the eastern limits -of Asia, which country yet remained for him to conquer. The voyage -already performed by Nearchus, from the mouth of the Indus to that -of the Euphrates, was in those days a splendid maritime achievement; -to which another still greater was on the point of being added—the -circumnavigation of Arabia from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea; -though here we must remark, that this same voyage (from the mouth -of the Indus round Arabia into the Red Sea) had been performed in -thirty months, a century and a half before, by Skylax of Karyanda, -under the orders of Darius son of Hystaspes;<a id="FNanchor_653" -href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> yet, though re<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[p. 274]</span>corded by Herodotus, -forgotten (as it would appear) by Alexander and his contemporaries. -This enlarged and systematic exploration of the earth, combined with -increased means of communication among its inhabitants, is the main -feature in Alexander’s career which presents itself as promising real -consequences beneficial to humanity.</p> - -<p>We read that Alexander felt so much interest in the extension of -science, that he gave to Aristotle the immense sum of 800 talents in -money, placing under his directions several thousand men, for the -purpose of prosecuting zoological researches.<a id="FNanchor_654" -href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> These exaggerations -are probably the work of those enemies of the philosopher who decried -him as a pensioner of the Macedonian court; but it is probable enough -that Philip, and Alexander in the early part of his reign, may have -helped Aristotle in the difficult process of getting together facts -and specimens for observation—from esteem towards him personally, -rather than from interest in his discoveries. The intellectual turn -of Alexander was towards literature, poetry, and history. He was fond -of the Iliad especially, as well as of the Attic tragedians; so that -Harpalus, being directed to send some books to him in Upper Asia, -selected as the most acceptable packet various tragedies of Æschylus, -Sophokles, and Euripides, with the dithyrambic poems of Telestes and -the histories of Phlistus.<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" -class="fnanchor">[655]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_95"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[p. 275]</span></p> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCV.<br /> - GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN ASIA - TO THE CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">Even</span> in 334 -<small>B. C.</small>, when Alexander first entered upon his -Asiatic campaigns, the Grecian cities, great as well as small, -had been robbed of all their free agency, and existed only as -appendages of the kingdom of Macedonia. Several of them were -occupied by Macedonian garrisons, or governed by local despots who -leaned upon such armed force for support. There existed among them -no common idea or public sentiment, formally proclaimed and acted -on, except such as it suited Alexander’s purpose to encourage. -The miso-Persian sentiment—once a genuine expression of Hellenic -patriotism, to the recollection of which Demosthenes was wont to -appeal, in animating the Athenians to action against Macedonia, -but now extinct and supplanted by nearer apprehensions—had been -converted by Alexander to his own purposes, as a pretext for -headship, and a help for ensuring submission during his absence -in Asia. Greece had become a province of Macedonia; the affairs -of the Greeks (observes Aristotle in illustrating a philosophical -discussion) are “in the hands of the king.”<a id="FNanchor_656" -href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> A public synod of -the Greeks sat from time to time at Corinth; but it represented only -philo-Macedonian sentiment; all that we know of its proceedings -consisted in congratulations to Alexander on his victories. There is -no Grecian history of public or political import; there are no facts -except the local and municipal details of each city—“the streets -and fountains which we are repairing and the battlements which we -are whitening”, to use a phrase of Demosthenes<a id="FNanchor_657" -href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>—the good management -of the Athenian finances by the orator<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_276">[p. 276]</span> Lykurgus, and the contentions of -orators respecting private disputes or politics of the past.</p> - -<p>But though Grecian history is thus stagnant and suspended -during the first years of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns, it might -at any moment have become animated with an active spirit of -self-emancipation, if he had experienced reverses, or if the Persians -had administered their own affairs with skill and vigor. I have -already stated, that during the first two years of the war, the -Persian fleet (we ought rather to say, the Phenician fleet in the -Persian service) had a decided superiority at sea. Darius possessed -untold treasures which might have indefinitely increased that -superiority and multiplied his means of transmarine action, had he -chosen to follow the advice of Memnon, by acting vigorously from the -sea and strictly on the defensive by land. The movement or quiescence -of the Greeks therefore depended on the turn of affairs in Asia; as -Alexander himself was well aware.</p> - -<p>During the winter of 334-333 <small>B. C.</small>, Memnon -with the Persian fleet appeared to be making progress among the -islands in the Ægean,<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" -class="fnanchor">[658]</a> and the anti-Macedonian Greeks were -expecting him farther westward in Eubœa and Peloponnesus. Their hopes -being dashed by his unexpected death, and still more by Darius’s -abandonment of the Memnonian plans, they had next to wait for the -chance of what might be achieved by the immense Persian land-force. -Even down to the eve of the battle of Issus, Demosthenes<a -id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> -and others (as has already been mentioned) were encouraged by their -correspondents in Asia to anticipate success for Darius even in -pitched battle. But after the great disaster at Issus, during a -year and a half (from November 333 <small>B. C.</small> to -March or April 331 <small>B. C.</small>), no hope was possible. -The Persian force seemed extinct, and Darius was so paralyzed by -the captivity of his family, that he suffered even the citizens -of Tyre and Gaza to perish in their gallant efforts of defence, -without the least effort to save them. At length, in the spring -of 331 <small>B. C.</small>, the prospects again appeared -to improve. A second Persian army, countless like the first, was -assembling eastward of the Tigris; Alexander ad<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_277">[p. 277]</span>vanced into the interior, many weeks’ -march from the shores of the Mediterranean, to attack them; and -the Persians doubtless transmitted encouragements with money -to enterprising men in Greece, in hopes of provoking auxiliary -movements. Presently (October 331 <small>B. C.</small>) came the -catastrophe at Arbela; after which no demonstration against Alexander -could have been attempted with any reasonable hope of success.</p> - -<p>Such was the varying point of view under which the contest in -Asia presented itself to Grecian spectators, during the three years -and a half between the landing of Alexander in Asia and the battle -of Arbela. As to the leading states in Greece, we have to look at -Athens and Sparta only; for Thebes had been destroyed and demolished -as a city; and what had been once the citadel of the Kadmeia was -now a Macedonian garrison.<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" -class="fnanchor">[660]</a> Moreover, besides that garrison, the -Bœotian cities, Orchomenus, Platæa, etc., were themselves strongholds -of Macedonian dependence; being hostile to Thebes of old, and having -received among themselves assignments of all the Theban lands.<a -id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> In -case of any movement in Greece, therefore, Antipater, the viceroy of -Macedonia, might fairly count on finding in Greece interested allies, -serving as no mean check upon Attica.</p> - -<p>At Athens, the reigning sentiment was decidedly pacific. Few -were disposed to brave the prince who had just given so fearful -an evidence of his force by the destruction of Thebes and the -enslavement of the Thebans. Ephialtes and Charidemus, the military -citizens at Athens most anti-Macedonian in sentiment, had been -demanded as prisoners by Alexander, and had withdrawn to Asia, there -to take service with Darius. Other Athenians, men of energy and -action, had followed their example, and had fought against Alexander -at the Granikus, where they became his prisoners, and were sent -to Macedonia to work in fetters at the mines. Ephialtes perished -at the siege of Halikarnassus, while defending the place with the -utmost gallantry; Charidemus suffered a more unworthy death from the -shameful sentence of Darius. The anti-Macedonian leaders who remained -at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[p. 278]</span> Athens, such -as Demosthenes and Lykurgus, were not generals or men of action, -but statesmen and orators. They were fully aware that submission to -Alexander was a painful necessity, though they watched not the less -anxiously for any reverse which might happen to him, such as to make -it possible for Athens to head a new struggle on behalf of Grecian -freedom.</p> - -<p>But it was not Demosthenes nor Lykurgus who now guided the -general policy of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" -class="fnanchor">[662]</a> For the twelve years between the -destruction of Thebes and the death of Alexander, Phokion and Demades -were her ministers for foreign affairs; two men of totally opposite -characters, but coinciding in pacific views, and in looking to the -favor of Alexander and Antipater as the principal end to be attained. -Twenty Athenian triremes were sent to act with the Macedonian fleet, -during Alexander’s first campaign in Asia; these, together with the -Athenian prisoners taken at the Granikus, served to him farther as a -guarantee for the continued submission of the Athenians generally.<a -id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> -There can be no doubt that the pacific policy of Phokion was now -prudent and essential to Athens, though the same cannot be said -(as I have remarked in the proper place) for his advocacy of the -like policy twenty years before, when Philip’s power was growing -and might have been arrested by vigorous opposition. It suited the -purpose of Antipater to ensure his hold upon Athens by frequent -presents to Demades, a man of luxurious and extravagant habits. But -Phokion, incorruptible as well as poor to the end, declined all -similar offers, though often made to him, not only by Antipater, -but even by Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" -class="fnanchor">[664]</a></p> - -<p>It deserves particular notice, that though the macedonizing policy -was now decidedly in the ascendent—accepted, even by dissentients, -as the only course admissible under the circumstances, and confirmed -the more by each successive victory of Alexander—yet statesmen, like -Lykurgus and Demosthenes, of notorious anti-Macedonian sentiment, -still held a conspicuous and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[p. -279]</span> influential position, though of course restricted to -matters of internal administration. Thus Lykurgus continued to be the -real acting minister of finance, for three successive Panathenaic -intervals of four years each, or for an uninterrupted period of -twelve years. He superintended not merely the entire collection, -but also the entire disbursement of the public revenue; rendering -strict periodical account, yet with a financial authority greater -than had belonged to any statesman since Perikles. He improved the -gymnasia and stadia of the city—multiplied the donatives and sacred -furniture in the temples—enlarged, or constructed anew, docks and -arsenals,—provided a considerable stock of arms and equipments, -military as well as naval—and maintained four hundred triremes in -a seaworthy condition, for the protection of Athenian commerce. -In these extensive functions he was never superseded, though -Alexander at one time sent to require the surrender of his person, -which was refused by the Athenian people.<a id="FNanchor_665" -href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> The main cause of -his firm hold upon the public mind, was, his known and indisputable -pecuniary probity, wherein he was the parallel of Phokion.</p> - -<p>As to Demosthenes, he did not hold any such commanding public -appointments as Lykurgus; but he enjoyed great esteem and -sympathy from the people generally, for his marked line of public -counsel during the past. The proof of this is to be found<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[p. 280]</span> in one very significant -fact. The indictment, against Ktesiphon’s motion for crowning -Demosthenes, was instituted by Æschines, and official entry made -of it, before the death of Philip—which event occurred in August -336 <small>B. C.</small> Yet Æschines did not venture to bring -it on for trial until August 330 <small>B. C.</small>, after -Antipater had subdued the ill-fated rising of the Lacedæmonian king -Agis; and even at that advantageous moment, when the macedonizers -seemed in full triumph, he signally failed. We thus perceive, that -though Phokion and Demades were now the leaders of Athenian affairs, -as representing a policy which every one felt to be unavoidable—yet -the preponderant sentiment of the people went with Demosthenes -and Lykurgus. In fact, we shall see that after the Lamian war, -Antipater thought it requisite to subdue or punish this sentiment -by disfranchising or deporting two-thirds of the citizens.<a -id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> -It seems however that the anti-Macedonian statesmen were very -cautious of giving offence to Alexander, between 334 and 330 -<small>B. C.</small> Ktesiphon accepted a mission of condolence -to Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, on the death of her husband -Alexander of Epirus; and Demosthenes stands accused of having sent -humble and crouching letters to Alexander (the Great) in Phenicia, -during the spring of 331 <small>B. C.</small> This assertion of -Æschines, though not to be trusted as correct, indicates the general -prudence of Demosthenes as to his known and formidable enemy.<a -id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[p. 281]</span>It was not -from Athens, but from Sparta, that anti-Macedonian movements now took -rise.</p> - -<p>In the decisive battle unsuccessfully fought by Athens and Thebes -at Chæroneia against Philip, the Spartans had not been concerned. -Their king Archidamus,—who had been active conjointly with Athens -in the Sacred War, trying to uphold the Phokians against Philip and -the Thebans,—had afterwards withdrawn himself from Central Greece -to assist the Tarentines in Italy, and had been slain in a battle -against the Messapians.<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" -class="fnanchor">[668]</a> He was succeeded by his son Agis, a brave -and enterprising man, under whom the Spartans, though abstaining -from hostilities against Philip, resolutely declined to take part in -the synod at Corinth, whereby the Macedonian prince was nominated -Leader of the Greeks; and even persisted in the same denial on -Alexander’s nomination also. When Alexander sent to Athens three -hundred panoplies after his victory at the Granikus, to be dedicated -in the temple of Athênê, he expressly proclaimed in the inscription, -that they were dedicated “by Alexander and the Greeks, <i>excepting -the Lacedæmonians</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" -class="fnanchor">[669]</a> Agis took the lead in trying to procure -Persian aid for anti-Macedonian operations in Greece. Towards the -close of summer 333 <small>B. C.</small>, a little before -the battle of Issus, he visited the Persian admirals at Chios, -to solicit men and money for intended action in Peloponnesus.<a -id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> -At that moment, they were not zealous in the direction of Greece, -anticipating (as most Asiatics then did) the complete destruction -of Alexander in Kilikia. As soon, however, as the disaster of Issus -became known, they placed at the disposal of Agis thirty talents and -ten triremes; which he employed, under his brother Agesilaus, in -making himself master of Krete—feeling that no movement in Greece -could be expected at such a discouraging crisis. Agis himself -soon afterwards went to that island, having<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_282">[p. 282]</span> strengthened himself by a division of -the Greek mercenaries who had fought under Darius at Issus. In Krete, -he appears to have had considerable temporary success; and even in -Peloponnesus, he organized some demonstrations, which Alexander sent -Amphoterus with a large naval force to repress, in the spring of 331 -<small>B. C.</small><a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" -class="fnanchor">[671]</a> At that time, Phenicia, Egypt, and all -the naval mastery of the Ægean, had passed into the hands of the -conqueror, so that the Persians had no direct means of acting upon -Greece. Probably Amphoterus recovered Krete, but he had no land-force -to attack Agis in Peloponnesus.</p> - -<p>In October 331 <small>B. C.</small>, Darius was beaten at -Arbela and became a fugitive in Media, leaving Babylon, Susa, and -Persepolis, with the bulk of his immense treasures, as a prey to the -conqueror during the coming winter. After such prodigious accessions -to Alexander’s force, it would seem that any anti-Macedonian -movement, during the spring of 330 <small>B. C.</small>, must -have been obviously hopeless and even insane. Yet it was just then -that King Agis found means to enlarge his scale of operations in -Peloponnesus, and prevailed on a considerable body of new allies -to join him. As to himself personally, he and the Lacedæmonians -had been previously in a state of proclaimed war with Macedonia,<a -id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> -and therefore incurred little additional risk; moreover, it<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[p. 283]</span> was one of the effects -of the Asiatic disasters to cast back upon Greece small hands of -soldiers who had hitherto found service in the Persian armies. -These men willingly came to Cape Tænarus to enlist under a warlike -king of Sparta; so that Agis found himself at the head of a force -which appeared considerable to Peloponnesians, familiar only with -the narrow scale of Grecian war-muster, though insignificant as -against Alexander or his viceroy in Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_673" -href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> An unexpected ray of -hope broke out from the revolt of Memnon, the Macedonian governor -of Thrace. Antipater was thus compelled to withdraw some of his -forces to a considerable distance from Greece; while Alexander, -victorious as he was, being in Persis or Media, east of Mount Zagros, -appeared in the eyes of a Greek to have reached the utmost limits -of the habitable world.<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" -class="fnanchor">[674]</a> Of this partial encouragement Agis took -advantage, to march out of Lakonia with all the troops, mercenary -and native, that he could muster. He called on the Peloponnesians -for a last effort against Macedonian dominion, while Darius still -retained all the eastern half of his empire, and while support from -him in men and money might yet be anticipated.<a id="FNanchor_675" -href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a></p> - -<p>Respecting this war, we know very few details. At first, a flush -of success appeared in attend Agis. The Eleians, the Achæans (except -Pellênê), the Arcadians (except Megalopolis)<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_284">[p. 284]</span> and some other Peloponnesians, joined -his standard; so that he was enabled to collect an army stated at -20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Defeating the first Macedonian forces -sent against him, he proceeded to lay siege to Megalopolis; which -city, now as previously, was the stronghold of Macedonian influence -in the peninsula, and was probably occupied by a Macedonian -garrison. An impulse manifested itself at Athens in favor of active -sympathy, and equipment of a fleet to aid this anti-Macedonian -effort. It was resisted by Phokion and Demades, doubtless upon -all views of prudence, but especially upon one financial ground, -taken by the latter, that the people would be compelled to forego -the Theoric distribution.<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" -class="fnanchor">[676]</a> Even Demosthenes himself, under -circumstances so obviously discouraging, could not recommend the -formidable step of declaring against Alexander—though he seems -to have indulged in the expression of general anti-Macedonian -sympathies, and to have complained of the helplessness into which -Athens had been brought by past bad policy.<a id="FNanchor_677" -href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> Antipater, closing -the war in Thrace on the best terms that he could, hastened into -Greece with his full forces, and reached Peloponnesus in time to -relieve Megalopolis, which had begun to be in danger. One decisive -battle, which took place in Arcadia, sufficed to terminate the -war. Agis and his army, the Lacedæmonians especially, fought with -gallantry and desperation, but were completely defeated. Five -thousand of their men were slain, including Agis himself; who, -though covered with wounds, disdained to leave the field, and fell -resisting to the last. The victors, according to one account, lost -3500 men; according to another, 1000 slain, together with a great -many wounded.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[p. 285]</span> -This was a greater loss than Alexander had sustained either at Issus -or at Arbela; a plain proof that Agis and his companions, however -unfortunate in the result, had manifested courage worthy of the best -days of Sparta.</p> - -<p>The allied forces were now so completely crushed, that all -submitted to Antipater. After consulting the philo-Macedonian synod -at Corinth, he condemned the Achæans and Eleians to pay 120 talents -to Megalopolis, and exacted from the Tegeans the punishment of those -among their leading men who had advised the war.<a id="FNanchor_678" -href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> But he would not -take upon him to determine the treatment of the Lacedæmonians, -without special reference to Alexander. Requiring from them fifty -hostages, he sent up to Alexander in Asia some Lacedæmonian envoys -or prisoners, to throw themselves on his mercy.<a id="FNanchor_679" -href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> We are told that they -did not reach the king until a long time afterwards, at Baktra;<a -id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> -what he decided about Sparta generally, we do not know.</p> - -<p>The rising of the Thebans, not many months after Alexander’s -accession, had been the first attempt of the Greeks to emancipate -themselves from Macedonian dominion; this enterprise of Agis was the -second. Both unfortunately had been partial, without the possibility -of any extensive or organized combination beforehand; both ended -miserably, riveting the chains of Greece more powerfully than ever. -Thus was the self-defensive force of Greece extinguished piecemeal. -The scheme of Agis was in fact desperate from the very outset, as -against the gigantic power of Alexander; and would perhaps never have -been undertaken, had not Agis himself been already compromised in -hostility against Macedonia, before the destruction of the Persian -force at Issus. This unfortunate prince, without any superior ability -(so far as we know), manifested a devoted courage and patriotism -worthy of his predecessor Leonidas at Thermopylæ; whose renown -stands higher, only because the cause in which he fell ultimately -triumphed. The Athenians and Ætolians, neither<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_286">[p. 286]</span> of whom took part with Agis, were now -left, without Thebes and Sparta, as the two great military powers of -Greece which will appear presently, when we come to the last struggle -for Grecian independence—the Lamian war; better combined and more -promising, yet not less disastrous in its result.</p> - -<p>Though the strongest considerations of prudence kept Athens quiet -during this anti-Macedonian movement in Peloponnesus, a powerful -sympathy must have been raised among her citizens while the struggle -was going on. Had Agis gained the victory over Antipater, the -Athenians might probably have declared in his favor; and although no -independent position could have been permanently maintained against -so overwhelming an enemy as Alexander, yet considering that he was -thoroughly occupied and far in the interior of Asia, Greece might -have held out against Antipater for an interval not inconsiderable. -In the face of such eventualities, the fears of the macedonizing -statesmen now in power at Athens, the hopes of their opponents, -and the reciprocal antipathies of both, must have become unusually -manifest; so that the reaction afterwards, when the Macedonian power -became more irresistible than ever, was considered by the enemies -of Demosthenes to offer a favorable opportunity for ruining and -dishonoring him.</p> - -<p>To the political peculiarity of this juncture we owe the judicial -contest between the two great Athenian orators; the memorable -accusation of Æschines against Ktesiphon, for having proposed a crown -to Demosthenes—and the still more memorable defence of Demosthenes, -on behalf of his friend as well as of himself. It was in the autumn -or winter of 337-336 <small>B. C.</small>, that Ktesiphon had -proposed this vote of public honor in favor of Demosthenes, and had -obtained the probouleuma or preliminary acquiescence of the senate; -it was in the same Attic year, and not long afterwards, that Æschines -attacked the proposition under the Graphê Paranomôn, as illegal, -unconstitutional, mischievous, and founded on false allegations.<a -id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> -More than six<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[p. 287]</span> -years had thus elapsed since the formal entry of the accusation; -yet Æschines had not chosen to bring it to actual trial; which -indeed could not be done without some risk to himself, before the -numerous and popular judicature of Athens. Twice or thrice before -his accusation was entered, other persons had moved to confer the -same honor upon Demosthenes,<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" -class="fnanchor">[682]</a> and had been indicted under the Graphê -Paranomôn; but with such signal ill-success, that their accusers did -not obtain so much as one-fifth of the suffrages of the Dikasts, -and therefore incurred (under the standing regulation of the Attic -law) a penalty of 1000 drachmæ. The like danger awaited Æschines; -and although, in reference to the illegality of Ktesiphon’s motion -(which was the direct and ostensible purpose aimed at under the -Graphê Paranomôn), his indictment was grounded on special<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[p. 288]</span> circumstances such -as the previous accusers may not have been able to show, still it -was not his real object to confine himself within this narrow and -technical argument. He intended to enlarge the range of accusation, -so as to include the whole character and policy of Demosthenes; -who would thus, if the verdict went against him, stand publicly -dishonored both as citizen and as politician. Unless this latter -purpose were accomplished, indeed, Æschines gained nothing by -bringing the indictment into court; for the mere entry of the -indictment would have already produced the effect of preventing the -probouleuma from passing into a decree, and the crown from being -actually conferred. Doubtless Ktesiphon and Demosthenes might have -forced Æschines to the alternative of either dropping his indictment -or bringing it into the Dikastery. But this was a forward challenge, -which, in reference to a purely honorary vote, they had not felt -bold enough to send; especially after the capture of Thebes in 335 -<small>B. C.</small> when the victorious Alexander demanded the -surrender of Demosthenes with several other citizens.</p> - -<p>In this state of abeyance and compromise—Demosthenes enjoying -the inchoate honor of a complimentary vote from the senate, -Æschines intercepting it from being matured into a vote of the -people—both the vote and the indictment had remained for rather -more than six years. But the accuser now felt encouraged to push -his indictment to trial, under the reactionary party feeling, -following on abortive anti-Macedonian hopes, which succeeded to the -complete victory of Antipater over Agis, and which brought about -the accusation of anti-Macedonian citizens in Naxos, Thasos, and -other Grecian cities also.<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" -class="fnanchor">[683]</a> Amidst the fears prevalent that the -victor would carry his resentment still farther, Æschines could now -urge that Athens was disgraced by having adopted or even approved -the policy of Demosthenes,<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" -class="fnanchor">[684]</a> and that<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_289">[p. 289]</span> an emphatic condemnation of him was the -only way of clearing her from the charge of privity with those who -had raised the standard against Macedonian supremacy. In an able and -bitter harangue, Æschines first shows that the motion of Ktesiphon -was illegal, in consequence of the public official appointments -held by Demosthenes at the moment when it was proposed—next he -enters at large into the whole life and character of Demosthenes, -to prove him unworthy of such an honor, even if there had been no -formal grounds of objection. He distributes the entire life of -Demosthenes into four periods, the first ending at the peace of 346 -<small>B. C.</small>, between Philip and the Athenians—the -second, ending with the breaking out of the next ensuing war in -341-340 <small>B. C.</small>—the third, ending with the disaster -at Chæroneia—the fourth, comprising all the time following.<a -id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> -Throughout all the four periods, he denounces the conduct of -Demosthenes as having been corrupt, treacherous, cowardly, and -ruinous to the city. What is more surprising still—he expressly -charges him with gross subservience both to Philip and to Alexander, -at the very time when he was taking credit for a patriotic and -intrepid opposition to them.<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" -class="fnanchor">[686]</a></p> - -<p>That Athens had undergone sad defeat and humiliation, having -been driven from her independent and even presidential position -into the degraded character of a subject Macedonian city, since the -time when Demosthenes first began political life—was a fact but too -indisputable. Æschines even makes this a part of his case; arraigning -the traitorous mismanagement of Demosthenes as the cause of so -melancholy a revolution, and denouncing him as candidate for public -compliment or no better plea than a series of public calamities.<a -id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> -Having thus animadverted on the conduct of Demosthenes prior to -the battle of Chæroneia, Æschines proceeds to the more recent -past, and contends that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[p. -290]</span> Demosthenes cannot be sincere in his pretended enmity -to Alexander, because he has let slip three successive occasions, -all highly favorable, for instigating Athens to hostility against -the Macedonians. Of these three occasions, the first was, when -Alexander first crossed into Asia; the second, immediately before -the battle of Issus; the third, during the flush of success obtained -by Agis in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" -class="fnanchor">[688]</a> On neither of these occasions did -Demosthenes call for any public action against Macedonia; a proof -(according to Æschines) that his anti-Macedonian professions were -insincere.</p> - -<p>I have more than once remarked, that considering the bitter -enmity between the two orators, it is rarely safe to trust the -unsupported allegation of either against the other. But in regard -to the last-mentioned charges advanced by Æschines, there is enough -of known fact, and we have independent evidence, such as is not -often before us, to appreciate him as an accuser of Demosthenes. -The victorious career of Alexander, set forth in the preceding -chapters, proves amply that not one of the three periods, here -indicated by Æschines, presented even decent encouragement for a -reasonable Athenian patriot, to involve his country in warfare -against so formidable an enemy. Nothing can be more frivolous than -these charges against Demosthenes, of having omitted promising -seasons for anti-Macedonian operations. Partly for this reason, -probably, Demosthenes does not notice them in his reply; still more, -perhaps, on another ground, that it was not safe to speak out what -he thought and felt about Alexander. His reply dwells altogether -upon the period before the death of Philip. Of the boundless empire -subsequently acquired, by the son of Philip, he speaks only to mourn -it as a wretched visitation of fortune, which has desolated alike the -Hellenic and the barbaric world—in which Athens has been engulfed -along with others—and from which even those faithless and trimming -Greeks, who helped to aggrandize Philip, have not escaped better than -Athens, nor indeed so well.<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" -class="fnanchor">[689]</a></p> - -<p>I shall not here touch upon the Demosthenic speech De Coronâ -in a rhetorical point of view, nor add anything to those en<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[p. 291]</span>comiums which have been -pronounced upon it with one voice, both in ancient and in modern -times, as the unapproachable masterpiece of Grecian oratory. To -this work it belongs as a portion of Grecian history; a retrospect -of the efforts made by a patriot and a statesman to uphold the -dignity of Athens and the autonomy of the Grecian world, against a -dangerous aggressor from without. How these efforts were directed, -and how they lamentably failed, has been recounted in my last -preceding volume. Demosthenes here passes them in review, replying -to the criminations against his public conduct during the interval -of ten years, between the peace of 346 <small>B. C.</small>, -(or the period immediately preceding it) and the death of Philip. -It is remarkable, that though professing to enter upon a defence -of his whole public life,<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" -class="fnanchor">[690]</a> he nevertheless can afford to leave -unnoticed that portion of it which is perhaps the most honorable to -him—the early period of his first Philippics and Olynthiacs—when, -though a politician as yet immature and of no established footing, -he was the first to descry in the distance the perils threatened by -Philip’s aggrandizement, and the loudest in calling for timely and -energetic precautions against it; in spite of apathy and murmurs from -older politicians as well as from the general public. Beginning with -the peace of 346 <small>B. C.</small>, Demosthenes vindicates -his own share in the antecedents of that event against the charges -of Æschines, whom he denounces as the cause of all the mischief; -a controversy which I have already tried to elucidate, in my last -volume. Passing next to the period after that peace—to the four -years first of hostile diplomacy, then of hostile action, against -Philip, which ended with the disaster of Chæroneia—Demosthenes is -not satisfied with simple vindication. He re-asserts this policy as -matter of pride and honor, in spite of its results. He congratulates -his countrymen on having manifested a Pan-hellenic patriotism worthy -of their forefathers, and takes to himself only the credit of having -been forward to proclaim and carry out this glorious sentiment common -to all. Fortune has been adverse; yet the vigorous anti-Macedonian -policy was no mistake; Demosthenes swears it by the combatants -of Marathon,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[p. 292]</span> -Platæa and Salamis.<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" -class="fnanchor">[691]</a> To have had a foreign dominion obtruded -upon Greece, is an overwhelming calamity; but to have had this -accomplished without strenuous resistance on the part of Athens, -would have been calamity aggravated by dishonor.</p> - -<p>Conceived in this sublime strain, the reply of Demosthenes to -his rival has an historical value, as a funeral oration of extinct -Athenian and Grecian freedom. Six years before, the orator had been -appointed by his countrymen to deliver the usual public oration over -the warriors slain at Chæroneia. That speech is now lost, but it -probably touched upon the same topics. Though the sphere of action, -of every Greek city as well as of every Greek citizen, was now -cramped and confined by irresistible Macedonian force; there still -remained the sentiment of full political freedom and dignity enjoyed -during the past—the admiration of ancestors who had once defended it -successfully—and the sympathy with leaders who had recently stood -forward to uphold it, however unsuccessfully. It is among the most -memorable facts in Grecian history, that in spite of the victory of -Philip at Chæroneia—in spite of the subsequent conquest of Thebes by -Alexander, and the danger of Athens after it—in spite of the Asiatic -conquests which had since thrown all Persian force into the hands -of the Macedonian king—the Athenian people could never be persuaded -either to repudiate Demosthenes, or to disclaim sympathy with his -political policy. How much art and ability was employed, to induce -them to do so, by his numerous enemies, the speech of Æschines is -enough to teach us. And when we consider how easily the public sicken -of schemes which end in misfortune—how great a mental relief is -usually obtained by throwing blame on unsuccessful leaders—it would -have been no matter of surprise, if, in one of the many prosecutions -wherein the fame of Demosthenes was involved, the Dikasts had -given a verdict unfavorable to him. That he always came off -acquitted, and even honorably acquitted, is a<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_293">[p. 293]</span> proof of rare fidelity and steadiness -of mind in the Athenians. It is a proof that those noble, patriotic, -and Pan-hellenic sentiments, which we constantly find inculcated in -his orations, throughout a period of twenty years, had sunk into the -minds of his hearers; and that amidst the many general allegations of -corruption against him, loudly proclaimed by his enemies, there was -no one well-ascertained fact which they could substantiate before the -Dikastery.</p> - -<p>The indictment now preferred by Æschines against Ktesiphon only -procured for Demosthenes a new triumph. When the suffrages of the -Dikasts were counted, Æschines did not obtain so much as one fifth. -He became therefore liable to the customary fine of 1000 drachmæ. -It appears that he quitted Athens immediately, without paying the -fine, and retired into Asia, from whence he never returned. He is -said to have opened a rhetorical school at Rhodes, and to have gone -into the interior of Asia during the last year of Alexander’s life -(at the time when that monarch was ordaining on the Grecian cities -compulsory restoration of all their exiles), in order to procure -assistance for returning to Athens. This project was disappointed -by Alexander’s death.<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" -class="fnanchor">[692]</a></p> - -<p>We cannot suppose that Æschines was unable to pay the fine of -1000 drachmæ, or to find friends who would pay it for him. It was -not therefore legal compulsion, but the extreme disappointment and -humiliation of so signal a defeat, which made him leave Athens. -We must remember that this was a gratuitous challenge sent by -himself; that the celebrity of the two rivals had brought together -auditors, not merely from Athens, but from various other Grecian -cities; and that the effect of the speech of Demosthenes in his -own defence,—delivered with all his perfection of voice and -action, and not only electrifying hearers by the sublimity of its -public sentiment, but also full of admirably managed self-praise, -and contemptuous bitterness towards his rival—must have been -inexpressibly powerful and commanding. Probably the friends of -Æschines became themselves angry with him for having brought -the indictment forward. For the effect<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_294">[p. 294]</span> of his defeat must have been that the -vote of the Senate which he indicted, was brought forward and passed -in the public assembly; and that Demosthenes must have received -a public coronation.<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" -class="fnanchor">[693]</a> In no other way, under the existing -circumstances of Athens, could Demosthenes have obtained so emphatic -a compliment. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that such a -mortification was insupportable to Æschines. He became disgusted with -his native city. We read that afterwards, in his rhetorical school -at Rhodes, he one day declaimed, as a lesson to his pupils, the -successful oration of his rival, De Coronâ. Of course it excited a -burst of admiration. “What, if you had heard the beast himself speak -it!”—exclaimed Æschines.</p> - -<p>From this memorable triumph of the illustrious orator and -defendant, we have to pass to another trial—a direct accusation -brought against him, from which he did not escape so successfully. -We are compelled here to jump over five years and a half (August 330 -<small>B. C.</small>, to January 324 <small>B. C.</small>), -during which we have no information about Grecian history; the -interval between Alexander’s march into Baktria and his return to -Persis and Susiana. Displeased with the conduct of the satraps during -his absence, Alexander put to death or punished several, and directed -the rest to disband without delay the mercenary soldiers whom they -had taken into pay. This peremptory order filled both Asia and Europe -with roving detachments of unprovided soldiers, some of whom sought -subsistence in the Grecian islands and on the Lacedæmonian southern -coast, at Cape Tænarus in Laconia.</p> - -<p>It was about this period (the beginning of 324 -<small>B. C.</small>), that Harpalus the satrap of Babylonia -and Syria, becoming alarmed at the prospect of being punished by -Alexander for his ostentatious prodigalities, fled from Asia into -Greece, with a considera<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[p. -295]</span>ble treasure and a body of 5000 soldiers.<a -id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> -While satrap, he had invited into Asia, in succession, two Athenian -women as mistresses, Pythionikê and Glykera, to each of whom he -was much attached, and whom he entertained with lavish expense -and pomp. On the death of the first, he testified his sorrow by -two costly funereal monuments to her memory; one at Babylon, the -other in Attica, between Athens and Eleusis. With Glykera he is -said to have resided at Tarsus in Kilikia,—to have ordered that -men should prostrate themselves before her, and address her as -queen—and to have erected her statue along with his own at Rhossus, -a seaport on the confines of Kilikia and Syria.<a id="FNanchor_695" -href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> To please these -mistresses, or perhaps to ensure a retreat for himself in case -of need, he had sent to Athens profuse gifts of wheat for -distribution among the people, for which he had received votes of -thanks with the grant of Athenian citizenship.<a id="FNanchor_696" -href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Moreover he -had consigned to Charikles, son-in-law of Phokion, the task of -erecting the monument in Attica to the honor of Pythionikê; with -a large remittance of money for the purpose.<a id="FNanchor_697" -href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> The profit or -embezzlement arising out of this expenditure secured to him the good -will of Charikles—a man very different from his father-in-law, the -honest and austere Phokion. Other Athenians were probably conciliated -by various presents, so that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[p. -296]</span> when Harpalus found it convenient to quit Asia, about -the beginning of 324 <small>B. C.</small>, he had already -acquired some hold both on the public of Athens and on some of her -leading men. He sailed with his treasure and his armament straight -to Cape Sunium in Attica, from whence he sent to ask shelter and -protection in that city.<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" -class="fnanchor">[698]</a></p> - -<p>The first reports transmitted to Asia appear to have proclaimed -that the Athenians had welcomed Harpalus as a friend and ally, thrown -off the Macedonian yoke, and prepared for a war to re-establish -Hellenic freedom. Such is the color of the case, as presented -in the satiric drama called Agên, exhibited before Alexander -in the Dionysiac festival at Susa, in February or March 324 -<small>B. C.</small> Such news, connecting itself in Alexander’s -mind with the recent defeat of Zopyrion in Thrace and other disorders -of the disbanded mercenaries, incensed him so much, that he at -first ordered a fleet to be equipped, determining to cross over and -attack Athens in person.<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" -class="fnanchor">[699]</a> But he was presently<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_297">[p. 297]</span> calmed by more correct intelligence, -certifying that the Athenians had positively refused to espouse -the cause of Harpalus.<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" -class="fnanchor">[700]</a></p> - -<p>The fact of such final rejection by the Athenians is quite -indisputable. But it seems, as far as we can make out from imperfect -evidence, that this step was not taken without debate, nor without -symptoms of a contrary disposition, sufficient to explain the -rumors first sent to Alexander. The first arrival of Harpalus -with his armament at Sunium, indeed, excited alarm, as if he were -coming to take possession of Peiræus; and the admiral Philokles -was instructed to adopt precautions for defence of the harbor.<a -id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> -But Harpalus, sending away his armament to Krete or to Tænarus, -solicited and obtained permission to come to Athens, with a single -ship and his own personal attendants. What was of still greater -moment, he brought with him a large sum of money, amounting, we -are told to upwards of 700 talents, or more than £160,000. We must -recollect that he was already favorably known to the people by large -presents of corn, which had procured for him a vote of citizenship. -He now threw himself upon their gratitude as a suppliant seeking -protection against the wrath of Alexander; and while entreating -from the Athenians an interference so hazardous to themselves, he -did not omit to encourage them by exaggerating the means at his -own disposal. He expatiated on the universal hatred and discontent -felt against Alexander, and held out assurance of being joined -by powerful allies, foreign as well as Greek, if once a city -like Ath<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[p. 298]</span>ens -would raise the standard of liberation.<a id="FNanchor_702" -href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> To many Athenian -patriots, more ardent than long-sighted, such appeals inspired both -sympathy and confidence. Moreover Harpalus would of course purchase -every influential partisan who would accept a bribe; in addition -to men like Charikles, who were already in his interest. His cause -was espoused by Hyperides,<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" -class="fnanchor">[703]</a> an earnest anti-Macedonian citizen, and -an orator second only to Demosthenes. There seems good reason for -believing that at first, a strong feeling was excited in favor of -taking part with the exile; the people not being daunted even by the -idea of war with Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" -class="fnanchor">[704]</a></p> - -<p>Phokion, whom Harpalus vainly endeavored to corrupt, resisted -of course the proposition of espousing his cause. And Demosthenes -also resisted it, not less decidedly, from the very out<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[p. 299]</span>set.<a id="FNanchor_705" -href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> Notwithstanding -all his hatred of Macedonian supremacy, he could not be blind to -the insanity of declaring war against Alexander. Indeed those who -study his orations throughout, will find his counsels quite as much -distinguished for prudence as for vigorous patriotism. His prudence, -on this occasion, however, proved injurious to his political -position; for while it incensed Hyperides and the more sanguine -anti-Macedonians, it probably did not gain for himself anything -beyond a temporary truce from his old macedonizing opponents.</p> - -<p id="Thimbron">The joint opposition of politicians so discordant -as Demosthenes and Phokion, prevailed over the impulse which the -partisans of Harpalus had created. No decree could be obtained in -his favor. Presently however the case was complicated by the coming -of envoys from Antipater and Olympias in Macedonia, requiring that -he should be surrendered.<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" -class="fnanchor">[706]</a> The like requisition was also addressed -by the Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, who arrived with a small -squadron from Asia. These demands were refused, at the instance of -Phokion no less than of Demosthenes. Nevertheless the prospects of -Macedonian vengeance were now brought in such fearful proximity -before the people, that all disposition to support Harpalus gave -way to the necessity of propitiating Alexander. A decree was passed -to arrest Harpalus, and to place all his money under sequestration -in the acropolis, until special directions could be received from -Alexander; to whom, apparently, envoys were sent, carrying with them -the slaves of Harpalus to be interrogated by him, and instructed -to solicit a lenient sentence at his hands.<a id="FNanchor_707" -href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> Now it was -Demosthenes who moved these decrees for personal arrest and for -sequestration of the money;<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" -class="fnanchor">[708]</a> whereby he incurred still warmer -resent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[p. 300]</span>ment from -Hyperides and the other Harpalian partisans, who denounced him -as a subservient creature of the all-powerful monarch. Harpalus -was confined, but presently made his escape; probably much to the -satisfaction of Phokion, Demosthenes, and every one else; for even -those who were most anxious to get rid of him would recoil from the -odium and dishonor of surrendering him, even under constraint, to a -certain death. He fled to Krete, where he was soon after slain by -one of his own companions.<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" -class="fnanchor">[709]</a></p> - -<p>At the time when the decrees for arrest and sequestration were -passed, Demosthenes requested a citizen near him to ask Harpalus -publicly in the assembly, what was the amount of his money, which -the people had just resolved to impound.<a id="FNanchor_710" -href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> Harpalus answered, -720 talents; and Demosthenes proclaimed this sum to the people, -on the authority of Harpalus, dwelling with some emphasis upon -its magnitude. But when the money came to be counted in the -acropolis, it was discovered that there was in reality no more -than 350 talents. Now it is said that Demosthenes did not at once -communicate to the people this prodigious deficiency in the real -sum as compared with the announcement of Harpalus, repeated in the -public assembly by himself. The impression prevailed, for how long -a time we do not know, that 720 Harpalian talents had actually been -lodged in the acropolis; and when the truth became at length known, -great surprise and out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[p. -301]</span>cry were excited.<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" -class="fnanchor">[711]</a> It was assumed that the missing half -of the sum set forth must have been employed in corruption; and -suspicions prevailed against almost all the orators, Demosthenes and -Hyperides both included.</p> - -<p>In this state of doubt, Demosthenes moved that the Senate of -Areopagus should investigate the matter and report who were the -presumed delinquents<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" -class="fnanchor">[712]</a> fit to be indicted before the Dikastery; -he declared in the speech accompanying his motion that the real -delinquents, whoever they might be, deserved to be capitally -punished. The Areopagites delayed their report for six months, -though Demosthenes is said to have called for it with some -impatience. Search was made in the houses of the leading orators, -excepting only one who was recently married.<a id="FNanchor_713" -href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> At length the -report appeared, enumerating several names of citizens chargeable -with the appropriation of this money, and specifying how much had -been taken by each. Among these names were Demosthenes himself, -charged with 20 talents—Demades charged with 6000 golden staters—and -other citizens, with different sums attached to their names.<a -id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> -Upon this report, ten<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" -class="fnanchor">[715]</a> public accusers were appointed to -prosecute the indictment against the persons specified, before the -Dikastery. Among the accusers was Hyperides, whose name had not -been comprised in the Areo<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[p. -302]</span>pagitic report. Demosthenes was brought to trial, -first of all the persons accused, before a numerous Dikastery -of 1500 citizens,<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" -class="fnanchor">[716]</a> who confirmed the report of the -Areopagites, found him guilty, and condemned him to pay fifty talents -to the state. Not being able to discharge this large fine, he was -put in prison; but after some days he found means to escape, and -fled to Trœzen in Peloponnesus, where he passed some months as a -dispirited and sorrowing exile, until the death of Alexander.<a -id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> -What was done with the other citizens included in the Areopagitic -report, we do not know. It appears that Demades<a id="FNanchor_718" -href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a>—who was among those -comprised, and who is especially attacked, along with Demosthenes, -by both Hyperides and Deinarchus—did not appear to take his trial, -and therefore must have been driven into exile; yet if so, he must -have speedily returned, since he seems to have been at Athens when -Alexander died. Philokles and Aristogeiton were also brought to -trial as being included by the Areopagus in the list of delinquents; -but how their trial ended, does not appear.<a id="FNanchor_719" -href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a></p> - -<p>This condemnation and banishment of Demosthenes—unquestionably -the greatest orator, and one of the greatest citizens, in Athenian -antiquity,—is the most painful result of the debates respecting -the exile Harpalus. Demosthenes himself denied the charge; but -unfortunately we possess neither his defence, nor the facts alleged -in evidence against him; so that our means of forming a positive -conclusion are imperfect. At the same time, judging from the -circumstances as far as we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[p. -303]</span> know them—there are several which go to show his -innocence, and none which tend to prove him guilty. If we are called -upon to believe that he received money from Harpalus, we must know -for what service the payment was made. Did Demosthenes take part -with Harpalus, and advise the Athenians to espouse his cause? Did -he even keep silence, and abstain from advising them to reject the -propositions? Quite the reverse. Demosthenes was from the beginning -a declared opponent of Harpalus, and of all measures for supporting -his cause. Plutarch indeed tells an anecdote—that Demosthenes began -by opposing Harpalus, but that presently he was fascinated by the -beauty of a golden cup among the Harpalian treasures. Harpalus, -perceiving his admiration, sent to him on the ensuing night the -golden cup, together with twenty talents, which Demosthenes accepted. -A few days afterwards, when the cause of Harpalus was again debated -in the public assembly, the orator appeared with his throat enveloped -in woollen wrappers, and affected to have lost his voice; upon -which the people, detecting this simulated inability as dictated -by the bribe which had been given, expressed their displeasure -partly by sarcastic taunts, partly by indignant murmuring.<a -id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a> -So stands the anecdote in Plutarch. But we have proof that it is -untrue. Demosthenes may indeed have been disabled by sore throat -from speaking at some particular assembly; so far the story may be -accurate; but that he desisted from opposing Harpalus (the real -point of the allegation against him) is certainly not true; for we -know from his accusers Deinarchus and Hyperides, that it was he who -made the final motion for imprisoning Harpalus and sequestrating -the Harpalian treasure in trust for Alexander. In fact, Hyperides -himself denounces Demosthenes, as having from subservience to -Alexander, closed the door against Harpalus and his prospects.<a -id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> -Such direct and continued opposition is a conclusive proof that<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[p. 304]</span> Demosthenes was neither -paid nor bought by Harpalus. The only service which he rendered to -the exile was, by refusing to deliver him to Antipater, and by not -preventing his escape from imprisonment. Now in this refusal even -Phokion concurred; and probably the best Athenians, of all parties, -were desirous of favoring the escape of an exile whom it would -have been odious to hand over to a Macedonian executioner. Insofar -as it was a crime not to have prevented the escape of Harpalus, -the crime was committed as much by Phokion as by Demosthenes; and -indeed more, seeing that Phokion was one of the generals, exercising -the most important administrative duties—while Demosthenes was -only an orator and mover in the assembly. Moreover, Harpalus had -no means of requiting the persons, whoever they were, to whom he -owed his escape; for the same motion which decreed his arrest, -decreed also the sequestration of his money, and thus removed it -from his own control.<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" -class="fnanchor">[722]</a></p> - -<p>The charge therefore made against Demosthenes by his two -accusers,—that he received money <i>from</i> Harpalus,—is one which all -the facts known to us tend to refute. But this is not quite the whole -case. Had Demosthenes the means of embezzling the money, after it -had passed out of the control of Harpalus? To this question also -we may reply in the negative, so far as Athenian practice enables -us to judge. Demosthenes had moved, and the people had voted, that -these treasures should be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[p. -305]</span> lodged in trust for Alexander, in the acropolis; a -place where all the Athenian public money was habitually kept—in -the back chamber of the Parthenon. When placed in that chamber, -these new treasures would come under the custody of the officers -of the Athenian exchequer; and would be just as much out of the -reach of Demosthenes as the rest of the public money. What more -could Phokion himself have done to preserve the Harpalian fund -intact, than to put it in the recognized place of surety? Then, -as to the intermediate process, of taking the money from Harpalus -up to the acropolis, there is no proof,—and in my judgment no -probability,—that Demosthenes was at all concerned in it. Even to -count, verify, and weigh, a sum of above £80,000—not in bank notes -or bills of exchange, but subdivided in numerous and heavy coins -(staters, darics, tetradrachms), likely to be not even Attic, but -Asiatic—must have been a tedious duty requiring to be performed -by competent reckoners, and foreign to the habits of Demosthenes. -The officers of the Athenian treasury must have gone through this -labor, providing the slaves or mules requisite for carrying so heavy -a burthen up to the acropolis. Now we have ample evidence from -the remaining Inscriptions, that the details of transfering and -verifying the public property, at Athens, were performed habitually -with laborious accuracy. Least of all would such accuracy be found -wanting in the case of the large Harpalian treasure, where the -very passing of the decree implied great fear of Alexander. If -Harpalus, on being publicly questioned in the assembly—What was the -sum to be carried up into the acropolis,—answered by stating the -amount which he had originally brought and not that which he had -remaining—Demosthenes might surely repeat that statement immediately -after him, without being understood thereby to bind himself down -as guarantee for its accuracy. An adverse pleader, like Hyperides, -might indeed turn a point in his speech<a id="FNanchor_723" -href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a>—“<i>You</i> told the -assem<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[p. 306]</span>bly that -there were 700 talents, and now <i>you</i> produce no more than half”—but -the imputation wrapped up in these words against the probity of -Demosthenes, is utterly groundless. Lastly, when the true amount was -ascertained, to make report thereof was the duty of the officers of -the treasury. Demosthenes could only learn it from them; and it might -certainly be proper in him, though in no sense an imperative duty, -to inform himself on the point, seeing that he had unconsciously -helped to give publicity to a false statement. The true statement was -given; but we neither know by whom, nor how soon.<a id="FNanchor_724" -href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a></p> - -<p>Reviewing the facts known to us, therefore, we find them all -tending to refute the charge against Demosthenes. This conclusion -will certainly be strengthened by reading the accusatory speech -composed by Deinarchus; which is mere virulent invective, barren -of facts and evidentiary matter, and running over all the life of -Demosthenes for the preceding twenty years. That the speech of -Hyperides also was of the like desultory character, the remaining -fragments indicate. Even the report made by the Areopagus contained -no recital of facts—no justificatory matter—nothing except a -specification of names with the sums for<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_307">[p. 307]</span> which each of them is chargeable.<a -id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> It -appears to have been made <i>ex-parte</i>, as far as we can judge—that -is, made without hearing these persons in their own defence, unless -they happened to be themselves Areopagites. Yet this report is held -forth both by Hyperides and Deinarchus as being in itself conclusive -proof which the Dikasts could not reject. When Demosthenes demanded, -as every defendant naturally would, that the charge against him -should be proved by some positive evidence, Hyperides sets aside -the demand as nothing better than cavil and special pleading.<a -id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a></p> - -<p>One farther consideration remains to be noticed. Only nine months -after the verdict of the Dikastery against Demosthenes, Alexander -died. Presently the Athenians and other Greeks rose against Antipater -in the struggle called the Lamian war. Demosthenes was then recalled; -received from his countrymen an enthusiastic welcome, such as -had never been accorded to any returning exile since the days of -Alkibiades; took a leading part in the management of the war; and -perished, on its disastrous termination, along with his accuser -Hyperides.</p> - -<p>Such speedy revolution of opinion about Demosthenes, countenances -the conclusion which seems to me suggested by the<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[p. 308]</span> other circumstances -of the case—that the verdict against him was not judicial, but -political; growing out of the embarrassing necessities of the -time.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that Harpalus, to whom a declaration of -active support from the Athenians was matter of life and death, -distributed various bribes to all consenting recipients, who -could promote his views,—and probably even to some who simply -refrained from opposing them; to all, in short, except pronounced -opponents. If we were to judge from probabilities alone, we should -say that Hyperides himself, as one of the chief supporters, -would also be among the largest recipients.<a id="FNanchor_727" -href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> Here was abundant -bribery—notorious in the mass, though perhaps untraceable in the -detail—all consummated during the flush of promise which marked the -early discussions of the Harpalian case. When the tide of sentiment -turned—when fear of Macedonian force became the overwhelming -sentiment—when Harpalus and his treasures were impounded in -trust for Alexander—all these numerous receivers of bribes were -already compromised and alarmed. They themselves probably, in -order to divert suspicion, were among the loudest in demanding -investigation and punishment against delinquents. Moreover, the -city was responsible for 700 talents to Alexander, while no more -than 350 were forthcoming.<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" -class="fnanchor">[728]</a> It was indispensable that some definite -individuals should be pronounced guilty and punished, partly in order -to put down the reciprocal criminations circulating through the city, -partly in order to appease the displeasure of Alexander about the -pecuniary deficiency. But how to find out who were the guilty? There -was no official Prosecutor-general; the number of persons suspected -would place the matter beyond the reach of private accusations; -perhaps the course recommended by Demosthenes himself was the best, -to consign this preliminary investigation to the Areopagites.</p> - -<p>Six months elapsed before these Areopagites made their -report.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[p. 309]</span> Now it is -impossible to suppose that all this time could have been spent in the -investigation of facts—and if it had been, the report when published -would have contained some trace of these facts, instead of embodying -a mere list of names and sums. The probability is, that their time -was passed quite as much in party-discussions as in investigating -facts; that dissentient parties were long in coming to an agreement -whom they should sacrifice; and that when they did agree, it was a -political rather than a judicial sentence, singling out Demosthenes -as a victim highly acceptable to Alexander, and embodying Demades -also, by way of compromise, in the same list of delinquents—two -opposite politicians, both at the moment obnoxious. I have already -observed that Demosthenes was at that time unpopular with both the -reigning parties: with the philo-Macedonians, from long date, and -not without sufficient reason; with the anti-Macedonians, because he -had stood prominent in opposing Harpalus. His accusers count upon -the hatred of the former against him, as a matter of course; they -recommend him to the hatred of the latter, as a base creature of -Alexander. The Dikasts doubtless included men of both parties; and -as a collective body, they might probably feel, that to ratify the -list presented by the Areopagus was the only way of finally closing a -subject replete with danger and discord.</p> - -<p>Such seems the probable history of the Harpalian transactions. It -leaves Demosthenes innocent of corrupt profit, not less than Phokion; -but to the Athenian politicians generally, it is noway creditable; -while it exhibits the judicial conscience of Athens as under pressure -of dangers from without, worked upon by party-intrigues within.<a -id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a></p> - -<p>During the half-year and more which elapsed between the arrival of -Harpalus at Athens, and the trial of Demosthenes, one event at least -of considerable moment occurred in Greece. Alex<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_310">[p. 310]</span>ander sent Nicanor to the great Olympic -festival held in this year, with a formal letter or rescript, -directing every Grecian city to recall all its citizens that were in -exile, except such as were under the taint of impiety. The rescript, -which was publicly read at the festival by the herald who had gained -the prize for loudness of voice, was heard with the utmost enthusiasm -by 20,000 exiles, who had mustered there from intimations that such -a step was intended. It ran thus: “King Alexander to the exiles out -of the Grecian cities—We have not been authors of your banishment, -but we will be authors of your restoration to your native cities. We -have written to Antipater about this matter, directing him to apply -force to such cities as will not recall you of their own accord.”<a -id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></p> - -<p>It is plain that many exiles had been pouring out their -complaints and accusations before Alexander, and had found him a -willing auditor. But we do not know by what representations this -rescript had been procured. It would seem that Antipater had orders -farther, to restrain or modify the confederacies of the Achæan -and Arcadian cities;<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" -class="fnanchor">[731]</a> and to enforce not merely recall of the -exiles, but restitution of their properties.<a id="FNanchor_732" -href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></p> - -<p>That the imperial rescript was dictated by mistrust of the tone of -sentiment in the Grecian cities generally, and intended to fill each -city with devoted partisans of Alexander—we cannot doubt. It was on -his part a high-handed and sweeping exercise of sovereignty—setting -aside the conditions under which he had been named leader of -Greece—disdaining even to inquire into particular cases, and to -attempt a distinction between just and unjust sentences—overruling -in the mass the political and judicial authorities in every city. It -proclaimed with bitter emphasis the servitude of the hellenic world. -Exiles restored under the coercive order of Alexander, were sure to -look to Macedonia for support, to despise their own home authorities, -and to fill their respective cities with enfeebling discord. Most -of the cities, not daring to resist, appear to have yielded a -reluctant obedience; but both the Athenians and Ætolians are said to -have refused to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[p. 311]</span> -execute the order.<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" -class="fnanchor">[733]</a> It is one evidence of the disgust raised -by the rescript at Athens, that Demosthenes is severely reproached -by Deinarchus, because, as chief of the Athenian Theôry or sacred -legation to the Olympic festival, he was seen there publicly -consorting and in familiar converse with Nikanor.<a id="FNanchor_734" -href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></p> - -<p>In the winter or early spring of 323 <small>B. C.</small> -several Grecian cities sent envoys into Asia to remonstrate with -Alexander against the measure; we may presume that the Athenians -were among them; but we do not know whether the remonstrance -produced any effect.<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" -class="fnanchor">[735]</a> There appears to have been considerable -discontent in Greece during this winter and spring (323 -<small>B. C.</small>). The disbanded soldiers out of Asia -still maintained a camp at Tænarus; where Leosthenes, an energetic -Athenian of anti-Macedonian sentiments, accepted the command of -them, and even attracted fresh mercenary soldiers from Asia, under -concert with various confederates at Athens, and with the Ætolians.<a -id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> -Of the money, said to be 5000 talents, brought by Harpalus out of -Asia, the greater part had not been taken by Harpalus to Athens, but -apparently left with his officers for the maintenance of the troops -who had accompanied him over.</p> - -<p>Such was the general position of affairs, when Alexander died -at Babylon in June 323 <small>B. C.</small> This astounding -news, for which no one could have been prepared, must have -become diffused throughout Greece during the month of July. It -opened the most favorable prospects to all lovers of freedom and -sufferers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[p. 312]</span> by -Macedonian dominion. The imperial military force resembled the -gigantic Polyphemus after his eye had been blinded by Odysseus:<a -id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> -Alexander had left no competent heir, nor did any one imagine that -his vast empire could be kept together in effective unity by other -hands. Antipater in Macedonia was threatened with the defection of -various subject neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" -class="fnanchor">[738]</a></p> - -<p>No sooner was the death of Alexander indisputably certified, than -the anti-Macedonian leaders in Athens vehemently instigated the -people to declare themselves first champions of Hellenic freedom, -and to organize a confederacy throughout Greece for that object. -Demosthenes was then in exile; but Leosthenes, Hyperides and other -orators of the same party, found themselves able to kindle in -their countrymen a strenuous feeling and determination, in spite -of decided opposition on the part of Phokion and his partisans.<a -id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> -The rich men for the most part took the side of Phokion, but the -mass of the citizens were fired by the animating recollection of -their ancestors and by the hopes of reconquering Grecian freedom. -A vote was passed, publicly proclaiming their resolution to that -effect. It was decreed that 200 quadriremes, and 40 triremes should -be equipped; that all Athenians under 40 years of age should be in -military requisition; and that envoys should be sent round to the -various Grecian cities, earnestly invoking their alliance in the -work of self-emancipation.<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" -class="fnanchor">[740]</a> Phokion, though a pronounced opponent of -such<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[p. 313]</span> warlike -projects, still remained at Athens, and still, apparently, continued -in his functions as one of the generals.<a id="FNanchor_741" -href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> But Pytheas, -Kallimedon, and others of his friends, fled to Antipater, whom -they strenuously assisted in trying to check the intended movement -throughout Greece.</p> - -<p>Leosthenes, aided by some money and arms from Athens, put himself -at the head of the mercenaries assembled at Tænarus, and passed -across the Gulf into Ætolia. Here he was joined by the Ætolians and -Akarnanians, who eagerly entered into the league with Athens for -expelling the Macedonians from Greece. Proceeding onward towards -Thermopylæ and Thessaly, he met with favor and encouragement almost -everywhere. The cause of Grecian freedom was espoused by the -Phokians, Lokrians, Dorians, Ænianes, Athamantes, and Dolopes; by -most of the Malians, Œtæans, Thessalians, and Achæans of Phthiôtis; -by the inhabitants of Leukas, and by some of the Molossians. Promises -were also held out of co-operation from various Illyrian and Thracian -tribes. In Peloponnesus, the Argeians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, -Trœzenians, Eleians, and Messenians, enrolled themselves in the -league, as well as the Karystians in Eubœa.<a id="FNanchor_742" -href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> These adhesions were -partly procured by Hyperides and other Athenian envoys, who visited -the several cities; while Pytheas and other envoys were going round -in like matter to advocate the cause of Antipater. The two sides -were thus publicly argued by able pleaders before different public -assemblies. In these debates, the advantage was generally on the -side of the Athenian orators, whose efforts moreover were powerfully -seconded by the voluntary aid of Demosthenes, then living as an exile -in Peloponnesus.</p> - -<p>To Demosthenes the death of Alexander, and the new prospect -of organizing an anti-Macedonian confederacy with some tolerable -chance of success, came more welcome than to any one else. He gladly -embraced the opportunity of joining and assist<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_314">[p. 314]</span>ing the Athenian envoys, who felt the -full value of his energetic eloquence, in the various Peloponnesian -towns. So effective was the service which he thus rendered to his -country, that the Athenians not only passed a vote to enable him to -return, but sent a trireme to fetch him to Peiræus. Great was the -joy and enthusiasm on his arrival. The archons, the priests, and -the entire body of citizens, came down to the harbor to welcome his -landing, and escorted him to the city. Full of impassioned emotion, -Demosthenes poured forth his gratitude for having been allowed to see -such a day, and to enjoy a triumph greater even than that which had -been conferred on Alkibiades on returning from exile; since it had -been granted spontaneously, and not extorted by force. His fine could -not be remitted, consistently with Athenian custom; but the people -passed a vote granting to him fifty talents as superintendent of the -periodical sacrifice to Zeus Soter; and his execution of this duty -was held equivalent to a liquidation of the fine.<a id="FNanchor_743" -href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></p> - -<p>What part Demosthenes took in the plans or details of the war, we -are not permitted to know. Vigorous operations were now carried on, -under the military command of Leosthenes. The confederacy against -Antipater included a larger assemblage of Hellenic states than -that which had resisted Xerxes in 480 <small>B. C.</small> -Nevertheless, the name of Sparta does not appear in the list. It -was a melancholy drawback to the chances of Greece, in this her -last struggle for emancipation, that the force of Sparta had been -altogether crushed in the gallant but ill-concerted effort of Agis -against Antipater seven years before, and had not since recovered. -The great stronghold of Macedonian interest, in the interior of -Greece, was Bœotia. Platæa, Orchomenus, and the other ancient enemies -of Thebes, having received from Alexander the domain once belonging -to Thebes herself, were well aware that this arrangement could only -be upheld by the continued pressure of Macedonian supremacy in -Greece. It seems probable also that there were Macedonian garrisons -in the Kadmeia—in Corinth—and in Megalopolis; moreover, that the -Arcadian and Achæan cities had been macedonized by the measures -taken against them under Alexander’s orders in the pre<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[p. 315]</span>ceding summer;<a -id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> -for we find no mention made of these cities in the coming contest. -The Athenians equipped a considerable land-force to join Leosthenes -at Thermopylæ; a citizen force of 5000 infantry and 500 cavalry, -with 2000 mercenaries besides. But the resolute opposition of the -Bœotian cities hindered them from advancing beyond Mount Kithæron, -until Leosthenes himself, marching from Thermopylæ to join them -with a part of his army, attacked the Bœotian troops, gained a -complete victory, and opened the passage. He now proceeded with -the full Hellenic muster, including Ætolians and Athenians, into -Thessaly to meet Antipater, who was advancing from Macedonia into -Greece at the head of the force immediately at his disposal—13,000 -infantry, and 600 cavalry—and with a fleet of 110 ships of war -co-operating on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" -class="fnanchor">[745]</a></p> - -<p>Antipater was probably not prepared for this rapid and imposing -assemblage of the combined Greeks at Thermopylæ, nor for the -energetic movements of Leosthenes. Still less was he prepared for -the defection of the Thessalian cavalry, who, having always formed -an important element in the Macedonian army, now lent their strength -to the Greeks. He despatched urgent messages to the Macedonian -commanders in Asia—Kraterus, Leonnatus, Philotas, etc., soliciting -reinforcements; but in the mean time, though inferior in numbers, -he thought it expedient to accept the challenge of Leosthenes. In -the battle which ensued, however, he was completely defeated, and -even cut off from the possibility of retreating into Macedonia; -so that no resource was left to him except the fortified town of -Lamia (near to the river Spercheius, beyond the southern border of -Thessaly), where he calculated on holding out until relief came -from Asia. Leosthenes immediately commenced the siege of Lamia, -and pressed it with the utmost energy, making several attempts to -storm the town; but its fortifications were strong, with a garrison -ample and efficient—so that he was repulsed with consider<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[p. 316]</span>able loss. Unfortunately -he possessed no battering train nor engineers, such as had formed -so powerful an element in the military successes of Philip and -Alexander. He therefore found himself compelled to turn the siege -into a blockade, and to adopt systematic measures for intercepting -the supply of provisions. In this he had every chance of succeeding, -and of capturing the person of Antipater. Hellenic prospects looked -bright and encouraging; nothing was heard in Athens and the other -cities except congratulations and thanksgivings.<a id="FNanchor_746" -href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> Phokion, on -hearing the confident language of those around him remarked—“The -stadium (or short course) has been done brilliantly, but I fear -we shall not have strength to hold out for the long course.”<a -id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> -At this critical moment, Leosthenes, in inspecting the blockading -trenches, was wounded on the head by a large stone, projected from -one of the catapults on the city-walls, and expired in two days.<a -id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> -A funeral oration in his honor, as well as in that of the other -combatants against Antipater, was pronounced at Athens by -Hyperides, on whom the people devolved that duty in preference to -Demosthenes.</p> - -<p>The death of this eminent general, in the full tide of success, -was a hard blow struck by fortune at the cause of Grecian -freedom. For the last generation, Athens had produced several -excellent orators, and one who combined splendid oratory with -wise and patriotic counsels. But during all that time, none of -her citizens, before Leosthenes had displayed military genius and -ardor along with Panhellenic purposes. His death appears to have -saved Antipater from defeat and captivity. The difficulty was very -great, of keeping together a miscellaneous army of Greeks, who -after the battle, easily persuaded themselves that the war was -finished, and desired to go home—perhaps under promise of returning. -Even during the lifetime of Leosthenes, the Ætolians, the most -powerful contingent of the army, had obtained leave to go home, -from some domestic urgency, real or pretended.<a id="FNanchor_749" -href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> When he was slain, -there was no second in command; nor, even if there had been, could -the personal influence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[p. -317]</span> of one officer be transferred to another. Reference -was made to Athens, where, after some debate, Antiphilus was -chosen commander, after the proposition to name Phokion had been -made and rejected.<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" -class="fnanchor">[750]</a> But during this interval there was no -authority to direct military operations, or even to keep the army -together; so that the precious moments for rendering the blockade -really stringent, were lost, and Antipater was enabled to maintain -himself until the arrival of Leonnatus from Asia to his aid. How -dangerous the position of Antipater was, we may judge from the -fact, that he solicited peace, but was required by the besiegers to -surrender at discretion<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" -class="fnanchor">[751]</a>—with which condition he refused to -comply.</p> - -<p>Antiphilus appears to have been a brave and competent officer. -But before he could reduce Lamia, Leonnatus with a Macedonian army -had crossed the Hellespont from Asia, and arrived at the frontiers -of Thessaly. So many of the Grecian contingents had left the camp, -that Antiphilus was not strong enough at once to continue the -blockade and to combat the relieving army. Accordingly, he raised -the blockade, and moved off by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus -apart from Antipater. He accomplished this operation with vigor -and success. Through the superior efficiency of the Thessalian -cavalry under Menon, he gained an important advantage in a cavalry -battle over Leonnatus, who was himself slain;<a id="FNanchor_752" -href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> and the Macedonian -phalanx having its flanks and rear thus exposed, retired from the -plain to more difficult ground, leaving the Greeks masters of the -field with the dead bodies. On the very next day, Antipater came up -with the troops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army. -He did not however think it expedient to renew the combat, but -withdrew his army from Thessaly into Macedonia, keeping in his march -the high ground, out of the reach of cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_753" -href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a></p> - -<p>During the same time generally as these operations in Thessaly, -it appears that war was carried on actively by sea. We<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[p. 318]</span> hear of a descent by -Mikion with a Macedonian fleet at Rhamnus on the eastern coast of -Attica, repulsed by Phokion; also of a Macedonian fleet, of 240 -sail, under Kleitus, engaging in two battles with the Athenian fleet -under Eetion, near the islands called Echinades, at the mouth of the -Achelous, on the western Ætolian coast. The Athenians were defeated -in both actions, and great efforts were made at Athens to build -new vessels for the purpose of filling up the losses sustained.<a -id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> -Our information is not sufficient to reveal the purposes or details -of these proceedings. But it seems probable that the Macedonian -fleet were attacking Ætolia through Œniadæ, the citizens of which -town had recently been expelled by the Ætolians;<a id="FNanchor_755" -href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> and perhaps this may -have been the reason why the Ætolian contingent was withdrawn from -Thessaly.</p> - -<p>In spite of such untoward events at sea, the cause of Panhellenic -liberty seemed on the whole prosperous. Though the capital -opportunity had been missed, of taking Antipater captive in Lamia, -still he had been expelled from Greece, and was unable, by means -of his own forces in Macedonia, to regain his footing. The Grecian -contingents had behaved with bravery and unanimity in prosecution -of the common purpose; and what had been already achieved was -quite sufficient to justify the rising, as a fair risk, promising -reasonable hopes of success. Nevertheless Greek citizens were not -like trained Macedonian soldiers. After a term of service not much -prolonged, they wanted to go back to their families and properties, -hardly less after a victory than after a defeat. Hence the army of -Antiphilus in Thessaly became much thinned,<a id="FNanchor_756" -href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> though still -remaining large enough to keep back the Macedonian forces of -Antipater, even augmented as they had been by Leonnatus—and to compel -him to await the still more powerful reinforcement destined to follow -under Kraterus.</p> - -<p>In explaining the relations between these three Macedonian -commanders—Antipater, Leonnatus, and Kraterus—it is necessary to go -back to June 323 <small>B. C.</small>, the period of Alexander’s -death, and to review the condition into which his vast and mighty -empire had fallen. I shall do this briefly, and only so far as -it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[p. 319]</span> bears on the -last struggles and final subjugation of the Grecian world.</p> - -<p>On the unexpected death of Alexander, the camp at Babylon with -its large force became a scene of discord. He left no offspring, -except a child named Herakles, by his mistress Barsinê. Roxana, one -of his wives, was indeed pregnant; and amidst the uncertainties of -the moment, the first disposition of many was to await the birth -of her child. She herself, anxious to shut out rivalry, caused -Statira, the queen whom Alexander had last married to be entrapped -and assassinated along with her sister.<a id="FNanchor_757" -href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> There was, however, -at Babylon, a brother of Alexander, named Aridæus (son of Philip -by a Thessalian mistress), already of full age though feeble in -intelligence, towards whom a still larger party leaned. In Macedonia, -there were Olympias, Alexander’s mother—Kleopatra, his sister, -widow of the Epirotic Alexander—and Kynanê,<a id="FNanchor_758" -href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> another sister, widow -of Amyntas (cousin of Alexander the Great, and put to death by him); -all of them disposed to take advantage of their relationship to the -deceased conqueror, in the scramble now opened for power.</p> - -<p>After a violent dispute between the cavalry and the infantry -at Babylon, Aridæus was proclaimed king under the name of Philip -Aridæus. Perdikkas was named as his guardian and chief minister; -among the other chief officers, the various satrapies and fractions -of the empire were distributed. Egypt and Libya were assigned to -Ptolemy; Syria to Laomedon; Kilikia to Philôtas; Pamphylia, Lykia, -and the greater Phrygia, to Antigonus; Karia, to Asander; Lydia, to -Menander; the Hellespontine Phrygia, to Leonnatus; Kappadokia and -Paphlagonia, to the Kardian Eumenes; Media, to Pithon. The eastern -satrapies were left in the hands of the actual holders.</p> - -<p>In Europe, the distributors gave Thrace with the Chersonese to -Lysimachus; the countries west of Thrace, including (along with -Illyrians, Triballi, Agrianes, and Epirots) Macedonia and Greece, -to Antipater and Kraterus.<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" -class="fnanchor">[759]</a> We thus find the Grecian<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[p. 320]</span> cities handed over -to new masters, as fragments of the vast intestate estate left by -Alexander. The empty form of convening and consulting a synod of -deputies at Corinth, was no longer thought necessary.</p> - -<p>All the above-named officers were considered as local lieutenants, -administering portions of an empire one and indivisible, under -Aridæus. The principal officers who enjoyed central authority, -bearing on the entire empire, were, Perdikkas, chiliarch of the horse -(the post occupied by Hephæstion until his death), a sort of vizir,<a -id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> -and Seleukus, commander of the Horse Guards. No one at this moment -talked of dividing the empire. But it soon appeared that Perdikkas, -profiting by the weakness of Aridæus, had determined to leave to -him nothing more than the imperial name, and to engross for himself -the real authority. Still, however, in his disputes with the other -chiefs, he represented the imperial family, and the integrity of the -empire, contending against severality and local independence. In this -task (besides his brother Alketas), his ablest and most effective -auxiliary was Eumenes of Kardia, secretary of Alexander for several -years until his death. It was one of the earliest proceedings of -Perdikkas to wrest Kappadokia from the local chief Ariarathes (who -had contrived to hold it all through the reign of Alexander), and -to transfer it to Eumenes, to whom it had been allotted in the -general scheme of division.<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" -class="fnanchor">[761]</a></p> - -<p>At the moment of Alexander’s death, Kraterus was in Kilikia, -at the head of an army of veteran Macedonian soldiers. He had -been directed to conduct them home into Macedonia, with orders to -remain there himself in place of Antipater, who was to come over to -Asia with fresh reinforcements. Kraterus had with him a paper of -written instructions from Alexander, embodying projects on the most -gigantic scale; for western conquest—transportation of inhabitants -by wholesale from Europe into Asia and Asia into Europe—erection -of magnificent religious edifices in various parts of Greece and -Macedonia, etc. This list was submitted by Perdikkas to the officers -and soldiers around him, who dismissed the projects as too vast -for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[p. 321]</span> any one but -Alexander to think of.<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" -class="fnanchor">[762]</a> Kraterus and Antipater had each a -concurrent claim to Greece and Macedonia, and the distributors of the -empire had allotted these countries to them jointly, not venturing -to exclude either. Amidst the conflicting pretensions of these great -Macedonian officers, Leonnatus also cherished hopes of the same -prize. He was satrap of the Asiatic territory bordering upon the -Hellespont, and had received propositions from Kleopatra at Pella, -inviting him to marry her and assume the government of Macedonia. -About the same time, urgent messages were also sent to him (through -Hekatæus despot of Kardia) from Antipater, immediately after the -defeat preceding the siege of Lamia, entreating his co-operation -against the Greeks. Leonnatus accordingly came, intending to assist -Antipater against the Greeks, but also to dispossess him of the -government of Macedonia and marry Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_763" -href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> This scheme remained -unexecuted, because (as has been already related) Leonnatus was slain -in his first encounter with the Greeks. To them, his death was a -grave misfortune; to Antipater, it was an advantage which more than -countervailed the defeat, since it relieved him from a dangerous -rival.</p> - -<p>It was not till the ensuing summer that Kraterus found leisure -to conduct his army into Macedonia. By this junction, Antipater to -whom he ceded the command, found himself at the head of a powerful -army—40,000 heavy infantry, 5000 cavalry, and 3000 archers and -slingers. He again marched into Thessaly against the Greeks under -Antiphilus; and the two armies came in sight on the Thessalian -plains near Krannon. The Grecian army consisted of 25,000 infantry, -and 3500 cavalry—the latter, Thessalians under Menon, of admirable -efficiency. The soldiers in general were brave, but insubordinate; -while the contingents of many cities had gone home without returning, -in spite of urgent remonstrances from the commander. Hoping to be -rejoined by these absentees, Antiphilus and Menon tried at first to -defer fighting; but Antipater forced them to a battle. Though Menon -with his Thessalian cavalry defeated and dispersed the Macedonian -cavalry, the Grecian infantry were unable to resist the superior -number of Antipater’s infantry, and the heavy<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_322">[p. 322]</span> pressure of the phalanx. They were -beaten back and gave way, yet retiring in tolerable order, the -Macedonian phalanx being incompetent for pursuit, to some difficult -neighboring ground, where they were soon joined by their victorious -cavalry. The loss of the Greeks is said to have been 500 men; that -of the Macedonians, 120.<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" -class="fnanchor">[764]</a></p> - -<p>The defeat of Krannon (August 322 <small>B. C.</small>) -was no way decisive or ruinous, nor would it probably have crushed -the spirit of Leosthenes, had he been alive and in command. The -coming up of the absentee contingents might still have enabled -the Greeks to make head. But Antiphilus and Menon, after holding -counsel, declined to await and accelerate that junction. They thought -themselves under the necessity of sending to open negotiations for -peace with Antipater; who however returned for answer, that he would -not recognize or treat with any Grecian confederacy, and that he -would receive no propositions except from each city severally. Upon -this the Grecian commanders at once resolved to continue the war, -and to invoke reinforcements from their countrymen. But their own -manifestation of timidity had destroyed the chance that remained of -such reinforcements arriving. While Antipater commenced a vigorous -and successful course of action against the Thessalian cities -separately, the Greeks became more and more dispirited and alarmed. -City after city sent its envoys to entreat peace from Antipater, -who granted lenient terms to each, reserving only the Athenians and -Ætolians. In a few days, the combined Grecian army was dispersed; -Antiphilus with the Athenians returned into Attica; Antipater -followed them southward as far as Bœotia, taking up his quarters at -the Macedonian post on the Kadmeia, once the Hellenic Thebes—within -two days’ march of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" -class="fnanchor">[765]</a></p> - -<p>Against the overwhelming force thus on the frontiers of Attica, -the Athenians had no means of defence. The principal anti-Macedonian -orators, especially Demosthenes and Hyperides, retired from the -city at once, seeking sanctuary in the temples of Kalauria and -Ægina. Phokion and Demades, as the envoys<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_323">[p. 323]</span> most acceptable to Antipater, were -sent to Kadmeia as bearers of the submission of the city, and -petitioners for lenient terms. Demades is said to have been at this -time disfranchised and disqualified from public speaking—having been -indicted and found guilty thrice (some say seven times) under the -Graphê Paranomon; but the Athenians passed a special vote of relief, -to enable him to resume his functions of citizen. Neither Phokion -nor Demades, however, could prevail upon Antipater to acquiesce -in anything short of the surrender of Athens at discretion; the -same terms as Leosthenes had required from Antipater himself at -Lamia. Kraterus was even bent upon marching forward into Attica, -to dictate terms under the walls of Athens; and it was not without -difficulty that Phokion obtained the abandonment of this intention; -after which he returned to Athens with the answer. The people had -no choice except to throw themselves on the mercy of Antipater;<a -id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> and -Phokion and Demades came back to Thebes to learn his determination. -This time they were accompanied by the philosopher Xenokrates—the -successor of Plato and Speusippus, as presiding teacher in the school -of the Academy. Though not a citizen of Athens, Xenokrates had long -resided there; and it was supposed that his dignified character and -intellectual eminence might be efficacious in mitigating the wrath -of the conqueror. Aristotle had quitted Athens for Chalkis before -this time; otherwise he, the personal friend of Antipater, would have -been probably selected for this painful mission. In point of fact, -Xenokrates did no good, being harshly received, and almost put to -silence by Antipater. One reason of this may be, that he had been to -a certain extent the rival of Aristotle; and it must be added to his -honor, that he maintained a higher and more independent tone than -either of the other envoys.<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" -class="fnanchor">[767]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[p. 324]</span>According to -the terms dictated by Antipater, the Athenians were required to pay -a sum equal to the whole cost of the war; to surrender Demosthenes, -Hyperides, and seemingly at least two other anti-Macedonian orators; -to receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia; to abandon their -democratical constitution and disfranchise all their poorer citizens. -Most of these poor men were to be transported from their homes, and -to receive new lands on a foreign shore. The Athenian colonists in -Samos were to be dipossessed and the island retransferred to the -Samian exiles and natives.</p> - -<p>It is said that Phokion and Demades heard these terms -with satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xenokrates -entered against them the strongest protest which the occasion -admitted, when he said<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" -class="fnanchor">[768]</a>—“If Antipater looks upon us as slaves, the -terms are moderate; if as freemen, they are severe.” To Phokion’s -entreaty, that the introduction of the garrison might be dispensed -with, Antipater replied in the negative, intimating that the garrison -would be not less serviceable to Phokion himself than to the -Macedonians; while Kallimedon also, an Athenian exile there present, -repelled the proposition with scorn. Respecting the island of Samos, -Antipater was prevailed upon to allow a special reference to the -imperial authority.</p> - -<p>If Phokion thought these terms lenient, we must imagine that -he expected a sentence of destruction against Athens, such as -Alexander had pronounced and executed against Thebes. Under no other -comparison can they appear lenient. Out of 21,000 qualified citizens -of Athens, all those who did not possess property to the amount of -2000 drachmæ were condemned to disfranchisement and deportation. -The number below this prescribed qualification, who came under the -penalty, was 12,000, or three-fifths of the whole. They were set -aside as turbulent, noisy democrats; the 9000 richest citizens, the -“party of order”, were left in exclusive possession, not only of the -citizenship, but of the city. The condemned 12,000 were deported out -of Attica, some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[p. 325]</span> -to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian coast, some to Libya -or the Kyrenaic territory. Besides the multitude banished simply -on the score of comparative poverty, the marked anti-Macedonian -politicians were banished also, including Agnonides, the friend of -Demosthenes, and one of his earnest advocates when accused respecting -the Harpalian treasures.<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" -class="fnanchor">[769]</a> At the request of Phokion, Antipater -consented to render the deportation less sweeping than he had -originally intended, so far as to permit some exiles, Agnonides -among the rest, to remain within the limits of Peloponnesus.<a -id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> -We shall see him presently contemplating a still more wholesale -deportation of the Ætolian people.</p> - -<p>It is deeply to be lamented that this important revolution, -not only cutting down Athens to less than one-half of her citizen -population, but involving a deportation fraught with individual -hardship and suffering, is communicated to us only in two or -three sentences of Plutarch and Diodorus, without any details -from contemporary observers. It is called by Diodorus a return -to the Solonian constitution; but the comparison disgraces the -name of that admirable lawgiver, whose changes, taken as a whole, -were prodigiously liberal and enfranchising, compared with what -he found established. The deportation ordained by Antipater must -indeed have brought upon the poor citizens of Athens a state of -suffering in foreign lands analogous to that<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_326">[p. 326]</span> which Solon describes as having -preceded his Seisachtheia, or measure for the relief of debtors.<a -id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> -What rules the nine thousand remaining citizens adopted for their -new constitution, we do not know. Whatever they did, must now -have been subject to the consent of Antipater and the Macedonian -garrison, which entered Munychia, under the command of Menyllus, -on the twentieth day of the month Boedromion (September), rather -more than a month after the battle of Krannon. The day of its entry -presented a sorrowful contrast. It was the day on which, during -the annual ceremony of the mysteries of Eleusinian Demeter, the -multitudinous festal procession of citizens escorted the god Iacchus -from Athens to Eleusis.<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" -class="fnanchor">[772]</a></p> - -<p>One of the earliest measures of the nine thousand was, to condemn -to death, at the motion of Demades, the distinguished anti-Macedonian -orators who had already fled—Demosthenes, Hyperides, Aristonikus, and -Himeræus, brother of the citizen afterwards celebrated as Demetrius -the Phalerean. The three last having taken refuge in Ægina, and -Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them were out of the reach of an -Athenian sentence, but not beyond that of the Macedonian sword. -At this miserable season, Greece was full of similar exiles, the -anti-Macedonian leaders out of all the cities which had taken part in -the Lamian war. The officers of Antipater, called in the language of -the time the Exile-Hunters,<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" -class="fnanchor">[773]</a> were everywhere on the look-out to seize -these proscribed men; many of the orators, from other cities as -well as from Athens, were slain; and there was no refuge except -the mountains of Ætolia for any of them.<a id="FNanchor_774" -href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> One of these -officers, a Thurian named Archias, who had once been a tragic -actor, passed over with a company of Thracian soldiers to Ægi<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[p. 327]</span>na, where he seized the -three Athenian orators—Hyperides, Aristonikus, and Himeræus—dragging -them out of the sanctuary of the Æakeion or chapel of Æakus. They -were all sent as prisoners to Antipater, who had by this time marched -forward with his army to Corinth and Kleonæ in Peloponnesus. All -were there put to death, by his order. It is even said, and on -respectable authority, that the tongue of Hyperides was cut out -before he was slain; according to another statement, he himself bit -it out—being put to the torture, and resolving to make revelation of -secrets impossible. Respecting the details of his death, there were -several different stories.<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" -class="fnanchor">[775]</a></p> - -<p>Having conducted these prisoners to Antipater, Archias proceeded -with his Thracians to Kalauria in search of Demosthenes. The temple -of Poseidon there situated, in which the orator had taken sanctuary, -was held in such high veneration, that Archias, hesitating to drag -him out by force, tried to persuade him to come forth voluntarily, -under promise that he should suffer no harm. But Demosthenes, -well aware of the fate which awaited him, swallowed poison in the -temple, and when the dose was beginning to take effect, came out -of the sacred ground, expiring immediately after he had passed -the boundary. The accompanying circumstances were recounted in -several different ways.<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" -class="fnanchor">[776]</a> Eratosthenes (to whose authority I lean) -affirmed that Demosthenes carried the poison in a ring round his arm; -others said that it was suspended in a linen bag round his neck; -according to a third story, it was contained in a writing-quill, -which he was seen to bite and suck, while composing a last letter to -Antipater. Amidst these contradictory details, we can only affirm -as certain,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[p. 328]</span> -that the poison which he had provided beforehand preserved him -from the sword of Antipater, and perhaps from having his tongue -cut out. The most remarkable assertion was that of Demochares, -nephew of Demosthenes, made in his harangues at Athens a few years -afterwards. Demochares asserted that his uncle had not taken -poison, but had been softly withdrawn from the world by a special -providence of the gods, just at the moment essential to rescue him -from the cruelty of the Macedonians. It is not less to be noted, as -an illustration of the vein of sentiment afterwards prevalent, that -Archias the Exile-Hunter was affirmed to have perished in the utmost -dishonor and wretchedness.<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" -class="fnanchor">[777]</a></p> - -<p>The violent deaths of these illustrious orators, the -disfranchisement and deportation of the Athenian Demos, the -suppression of the public Dikasteries, the occupation of Athens -by a Macedonian garrison, and of Greece generally by Macedonian -Exile-Hunters—are events belonging to one and the same calamitous -tragedy, and marking the extinction of the autonomous hellenic -world. Of Hyperides as a citizen we know only the general fact, -that he maintained from first to last, and with oratorical ability -inferior only to Demosthenes, a strenuous opposition to Macedonian -dominion over Greece; though his prosecution of Demosthenes -respecting the Harpalian treasure appears (as far as it comes before -us) discreditable. Of Demosthenes we know more—enough to form a -judgment of him both as citizen and statesman. At the time of his -death he was about sixty-two years of age, and we have before -us his first Philippic, delivered thirty years before (352-351 -<small>B. C.</small>). We are thus sure, that even at that -early day, he took a sagacious and provident measure of the danger -which threatened Grecian liberty from the energy and encroachments -of Philip. He impressed upon his countrymen this coming danger, at -a time when the older and more influential politicians either could -not or would not see it; he called aloud upon his fellow-citizens -for personal service and pecuniary contributions, enforcing -the call by all the artifices of consummate oratory, when such -distasteful propositions only entailed unpopu<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_329">[p. 329]</span>larity upon himself. At the period -when Demosthenes first addressed these earnest appeals to his -countrymen, long before the fall of Olynthus, the power of Philip, -though formidable, might have been kept perfectly well within the -limits of Macedonia and Thrace; and would probably have been so kept, -had Demosthenes possessed in 351 <small>B. C.</small> as much -public influence as he had acquired ten years afterwards, in 341 -<small>B. C.</small></p> - -<p>Throughout the whole career of Demosthenes as a public adviser, -down to the battle of Chæroneia, we trace the same combination of -earnest patriotism with wise and long-sighted policy. During the -three years’ war which ended with the battle of Chæroneia, the -Athenians in the main followed his counsel; and disastrous as were -the ultimate military results of that war, for which Demosthenes -could not be responsible—its earlier periods were creditable and -successful, its general scheme was the best that the case admitted, -and its diplomatic management universally triumphant. But what -invests the purposes and policy of Demosthenes with peculiar -grandeur, is, that they were not simply Athenian, but in an eminent -degree Panhellenic also. It was not Athens only that he sought to -defend against Philip, but the whole hellenic world. In this he -towers above the greatest of his predecessors for half a century -before his birth—Perikles, Archidamus, Agesilaus, Epaminondas; -whose policy was Athenian, Spartan, Theban, rather than hellenic. -He carries us back to the time of the invasion of Xerxes and the -generation immediately succeeding it, when the struggles and -sufferings of the Athenians against Persia were consecrated by -complete identity of interest with collective Greece. The sentiments -to which Demosthenes appeals throughout his numerous orations, are -those of the noblest and largest patriotism; trying to inflame the -ancient Grecian sentiment, of an autonomous hellenic world, as the -indispensable condition of a dignified and desirable existence<a -id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a>—but -inculcating at the same time that these blessings could only -be preserved by toil, self-sacrifice, devotion of fortune, and -willingness to brave hard and steady personal service.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[p. 330]</span>From the -destruction of Thebes by Alexander in 335 <small>B. C.</small>, -to the Lamian war after his death, the policy of Athens neither -was nor could be conducted by Demosthenes. But, condemned as he -was to comparative inefficacy, he yet rendered material service to -Athens, in the Harpalian affair of 324 <small>B. C.</small> -If, instead of opposing the alliance of the city with Harpalus, he -had supported it as warmly as Hyperides—the exaggerated promises of -the exile might probably have prevailed, and war would have been -declared against Alexander. In respect to the charge of having been -corrupted by Harpalus, I have already shown reasons for believing -him innocent. The Lamian war, the closing scene of his activity, -was not of his original suggestion, since he was in exile at its -commencement. But he threw himself into it with unreserved ardor, -and was greatly instrumental in procuring the large number of -adhesions which it obtained from so many Grecian states. In spite -of its disastrous result, it was, like the battle of Chæroneia, a -glorious effort for the recovery of Grecian liberty, undertaken under -circumstances which promised a fair chance of success. There was no -excessive rashness in calculating on distractions in the empire left -by Alexander—on mutual hostility among the principal officers—and on -the probability of having only to make head against Antipater and -Macedonia, with little or no reinforcement from Asia. Disastrous as -the enterprise ultimately proved, yet the risk was one fairly worth -incurring, with so noble an object at stake; and could the war have -been protracted another year, its termination would probably have -been very different. We shall see this presently when we come to -follow Asiatic events. After a catastrophe so ruinous, extinguishing -free speech in Greece, and dispersing the Athenian Demos to distant -lands, Demosthenes himself could hardly have desired, at the age of -sixty-two, to prolong his existence as a fugitive beyond sea.</p> - -<p>Of the speeches which he composed for private litigants, -occasionally also for himself, before the Dikastery—and of the -numerous stimulating and admonitory harangues on the public affairs -of the moment, which he had addressed to his assembled countrymen, a -few remain for the admiration of posterity. These harangues serve to -us, not only as evidence of his unrivalled ex<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_331">[p. 331]</span>cellence as an orator, but as one of the -chief sources from which we are enabled to appreciate the last phase -of free Grecian life, as an acting and working reality.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_96"> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVI.<br /> - FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF - FREE HELLAS AND HELLENISM.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> death of Demosthenes, -with its tragical circumstances recounted in my last chapter, is on -the whole less melancholy than the prolonged life of Phokion, as -agent of Macedonian supremacy in a city half-depopulated, where he -had been born a free citizen, and which he had so long helped to -administer as a free community. The dishonor of Phokion’s position -must have been aggravated by the distress in Athens, arising both -out of the violent deportation of one-half of its free citizens, and -out of the compulsory return of the Athenian settlers from Samos; -which island was now taken from Athens, after she had occupied it -forty-three years, and restored to the Samian people and to their -recalled exiles, by a rescript of Perdikkas in the name of Aridæus.<a -id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> -Occupying this obnoxious elevation, Phokion exercised authority -with his usual probity and mildness. Exerting himself to guard the -citizens from being annoyed by disorders on the part of the garrison -of Munychia, he kept up friendly intercourse with its commander -Menyllus, though refusing all presents both<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_332">[p. 332]</span> from him and from Antipater. He was -anxious to bestow the gift of citizenship upon the philosopher -Xenokrates, who was only a metic, or resident non-freeman; but -Xenokrates declined the offer, remarking, that he would accept no -place in a constitution against which he had protested as envoy.<a -id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> -This mark of courageous independence, not a little remarkable while -the Macedonians were masters of the city, was a tacit reproach to the -pliant submission of Phokion.</p> - -<p>Throughout Peloponnesus, Antipater purged and remodelled the -cities, Argos, Megalopolis, and others, as he had done at Athens; -installing in each an oligarchy of his own partisans—sometimes -with a Macedonian garrison—and putting to death, deporting, or -expelling, hostile, or intractable, or democratical citizens.<a -id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> -Having completed the subjugation of Peloponnesus, he passed -across the Corinthian Gulf to attack the Ætolians, now the only -Greeks remaining unsubdued. It was the purpose of Antipater, not -merely to conquer this warlike and rude people, but to transport -them in mass across into Asia, and march them up to the interior -deserts of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" -class="fnanchor">[782]</a> His army was too powerful to be resisted -on even ground, so that all the more accessible towns and villages -fell into his hands. But the Ætolians defended themselves bravely, -withdrew their families into the high towns and mountain tops of -their very rugged country, and caused serious loss to the Macedonian -invaders. Nevertheless, Kraterus, who had carried on war of the -same kind with Alexander in Sogdiana, manifested so much skill in -seizing the points of communication, that he intercepted all their -supplies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[p. 333]</span> and -reduced them to extreme distress, amidst the winter which had now -supervened. The Ætolians, in spite of bravery and endurance, must -soon have been compelled to surrender from cold and hunger, had -not the unexpected arrival of Antigonus from Asia communicated -such news to Antipater and Kraterus, as induced them to prepare -for marching back to Macedonia, with a view to the crossing of the -Hellespont and operating in Asia. They concluded a pacification -with the Ætolians—postponing till a future period their design of -deporting that people,—and withdrew into Macedonia; where Antipater -cemented his alliance with Kraterus by giving to him his daughter -Phila in marriage.<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" -class="fnanchor">[783]</a></p> - -<p>Another daughter of Antipater, named Nikæa, had been sent over to -Asia not long before, to become the wife of Perdikkas. That general, -acting as guardian or prime minister to the kings of Alexander’s -family (who are now spoken of in the plural number, since Roxana had -given birth to a posthumous son, called Alexander, and made king -jointly with Philip Aridæus), had at first sought close combination -with Antipater, demanding his daughter in marriage. But new views -were presently opened to him by the intrigues of the princesses at -Pella (Olympias, with her daughter Kleopatra, widow of the Molossian -Alexander)—who had always been at variance with Antipater, even -throughout the life of Alexander—and Kynanê (daughter of Philip by -an Illyrian mother, and widow of Amyntas, first cousin of Alexander, -but slain by Alexander’s order) with her daughter Eurydikê. It has -been already mentioned that Kleopatra had offered herself in marriage -to Leonnatus, inviting him to come over and occupy the throne of -Macedonia: he had obeyed the call, but had been slain in his first -battle against the Greeks, thus relieving Antipater from a dangerous -rival. The first project of Olympias being thus frustrated, she -had sent to Perdikkas proposing to him a marriage with Kleopatra. -Perdikkas had already pledged himself to the daughter of Antipater; -nevertheless he now debated whether his ambition would not be better -served by breaking his pledge, and accepting the new proposition. -To this step he was advised by Eumenes, his<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_334">[p. 334]</span> ablest friend and coadjutor, steadily -attached to the interest of the regal family, and withal personally -hated by Antipater. But Alketas, brother of Perdikkas, represented -that it would be hazardous to provoke openly and immediately the -wrath of Antipater. Accordingly Perdikkas resolved to accept Nikæa -for the moment, but to send her away after no long time, and take -Kleopatra; to whom secret assurances from him were conveyed by -Eumenes. Kynanê also (daughter of Philip and widow of his nephew -Amyntas) a warlike and ambitious woman, had brought into Asia her -daughter Eurydikê for the purpose of espousing the king Philip -Aridæus. Being averse to this marriage, and probably instigated by -Olympias also, Perdikkas and Alketas put Kynanê to death. But the -indignation excited among the soldiers by this deed was so furious as -to menace their safety, and they were forced to permit the marriage -of the king with Eurydikê.<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" -class="fnanchor">[784]</a></p> - -<p>All these intrigues were going on through the summer of 322 -<small>B. C.</small>, while the Lamian war was still effectively -prosecuted by the Greeks. About the autumn of the year, Antigonus -(called Monophthalmus), the satrap of Phrygia, detected these secret -intrigues of Perdikkas; who, for that and other reasons, began to -look on him as an enemy, and to plot against his life. Apprised -of his danger, Antigonus made his escape from Asia into Europe -to acquaint Antipater and Kraterus with the hostile manœuvres of -Perdikkas; upon which news, the two generals, immediately abandoning -the Ætolian war, withdrew their army from Greece for the more -important object of counteracting Perdikkas in Asia.</p> - -<p>To us, these contests of the Macedonian officers belong only -so far as they affect the Greeks. And we see, by the events just -noticed, how unpropitious to the Greeks were the turns of For<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[p. 335]</span>tune, throughout -the Lamian war: the grave of Grecian liberty, not for the actual -combatants only, but for their posterity also.<a id="FNanchor_785" -href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> Until the battle -of Krannon and the surrender of Athens, everything fell out so as -to relieve Antipater from embarrassment, and impart to him double -force. The intrigues of the princesses at Pella, who were well known -to hate him, first raised up Leonnatus, next Perdikkas, against -him. Had Leonnatus lived, the arm of Antipater would have been at -least weakened, if not paralyzed; had Perdikkas declared himself -earlier, the forces of Antipater must have been withdrawn to oppose -him, and the battle of Krannon would probably have had a different -issue. As soon as Perdikkas became hostile to Antipater, it was his -policy to sustain and seek alliance with the Greeks, as we shall -find him presently doing with the Ætolians.<a id="FNanchor_786" -href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> Through causes thus -purely accidental, Antipater obtained an interval of a few months, -during which his hands were not only free, but armed with new and -unexpected strength from Leonnatus and Kraterus, to close the Lamian -war. The disastrous issue of that war was therefore in great part -the effect of casualties, among which we must include the death of -Leosthenes himself. Such issue is not to be regarded as proving -that the project was desperate or ill-conceived on the part of its -promoters, who had full right to reckon, among the probabilities of -their case, the effects of discord between the Macedonian chiefs.</p> - -<p>In the spring of 321 <small>B. C.</small>, Antipater and -Kraterus, having concerted operations with Ptolemy governor of -Egypt, crossed into Asia, and began their conflict with Perdikkas; -who himself,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[p. 336]</span> -having the kings along with him, marched against Egypt to attack -Ptolemy; leaving his brother Alketas, in conjunction with Eumenes as -general, to maintain his cause in Kappadokia and Asia Minor. Alketas, -discouraged by the adverse feeling of the Macedonians generally, -threw up the enterprise as hopeless. But Eumenes, though embarrassed -and menaced in every way by the treacherous jealousy of his own -Macedonian officers, and by the discontent of the soldiers against -him as a Greek—and though compelled to conceal from these soldiers -the fact that Kraterus, who was popular among them, commanded on -the opposite side,—displayed nevertheless so much ability that he -gained an important victory,<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" -class="fnanchor">[787]</a> in which both Neoptolemus and Kraterus -perished. Neoptolemus was killed by Eumenes with his own hand, after -a personal conflict desperate in the extreme and long doubtful, -and at the cost of a severe wound to himself.<a id="FNanchor_788" -href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> After the victory, he -found Kraterus still alive, though expiring from his wound. Deeply -afflicted at the sight, he did his utmost to restore the dying man; -and when this proved to be impossible, caused his dead body to be -honorably shrouded and transmitted into Macedonia for burial.</p> - -<p>This new proof of the military ability and vigor of Eumenes, -together with the death of two such important officers as Kraterus -and Neoptolemus—proved ruinous to the victor himself, without serving -the cause in which he fought. Perdikkas his chief did not live to -hear of it. That general was so overbearing and tyrannical in his -demeanor towards the other officers—and withal so unsuccessful in -his first operations against Ptolemy on the Pelusiac branch of the -Nile—that his own army mutinied and slew him.<a id="FNanchor_789" -href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> His troops joined -Ptolemy, whose concilia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[p. -337]</span>tory behavior gained their goodwill. Only two days -after this revolution, a messenger from Eumenes reached the -camp, announcing his victory and the death of Kraterus. Had this -intelligence been received by Perdikkas himself at the head of his -army, the course of subsequent events might have been sensibly -altered. Eumenes would have occupied the most commanding position -in Asia, as general of the kings of the Alexandrine family, to whom -both his interests and his feelings attached him. But the news, -arriving at the moment when it did, caused throughout the army -only the most violent exasperation against him; not simply as ally -of the odious Perdikkas, but as cause of death to the esteemed -Kraterus. He, together with Alketas and fifty officers, was voted -by the soldiers a public enemy. No measures were kept with him -henceforward by Macedonian officers or soldiers. At the same time -several officers attached to Perdikkas in the camp, and also Atalanta -his sister, were slain.<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" -class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p> - -<p>By the death of Perdikkas, and the defection of his soldiers, -complete preponderance was thrown into the hands of Antipater, -Ptolemy, and Antigonus. Antipater was invited to join the army, -now consisting of the forces both of Ptolemy and Perdikkas united. -He was there invested with the guardianship of the persons of the -kings, and with the sort of ministerial supremacy previously held by -Perdikkas. He was however exposed to much difficulty, and even to -great personal danger, from the intrigues of the princess Eurydikê, -who displayed a masculine boldness in publicly haranguing the -soldiers—and from the discontents of the army, who claimed presents, -formerly promised to them by Alexander, which there were no funds -to liquidate at the moment. At Triparadisus in Syria, Antipater -made a second distribution of the satrapies of the empire; somewhat -modified, yet coinciding in the main with that which had been drawn -up shortly after the death of Alexander. To Ptolemy was assured Egypt -and Libya,—to Antigonus, the Greater Phrygia, Lykia, and Pamphylia—as -each had had before.<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" -class="fnanchor">[791]</a></p> - -<p>Antigonus was placed in command of the principal Macedon<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[p. 338]</span>ian army in Asia, to -crush Eumenes and the other chief adherents of Perdikkas; most of -whom had been condemned to death by a vote of the Macedonian army. -After a certain interval, Antipater himself, accompanied by the -kings, returned to Macedonia, having eluded by artifice a renewed -demand on the part of his soldiers for the promised presents. -The war of Antigonus, first against Eumenes in Kappadokia, next -against Alketas and the other partisans of Perdikkas in Pisidia, -lasted for many months, but was at length successfully finished.<a -id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> -Eumenes, beset by the constant treachery and insubordination of -the Macedonians, was defeated and driven out of the field. He took -refuge with a handful of men in the impregnable and well-stored -fortress of Nora in Kappadokia, where he held out a long blockade, -apparently more than a year, against Antigonus.<a id="FNanchor_793" -href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a></p> - -<p>Before the prolonged blockade of Nora had been brought to a -close, Antipater, being of very advanced age, fell into sickness, -and presently died. One of his latest acts was, to put to death the -Athenian orator Demades, who had been sent to Macedonia as envoy to -solicit the removal of the Macedonian garrison at Munychia. Antipater -had promised, or given hopes, that if the oligarchy which he had -constituted at Athens maintained unshaken adherence to Macedonia, he -would withdraw the garrison. The Athenians endeavored to prevail on -Phokion to go to Macedonia as solicitor for the fulfilment of this -promise; but he steadily refused. Demades, who willingly undertook -the mission, reached Macedonia at a moment very untoward for himself. -The papers of the deceased Perdikkas had come into possession of his -opponents; and among them had been found a letter written to him -by Demades, inviting him to cross over and rescue Greece from her -dependence “on an old and rotten warp”—meaning Antipater. This letter -gave great offence to Antipater—the rather, as Demades is said to -have been his habitual pensioner—and still greater offence to his -son Kassander; who caused Demades with his son to be seized—first -killed the son<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[p. 339]</span> in -the immediate presence and even embrace of the father—and then slew -the father himself, with bitter invective against his ingratitude.<a -id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> All -the accounts which we read depict Demades, in general terms, as a -prodigal spendthrift and a venal and corrupt politician. We have no -ground for questioning this statement: at the same time, we have no -specific facts to prove it.</p> - -<p>Antipater by his last directions appointed Polysperchon, one -of Alexander’s veteran officers, to be chief administrator, with -full powers on behalf of the imperial dynasty; while he assigned -to his own son Kassander only the second place, as Chiliarch, or -general of the body-guard.<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" -class="fnanchor">[795]</a> He thought that this disposition of -power would be more generally acceptable throughout the empire, -as Polysperchon was older and of longer military service than any -other among Alexander’s generals. Moreover, Antipater was especially -afraid of letting dominion fall into the hands of the princesses;<a -id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> all -of whom—Olympias, Kleopatra, and Eurydikê—were energetic characters; -and the first of the three (who had retired to Epirus from enmity -towards Antipater) furious and implacable.</p> - -<p>But the views of Antipater were disappointed from the beginning, -because Kassander would not submit to the second place, nor tolerate -Polysperchon as his superior. Immediately after the death of -Antipater, but before it became publicly known, Kassander despatched -Nikanor with pretended orders from Antipater to supersede Menyllus in -the government of Munychia. To this order Menyllus yielded. But when -after a few days the Athenian public came to learn the real truth, -they were displeased with Phokion for having permitted the change -to be made—assuming that he knew the real state of the facts,<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[p. 340]</span> and might have kept -out the new commander.<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" -class="fnanchor">[797]</a> Kassander, while securing this important -post in the hands of a confirmed partisan, affected to acquiesce -in the authority of Polysperchon, and to occupy himself with a -hunting-party in the country. He at the same time sent confidential -adherents to the Hellespont and other places in furtherance of his -schemes; and especially to contract alliance with Antigonus in -Asia and with Ptolemy in Egypt. His envoys being generally well -received, he himself soon quitted Macedonia suddenly, and went -to concert measures with Antigonus in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_798" -href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> It suited the policy -of Ptolemy, and still more that of Antigonus, to aid him against -Polysperchon and the imperial dynasty. On the death of Antipater, -Antigonus had resolved to make himself the real sovereign of the -Asiatic Alexandrine empire, possessing as he did the most powerful -military force within it.</p> - -<p>Even before this time the imperial dynasty had been a name rather -than a reality; yet still a respected name. But now, the preference -shown to Polysperchon by the deceased Antipater, and the secession -of Kassander, placed all the real great powers in active hostility -against the dynasty. Polysperchon and his friends were not blind -to the difficulties of their position. The principal officers in -Macedonia having been convened to deliberate, it was resolved to -invite Olympias out of Epirus, that she might assume the tutelage -of her grandson Alexander (son of Roxana)—to place the Asiatic -interests of the dynasty in the hands of Eumenes, appointing him -to the supreme command<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" -class="fnanchor">[799]</a>—and to combat Kassander in Europe, by -assuring to themselves the general goodwill and support of the -Greeks. This last object was to be obtained by granting to the -Greeks general enfranchisement, and by subverting the Antipatrian -oligarchies and military governments now paramount throughout the -cities.</p> - -<p>The last hope of maintaining the unity of Alexander’s empire -in Asia, against the counter-interests of the great Macedonian -officers, who were steadily tending to divide and appropriate it—now -lay in the fidelity and military skill of Eumenes. At his<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[p. 341]</span> disposal Polysperchon -placed the imperial treasures and soldiers in Asia; especially -the brave, but faithless and disorderly, Argyraspides. Olympias -also addressed to him a pathetic letter, asking his counsel as the -only friend and savior to whom the imperial family could now look. -Eumenes replied by assuring them of his devoted adherence to their -cause. But he at the same time advised Olympias not to come out of -Epirus into Macedonia; or if she did come, at all events to abstain -from vindictive and cruel proceedings. Both these recommendations, -honorable as well to his prudence as to his humanity, were -disregarded by the old queen. She came into Macedonia to take the -management of affairs; and although her imposing title, of mother -to the great conqueror, raised a strong favorable feeling, yet her -multiplied executions of the Antipatrian partisans excited fatal -enmity against a dynasty already tottering. Nevertheless Eumenes, -though his advice had been disregarded, devoted himself in Asia with -unshaken fidelity to the Alexandrine family, resisting the most -tempting invitations to take part with Antigonus against them.<a -id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> -His example contributed much to keep alive the same active sentiment -in those around him; indeed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[p. -342]</span> without him, the imperial family would have had no -sincere or commanding representative in Asia. His gallant struggles, -first in Kilikia and Phenicia, next (when driven from the coast), -in Susiana, Persis, Media, and Parætakênê—continued for two years -against the greatly preponderant forces of Ptolemy, Antigonus, -and Seleukus, and against the never-ceasing treachery of his own -officers and troops<a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801" -class="fnanchor">[801]</a>—do not belong to Grecian history. They -are however among the most memorable exploits of antiquity. While -even in a military point of view, they are hardly inferior to the -combinations of Alexander himself—they evince, besides, a flexibility -and aptitude such as Alexander neither possessed nor required, for -overcoming the thousand difficulties raised by traitors and mutineers -around him. To the last, Eumenes remained unsubdued; he was betrayed -to Antigonus by the base and venal treachery of his own soldiers, the -Macedonian Argyraspides.<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802" -class="fnanchor">[802]</a></p> - -<p>For the interests of the imperial dynasty (the extinction of -which we shall presently follow), it is perhaps to be regretted -that they did not abandon Asia at once, at the death of Antipater, -and concentrate their attention on Macedonia alone, summoning over -Eumenes to aid them. To keep together in unity the vast aggregate of -Asia was manifestly impracticable, even with his consummate ability. -Indeed, we read that Olympias wished for his presence in Europe, -not trusting any one but him as protector of the child Alexander.<a -id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> -In Macedonia, apart from Asia, Eumenes, if the violent temper of -Olympias had permitted him, might have upheld the dynasty; which, -having at that time a decided interest in conciliating the Greeks, -might probably<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[p. 343]</span> -have sanctioned his sympathies in favor of free Hellenic community.<a -id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p> - -<p>On learning the death of Antipater, most of the Greek cities -had sent envoys to Pella.<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805" -class="fnanchor">[805]</a> To all the governments of these cities, -composed as they were of his creatures, it was a matter of the utmost -moment to know what course the new Macedonian authority would adopt. -Polysperchon, persuaded that they would all adhere to Kassander, and -that his only chance of combating that rival was by enlisting popular -sympathy and interests in Greece, or at least by subverting these -Antipatrian oligarchies—drew up in conjunction with his counsellors a -proclamation which he issued in the name of the dynasty.</p> - -<p>After reciting the steady goodwill of Philip and Alexander towards -Greece, he affirmed that this feeling had been interrupted by the -untoward Lamian war, originating with some ill-judged Greeks, and -ending in the infliction of many severe calamities upon the various -cities. But all these severities (he continued) had proceeded from -the generals (Antipater and Kraterus): the kings had now determined -to redress them. It was accordingly proclaimed that the political -constitution of each city should be restored, as it had stood in -the times of Philip and Alexander; that before the thirtieth of the -month Xanthikus, all those who had been condemned to banishment, or -deported, by the generals, should be recalled and received back; that -their properties should be restored, and past sentences against them -rescinded; that they should live in amnesty as to the past, and good -feeling as to the future, with the remaining citizens. From this act -of recall were excluded, the exiles of Amphissa, Trikka, Pharkadon, -and Herakleia, together with a certain number of Megalopolitans, -implicated in one particular conspiracy. In the particular case of -those cities, the governments of which had been denounced as hostile -by Philip or Alexander, special reference and consultation was -opened with Pella, for some modification to meet the circumstances. -As to Athens, it was decreed that Samos should be restored to her, -but not Orôpus; in all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[p. -344]</span> other respects, she was placed on the same footing as in -the days of Philip and Alexander. “All the Greeks (concluded this -proclamation) shall pass decrees, forbidding every one either to bear -arms or otherwise act in hostility against us—on pain of exile and -confiscation of goods, for himself and his family. On this and on all -other matters, we have ordered Polysperchon to take proper measures. -Obey him—as we have before written you to do; for we shall not omit -to notice those who on any point disregard our proclamation.”<a -id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></p> - -<p>Such was the new edict issued by the kings, or rather by -Polysperchon in their names. It directed the removal of all the -garrisons, and the subversion of all the oligarchies, established -by Antipater after the Lamian war. It ordered the recall of the -host of exiles then expelled. It revived the state of things -prevalent before the death of Alexander—which indeed itself had -been, for the most part, an aggregate of macedonizing oligarchies -interspersed with Macedonian garrisons. To the existing Antipatrian -oligarchies, however, it was a deathblow; and so it must have been -understood by the Grecian envoys—including probably deputations -from the exiles, as well as envoys from the civic governments—to -whom Polysperchon delivered it at Pella. Not content with the -general edict, Polysperchon addressed special letters to Argos -and various other cities, commanding that the Antipatrian leading -men should be banished with confiscation of property, and in some -cases put to death;<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807" -class="fnanchor">[807]</a> the names being probably furnished to him -by the exiles. Lastly, as it was clear that such stringent measures -could not be executed without force,—the rather as these oligarchies -would be upheld by Kassander from without—Polysperchon resolved -to conduct a large military force into Greece; sending thither -first,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[p. 345]</span> however, -a considerable detachment, for immediate operations, under his son -Alexander.</p> - -<p>To Athens, as well as to other cities, Polysperchon addressed -special letters, promising restoration of the democracy and recall -of the exiles. At Athens, such change was a greater revolution than -elsewhere, because the multitude of exiles and persons deported had -been the greatest. To the existing nine thousand Athenian citizens, -it was doubtless odious and alarming; while to Phokion with the -other leading Antipatrians, it threatened not only loss of power, -but probably nothing less than the alternative of flight or death.<a -id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> -The state of interests at Athens, however, was now singularly novel -and complicated. There were the Antipatrians and the nine thousand -qualified citizens. There were the exiles, who, under the new edict, -speedily began re-entering the city, and reclaiming their citizenship -as well as their properties. Polysperchon and his son were known to -be soon coming with a powerful force. Lastly, there was Nikanor, who -held Munychia with a garrison, neither for Polysperchon, nor for the -Athenians, but for Kassander; the latter being himself also expected -with a force from Asia. Here then were several parties; each distinct -in views and interests from the rest—some decidedly hostile to each -other.</p> - -<p>The first contest arose between the Athenians and Nikanor -respecting Munychia; which they required him to evacuate, pursuant -to the recent proclamation. Nikanor on his side returned an evasive -answer, promising compliance as soon as circumstances permitted, but -in the mean time entreating the Athenians to continue in alliance -with Kassander, as they had been with his father Antipater.<a -id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> -He seems to have indulged hopes of prevailing on them to declare in -his favor—and not without plausible grounds, since the Antipatrian -leaders and a proportion of the nine thousand citizens could not -but dread the execution of Polysperchon’s edict. And he had also -what was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[p. 346]</span> of -still greater moment—the secret connivance and support of Phokion: -who put himself in intimate relation with Nikanor, as he had -before done with Menyllus<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810" -class="fnanchor">[810]</a>—and who had greater reason than any one -else to dread the edict of Polysperchon. At a public assembly held -in Peiræus to discuss the subject, Nikanor even ventured to present -himself in person, in the company and under the introduction of -Phokion, who was anxious that the Athenians should entertain the -proposition of alliance with Kassander. But with the people, the -prominent wish was to get rid altogether of the foreign garrison, -and to procure the evacuation of Munychia—for which object, of -course, the returned exiles would be even more anxious than the -nine thousand. Accordingly, the assembly refused to hear any -propositions from Nikanor; while Derkyllus with others even proposed -to seize his person. It was Phokion who ensured to him the means of -escaping; even in spite of serious wrath from his fellow-citizens, -to whom he pleaded, that he had made himself guarantee for -Nikanor’s personal safety.<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811" -class="fnanchor">[811]</a></p> - -<p>Foreseeing the gravity of the impending contest, Nikanor had been -secretly introducing fresh soldiers into Munychia. And when he found -that he could not obtain any declared support from the Athenians, -he laid a scheme for surprising and occupying the town and harbor -of Peiræus, of which Munychia formed the adjoining eminence and -harbor, on the southern side of the little peninsula. Notwithstanding -all his precautions, it became known to various Athenians that he -was tampering with persons in Peiræus, and collecting troops in -the neighboring isle of Salamis. So much anxiety was expressed in -the Athenian assembly for the safety of Peiræus, that a decree -was passed, enjoining all citizens to hold themselves in arms for -its protection, under Phokion as general. Nevertheless Phokion, -disregarding such a decree, took no precautions, affirming that he -would himself be answerable for Nikanor. Presently that officer, -making an unexpected attack from Munychia and Salamis, took Peiræus -by surprise, placed both the town and harbor under military -occupation, and cut off its communication with Athens by a ditch and -palisade. On this palpable aggression, the Athenians rushed to<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[p. 347]</span> arms. But Phokion as -general damped their ardor, and even declined to head them in an -attack for the recovery of Peiræus before Nikanor should have had -time to strengthen himself in it. He went however, with Konon (son -of Timotheus), to remonstrate with Nikanor, and to renew the demand -that he should evacuate, under the recent proclamation, all the posts -which he held in garrison. But Nikanor would give no other answer, -except that he held his commission from Kassander, to whom they must -address their application.<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812" -class="fnanchor">[812]</a> He thus again tried to bring Athens into -communication with Kassander.</p> - -<p>The occupation of Peiræus in addition to Munychia was a serious -calamity to the Athenians, making them worse off than they had -been even under Antipater. Peiræus, rich, active, and commercial, -containing the Athenian arsenal, docks, and muniments of war, was -in many respects more valuable than Athens itself; for all purposes -of war, far more valuable. Kassander had now an excellent place of -arms and base, which Munychia alone would not have afforded, for his -operations in Greece against Polysperchon; upon whom therefore the -loss fell hardly less severely than upon the Athenians. Now Phokion, -in his function as general, had been forewarned of the danger, might -have guarded against it, and ought to have done so. This was a grave -dereliction of duty, and admits of hardly any other explanation -except that of treasonable connivance. It seems that Phokion, -foreseeing his own ruin and that of his friends in the triumph of -Polysperchon and the return of the exiles, was desirous of favoring -the seizure of Peiræus by Nikanor, as a means of constraining Athens -to adopt the alliance with Kassander; which alliance indeed would -probably have been brought about, had Kassander reached Peiræus by -sea sooner than the first troops of Polysperchon by land. Phokion -was here guilty, at the very least, of culpable neglect, and -probably of still more culpable treason, on an occasion seriously -injuring both Polysperchon and the Athenians; a fact which we must -not forget, when we come to read presently the bitter animosity -exhibited against him.<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813" -class="fnanchor">[813]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[p. 348]</span>The news, -that Nikanor had possessed himself of Peiræus, produced a strong -sensation. Presently arrived a letter addressed to him by Olympias -herself, commanding him to surrender the place to the Athenians, -upon whom she wished to confer entire autonomy. But Nikanor declined -obedience to her order, still waiting for support from Kassander. -The arrival of Alexander (Polysperchon’s son) with a body of -troops, encouraged the Athenians to believe that he was come to -assist in carrying Peiræus by force, for the purpose of restoring -it to them. Their hopes, however, were again disappointed. Though -encamped near Peiræus, Alexander made no demand for the Athenian -forces to co-operate with him in attacking it; but entered into open -parley with Nikanor, whom he endeavored to persuade or corrupt into -surrendering the place.<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814" -class="fnanchor">[814]</a> When this negotiation failed, he resolved -to wait for the arrival of his father, who was already on his march -towards Attica with the main army. His own force unassisted was -probably not sufficient to attack Peiræus; nor did he choose to -invoke assistance from the Athenians, to whom he would then have been -compelled to make over the place when taken, which they so ardently -desired. The Athenians were thus as far from their object as ever; -moreover, by this delay the opportunity of attacking the place was -altogether thrown away; for Kassander with his armament reached it -before Polysperchon.</p> - -<p>It was Phokion and his immediate colleagues who induced Alexander -to adopt this insidious policy; to decline reconquering Peiræus -for the Athenians, and to appropriate it for himself. To Phokion, -the reconstitution of autonomous Athens, with its democracy and -restored exiles, and without any foreign controlling force—was an -assured sentence of banishment, if not of<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_349">[p. 349]</span> death. Not having been able to obtain -protection from the foreign force of Nikanor and Kassander, he and -his friends resolved to throw themselves upon that of Alexander -and Polysperchon. They went to meet Alexander as he entered -Attica—represented the impolicy of his relinquishing so important a -military position as Peiræus, while the war was yet unfinished,—and -offered to co-operate with him for this purpose, by proper management -of the Athenian public. Alexander was pleased with these suggestions, -accepted Phokion with the others as his leading adherents at Athens, -and looked upon Peiræus as a capture to be secured for himself.<a -id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> -Numerous returning Athenian exiles accompanied Alexander’s army. -It seems that Phokion was desirous of admitting the troops, -along with the exiles, as friends and allies into the walls of -Athens, so as to make Alexander master of the city—but that this -project was impracticable in consequence of the mistrust created -among the Athenians by the parleys of Alexander with Nikanor.<a -id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></p> - -<p>The strategic function of Phokion, however, so often conferred -and re-conferred upon him—and his power of doing either good or -evil—now approached its close. As soon as the returning exiles -found themselves in sufficient numbers, they called for a revision -of the list of state-officers, and for the re-establishment of the -democratical forms. They passed a vote to de<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_350">[p. 350]</span>pose those who had held office under -the Antipatrian oligarchy and who still continued to hold it down to -the actual moment. Among these Phokion stood first: along with him -were his son-in-law Charikles, the Phalerean Demetrius, Kallimedon, -Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Philokles. These persons were -not only deposed, but condemned, some to death, some to banishment -and confiscation of property. Demetrius, Charikles, and Kallimedon -sought safety by leaving Attica; but Phokion and the rest merely -went to Alexander’s camp, throwing themselves upon his protection -on the faith of the recent understanding.<a id="FNanchor_817" -href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> Alexander not only -received them courteously, but gave them letters to his father -Polysperchon, requesting safety and protection for them, as men -who had embraced his cause, and who were still eager to do all in -their power to support him.<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818" -class="fnanchor">[818]</a> Armed with these letters, Phokion and his -companions went through Bœotia and Phokis to meet Polysperchon on his -march southward. They were accompanied by Deinarchus and by a Platæan -named Solon, both of them passing for friends of Polysperchon.<a -id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></p> - -<p>The Athenian democracy, just reconstituted, which had passed the -recent condemnatory votes, was disquieted at the news that Alexander -had espoused the cause of Phokion and had recommended the like policy -to his father. It was possible that Polysperchon might seek, with -his powerful army, both to occupy Athens and to capture Peiræus, and -might avail himself of Phokion (like Antipater after the Lamian war) -as a convenient instrument of government. It seems plain that this -was the project of Alexander, and that he counted on Phokion as a -ready auxiliary in both. Now the restored democrats, though owing -their restoration to Polysperchon, were much less compliant towards -him than Phokion had been. Not only they would<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_351">[p. 351]</span> not admit him into the city, but they -would not even acquiesce in his separate occupation of Munychia and -Peiræus. On the proposition of Agnonides and Archestratus, they -sent a deputation to Polysperchon accusing Phokion and his comrades -of high treason; yet at the same time claiming for Athens the full -and undiminished benefit of the late regal proclamation—autonomy -and democracy, with restoration of Peiræus and Munychia free -and ungarrisoned.<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820" -class="fnanchor">[820]</a></p> - -<p>The deputation reached Polysperchon at Pharyges in Phokis, as -early as Phokion’s company, which had been detained for some days at -Elateia by the sickness of Deinarchus. That delay was unfortunate -for Phokion. Had he seen Polysperchon, and presented the letter of -Alexander, before the Athenian accusers arrived, he might probably -have obtained a more favorable reception. But as the arrival of -the two parties was nearly simultaneous, Polysperchon heard both -of them at the same audience, before King Philip Aridæus in his -throne with the gilt ceiling above it. When Agnonides,—chief of the -Athenian deputation, and formerly friend and advocate of Demosthenes -in the Harpalian cause—found himself face to face with Phokion and -his friends, their reciprocal invectives at first produced nothing -but confusion; until Agnonides himself exclaimed—“Pack us all into -one cage and send us back to Athens to receive judgment from the -Athenians.” The king laughed at this observation, but the bystanders -around insisted upon more orderly proceedings, and Agnonides then set -forth the two demands of the Athenians—condemnation of Phokion and -his friends, partly as accomplices of Antipater, partly as having -betrayed Peiræus to Nikanor—and the full benefit of the late regal -proclamation to Athens.<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821" -class="fnanchor">[821]</a> Now, on the last of these two<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[p. 352]</span> heads, Polysperchon was -noway disposed to yield—nor to hand over Peiræus to the Athenians -as soon as he should take it. On this matter, accordingly, he -replied by refusal or evasion. But he was all the more disposed to -satisfy the Athenians on the other matter—the surrender of Phokion; -especially as the sentiment now prevalent at Athens evinced clearly -that Phokion could not be again useful to him as an instrument. -Thus disposed to sacrifice Phokion, Polysperchon heard his defence -with impatience, interrupted him several times, and so disgusted -him, that he at length struck the ground with his stick, and held -his peace. Hegemon, another of the accused, was yet more harshly -treated. When he appealed to Polysperchon himself, as having been -personally cognizant of his (the speaker’s) good dispositions -towards the Athenian people (he had probably been sent to Pella, as -envoy for redress of grievances under the Antipatrian oligarchy), -Polysperchon exclaimed—“Do not utter falsehoods against me before the -king.” Moreover, king Philip himself was so incensed, as to start -from his throne and snatch his spear; with which he would have run -Hegemon through,—imitating the worst impulses of his illustrious -brother—had he not been held back by Polysperchon. The sentence could -not be doubtful. Phokion and his companions were delivered over as -prisoners to the Athenian deputation, together with a letter from -the king, intimating that in his conviction they were traitors, -but that he left them to be judged by the Athenians, now restored -to freedom and autonomy.<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822" -class="fnanchor">[822]</a></p> - -<p>The Macedonian Kleitus was instructed to convey them to Athens as -prisoners under a guard. Mournful was the spectacle as they entered -the city; being carried along the Kerameikus in carts, through -sympathizing friends and an embittered multitude, until they reached -the theatre, wherein the assembly was to be convened. That assembly -was composed of every one who chose to enter, and is said to have -contained many foreign<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[p. -353]</span>ers and slaves. But it would have been fortunate for -Phokion had such really been the case; for foreigners and slaves had -no cause of antipathy towards him. The assembly was mainly composed -of Phokion’s keenest enemies, the citizens just returned from exile -or deportation; among whom may doubtless have been intermixed more -or less of non-qualified persons, since the lists had probably not -yet been verified. When the assembly was about to be opened, the -friends of Phokion moved, that on occasion of so important a trial, -foreigners and slaves should be sent away. This was in every sense an -impolitic proceeding; for the restored exiles, chiefly poor men, took -it as an insult to themselves, and became only the more embittered, -exclaiming against the oligarchs who were trying to exclude them.</p> - -<p>It is not easy to conceive stronger grounds of exasperation than -those which inflamed the bosoms of these returned exiles. We must -recollect that at the close of the Lamian war, the Athenian democracy -had been forcibly subverted. Demosthenes and its principal leaders -had been slain, some of them with antecedent cruelties; the poorer -multitude, in number more than half of the qualified citizens, -had been banished or deported into distant regions. To all the -public shame and calamity, there was thus superadded a vast mass -of individual suffering and impoverishment, the mischiefs of which -were very imperfectly healed, even by that unexpected contingency -which had again thrown open to them their native city. Accordingly, -when these men returned from different regions, each hearing from -the rest new tales of past hardship, they felt the bitterest hatred -against the authors of the Antipatrian revolution; and among these -authors Phokion stood distinctly marked. For although he had neither -originated nor advised these severities, yet he and his friends, -as administering the Antipatrian government at Athens, must have -been agents in carrying them out, and had rendered themselves -distinctly liable to the fearful penalties pronounced by the -psephism of Demophantus,<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823" -class="fnanchor">[823]</a> consecrated by an oath taken by Athenians -generally, against any one who should hold an official post after the -government was subverted.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[p. 354]</span>When these -restored citizens thus saw Phokion brought before them, for the -first time after their return, the common feeling of antipathy -against him burst out into furious manifestations. Agnonides the -principal accuser, supported by Epikurus<a id="FNanchor_824" -href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> and Demophilus, -found their denunciations welcomed and even anticipated, when -they arraigned Phokion as a criminal who had lent his hand to the -subversion of the constitution,—to the sufferings of his deported -fellow-citizens,—and to the holding of Athens in subjection -under a foreign potentate; in addition to which, the betrayal -of Peiræus to Nikanor<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825" -class="fnanchor">[825]</a> constituted a new crime; fastening on the -people the yoke of Kassander, when autonomy had been promised to them -by the recent imperial edict. After the accusation was concluded, -Phokion was called on for his defence; but he found it impossible -to obtain a hearing. Attempting several times to speak, he was as -often interrupted by angry shouts; several of his friends were cried -down in like manner; until at length he gave up the case in despair, -and exclaimed, “For myself, Athenians, I plead guilty; I pronounce -against myself the sentence of death for my political conduct; but -why are you to sentence these men near me, who are not guilty?” -“Because they are your friends, Phokion”—was the exclamation of those -around. Phokion then said no more; while Agnonides proposed a decree, -to the effect, that the assembled people should decide by show of -hands, whether the persons now arraigned were guilty or not; and that -if declared guilty, they should be put to death. Some persons present -cried out, that the penalty of torture ought to precede death; but -this savage proposition, utterly at variance with Athenian law in -respect to citizens, was repudiated not less by Agnonides than by -the Macedonian officer Kleitus. The decree was then passed; after -which the show of hands was called for. Nearly every hand in the -assembly was held up in condemnation; each man even rose from his -seat to make the effect more imposing; and some went so far as to -put on wreaths in token of triumph. To many of<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_355">[p. 355]</span> them doubtless, the gratification -of this intense and unanimous vindictive impulse,—in their view -not merely legitimate, but patriotic,—must have been among the -happiest moments of life.<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826" -class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p> - -<p>After sentence, the five condemned persons, Phokion, Nikokles, -Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles, were consigned to the supreme -magistrates of Police, called The Eleven, and led to prison for the -purpose of having the customary dose of poison administered. Hostile -bystanders ran alongside, taunting and reviling them. It is even said -that one man planted himself in the front, and spat upon Phokion; who -turned to the public officers and exclaimed—“Will no one check this -indecent fellow?” This was the only emotion which he manifested; in -other respects, his tranquillity and self-possession were resolutely -maintained, during this soul-subduing march from the theatre to the -prison, amidst the wailings of his friends, the broken spirit of his -four comrades, and the fiercest demonstrations of antipathy from his -fellow-citizens generally. One ray of comfort presented itself as he -entered the prison. It was the nineteenth of the month Munychion, -the day on which the Athenian Horsemen or Knights (the richest class -in the city, men for the most part of oligarchical sentiments) -celebrated their festal procession with wreaths on their heads in -honor of Zeus. Several of these horsemen halted in passing, took off -their wreaths, and wept as they looked through the gratings of the -prison.</p> - -<p>Being asked whether he had anything to tell his son Phokus, -Phokion replied—“I tell him emphatically, not to hold evil memory of -the Athenians.” The draught of hemlock was then administered to all -five—to Phokion last. Having been condemned for treason, they were -not buried in Attica; nor were Phokion’s friends allowed to light -a funeral pile for the burning of his body; which was carried out -of Attica into the Megarid, by a hired agent named Konopion, and -there burnt by fire obtained at Megara. The wife of Phokion, with -her maids, poured libations and marked the spot by a small mound of -earth; she also collected the bones and brought them back to Athens -in her<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[p. 356]</span> bosom, -during the secrecy of night. She buried them near her own domestic -hearth, with this address—“Beloved Hestia, I confide to thee these -relics of a good man. Restore them to his own family vault, as soon -as the Athenians shall come to their senses.”<a id="FNanchor_827" -href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a></p> - -<p>After a short time (we are told by Plutarch) the Athenians did -thus come to their senses. They discovered that Phokion had been -a faithful and excellent public servant, repented of their<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[p. 357]</span> severity towards him, -celebrated his funeral obsequies at the public expense, erected a -statue in his honor, and put to death Agnonides by public judicial -sentence; while Epikurus and Demophilus fled from the city and were -slain by Phokion’s son.<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828" -class="fnanchor">[828]</a></p> - -<p>These facts are ostensibly correct; but Plutarch omits to notice -the real explanation of them. Within two or three months after -the death of Phokion, Kassander, already in possession of Peiræus -and Munychia, became also master of Athens; the oligarchical or -Phokionic party again acquired predominance; Demetrius the Phalerean -was recalled from exile, and placed to administer the city under -Kassander, as Phokion had administered it under Antipater.</p> - -<p>No wonder, that under such circumstances, the memory of Phokion -should be honored. But this is a very different thing from -spontaneous change of popular opinion respecting him. I see no reason -why such change of opinion should have occurred, nor do I believe -that it did occur. The Demos of Athens, banished and deported in -mass, had the best ground for hating Phokion, and were not likely -to become ashamed of the feeling. Though he was personally mild and -incorruptible, they derived no benefit from these virtues. To them -it was of little moment that he should steadily refuse all presents -from Antipater, when he did Antipater’s work gratuitously. Considered -as a judicial trial, the last scene of Phokion before the people in -the theatre is nothing better than a cruel imposture; considered as a -manifestation of public opinion already settled, it is one for which -the facts of the past supplied ample warrant.</p> - -<p>We cannot indeed read without painful sympathy the narrative of -an old man above eighty,—personally brave, mild, and superior to -all pecuniary temptation, so far as his positive administration was -concerned,—perishing under an intense and crushing storm of popular -execration. But when we look at the whole case—when we survey, -not merely the details of Phokion’s administration, but the grand -public objects which those details subserved, and towards which he -conducted his fellow-citizens—we shall see that this judgment is -fully merited. In Phokion’s patriotism—for so doubtless he himself -sincerely conceived it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[p. -358]</span>—no account was taken of Athenian independence; of the -autonomy or self-management of the Hellenic world; of the conditions, -in reference to foreign kings, under which alone such autonomy could -exist. He had neither the Panhellenic sentiment of Aristeides, -Kallikratidas, and Demosthenes—nor the narrower Athenian sentiment, -like the devotion of Agesilaus to Sparta, and of Epaminondas to -Thebes. To Phokion it was indifferent whether Greece was an aggregate -of autonomous cities, with Athens as first or second among them—or -one of the satrapies under the Macedonian kings. Now this was among -the most fatal defects of a Grecian public man. The sentiment in -which Phokion was wanting, lay at the bottom of all those splendid -achievements which have given to Greece a substantive and pre-eminent -place in the history of the world. Had Themistokles, Arsiteides, and -Leonidas resembled him, Greece would have passed quietly under the -dominion of Persia, and the brilliant, though checkered, century -and more of independent politics which succeeded the repulse of -Xerxes would never have occurred. It was precisely during the fifty -years of Phokion’s political and military influence, that the Greeks -were degraded from a state of freedom, and Athens from ascendency -as well as freedom, into absolute servitude. Insofar as this great -public misfortune can be imputed to any one man—to no one was it -more ascribable than to Phokion. He was stratêgus during most of -the long series of years when Philip’s power was growing; it was -his duty to look ahead for the safety of his countrymen, and to -combat the yet immature giant. He heard the warnings of Demosthenes, -and he possessed exactly those qualities which were wanting to -Demosthenes—military energy and aptitude. Had he lent his influence -to inform the short-sightedness, to stimulate the inertia, to direct -the armed efforts, of his countrymen, the kings of Macedon might -have been kept within their own limits, and the future history of -Greece might have been altogether different. Unfortunately, he took -the opposite side. He acted with Æschines and the Philippizers; -without receiving money from Philip, he did gratuitously all that -Philip desired— by nullifying and sneering down the efforts of -Demosthenes and the other active politicians. After the battle of -Chæroneia, Phokion received from Philip first, and from Alex<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[p. 359]</span>ander afterwards, marks -of esteem not shown towards any other Athenian. This was both the -fruit and the proof of his past political action—anti-Hellenic as -well as anti-Athenian. Having done much, in the earlier part of his -life, to promote the subjugation of Greece under the Macedonian -kings, he contributed somewhat, during the latter half, to lighten -the severity of their dominion; and it is the most honorable point -in his character that he always refrained from abusing their marked -favor towards himself, for purposes either of personal gain or of -oppression over his fellow-citizens. Alexander not only wrote letters -to him, even during the plenitude of imperial power, in terms of -respectful friendship, but tendered to him the largest presents—at -one time the sum of 100 talents, at another time the choice of four -towns on the coast of Asia Minor, as Xerxes gave to Themistokles. He -even expressed his displeasure when Phokion, refusing everything, -consented only to request the liberation of three Grecian prisoners -confined at Sardis.<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829" -class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p> - -<p>The Lamian war and its consequences, were Phokion’s ruin. He -continued at Athens, throughout that war, freely declaring his -opinion against it; for it is to be remarked, that in spite of his -known macedonizing politics, the people neither banished nor degraded -him, but contented themselves with following the counsels of others. -On the disastrous termination of the war, Phokion undertook the -thankless and dishonorable function of satrap under Antipater at -Athens, with the Macedonian garrison at Munychia to back him. He -became the subordinate agent of a conqueror who not only slaughtered -the chief Athenian orators, but disfranchised and deported the Demos -in mass. Having accepted partnership and responsibility in these -proceedings, Phokion was no longer safe except under the protection -of a foreign prince. After the liberal proclamation issued in the -name of the Macedonian kings, permitting the return of the banished -Demos, he sought safety for himself, first by that treasonable -connivance which enabled Nikanor to seize the Peiræus, next by -courting Polysperchon the enemy of Nikanor. A voluntary expatriation -(along with his friend the Phalerean Demetrius) would have been -less dangerous, and less discreditable, than these manœuvres,<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[p. 360]</span> which still farther -darkened the close of his life, without averting from him, after -all, the necessity of facing the restored Demos. The intense and -unanimous wrath of the people against him is an instructive, though -a distressing spectacle. It was directed, not against the man or the -administrator—for in both characters Phokion had been blameless, -except as to the last collusion with Nikanor in the seizure of the -Peiræus—but against his public policy. It was the last protest of -extinct Grecian freedom, speaking as it were from the tomb in a -voice of thunder, against that fatal system of mistrust, inertia, -self-seeking, and corruption, which had betrayed the once autonomous -Athens to a foreign conqueror.</p> - -<p>I have already mentioned that Polysperchon with his army was in -Phokis when Phokion was brought before him, on his march towards -Peloponnesus. Perhaps he may have been detained by negotiation -with the Ætolians, who embraced his alliance.<a id="FNanchor_830" -href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> At any rate he was -tardy in his march, for before he reached Attica, Kassander arrived -at Peiræus to join Nikanor with a fleet of thirty-five ships and 4000 -soldiers obtained from Antigonus. On learning this fact, Polysperchon -hastened his march also, and presented himself under the walls of -Athens and Peiræus with a large force of 20,000 Macedonians, 4000 -Greek allies, 1000 cavalry, and sixty-five elephants; animals which -were now seen for the first time in European Greece. He at first -besieged Kassander in Peiræus, but finding it difficult to procure -subsistence in Attica for so numerous an army, he marched with -the larger portion into Peloponnesus, leaving his son Alexander -with a division to make head against Kassander. Either approaching -in person the various Peloponnesian towns—or addressing them by -means of envoys—he enjoined the subversion of the Antipatrian -oligarchies, and the restoration of liberty and free speech to the -mass of the citizens.<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831" -class="fnanchor">[831]</a> In most of the towns, this revolution -was accomplished; but in Megalopolis, the oligarchy held out; not -only forcing Polysperchon to besiege the city, but even defending -it against him successfully. He made two or three attempts to -storm it, by movable towers, by undermining the walls, and even by -the aid of elephants; but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[p. -361]</span> he was repulsed in all of them,<a id="FNanchor_832" -href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> and obliged to -relinquish the siege with considerable loss of reputation. His -admiral Kleitus was soon afterwards defeated in the Propontis, with -the loss of his whole fleet, by Nikanor (whom Kassander had sent from -Peiræus) and Antigonus.<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833" -class="fnanchor">[833]</a></p> - -<p>After these two defeats, Polysperchon seems to have evacuated -Peloponnesus, and to have carried his forces across the Corinthian -Gulf into Epirus, to join Olympias. His party was greatly weakened -all over Greece, and that of Kassander proportionally strengthened. -The first effect of this was, the surrender of Athens. The Athenians -in the city, including all or many of the restored exiles, -could no longer endure that complete severance from the sea, to -which the occupation of Peiræus and Munychia by Kassander had -reduced them. Athens without a port was hardly tenable; in fact, -Peiræus was considered by its great constructor, Themistokles, -as more indispensable to the Athenians than Athens itself.<a -id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a> -The subsistence of the people was derived in large proportion from -imported corn, received through Peiræus; where also the trade and -industrial operations were carried on, most of the revenue collected, -and the arsenals, docks, ships, etc. of the state kept up. It became -evident that Nikanor, by seizing on the Peiræus, had rendered Athens -disarmed and helpless; so that the irreparable mischief done by -Phokion, in conniving at that seizure, was felt more and more every -day. Hence the Athenians, unable to capture the port themselves, and -hopeless of obtaining it through Polysperchon, felt constrained to -listen to the partisans of Kassander, who proposed that terms should -be made with him. It was agreed that they should become friends and -allies of Kassander; that they should have full enjoyment of their -city, with the port Peiræus, their ships and revenues; that the -exiles and deported citizens should be readmitted; that the political -franchise should for the future be enjoyed by all citizens who -possessed 1000 drachmæ of property and upwards; that Kassander should -hold Munychia with a governor and garrison, until the war against -Polysperchon was brought to a close; and that he should also name -some one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[p. 362]</span> Athenian -citizen, in whose hands the supreme government of the city should -be vested. Kassander named Demetrius the Phalerean (<i>i. e.</i> an -Athenian of the Deme Phalerum), one of the colleagues of Phokion; -who had gone into voluntary exile since the death of Antipater, but -had recently returned.<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835" -class="fnanchor">[835]</a></p> - -<p>This convention restored substantially at Athens the Antipatrian -government; yet without the severities which had marked its original -establishment—and with some modifications in various ways. It made -Kassander virtually master of the city (as Antipater had been before -him), by means of his governing nominee, upheld by the garrison, -and by the fortification of Munychia; which had now been greatly -enlarged and strengthened,<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836" -class="fnanchor">[836]</a> holding a practical command over Peiræus, -though that port was nominally relinquished to the Athenians. -But there was no slaughter of orators, no expulsion of citizens: -moreover, even the minimum of 1000 drachmæ, fixed for the political -franchise, though excluding the multitude, must have been felt as an -improvement compared with the higher limit of 2000 drachmæ prescribed -by Antipater. Kassander was not, like his father, at the head of an -overwhelming force, master of Greece. He had Polysperchon in the -field against him with a rival army and an established ascendency in -many of the Grecian cities; it was therefore his interest to abstain -from measures of obvious harshness towards the Athenian people.</p> - -<p>Towards this end his choice of the Phalerean Demetrius appears -to have been judicious. That citizen continued to administer -Athens, as satrap or despot under Kassander, for ten years. He -was an accomplished literary man, friend both of the philosopher -Theophrastus, who had succeeded to the school of Aristotle—and of the -rhetor Deinarchus. He is described also as a person of expensive and -luxurious habits; towards which he devoted the most of the Athenian -public revenue, 1200 talents in amount, if Duris is to be believed. -His administration is said to have been discreet and moderate. We -know little of its details, but we are told that he made sumptuary -laws, especially<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">[p. 363]</span> -restricting the cost and ostentation of funerals.<a id="FNanchor_837" -href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> He himself extolled -his own decennial period as one of abundance and flourishing -commerce at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838" -class="fnanchor">[838]</a> But we learn from others, and the fact is -highly probable, that it was a period of distress and humiliation, -both at Athens and in other Grecian towns; and that Athenians, as -well as others, welcomed new projects of colonization (such as that -of Ophellas from Kyrênê) not simply from prospects of advantage, -but also as an escape from existing evils.<a id="FNanchor_839" -href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a></p> - -<p>What forms of nominal democracy were kept up during this -interval, we cannot discover. The popular judicature must have been -continued for private suits and accusations, since Deinarchus is -said to have been in large practice as a logographer, or composer -of discourses for others.<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840" -class="fnanchor">[840]</a> But the fact that three hundred and sixty -statues were erected in honor of Demetrius while his administration -was still going on, demonstrates the gross flattery of his partisans, -the subjection of the people, and the practical abolition of all -free-spoken censure or pronounced opposition. We learn that, in -some one of the ten years of his administration, a census was taken -of the inhabitants of Attica; and that there were numbered, 21,000 -citizens, 10,000 metics, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">[p. -364]</span> 400,000 slaves.<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841" -class="fnanchor">[841]</a> Of this important enumeration we know -the bare fact, without its special purpose or even its precise -date.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">[p. 365]</span> Perhaps -some of those citizens, who had been banished or deported at the -close of the Lamian war, may have returned and continued to reside -at Athens. But there still seems to have remained, during all -the continuance of the Kassandrian Oligarchy, a body of adverse -Athenian exiles, watching for an opportunity of overthrowing it, -and seeking aid for that purpose from the Ætolians and others.<a -id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a></p> - -<p>The acquisition of Athens by Kassander, followed up by his -capture of Panaktum and Salamis, and seconded by his moderation -towards the Athenians, procured for him considerable support in -Peloponnesus, whither he proceeded with his army.<a id="FNanchor_843" -href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> Many of the cities, -intimidated or persuaded, joined him and deserted Polysperchon; -while the Spartans, now feeling for the first time their defenceless -condition, thought it prudent to surround their city with walls.<a -id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> -This fact, among many others contemporaneous, testifies emphatically, -how the characteristic sentiments of the Hellenic autonomous world -were now dying out everywhere. The maintenance of Sparta as an -unwalled city, was one of the deepest and most cherished of the -Lykurgean traditions; a standing proof of the fearless bearing and -self-confidence of the Spartans against dangers from without. The -erection of the walls showed their own conviction, but too well borne -out by the real circumstances around them, that the pressure of the -foreigner had become so overwhelming as hardly to leave them even -safety at home.</p> - -<p>The warfare between Kassander and Polysperchon became now -embittered by a feud among the members of the Macedonian<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_366">[p. 366]</span> imperial family. King -Philip Aridæus and his wife Eurydikê, alarmed and indignant at the -restoration of Olympias which Polysperchon was projecting, solicited -aid from Kassander, and tried to place the force of Macedonia at -his disposal. In this however they failed. Olympias, assisted not -only by Polysperchon, but by the Epirotic prince Æakides, made -her entry into Macedonia out of Epirus, apparently in the autumn -of 317 <small>B. C.</small> She brought with her Roxana and -her child—the widow and son of Alexander the Great. The Macedonian -soldiers, assembled by Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê to resist her, -were so overawed by her name and the recollection of Alexander, that -they refused to fight, and thus ensured to her an easy victory. -Philip and Eurydikê became her prisoners; the former she caused to be -slain; to the latter she offered only an option between the sword, -the halter, and poison. The old queen next proceeded to satiate -her revenge against the family of Antipater. One hundred leading -Macedonians, friends of Kassander, were put to death, together -with his brother Nikanor;<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845" -class="fnanchor">[845]</a> while the sepulchre of his deceased -brother Iollas, accused of having poisoned Alexander the Great, was -broken up.</p> - -<p>During the winter, Olympias remained thus completely predominant -in Macedonia; where her position seemed strong, since her allies the -Ætolians were masters of the pass at Thermopylæ, while Kassander -was kept employed in Peloponnesus by the force under Alexander, -son of Polysperchon. But Kassander, disengaging himself from these -embarrassments, and eluding Thermopylæ by a maritime transit to -Thessaly, seized the Perrhæbian passes before they had been put -under guard, and entered Macedonia without resistance. Olympias, -having no army competent to meet him in the field, was forced to -shut herself up in the maritime fortress of Pydna, with Roxana, -the child Alexander, and Thessalonikê daughter of her late husband -Philip son of Amyntas.<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846" -class="fnanchor">[846]</a> Here Kassander blocked her up for several -months by sea, as well as by land, and succeeded in defeating all the -efforts of Polysperchon and Æakides to relieve her. In the spring -of the ensuing year (316 <small>B. C.</small>), she was forced -by intol<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">[p. 367]</span>erable -famine to surrender. Kassander promised her nothing more than -personal safety, requiring from her the surrender of the two great -fortresses, Pella and Amphipolis, which made him master of Macedonia. -Presently however, the relatives of those numerous victims, who had -perished by order of Olympias, were encouraged by Kassander to demand -her life in retribution. They found little difficulty in obtaining a -verdict of condemnation against her from what was called a Macedonian -assembly. Nevertheless, such was the sentiment of awe and reverence -connected with her name, that no one except these injured men -themselves could be found to execute the sentence. She died with a -courage worthy of her rank and domineering character. Kassander took -Thessalonikê to wife—confined Roxana with the child Alexander in the -fortress of Amphipolis—where (after a certain interval) he caused -both of them to be slain.<a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847" -class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p> - -<p>While Kassander was thus master of Macedonia—and while the -imperial family were disappearing from the scene in that country—the -defeat and death of Eumenes (which happened nearly at the same time -as the capture of Olympias<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848" -class="fnanchor">[848]</a>) removed the last faithful partisan of -that family in Asia. But at the same time, it left in the hands of -Antigonus such overwhelming preponderance throughout Asia, that he -aspired to become vicar and master of the entire Alexandrine empire, -as well as to avenge upon Kassander the extirpation of the regal -family. His power appeared indeed so formidable, that Kassander of -Macedonia, Lysimachus of Thrace, Ptolemy of Egypt, and Seleukus of -Babylonia, entered into a convention, which gradually ripened into an -active alliance, against him.</p> - -<p>During the struggles between these powerful princes, Greece -appears simply as a group of subject cities, held, garrisoned, -grasped at, or coveted, by all of them. Polysperchon, abandoning all -hopes in Macedonia after the death of Olympias, had been forced to -take refuge among the Ætolians, leaving his son Alexander to make the -best struggle that he could in Peloponnesus;<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_368">[p. 368]</span> so that Kassander was now decidedly -preponderant throughout the Hellenic regions. After fixing himself -on the throne of Macedonia, he perpetuated his own name by founding, -on the isthmus of the peninsula of Pallênê and near the site where -Potidæa had stood, the new city of Kassandreia; into which he -congregated a large number of inhabitants from the neighborhood, and -especially the remnant of the citizens of Olynthus and Potidæa,—towns -taken and destroyed by Philip more than thirty years before.<a -id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> He -next marched into Peloponnesus with his army against Alexander son -of Polysperchon. Passing through Bœotia, he undertook the task of -restoring the city of Thebes, which had been destroyed twenty years -previously by Alexander the Great, and had ever since existed only -as a military post on the ancient citadel called Kadmeia. The other -Bœotian towns, to whom the old Theban territory had been assigned, -were persuaded or constrained to relinquish it; and Kassander invited -from all parts of Greece the Theban exiles or their descendants. -From sympathy with these exiles, and also with the ancient celebrity -of the city, many Greeks, even from Italy and Sicily, contributed -to the restoration. The Athenians, now administered by Demetrius -Phalereus under Kassander’s supremacy, were particularly forward -in the work; the Messenians and Megalopolitans, whose ancestors -had owed so much to the Theban Epaminondas, lent strenuous aid. -Thebes was re-established in the original area which it had occupied -before Alexander’s siege; and was held by a Kassandrian garrison -in the Kadmeia, destined for the mastery of Bœotia and Greece.<a -id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a></p> - -<p>After some stay at Thebes, Kassander advanced toward Peloponnesus. -Alexander (son of Polysperchon) having fortified the Isthmus, he -was forced to embark his troops with his elephants at Megara, and -cross over the Saronic Gulf to Epidaurus. He dispossessed Alexander -of Argos, of Messenia, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">[p. -369]</span> even of his position on the Isthmus, where he -left a powerful detachment, and then returned to Macedonia.<a -id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> His -increasing power raised both apprehension and hatred in the bosom of -Antigonus, who endeavored to come to terms with him, but in vain.<a -id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> -Kassander preferred the alliance with Ptolemy, Seleukus, and -Lysimachus—against Antigonus, who was now master of nearly the whole -of Asia, inspiring common dread to all of them.<a id="FNanchor_853" -href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> Accordingly, from -Asia to Peloponnesus, with arms and money Antigonus despatched the -Milesian Aristodemus to strengthen Alexander against Kassander; whom -he further denounced as an enemy of the Macedonian name, because -he had slain Olympias, imprisoned the other members of the regal -family, and re-established the Olynthian exiles. He caused the absent -Kassander to be condemned by what was called a Macedonian assembly, -upon these and other charges.</p> - -<p>Antigonus farther proclaimed, by the voice of this assembly, -that all the Greeks should be free, self-governing, and exempt -from garrisons or military occupation.<a id="FNanchor_854" -href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> It was expected that -these brilliant promises would enlist partisans in Greece against -Kassander; accordingly Ptolemy ruler of Egypt, one of the enemies of -Antigonus, thought fit to issue similar proclamations a few months -afterwards, tendering to the Greeks the same boon from himself.<a -id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a> -These promises, neither executed, not intended to be executed, by -either of the kings, appear to have produced little or no effect upon -the Greeks.</p> - -<p>The arrival of Aristodemus in Peloponnesus had re-animated the -party of Alexander, (son of Polysperchon), against whom Kassander -was again obliged to bring his full forces from Macedonia. Though -successful against Alexander at Argos, Orchomenus, and other places, -Kassander was not able to crush him, and presently thought it -prudent to gain him over. He offered to him the separate government -of Peloponnesus, though in subordination to himself: Alexander -accepted the offer, becoming Kassander’s ally<a id="FNanchor_856" -href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a>—and carried on war, -jointly with him, against Aristodemus, with varying success, until -he was presently assas<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">[p. -370]</span>sinated by some private enemies. Nevertheless his widow -Kratesipolis, a woman of courage and energy, still maintained -herself in considerable force at Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_857" -href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> Kassander’s most -obstinate enemies were the Ætolians, of whom we now first hear -formal mention as a substantive confederacy.<a id="FNanchor_858" -href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> These Ætolians became -the allies of Antigonus as they had been before of Polysperchon, -extending their predatory ravages even as far as Attica. Protected -against foreign garrisons, partly by their rude and fierce habits, -partly by their mountainous territory, they were almost the only -Greeks who could still be called free. Kassander tried to keep them -in check through their neighbors the Akarnanians, whom he induced to -adopt a more concentrated habit of residence, consolidating their -numerous petty townships into a few considerable towns,—Stratus, -Sauria, and Agrinium—convenient posts for Macedonian garrisons. -He also made himself master of Leukas, Apollonia, and Epidamnus, -defeating the Illyrian king Glaukias, so that his dominion -now extended across from the Thermaic to the Adriatic Gulf.<a -id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> -His general Philippus gained two important victories over the -Ætolians and Epirots, forcing the former to relinquish some of their -most accessible towns.<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860" -class="fnanchor">[860]</a></p> - -<p>The power of Antigonus in Asia underwent a material diminution, -by the successful and permanent establishment which Seleukus now -acquired in Babylonia; from which event the era of the succeeding -Seleukidæ takes its origin. In Greece, however, Antigonus gained -ground on Kassander. He sent thither his nephew Ptolemy with a -large force to liberate the Greeks, or in other words, to expel -the Kassandrian garrisons; while he at the same time distracted -Kassander’s attention by threatening to cross the Hellespont -and invade Macedonia. This Ptolemy (not the Egyptian) expelled -the soldiers of Kassander from Eubœa,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_371">[p. 371]</span> Bœotia, and Phokis. Chalkis in Eubœa -was at this time the chief military station of Kassander; Thebes -(which he had recently re-established) was in alliance with him; -but the remaining Bœotian towns were hostile to him. Ptolemy, -having taken Chalkis—the citizens of which he conciliated by -leaving them without any garrison—together with Oropus, Eretria, -and Karystus—entered Attica and presented himself before Athens. -So much disposition to treat with him was manifested in the city, -that Demetrius the Phalerean was obliged to gain time by pretending -to open negotiations with Antigonus, while Ptolemy withdrew from -Attica. Nearly at the same epoch, Apollonia, Epidamnus, and Leukas, -found means, assisted by an armament from Korkyra, to drive -out Kassander’s garrisons, and to escape from his dominion.<a -id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> -The affairs of Antigonus were now prospering in Greece, but they -were much thrown back by the discontent and treachery of his admiral -Telesphorus, who seized Elis and even plundered the sacred treasures -of Olympia. Ptolemy presently put him down, and restored these -treasures to the god.<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862" -class="fnanchor">[862]</a></p> - -<p>In the ensuing year, a convention was concluded between Antigonus, -on one side—and Kassander, Ptolemy (the Egyptian) and Lysimachus, on -the other, whereby the supreme command in Macedonia was guaranteed -to Kassander, until the maturity of Alexander son of Roxana; Thrace -being at the same time assured to Lysimachus, Egypt to Ptolemy, and -the whole of Asia to Antigonus. It was at the same time covenanted -by all, that the Hellenic cities should be free.<a id="FNanchor_863" -href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> Towards the -execution of this last clause, however, nothing was actually done. -Nor does it appear that the treaty had any other effect, except -to inspire Kassander with increased jealousy about Roxana and her -child; both of whom (as has been already stated) he caused to be -secretly assassinated soon afterwards, by the governor Glaukias, -in the fortress of Amphipolis, where they had been confined.<a -id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> The -forces of Antigonus, under his general Ptolemy, still remained in -Greece. But this general presently (310 <small>B. C.</small>) -revolted from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">[p. 372]</span> -Antigonus, and placed them in co-operation with Kassander; while -Ptolemy of Egypt, accusing Antigonus of having contravened the treaty -by garrisoning various Grecian cities, renewed the war and the triple -alliance against him.<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865" -class="fnanchor">[865]</a></p> - -<p>Polysperchon,—who had hitherto maintained a local dominion over -various parts of Peloponnesus, with a military force distributed in -Messênê and other towns<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866" -class="fnanchor">[866]</a>—was now encouraged by Antigonus to espouse -the cause of Herakles (son of Alexander by Barsinê), and to place him -on the throne of Macedonia in opposition to Kassander. This young -prince Herakles, now seventeen years of age, was sent to Greece from -Pergamus in Asia, and his pretensions to the throne were assisted not -only by a considerable party in Macedonia itself, but also by the -Ætolians. Polysperchon invaded Macedonia, with favorable prospects -of establishing the young prince; yet he thought it advantageous to -accept treacherous propositions from Kassander, who offered to him -partnership in the sovereignty of Macedonia, with an independent -army and dominion in Peloponnesus. Polysperchon, tempted by these -offers, assassinated the young prince Herakles, and withdrew his -army towards Peloponnesus. But he found such unexpected opposition, -in his march through Bœotia, from Bœotians and Peloponnesians, -that he was forced to take up his winter quarters in Lokris<a -id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> -(309 <small>B. C.</small>). From this time forward, as far as -we can make out, he commanded in Southern Greece as subordinate ally -or partner of Kassander;<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868" -class="fnanchor">[868]</a> whose Macedonian dominion, thus confirmed, -seems to have included Akarnania and Amphilochia on the Ambrakian -Gulf, together with the town of Ambrakia itself, and a supremacy over -many of the Epirots.</p> - -<p>The assassination of Herakles was speedily followed by that of -Kleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, and daughter of Philip and -Olympias. She had been for some time at Sardis,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_373">[p. 373]</span> nominally at liberty, yet under watch -by the governor, who received his orders from Antigonus; she was now -preparing to quit that place, for the purpose of joining Ptolemy in -Egypt, and of becoming his wife. She had been invoked as auxiliary, -or courted in marriage, by several of the great Macedonian chiefs, -without any result. Now, however, Antigonus, afraid of the influence -which her name might throw into the scale of his rival Ptolemy, -caused her to be secretly murdered as she was preparing for her -departure; throwing the blame of the deed on some of her women, whom -he punished with death.<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869" -class="fnanchor">[869]</a> All the relatives of Alexander the Great -(except Thessalonikê wife of Kassander, daughter of Philip by a -Thessalian mistress) thus successively perished, and all by the -orders of one or other among his principal officers. The imperial -family, with the prestige of its name, thus came to an end.</p> - -<p>Ptolemy of Egypt now set sail for Greece with a powerful -armament. He acquired possession of the important cities—Sikyon and -Corinth—which were handed over to him by Kratesipolis, widow of -Alexander son of Polysperchon. He then made known by proclamation -his purpose as a liberator, inviting aid from the Peloponnesian -cities themselves against the garrisons of Kassander. From some he -received encouraging answers and promises; but none of them made any -movement, or seconded him by armed demonstrations. He thought it -prudent therefore to conclude a truce with Kassander and retire from -Greece, leaving however secure garrisons in Sikyon and Corinth.<a -id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> -The Grecian cities had now become tame and passive. Feeling their -own incapacity of self-defence, and averse to auxiliary efforts, -which brought upon them enmity without any prospect of advantage—they -awaited only the turns of foreign interference and the behests of the -potentates around them.</p> - -<p>The Grecian ascendency of Kassander, however, was in the -following year exposed to a graver shock than it had ever yet -encountered—by the sudden invasion of Demetrius called Poliorketes, -son of Antigonus. This young prince, sailing from Ephesus with a -formidable armament, contrived to conceal his<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_374">[p. 374]</span> purposes so closely, that he -actually entered the harbor of Peiræus (on the 26th of the month -Thargelion—May) without expectation, or resistance from any one; -his fleet being mistaken for the fleet of the Egyptian Ptolemy. The -Phalerean Demetrius, taken unawares, and attempting too late to guard -the harbor, found himself compelled to leave it in possession of the -enemy, and to retire within the walls of Athens; while Dionysius, -the Kassandrian governor, maintained himself with his garrison -in Munychia, yet without any army competent to meet the invaders -in the field. This accomplished Phalerean, who had administered -for ten years as the viceroy and with the force of Kassander, now -felt his position and influence at Athens overthrown, and even his -personal safety endangered. He with other Athenians went as envoys -on the ensuing day to ascertain what terms would be granted. The -young prince ostentatiously proclaimed, that it was the intention -of his father Antigonus and himself to restore and guarantee to the -Athenians unqualified freedom and autonomy. Hence the Phalerean -Demetrius foresaw that his internal opponents, condemned as they -had been to compulsory silence during the last ten years, would now -proclaim themselves with irresistible violence, so that there was no -safety for him except in retreat. He accordingly asked and obtained -permission from the invader to retire to Thebes, from whence he -passed over soon after to Ptolemy in Egypt. The Athenians in the city -declared in favor of Demetrius Poliorketes; who however refused to -enter the walls until he should have besieged and captured Munychia, -as well as Megara, with their Kassandrian garrisons. In a short -time he accomplished both these objects. Indeed energy, skill, and -effective use of engines, in besieging fortified places, were among -the most conspicuous features in his character; procuring for him the -surname whereby he is known to history. He proclaimed the Megarians -free, levelling to the ground the fortifications of Munychia, as an -earnest to the Athenians that they should be relieved for the future -from all foreign garrison.<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871" -class="fnanchor">[871]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">[p. 375]</span>After these -successes, Demetrius Poliorketes made his triumphant entry into -Athens. He announced to the people, in formal assembly, that they -were now again a free democracy, liberated from all dominion either -of soldiers from abroad or oligarchs at home. He also promised -them a farther boon from his father Antigonus and himself—150,000 -medimni of corn for distribution, and ship-timber in quantity -sufficient for constructing 100 triremes. Both these announcements -were received with grateful exultation. The feelings of the people -were testified not merely in votes of thanks and admiration towards -the young conqueror, but in effusions of unmeasured and exorbitant -flattery. Stratokles (who has already been before us as one of -the accusers of Demosthenes in the Harpalian affair) with others -exhausted their invention in devising new varieties of compliment -and adulation. Antigonus and Demetrius were proclaimed to be not -only kings, but gods and saviors: a high priest of these saviors -was to be annually chosen, after whom each successive year was -to be named (instead of being named after the first of the nine -Archons, as had hitherto been the custom), and the dates of decrees -and contracts commemorated; the month Munychion was re-named as -Demetrion—two new tribes, to be called Antigonis and Demetrias, -were constituted in addition to the preceding ten:—the annual -senate was appointed to consist of 600 members instead of 500; -the portraits and exploits of Antigonus and Demetrius were to be -woven, along with those of Zeus and Athênê, into the splendid and -voluminous robe periodically carried in procession, as an offering -at the Panathenaic festival; the spot of ground where Demetrius had -alighted from his chariot, was consecrated with an altar erected -in honor of Demetrius Katæbates or the Descender. Several other -similar votes were passed, recognizing, and worshipping as gods, -the saviors Antigonus and Demetrius. Nay, we are told that temples -or altars were voted to Phila-Aphroditê, in honor of Phila wife of -Demetrius; and a like compliment was paid to his two mistresses, -Leæna and Lamia. Altars are said to have been also dedicated to -Adeimantus and others, his convivial companions or flatterers.<a -id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> At -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">[p. 376]</span> same time the -numerous statues which had been erected in honor of the Phalerean -Demetrius during his decennial government, were overthrown, and some -of them even turned to ignoble purposes, in order to cast greater -scorn upon the past ruler.<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873" -class="fnanchor">[873]</a> The demonstrations of servile flattery at -Athens, towards Demetrius Poliorketes, were in fact so extravagantly -overdone, that he himself is said to have been disgusted with them, -and to have expressed contempt for these degenerate Athenians -of his own time.<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874" -class="fnanchor">[874]</a></p> - -<p>In reviewing such degrading proceedings, we must recollect that -thirty-one years had now elapsed since the battle of Chæroneia, -and that during all this time the Athenians had been under the -practical ascendancy, and constantly augmenting pressure, of foreign -potentates. The sentiment of this dependence on Macedonia had been -continually strengthened by all the subsequent events—by the capture -and destruction of Thebes, and the subsequent overwhelming conquests -of Alexander—by the deplorable conclusion of the Lamian war, the -slaughter of the free-spoken orators, the death of the energetic -military leaders, and the deportation of Athenian citizens—lastly, -by the continued presence of a Macedonian garrison in Peiræus or -Munychia. By Phokion, Demetrius Phalereus, and the other leading -statesmen of this long period, submission to Macedonia had been -inculcated as a virtue, while the recollection of the dignity and -grandeur of old autonomous Athens had been effaced or denounced -as a mischievous dream. The fifteen years between the close of -the Lamian war and the arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes (322-307 -<small>B. C.</small>), had witnessed no free play, nor public -discussion and expression, of conflicting opinions; the short period -during which Phokion was condemned must be excepted, but that lasted -only long enough to give room for the outburst of a preconceived but -suppressed antipathy.</p> - -<p>During this thirty years, of which the last half had been an -aggravation of the first, a new generation of Athenians had grown -up, accustomed to an altered phase of political existence.<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_377">[p. 377]</span> How few of those who -received Demetrius Poliorketes, had taken part in the battle of -Chæroneia, or listened to the stirring exhortations of Demosthenes -in the war which preceded that disaster!<a id="FNanchor_875" -href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> Of the citizens -who yet retained courage and patriotism to struggle again for -their freedom after the death of Alexander, how many must have -perished with Leosthenes in the Lamian war! The Athenians of 307 -<small>B. C.</small> had come to conceive their own city, and -Hellas generally, as dependent first on Kassander, next on the -possible intervention of his equally overweening rivals, Ptolemy, -Antigonus, Lysimachus, etc. If they shook off the yoke of one -potentate, it could only be by the protectorate of another. The -sentiment of political self-reliance and autonomy had fled; the -conception of a citizen military force, furnished by confederate -and co-operating cities, had been superseded by the spectacle of -vast standing armies, organized by the heirs of Alexander and of his -traditions.</p> - -<p>Two centuries before (510 <small>B. C.</small>), when the -Lacedæmonians expelled the despot Hippias and his mercenaries -from Athens, there sprang up at once among the Athenian people -a forward and devoted patriotism, which made them willing to -brave, and competent to avert, all dangers in defence of their -newly-acquired liberty.<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876" -class="fnanchor">[876]</a> At that time, the enemies by whom they -were threatened were Lacedæmonians, Thebans, Æginetans, Chalkidians, -and the like (for the Persian force did not present itself until -after some interval, and attacked not Athens alone, but Greece -collectively). These hostile forces, though superior in number and -apparent value to those of Athens, were yet not so disproportionate -as to engender hopelessness and despair. Very different were the -facts in 307 <small>B. C.</small>, when Demetrius Poliorketes -removed the Kassandrian mercenaries with their fortress Munychia, -and proclaimed Athens free. To maintain that freedom by their own -strength—in opposition to the evident superiority of organized -force residing in the potentates around, one<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_378">[p. 378]</span> or more of whom had nearly all Greece -under military occupation,—was an enterprise too hopeless to have -been attempted even by men such as the combatants of Marathon or -the contemporaries of Perikles. “Who would be free, themselves must -strike the blow!” but the Athenians had not force enough to strike -it; and the liberty proclaimed by Demetrius Poliorketes was a boon -dependent upon him for its extent and even for its continuance. The -Athenian assembly of that day was held under his army as masters of -Attica, as it had been held a few months before under the controlling -force of the Phalerean Demetrius together with the Kassandrian -governor of Munychia; and the most fulsome votes of adulation -proposed in honor of Demetrius Poliorketes by his partisans, though -perhaps disapproved by many, would hardly find a single pronounced -opponent.</p> - -<p>One man, however, there was, who ventured to oppose several -of the votes—the nephew of Demosthenes—Demochares; who deserves -to be commemorated as the last known spokesman of free Athenian -citizenship. We know only that such were his general politics, -and that his opposition to the obsequious rhetor Stratokles -ended in banishment, four years afterwards.<a id="FNanchor_877" -href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> He appears to have -discharged the functions of general during this period—to have been -active in strengthening the fortifications and military equipment -of the city—and to have been employed in occasional missions.<a -id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a></p> - -<p>The altered politics of Athens were manifested by impeachment -against Demetrius Phalereus and other leading partisans of the -late Kassandrian government. He and many others had already gone -into voluntary exile; when their trials came on, they were not -forthcoming, and all were condemned to death. But all those who -remained, and presented themselves for trial, were acquitted;<a -id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> -so little was there of reactionary violence on this occasion. -Stratokles also proposed a decree, commemorating the orator -Lykurgus (who had been dead about seventeen years) by a statue, an -honorary inscription, and a grant of main<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_379">[p. 379]</span>tenance in the Prytaneum to his eldest -surviving descendant.<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880" -class="fnanchor">[880]</a> Among those who accompanied the Phalerean -Demetrius into exile was the rhetor or logographer Deinarchus.</p> - -<p>The friendship of this obnoxious Phalerean, and of Kassander also, -towards the philosopher Theophrastus, seems to have been one main -cause which occasioned the enactment of a restrictive law against -the liberty of philosophizing. It was decreed, on the proposition of -a citizen named Sophokles, that no philosopher should be allowed to -open a school or teach, except under special sanction obtained from a -vote of the Senate and people. Such was the disgust and apprehension -occasioned by the new restriction, that all the philosophers with -one accord left Athens. This spirited protest, against authoritative -restriction on the liberty of philosophy and teaching, found -responsive sympathy among the Athenians. The celebrity of the schools -and professors was in fact the only characteristic mark of dignity -still remaining to them—when their power had become extinct, and -when even their independence and free constitution had degene<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_380">[p. 380]</span>rated into a mere -name. It was moreover the great temptation for young men, coming -from all parts of Greece, to visit Athens. Accordingly, a year had -hardly passed, when Philon, impeaching Sophokles the author of the -law, under the Graphê Paranomôn, prevailed on the Dikastery to -find him guilty, and condemn him to a fine of five talents. The -restrictive law being thus repealed, the philosophers returned.<a -id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a> -It is remarkable that Demochares stood forward as one of its -advocates; defending Sophokles against the accuser Philon. From -scanty notices remaining of the speech of Demochares, we gather -that, while censuring the opinions no less than the characters of -Plato and Aristotle, he denounced yet more bitterly their pupils, -as being for the most part ambitious, violent, and treacherous men. -He cited by name several among them, who had subverted the freedom -of their respective cities, and committed gross outrages against -their fellow-citizens.<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882" -class="fnanchor">[882]</a></p> - -<p>Athenian envoys were despatched to Antigonus in Asia, to testify -the gratitude of the people, and communicate the recent complimentary -votes. Antigonus not only received them graciously, but sent to -Athens, according to the promise made by his son, a large present -of 150,000 medimni of wheat, with timber sufficient for 100 ships. -He at the same time directed Demetrius to convene at Athens a synod -of deputies from the allied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">[p. -381]</span> Grecian cities, where resolutions might be taken for the -common interests of Greece.<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883" -class="fnanchor">[883]</a> It was his interest at this moment to -raise up a temporary self-sustaining authority in Greece, for the -purpose of upholding the alliance with himself, during the absence -of Demetrius; whom he was compelled to summon into Asia with his -army—requiring his services for the war against Ptolemy in Syria and -Cyprus.</p> - -<p>The following three years were spent by Demetrius—1. In -victorious operations near Cyprus, defeating Ptolemy and making -himself master of that island; after which Antigonus and Demetrius -assumed the title of kings, and the example was followed by Ptolemy, -in Egypt—by Lysimachus, in Thrace—and by Seleukus in Babylonia, -Mesopotamia, and Syria<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884" -class="fnanchor">[884]</a>—thus abolishing even the titular -remembrance of Alexander’s family. 2. In an unsuccessful invasion -of Egypt by land and sea, repulsed with great loss. 3. In the -siege of Rhodes. The brave and intelligent citizens of this island -resisted for more than a year the most strenuous attacks and the -most formidable siege-equipments of Demetrius Poliorketes. All their -efforts however would have been vain had they not been assisted by -large reinforcements and supplies from Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and -Kassander. Such are the conditions under which alone even the most -resolute and intelligent Greeks can now retain their circumscribed -sphere of autonomy. The siege was at length terminated by a -compromise; the Rhodians submitted to enrol themselves as allies -of Demetrius, yet under proviso not to act against Ptolemy.<a -id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> -Towards the latter they carried their grateful devotion so far, -as to erect a temple to him, called the Ptolemæum, and to worship -him (under the sanction of the oracle of Ammon) as a god.<a -id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> -Amidst the rocks and shoals through which Grecian cities were now -condemned to steer, menaced on every side by kings more powerful than -themselves, and afterwards by the giant-republic of Rome—the Rhodians -conducted their political affairs with greater prudence and dignity -than any other Grecian city.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">[p. 382]</span>Shortly after -the departure of Demetrius from Greece to Cyprus, Kassander and -Polysperchon renewed the war in Peloponnesus and its neighborhood.<a -id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a> -We make out no particulars respecting this war. The Ætolians were -in hostility with Athens, and committed annoying depredations.<a -id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> -The fleet of Athens, repaired or increased by the timber received -from Antigonus, was made to furnish thirty quadriremes to assist -Demetrius in Cyprus, and was employed in certain operations near the -island of Amorgos, wherein it suffered defeat.<a id="FNanchor_889" -href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> But we can discover -little respecting the course of the war, except that Kassander -gained ground upon the Athenians, and that about the beginning of -303 <small>B. C.</small>, he was blockading or threatening -to blockade, Athens. The Athenians invoked the aid of Demetrius -Poliorketes, who, having recently concluded an accommodation with -the Rhodians, came again across from Asia, with a powerful fleet and -army, to Aulis in Bœotia.<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890" -class="fnanchor">[890]</a> He was received at Athens with -demonstrations of honor equal or superior to those which had marked -his previous visit. He seems to have passed a year and a half, -partly at Athens, partly in military operations carried successfully -over many parts of Greece. He compelled the Bœotians to evacuate -the Eubœan city of Chalkis, and to relinquish their alliance with -Kassander. He drove that prince out of Attica—expelled his garrisons -from the two frontier fortresses of Attica,—Phylê and Panaktum—and -pursued him as far as Thermopylæ. He captured, or obtained by bribing -the garrisons, the important towns of Corinth, Argos, and Sikyon; -mastering also Ægium, Bura, all the Arcadian towns (except Man<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_383">[p. 383]</span>tineia), and various -other towns in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891" -class="fnanchor">[891]</a> He celebrated, as president, the great -festival of the Heræa at Argos; on which occasion he married -Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, the young king of Epirus. He prevailed -on the Sikyonians to transfer to a short distance the site of -their city, conferring upon the new city the name of Demetrias.<a -id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> -At a Grecian synod, convened in Corinth under his own letters of -invitation, he received by acclamation the appointment of leader -or Emperor of the Greeks, as it had been conferred on Philip and -Alexander. He even extended his attacks as far as Leukas and Korkyra. -The greater part of Greece seems to have been either occupied by his -garrisons, or enlisted among his subordinates.</p> - -<p>So much was Kassander intimidated by these successes, that -he sent envoys to Asia, soliciting peace from Antigonus; who, -however, elate and full of arrogance, refused to listen to any -terms short of surrender at discretion. Kassander, thus driven -to despair, renewed his applications to Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and -Seleukus. All these princes felt equally menaced by the power -and dispositions of Antigonus—and all resolved upon an energetic -combination to put him down.<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893" -class="fnanchor">[893]</a></p> - -<p>After uninterrupted prosperity in Greece, throughout the summer -of 302 <small>B. C.</small>, Demetrius returned from Leukas -to Athens, about the month of September, near the time of the -Eleusinian mysteries.<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894" -class="fnanchor">[894]</a> He was welcomed by festive processions, -hymns, pæans, choric dances, and bacchanalian odes of joyous -congratulation. One of these hymns is preserved, sung by a chorus -of Ithyphalli—masked revellers, with their heads and arms encircled -by wreaths,—clothed in white tunics, and in feminine garments -reaching almost to the feet.<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895" -class="fnanchor">[895]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">[p. 384]</span>This song is -curious, as indicating the hopes and fears prevalent among Athenians -of that day, and as affording a measure of their self-appreciation. -It is moreover among the latest Grecian documents that we possess, -bearing on actual and present reality. The poet, addressing Demetrius -as a god, boasts that two of the greatest and best-beloved of all -divine beings are visiting Attica at the same moment—Demeter (coming -for the season of her mysteries), and Demetrius, son of Poseidon -and Aphroditê. “To thee we pray (the hymn proceeds); for other gods -are either afar off—or have no ears—or do not exist—or care nothing -about us; but <i>thee</i> we see before us, not in wood or marble, but in -real presence. First of all things, establish peace; for thou hast -the power—and chastise that Sphinx who domineers, not merely over -Thebes, but over all Greece—the Ætolian, who, (like the old Sphinx) -rushes from his station on the rock to snatch and carry away our -persons, and against whom we cannot fight. At all times, the Ætolians -robbed their neighbors; but now, they rob far as well as near.<a -id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a>”</p> - -<p>Effusions such as these, while displaying unmeasured -idolatry<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">[p. 385]</span> and -subservience towards Demetrius, are yet more remarkable, as betraying -a loss of force, a senility, and a consciousness of defenceless -and degraded position, such as we are astonished to find publicly -proclaimed at Athens. It is not only against the foreign potentates -that the Athenians avow themselves incapable of self-defence, -but even against the incursions of the Ætolians.—Greeks like -themselves, though warlike, rude, and restless.<a id="FNanchor_897" -href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> When such were -the feelings of a people, once the most daring, confident, and -organizing—and still the most intelligent—in Greece, we may see that -the history of the Greeks as a separate nation or race is reaching -its close—and that from henceforward they must become merged in one -or other of the stronger currents that surround them.</p> - -<p>After his past successes, Demetrius passed some months in -enjoyment and luxury at Athens. He was lodged in the Parthenon, being -considered as the guest of the goddess Athênê. But his dissolute -habits provoked the louder comments, from being indulged in such a -domicile; while the violences which he offered to beautiful youths -of good family led to various scenes truly tragical. The subservient -manifestations of the Athenians towards him, however, continued -unabated. It is even affirmed, that, in order to compensate for -something which he had taken amiss, they passed a formal decree, -on the proposition of Stratokles, declaring that every thing -which Demetrius might command was holy in regard to the gods, and -just in regard to men.<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898" -class="fnanchor">[898]</a> The banishment of Demochares is said to -have been brought on by his sarcastic comments upon this decree.<a -id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> -In the month<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">[p. 386]</span> -Munychion (April) Demetrius mustered his forces and his Grecian -allies for a march into Thessaly against Kassander; but before -his departure, he was anxious to be initiated in the Eleusinian -mysteries. It was however not the regular time for this ceremony; -the Lesser Mysteries being celebrated in February, the Greater in -September. The Athenians overruled the difficulty by passing a -special vote, enabling him to be initiated at once, and to receive -in immediate succession, the preparatory and the final initiation, -between which ceremonies a year of interval was habitually required. -Accordingly, he placed himself disarmed in the hands of the priests, -and received both first and second initiation in the month of April, -immediately before his departure from Athens.<a id="FNanchor_900" -href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a></p> - -<p>Demetrius conducted into Thessaly an army of 56,000 men; of whom -25,000 were Grecian allies—so extensive was his sway at this moment -over the Grecian cities.<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901" -class="fnanchor">[901]</a> But after two or three months of -hostilities, partially successful, against Kassander, he was summoned -into Asia by Antigonus to assist in meet<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_387">[p. 387]</span>ing the formidable army of the -allies—Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and Kassander. Before retiring -from Greece, Demetrius concluded a truce with Kassander, whereby it -was stipulated that the Grecian cities, both in Europe and Asia, -should be permanently autonomous and free from garrison or control. -This stipulation served only as an honorable pretext for leaving -Greece; Demetrius had little expectation that it would be observed.<a -id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> -In the ensuing spring was fought the decisive battle of Ipsus in -Phrygia (<small>B. C.</small> 300), by Antigonus and Demetrius, -against Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus; with a large army and -many elephants on both sides. Antigonus was completely defeated and -slain, at the age of more than eighty years. His Asiatic dominion -was broken up, chiefly to the profit of Seleukus, whose dynasty -became from henceforward ascendent, from the coast of Syria eastward -to the Caspian Gates and Parthia; sometimes, though imperfectly, -farther eastward, nearly to the Indus.<a id="FNanchor_903" -href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a></p> - -<p>The effects of the battle of Ipsus were speedily felt in Greece. -The Athenians passed a decree proclaiming themselves neutral, and -excluding both the belligerent parties from Attica. Demetrius, -retiring with the remnant of his defeated army, and embarking at -Ephesus to sail to Athens, was met on the voyage by Athenian envoys, -who respectfully acquainted him that he would not be admitted. -At the same time, his wife Deidameia, whom<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_388">[p. 388]</span> he had left at Athens, was sent away by -the Athenians under an honorable escort to Megara, while some ships -of war which he had left in the Peiræus were also restored to him. -Demetrius, indignant at this unexpected defection of a city which had -recently heaped upon him such fulsome adulation, was still farther -mortified by the loss of most of his other possessions in Greece.<a -id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a> -His garrisons were for the most part expelled, and the cities passed -into Kassandrian keeping or dominion. His fortunes were indeed -partially restored by concluding a peace with Seleukus, who married -his daughter. This alliance withdrew Demetrius to Syria, while -Greece appears to have fallen more and more under the Kassandrian -parties. It was one of these partisans, Lachares, who, seconded -by Kassander’s soldiers, acquired a despotism at Athens such as -had been possessed by the Phalerean Demetrius, but employed in a -manner far more cruel and oppressive. Various exiles driven out by -his tyranny invited Demetrius Poliorketes, who passed over again -from Asia into Greece, recovered portions of Peloponnesus, and laid -siege to Athens. He blocked up the city by sea and land, so that the -pressure of famine presently became intolerable. Lachares having -made his escape, the people opened their gates to Demetrius, not -without great fear of the treatment awaiting them. But he behaved -with forbearance, and even with generosity. He spared them all, -supplied them with a large donation of corn, and contented himself -with taking military occupation of the city, naming his own friends -as magistrates. He put garrisons, however, not only into Peiræus and -Munychia, but also into the hill called Museum, a part of the walled -circle of Athens itself<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905" -class="fnanchor">[905]</a> (<small>B. C.</small> 298).</p> - -<p>While Demetrius was thus strengthening himself in Greece, he lost -all his footing both in Cyprus, Syria, and Kilikia, which<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_389">[p. 389]</span> passed into the hands -of Ptolemy and Seleukus. New prospects however were opened to him -in Macedonia by the death of Kassander (his brother-in-law, brother -of his wife Phila) and the family feuds supervening thereupon. -Philippus, eldest son of Kassander, succeeded his father, but died of -sickness after something more than a year. Between the two remaining -sons, Antipater and Alexander, a sanguinary hostility broke out. -Antipater slew his mother Thessalonikê, and threatened the life of -his brother, who in his turn invited aid both from Demetrius, and -from the Epirotic king Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus being ready first, marched -into Macedonia, and expelled Antipater; receiving as his recompense -the territory called Tymphæa (between Epirus and Macedonia), together -with Akarnania, Amphilochia, and the town of Ambrakia, which became -henceforward his chief city and residence.<a id="FNanchor_906" -href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> Antipater sought -shelter in Thrace with his father-in-law Lysimachus; by whose order, -however, he was presently slain. Demetrius, occupied with other -matters, was more tardy in obeying the summons; but, on entering -into Macedonia, he found himself strong enough to dispossess and -kill Alexander (who had indeed invited him, but is said to have -laid a train for assassinating him), and seized the Macedonian -crown; not without the assent of a considerable party, to whom the -name and the deeds of Kassander and his sons were alike odious.<a -id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></p> - -<p>Demetrius became thus master of Macedonia, together with the -greater part of Greece, including Athens, Megara, and much of -Peloponnesus. He undertook an expedition into Bœotia, for the purpose -of conquering Thebes; in which attempt he succeeded, not without a -double siege of that city, which made an obstinate resistance. He -left as viceroy in Bœotia the historian, Hieronymus of Kardia,<a -id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> -once the attached friend and fellow-citizen of Eumenes. But Greece -as a whole was managed by Antigonus (afterwards called Antigonus -Gonatas) son of Demetrius, who maintained his supremacy unshaken -during all his father’s lifetime; even though Demetrius was deprived -of Mace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">[p. 390]</span>donia by -the temporary combination of Lysimachus with Pyrrhus, and afterwards -remained (until his death in 283 <small>B. C.</small>) -a captive in the hands of Seleukus. After a brief possession -of the crown of Macedonia successively by Seleukus, Ptolemy, -Keraunus, Meleager, Antipater, and Sosthenes—Antigonus Gonatas -regained it in 277 <small>B. C.</small> His descendants the -Antigonid kings maintained it until the battle of Pydna in 168 -<small>B. C.</small>; when Perseus, the last of them, was -overthrown, and his kingdom incorporated with the Roman conquests.<a -id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a></p> - -<p>Of Greece during this period we can give no account, except -that the greater number of its cities were in dependence upon -Demetrius and his son Antigonus; either under occupation by -Macedonian garrisons, or ruled by local despots who leaned on -foreign mercenaries and Macedonian support. The spirit of the -Greeks was broken, and their habits of combined sentiment and -action had disappeared. The invasion of the Gauls indeed awakened -them into a temporary union for the defence of Thermopylæ in -279 <small>B. C.</small> So intolerable was the cruelty -and spoliation of those barbarian invaders, that the cities as -well as Antigonus were driven by fear to the efforts necessary -for repelling them.<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910" -class="fnanchor">[910]</a> A gallant army of Hellenic confederates -was mustered. In the mountains of Ætolia and in the neighborhood of -Delphi, most of the Gallic horde with their king Brennus perished. -But this burst of spirit did not interrupt the continuance of the -Macedonian dominion in Greece, which Antigonus Gonatas continued -to hold throughout most of a long reign. He greatly extended the -system begun by his predecessors, of isolating each Grecian city -from alliances with other cities in its neighborhood—planting in -most of them local despots—and compressing the most important -by means of garrisons.<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911" -class="fnanchor">[911]</a> Among all Greeks, the<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_391">[p. 391]</span> Spartans and the -Ætolians stood most free from foreign occupation, and were the -least crippled in their power of self-action. The Achæan league too -developed itself afterwards as a renovated sprout from the ruined -tree of Grecian liberty,<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912" -class="fnanchor">[912]</a> though never attaining to anything better -than a feeble and puny life, nor capable of sustaining itself -without foreign aid.<a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913" -class="fnanchor">[913]</a></p> - -<p>With this after-growth, or half-revival, I shall not meddle. -It forms the Greece of Polybius, which that author treats, in my -opinion justly, as having no history of its own,<a id="FNanchor_914" -href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a> but as an -appendage attached to some foreign centre and principal among its -neighbors—Macedonia, Egypt, Syria, Rome. Each of these neighbors -acted upon the destinies of Greece more powerfully than the Greeks -themselves. The Greeks to whom these volumes have been devoted—those -of Homer, Archilochus, Solon, Æschylus, Herodotus, Thucydides, -Xenophon, and Demosthenes—present as their most marked characteristic -a loose aggregation of autonomous tribes or communities, acting -and reacting freely among themselves, with little or no pressure -from foreigners. The main interest of the narrative has consisted -in the spontaneous grouping of the different Hellenic fractions—in -the self-prompted cooperations and conflicts—the abortive attempts -to bring about something like an effective federal organization, -or to maintain two permanent rival confederacies—the energetic -ambition, and heroic endurance, of men to whom Hellas was the entire -political world. The freedom of Hellas, the life and soul of this -history from its commencement, disappeared completely during the -first years of Alexander’s reign. After following to their tombs the -generation of Greeks contemporary with him, men like Demosthenes and -Phokion, born in a state of freedom—I have pursued the history into -that gulf of Grecian nullity which marks the succeeding century; -exhibiting sad evidence of the degrading servility, and suppliant -king-worship,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">[p. 392]</span> -into which the countrymen of Aristeides and Perikles had been driven, -by their own conscious weakness under overwhelming pressure from -without.</p> - -<p>I cannot better complete that picture than by showing what the -leading democratical citizen became, under the altered atmosphere -which now bedimmed his city. Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes, -has been mentioned as one of the few distinguished Athenians -in this last generation. He was more than once chosen to the -highest public offices;<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915" -class="fnanchor">[915]</a> he was conspicuous for his free speech, -both as an orator and as an historian, in the face of powerful -enemies; he remained throughout a long life faithfully attached to -the democratical constitution, and was banished for a time by its -opponents. In the year 280 <small>B. C.</small>, he prevailed -on the Athenians to erect a public monument, with a commemorative -inscription, to his uncle Demosthenes. Seven or eight years -afterwards, Demochares himself died, aged nearly eighty. His son -Laches proposed and obtained a public decree, that a statue should -be erected, with an annexed inscription, to his honor. We read in -the decree a recital of the distinguished public services, whereby -Demochares merited this compliment from his countrymen. All that -the proposer of the decree, his son and fellow-citizen, can find to -recite, as ennobling the last half of the father’s public life (since -his return from exile), is as follows:—1. He contracted the public -expenses, and introduced a more frugal management. 2. He undertook an -embassy to King Lysimachus, from whom he obtained two presents for -the people, one of thirty talents, the other of one hundred talents. -3. He proposed the vote for sending envoys to King Ptolemy in Egypt, -from whom fifty talents were obtained for the people. 4. He went as -envoy to Antipater, received from him twenty talents, and delivered -them to the people at the Eleusinian festival.<a id="FNanchor_916" -href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">[p. 393]</span>When such -begging missions are the deeds, for which Athens both employed and -recompensed her most eminent citizens, an historian accustomed to the -Grecian world as described by Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon, -feels that the life has departed from his subject, and with sadness -and humiliation brings his narrative to a close.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_97"> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVII.<br /> - SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS. — AGATHOKLES.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">It</span> has been convenient, -throughout all this work, to keep the history of the Italian and -Sicilian Greeks distinct from that of the Central and Asiatic. -We parted last from the Sicilian Greeks,<a id="FNanchor_917" -href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> at the death of their -champion the Corinthian Timoleon (337 <small>B. C.</small>), -by whose energetic exploits, and generous political policy, they -had been almost regenerated—rescued from foreign enemies, protected -against intestine discord, and invigorated by a large reinforcement -of new colonists. For the twenty years next succeeding the death -of Timoleon, the history of Syracuse and Sicily is an absolute -blank; which is deeply to be regretted, since the position of these -cities included so much novelty—so many subjects for debate, for -peremptory settlement, or for amicable compromise—that the annals -of their proceedings must have been peculiarly interesting. Twenty -years after the death of Timoleon, we find the government of -Syracuse described as an oligarchy; implying that the constitution -established by Timoleon must have been changed either by violence -or by consent. The oligarchy is stated as consisting of 600 chief -men,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">[p. 394]</span> among whom -Sosistratus and Herakleides appear as leaders.<a id="FNanchor_918" -href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> We hear generally -that the Syracusans had been engaged in wars, and that Sosistratus -either first originated, or first firmly established, his oligarchy, -after an expedition undertaken to the coast of Italy, to assist the -citizens of Kroton against their interior neighbors and assailants -the Bruttians.</p> - -<p>Not merely Kroton, but other Grecian cities also on the coast of -Italy, appear to have been exposed to causes of danger and decline, -similar to those which were operating upon so many other portions -of the Hellenic world. Their non-Hellenic neighbors in the interior -were growing too powerful and too aggressive to leave them in peace -or security. The Messapians, the Lucanians, the Bruttians, and other -native Italian tribes, were acquiring that increased strength which -became ultimately all concentrated under the mighty republic of Rome. -I have in my preceding volume recounted the acts of the two Syracusan -despots, the elder and younger Dionysius, on this Italian coast.<a -id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a> -Though the elder gained some advantage over the Lucanians, yet the -interference of both contributed only to enfeeble and humiliate the -Italiot Greeks. Not long before the battle of Chæroneia (340-338 -<small>B. C.</small>), the Tarentines found themselves so -hard pressed by the Messapians, that they sent to Sparta, their -mother-city, to entreat assistance. The Spartan king Archidamus -son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed of the nullity of his country -since the close of the Sacred War, complied with their prayer, and -sailed at the head of a mercenary force to Italy. How long his -operations there lasted, we do not know; but they ended by his being -defeated and killed, near the time of the battle of Chæroneia<a -id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> -(338 <small>B. C.</small>).</p> - -<p>About six years after this event, the Tarentines, being still -pressed by the same formidable neighbors, invoked the aid of the -Epirotic Alexander, king of the Molossians, and brother of<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_395">[p. 395]</span> Olympias. These Epirots -now, during the general decline of Grecian force, rise into an -importance which they had never before enjoyed<a id="FNanchor_921" -href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a>. Philip of Macedon, -having married Olympias, not only secured his brother-in-law on -the Molossian throne, but strengthened his authority over subjects -not habitually obedient. It was through Macedonian interference -that the Molossian Alexander first obtained (though subject to -Macedonian ascendency) the important city of Ambrakia; which thus -passed out of a free Hellenic community into the capital and seaport -of the Epirotic kings. Alexander farther cemented his union with -Macedonia by marrying his own niece Kleopatra, daughter of Philip -and Olympias. In fact, during the lives of Philip and Alexander -the Great, the Epirotic kingdom appears a sort of adjunct to the -Macedonian; governed by Olympias either jointly with her brother the -Molossian Alexander—or as regent after his death.<a id="FNanchor_922" -href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">[p. 396]</span>It was -about the year after the battle of Issus that the Molossian -Alexander undertook his expedition into Italy;<a id="FNanchor_923" -href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> doubtless instigated -in part by emulation of the Asiatic glories of his nephew and -namesake. Though he found enemies more formidable than the Persians -at Issus, yet his success was at first considerable. He gained -victories over the Messapians, the Lucanians, and the Samnites; he -conquered the Lucanian town of Consentia, and the Bruttian town -of Tereina; he established an alliance with the Pœdiculi, and -exchanged friendly messages with the Romans. As far as we can make -out from scanty data, he seems to have calculated on establishing -a comprehensive dominion in the south of Italy, over all its -population—over Greek cities, Lucanians, and Bruttians. He demanded -and obtained three hundred of the chief Lucanian and Messapian -families, whom he sent over as hostages to Epirus. Several exiles -of these nations joined him as partisans. He farther endeavored -to transfer the congress of the Greco-Italian cities, which had -been usually held at the Tarentine colony of Herakleia, to Thurii; -intending probably to procure for himself a compliant synod like that -serving the purpose of his Macedonian nephew at Corinth. But the tide -of his fortune at length turned. The Tarentines became disgusted and -alarmed; his Lucanian partisans proved faithless; the stormy weather -in the Calabrian Apennines broke up the communication between his -different detachments, and exposed them to be cut off in detail. He -himself perished, by the hands of a Lucanian exile, in crossing the -river Acheron, and near the town of Pandosia. This was held to be a -memorable attestation of the prophetic veracity of the oracle; since -he had received advice from Dodona to beware of Pandosia and Acheron; -two names which he well knew, and therefore avoided, in Epirus—but -which he had not before known to exist in Italy.<a id="FNanchor_924" -href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a></p> - -<p>The Greco-Italian cities had thus dwindled down into a prize to -be contended for between the Epirotic kings and the native<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_397">[p. 397]</span> Italian powers—as they -again became, still more conspicuously, fifty years afterwards, -during the war between Pyrrhus and the Romans. They were now left -to seek foreign aid, where they could obtain it, and to become the -prey of adventurers. It is in this capacity that we hear of them -as receiving assistance from Syracuse, and that the formidable -name of Agathokles first comes before us—seemingly about 320 -<small>B. C.</small><a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925" -class="fnanchor">[925]</a> The Syracusan force, sent to Italy to -assist the Krotoniates against their enemies the Bruttians, was -commanded by a general named Antander, whose brother Agathokles -served with him in a subordinate command.</p> - -<p>To pass over the birth and childhood of Agathokles—respecting -which, romantic anecdotes are told, as about most eminent men,—it -appears that his father, a Rhegine exile named Karkinus, came -from Therma (in the Carthaginian portion of Sicily) to settle -at Syracuse, at the time when Timoleon invited and received new -Grecian settlers to the citizenship of the latter city. Karkinus -was in comparative poverty, following the trade of a potter; which -his son Agathokles learnt also, being about eighteen years of age -when domiciliated with his father at Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_926" -href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> Though starting -from this humble beginning, and even notorious for the profligacy -and rapacity of his youthful habits, Agathokles soon attained -a conspicuous position, partly from his own superior personal -qualities, partly from the favor of a wealthy Syracusan named Damas. -The young potter was handsome, tall, and of gigantic strength; he -performed with distinction the military service required from him as -a citizen, wearing a panoply so heavy, that no other soldier could -fight with it; he was moreover ready, audacious, and emphatic in -public harangue. Damas became much attached to him, and not only -supplied him profusely with money, but also, when placed in command -of a Syracusan army against the Agrigentines, nominated him one -of the subordinate officers. In this capacity Agathokles acquired -great reputation, for courage in battle, ability in command, and -fluency of speech. Presently Damas died of sickness, leaving a widow -without children. Agathokles<span class="pagenum" id="Page_398">[p. -398]</span> married the widow, and thus raised himself to a -high fortune and position in Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_927" -href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p> - -<p>Of the oligarchy which now prevailed at Syracuse, we have no -particulars, nor do we know how it had come to be substituted -for the more popular forms established by Timoleon. We hear only -generally that the oligarchical leaders, Sosistratus and Herakleides, -were unprincipled and sanguinary men.<a id="FNanchor_928" -href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> By this government -an expedition was despatched from Syracuse to the Italian coast, to -assist the inhabitants of Kroton against their aggressive neighbors -the Bruttians. Antander, brother of Agathokles, was one of the -generals commanding this armament, and Agathokles himself served in -it as a subordinate officer. We neither know the date, the duration, -nor the issue, of this expedition.</p> - -<p>But it afforded a fresh opportunity to Agathokles to display his -adventurous bravery and military genius, which procured for him -high encomium. He was supposed by some, on his return to Syracuse, -to be entitled to the first prize for valor; but Sosistratus and -the other oligarchical leaders withheld it from him and preferred -another. So deeply was Agathokles incensed by this refusal, that he -publicly inveighed against them among the people, as men aspiring to -despotism. His opposition being unsuccessful, and drawing upon him -the enmity of the government, he retired to the coast of Italy.</p> - -<p>Here he levied a military band of Grecian exiles and Campanian -mercenaries, which he maintained by various enterprises for or -against the Grecian cities. He attacked Kroton, but was repulsed -with loss; he took service with the Tarentines, fought for some time -against their enemies, but at length became suspected and dismissed; -he then joined himself with the inhabitants of Rhegium, assisting -in the defence of the town against a Syracusan aggression. He even -made two attempts to obtain admission by force into Syracuse, and -to seize the government.<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929" -class="fnanchor">[929]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_399">[p. -399]</span> Though repulsed in both of them, he nevertheless -contrived to maintain a footing in Sicily, was appointed general -at the town of Morgantium, and captured Leontini, within a short -distance north of Syracuse. Some time afterwards, a revolution -took place at Syracuse, whereby Sosistratus and the oligarchy were -dispossessed and exiled with many of their partisans.</p> - -<p>Under the new government, Agathokles obtained his recall, and -soon gained increased ascendency. The dispossessed exiles contrived -to raise forces, and to carry on a formidable war against Syracuse -from without; they even obtained assistance from the Carthaginians, -so as to establish themselves at Gela, on the southern confines of -the Syracusan territory. In the military operations thus rendered -necessary, Agathokles took a forward part, distinguishing himself -among the ablest and most enterprising officers. He tried, with 1000 -soldiers, to surprise Gela by night; but finding the enemy on their -guard, he was repulsed with loss and severely wounded; yet by an able -manœuvre he brought off all his remaining detachment. Though thus -energetic against the public enemy, however, he at the same time -inspired both hatred and alarm for his dangerous designs, to the -Syracusans within. The Corinthian Akestorides, who had been named -general of the city—probably from recollection of the distinguished -services formerly rendered by the Corinthian Timoleon—becoming -persuaded that the presence of Agathokles was full of peril to the -city, ordered him to depart, and provided men to assassinate him on -the road during the night. But Agathokles, suspecting their design, -disguised himself in the garb of a beggar, appointing another man to -travel in the manner which would be naturally expected from himself. -This substitute was slain in the dark by the assassins, while -Agathokles escaped by favor of his disguise. He and his partisans -appear to have found shelter with the Carthaginians in Sicily.<a -id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_400">[p. 400]</span>Not long -afterwards, another change took place in the government of Syracuse, -whereby the oligarchical exiles were recalled, and peace made -with the Carthaginians. It appears that a senate of 600 was again -installed as the chief political body; probably not the same men as -before, and with some democratical modifications. At the same time, -negotiations were opened, through the mediation of the Carthaginian -commander Hamilkar, between the Syracusans and Agathokles. The -mischiefs of intestine conflict, amidst the numerous discordant -parties in the city, pressed hard upon every one, and hopes were -entertained that all might be brought to agree in terminating -them. Agathokles affected to enter cordially into these projects -of amnesty and reconciliation. The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, -who had so recently aided Sosistratus and the Syracusan oligarchy, -now did his best to promote the recall of Agathokles, and even made -himself responsible for the good and pacific behavior of that exile. -Agathokles, and the other exiles along with him were accordingly -restored. A public assembly was convened in the temple of Demeter, -in the presence of Hamilkar; where Agathokles swore by the most -awful oaths, with his hands touching the altar and statue of the -goddess, that he would behave as a good citizen of Syracuse, uphold -faithfully the existing government, and carry out the engagements -of the Carthaginian mediators—abstaining from encroachments on -the rights and possessions of Carthage in Sicily. His oaths and -promises were delivered with so much apparent sincerity, accompanied -by emphatic harangues, that the people were persuaded to name him -general and guardian of the peace, for the purpose of realizing the -general aspirations towards harmony. Such appointment was recommended -(it seems) by Hamilkar.<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931" -class="fnanchor">[931]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_401">[p. 401]</span>All this train -of artifice had been concerted by Agathokles with Hamilkar, for the -purpose of enabling the former to seize the supreme power. As general -of the city, Agathokles had the direction of the military force. -Under the pretence of marching against some refractory exiles at -Erbita in the interior, he got together 3000 soldiers strenuously -devoted to him—mercenaries and citizens of desperate character—to -which Hamilkar added a reinforcement of Africans. As if about to -march forth, he mustered his troops at daybreak in the Timoleonteon -(chapel or precinct consecrated to Timoleon), while Peisarchus and -Dekles, two chiefs of the senate already assembled, were invited with -forty others to transact with him some closing business. Having these -men in his power, Agathokles suddenly turned upon them, and denounced -them to the soldiers as guilty of conspiring his death. Then, -receiving from the soldiers a response full of ardor, he ordered them -immediately to proceed to a general massacre of the senate and their -leading partisans, with full permission of licentious plunder in the -houses of these victims, the richest men in Syracuse. The soldiers -rushed into the street with ferocious joy to execute this order. -They slew not only the senators, but many others also, unarmed and -unprepared; each man selecting victims personally obnoxious to him. -They broke open the doors of the rich, or climbed over the roofs, -massacred the proprietors within, and ravished the females. They -chased the unsuspecting fugitives through the streets, not sparing -even those who took refuge in the temples. Many of these unfortunate -sufferers rushed for safety to the gates, but found them closed and -guarded by special order of Agathokles; so that they were obliged to -let themselves down from the walls, in which<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_402">[p. 402]</span> many perished miserably. For two days -Syracuse was thus a prey to the sanguinary, rapacious, and lustful -impulses of the soldiery; four thousand citizens had been already -slain, and many more were seized as prisoners. The political purposes -of Agathokles, as well as the passions of the soldiers, being then -sated, he arrested the massacre. He concluded this bloody feat -by killing such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, -and banishing the rest. The total number of expelled or fugitive -Syracusans is stated at 6000; who found a hospitable shelter and -home at Agrigentum. One act of lenity is mentioned, and ought -not to be omitted amidst this scene of horror. Deinokrates, one -among the prisoners, was liberated by Agathokles from motives of -former friendship: he too, probably, went into voluntary exile.<a -id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a></p> - -<p>After a massacre thus perpetrated in the midst of profound peace, -and in the full confidence of a solemn act of mutual reconciliation -immediately preceding—surpassing the worst deeds of the elder -Dionysius, and indeed (we might almost say) of all other Grecian -despots—Agathokles convened what he called an assembly of the people. -Such of the citizens as were either oligarchical, or wealthy, or -in any way unfriendly to him, had been already either slain or -expelled; so that the assembly probably included few besides his own -soldiers: Agathokles, addressing them in terms of congratulation -on the recent glorious exploit, whereby they had purged the city -of its oligarchical tyrants—proclaimed that the Syracusan people -had now reconquered their full liberty. He affected to be weary -of the toils of command, and anxious only for a life of quiet -equality as one among the many; in token of which he threw off his -general’s cloak and put on a common civil garment. But those whom -he addressed, fresh from the recent massacre and plunder, felt that -their whole security depended upon the maintenance of his supremacy, -and loudly protested that they would not accept his resignation. -Agathokles, with pretended reluctance, told them, that if they -insisted, he would comply, but upon the peremptory condition of -enjoying a single-handed authority, without any colleagues or<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_403">[p. 403]</span> counsellors for whose -misdeeds he was to be responsible. The assembly replied by conferring -upon him, with unanimous acclamations, the post of general with -unlimited power, or despot.<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933" -class="fnanchor">[933]</a></p> - -<p>Thus was constituted a new despot of Syracuse about fifty years -after the decease of the elder Dionysius, and twenty-two years after -Timoleon had rooted out the Dionysian dynasty, establishing on its -ruins a free polity. On accepting the post, Agathokles took pains -to proclaim that he would tolerate no farther massacre or plunder, -and that his government would for the future be mild and beneficent. -He particularly studied to conciliate the poorer citizens, to whom -he promised abolition of debts and a new distribution of lands. How -far he carried out this project systematically, we do not know; -but he conferred positive donations on many of the poor—which he -had abundant means of doing, out of the properties of the numerous -exiles recently expelled. He was full of promises to every one, -displaying courteous and popular manners, and abstaining from all -ostentation of guards, or ceremonial attendants, or a diadem. He -at the same time applied himself vigorously to strengthen his -military and naval force, his magazines of arms and stores, and his -revenues. He speedily extended his authority over all the territorial -domain of Syracuse, with her subject towns, and carried his arms -successfully over many other parts of Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_934" -href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a></p> - -<p>The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, whose complicity or connivance -had helped Agathokles to this blood-stained elevation, appears -to have permitted him without opposition to extend his dominion -over a large portion of Sicily, and even to plunder the towns in -alliance with Carthage itself. Complaints having been made to -Carthage, this officer was superseded, and another general (also -named Hamilkar) was sent in his place. We are unable to trace in -detail the proceedings of Agathokles during the first years of his -despotism; but he went on enlarging his sway over the neighboring -cities, while the Syracusan exiles, whom he had expelled, found -a home partly at Agrigentum (under Deinokrates), partly at -Messênê. About the year 314 <small>B. C.</small>, we hear -that he made an attempt on Messênê, which he was on the point of -seizing, had he not been stopped by the interference of the<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_404">[p. 404]</span> Carthaginians (perhaps -the newly-appointed Hamilkar), who now at length protested against -his violation of the convention; meaning (as we must presume, for -we know of no other convention) the oath which had been sworn by -Agathokles at Syracuse under the guarantee of the Carthaginians.<a -id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> -Though thus disappointed at Messênê, Agathokles seized Abakænum—where -he slew the leading citizens opposed to him,—and carried on -his aggressions elsewhere so effectively, that the leaders at -Agrigentum, instigated by the Syracusan exiles there harbored, became -convinced of the danger of leaving such encroachments unresisted.<a -id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> -The people of Agrigentum came to the resolution of taking up arms on -behalf of the liberties of Sicily, and allied themselves with Gela -and Messênê for the purpose.</p> - -<p>But the fearful example of Agathokles himself rendered them -so apprehensive of the dangers from any military leader, at once -native and energetic, that they resolved to invite a foreigner. -Some Syracusan exiles were sent to Sparta, to choose and invoke -some Spartan of eminence and ability, as Archidamus had recently -been called to Tarentum—and even more, as Timoleon had been brought -from Corinth, with results so signally beneficent. The old Spartan -king Kleomenes (of the Eurysthenid race) had a son Akrotatus, -then unpopular at home,<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937" -class="fnanchor">[937]</a> and<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_405">[p. 405]</span> well disposed towards foreign warfare. -This prince, without even consulting the Ephors, listened at once to -the envoys, and left Peloponnesus with a small squadron, intending to -cross by Korkyra and the coast of Italy to Agrigentum. Unfavorable -winds drove him as far north as Apollonia, and delayed his arrival -at Tarentum; in which city, originally a Spartan colony, he met with -a cordial reception, and obtained a vote of twenty vessels to assist -his enterprise of liberating Syracuse from Agathokles. He reached -Agrigentum with favorable hopes, was received with all the honors -due to a Spartan prince, and undertook the command. Bitterly did he -disappoint his party. He was incompetent as a general; he dissipated -in presents or luxuries the money intended for the campaign, -emulating Asiatic despots; his conduct was arrogant, tyrannical, -and even sanguinary. The disgust which he inspired was brought to -a height, when he caused Sosistratus, the leader of the Syracusan -exiles, to be assassinated at a banquet. Immediately the exiles -rose in a body to avenge this murder; while Akrotatus, deposed by -the Agrigentines, only found safety in flight.<a id="FNanchor_938" -href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a></p> - -<p>To this young Spartan prince, had he possessed a noble heart -and energetic qualities, there was here presented a career of -equal grandeur with that of Timoleon—against an enemy able indeed -and formidable, yet not so superior in force as to render success -impossible. It is melancholy to see Akrotatus, from simple -worthlessness of character, throwing away such an opportunity; at -a time when Sicily was the only soil on which a glorious Hellenic -career was still open—when no similar exploits were practicable -by any Hellenic leader in Central Greece, from the overwhelming -superiority of force possessed by the surrounding kings.</p> - -<p>The misconduct of Akrotatus broke up all hopes of active -operations against Agathokles. Peace was presently concluded -with the latter by the Agrigentines and their allies, under the -mediation of the Carthaginian general Hamilkar. By the terms of -this convention, all the Greek cities in Sicily were declared -autonomous, yet under the hegemony of Agathokles; excepting<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_406">[p. 406]</span> only Himera, Selinus, -and Herakleia, which were actually, and were declared still to -continue, under Carthage. Messênê was the only Grecian city standing -aloof from this convention; as such, therefore still remaining open -to the Syracusan exiles. The terms were so favorable to Agathokles, -that they were much disapproved at Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_939" -href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> Agathokles, -recognized as chief and having no enemy in the field, employed -himself actively in strengthening his hold on the other cities, and -in enlarging his military means at home. He sent a force against -Messênê, to require the expulsion of the Syracusan exiles from that -city, and to procure at the same time the recall of the Messenian -exiles, partisans of his own, and companions of his army. His -generals extorted these two points from the Messenians. Agathokles, -having thus broken the force of Messênê, secured to himself the town -still more completely, by sending for those Messenian citizens who -had chiefly opposed him, and putting them all to death, as well as -his leading opponents at Tauromenium. The number thus massacred was -not less than six hundred.<a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940" -class="fnanchor">[940]</a></p> - -<p>It only remained for Agathokles to seize Agrigentum. Thither -he accordingly marched. But Deinokrates and the Syracusan exiles, -expelled from Messênê, had made themselves heard at Carthage, -insisting on the perils to that city from the encroachments of -Agathokles. The Carthaginians alarmed sent a fleet of sixty sail, -whereby alone Agrigentum, already under siege by Agathokles, was -preserved. The recent convention was now broken on all sides, -and Agathokles kept no farther measures with the Carthaginians. -He ravaged all their Sicilian territory, and destroyed some of -their forts; while the Carthaginians on their side made a sudden -descent with their fleet on the harbor of Syracuse. They could -achieve nothing more, however, than the capture of one Athenian -merchant-vessel, out of two there riding. They disgraced their -acquisition by the cruel act (not uncommon in Carthaginian warfare) -of cutting of the hands of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_407">[p. -407]</span> the captive crew; for which, in a few days, retaliation -was exercised upon the crews of some of their own ships, taken by -the cruisers of Agathokles.<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941" -class="fnanchor">[941]</a></p> - -<p>The defence of Agrigentum now rested principally on the -Carthaginians in Sicily, who took up a position on the hill -called Eknomus—in the territory of Gela, a little to the west -of the Agrigentine border. Here Agathokles approached to offer -them battle—having been emboldened by two important successes -obtained over Deinokrates and the Syracusan exiles, near -Kentoripa and Gallaria.<a id="FNanchor_942" href="#Footnote_942" -class="fnanchor">[942]</a> So superior was his force, however, that -the Carthaginians thought it prudent to remain in their camp; and -Agathokles returned in triumph to Syracuse, where he adorned the -temples with his recently acquired spoils. The balance of force -was soon altered by the despatch of a large armament from Carthage -under Hamilkar, consisting of 130 ships of war, with numerous other -transport ships, carrying many soldiers—2000 native Carthaginians, -partly men of rank—10,000 Africans—1000 Campanian heavy-armed and -1000 Balearic slingers. The fleet underwent in its passage so -terrific a storm, that many of the vessels sunk with all on board, -and it arrived with very diminished numbers in Sicily. The loss -fell upon the native Carthaginian soldiers with peculiar severity; -insomuch that when the news reached Carthage, a public mourning was -proclaimed, and the city walls were hung with black serge.</p> - -<p>Those who reached Sicily, however, were quite sufficient to -place Hamilkar in an imposing superiority of number as compared -with Agathokles. He encamped on or near Eknomus, summoned all the -reinforcements that his Sicilian allies could furnish, and collected -additional mercenaries; so that he was soon at the head of 40,000 -infantry and 5000 cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_943" href="#Footnote_943" -class="fnanchor">[943]</a> At the same time, a Carthaginian armed -squadron, detached to the strait of Messênê, fell in with twenty -armed ships belonging to Agathokles, and captured them all with -their crews. The Sicilian cities were held to Agathokles principally -by terror, and were likely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_408">[p. -408]</span> to turn against him, if the Carthaginians exhibited -sufficient strength to protect them. This the despot knew and -dreaded; especially respecting Gela, which was not far from the -Carthaginian camp. Had he announced himself openly as intending to -place a garrison in Gela, he feared that the citizens might forestall -him by calling in Hamilkar. Accordingly he detached thither, on -various pretences, several small parties of soldiers, who presently -found themselves united in a number sufficient to seize the town. -Agathokles then marched into Gela with his main force. Distrusting -the adherence of the citizens, he let loose his soldiers upon them, -massacred four thousand persons, and compelled the remainder, as a -condition of sparing their lives, to bring in to him all their money -and valuables. Having by this atrocity both struck universal terror -and enriched himself, he advanced onward towards the Carthaginian -camp, and occupied a hill called Phalarion opposite to it.<a -id="FNanchor_944" href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> -The two camps were separated by a level plain or valley nearly five -miles broad, through which ran the river Himera.<a id="FNanchor_945" -href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a></p> - -<p>For some days of the hottest season (the dog-days), both armies -remained stationary, neither of them choosing to make the attack. At -length Agathokles gained what he thought a favorable opportunity. -A detachment from the Carthaginian camp sallied forth in pursuit -of some Grecian plunderers; Agathokles posted some men in ambush, -who fell upon this detachment unawares, threw it into disorder, and -pursued it back to the camp. Following up this partial success, -Agathokles brought forward his whole force, crossed the river Himera, -and began a general attack. This advance not being expected, the -Grecian assailants seemed at first on the point of succeeding. -They filled up a portion of the ditch, tore up the Stockade, and -were forcing their way into the camp. They were however repulsed -by redoubled efforts, and new troops coming up, on the part of the -defenders; mainly, too, by the very effective action of the 1000 -Balearic slingers in Hamilkar’s army, who hurled stones weighing -a pound each, against which the Grecian armor was an inadequate -defence. Still Agathokles, noway discouraged, caused the attack to be -renewed on several points at once and with ap<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_409">[p. 409]</span>parent success, when a reinforcement -landed from Carthage—the expectation of which may perhaps have -induced Hamilkar to refrain from any general attack. These new troops -joined in the battle, coming upon the rear of the Greeks; who were -intimidated and disordered by such unforeseen assailants, while the -Carthaginians in their front, animated to more energetic effort, -first repulsed them from the camp, and then pressed them vigorously -back. After holding their ground for some time against their double -enemy, the Greeks at length fled in disorder back to their own camp, -recrossing the river Himera. The interval was between four and five -miles of nearly level ground, over which they were actively pursued -and severely handled by the Carthaginian cavalry, 5000 in number. -Moreover, in crossing the river, many of them drank eagerly, from -thirst, fatigue, and the heat of the weather; the saltness of the -water proved so destructive to them, that numerous dead bodies are -said to have been found unwounded on the banks.<a id="FNanchor_946" -href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> At length they -obtained shelter in their own camp, after a loss of 7000 men; while -the loss of the victors is estimated at 500.</p> - -<p>Agathokles, after this great disaster, did not attempt to maintain -his camp, but set it on fire, and returned to Gela; which was well -fortified and provisioned, capable of a long defence. Here he -intended to maintain himself against Hamilkar, at least until the -Syracusan harvest (probably already begun) should be completed. But -Hamilkar, having ascertained the strength of Gela, thought it prudent -to refrain from a siege, and employed himself in operations for the -purpose of strengthening his party in Sicily. His great victory -at the Himera had produced the strongest effect upon many of the -Sicilian cities, who were held to Agathokles by no other bonds except -those of fear. Hamilkar issued conciliatory proclamations, inviting -them all to become his allies, and marching his troops towards -the most convenient points. Presently Kamarina, Leontini, Katana, -Tauromenium, Messênê, Abakænum, with several other smaller towns -and forts, sent to tender themselves as allies; and the conduct of -Hamilkar towards all was so mild and equitable, as to give universal -satisfaction. Agathokles appears to have been thus dispossessed<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_410">[p. 410]</span> of most part of -the island, retaining little besides Gela and Syracuse. Even the -harbor of Syracuse was watched by a Carthaginian fleet, placed to -intercept foreign supplies. Returning to Syracuse after Hamilkar had -renounced all attempts on Gela, Agathokles collected the corn from -the neighborhood, and put the fortifications in the best state of -defence. He had every reason to feel assured that the Carthaginians, -encouraged by their recent success, and reinforced by allies from -the whole island, would soon press the siege of Syracuse with all -their energy; while for himself, hated by all, there was no hope -of extraneous support, and little hope of a successful defence.<a -id="FNanchor_947" href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a></p> - -<p>In this apparently desperate situation, he conceived the idea of -a novelty alike daring, ingenious, and effective; surrounded indeed -with difficulties in the execution, but promising, if successfully -executed, to change altogether the prospects of the war.</p> - -<p>He resolved to carry a force across from Syracuse to Africa, and -attack the Carthaginians on their own soil. No Greek, so far as we -know, had ever conceived the like scheme before; no one certainly -had ever executed it. In the memory of man, the African territory of -Carthage had never been visited by hostile foot. It was known that -the Carthaginians would be not only unprepared to meet an attack at -home, but unable even to imagine it as practicable. It was known -that their territory was rich, and their African subjects harshly -treated, discontented, and likely to seize the first opportunity -for revolting. The landing of any hostile force near Carthage -would strike such a blow, as at least to cause the recall of the -Carthaginian armament in Sicily, and thus relieve Syracuse; perhaps -the consequences of it might be yet greater.</p> - -<p>How to execute the scheme was the grand difficulty—for the -Carthaginians were superior not merely on land, but also at sea. -Agathokles had no chance except by keeping his purpose secret, and -even unsuspected. He fitted out an armament, announced as about -to sail forth from Syracuse on a secret expedition, against some -unknown town on the Sicilian coast. He selected for this purpose his -best troops, especially his horsemen, few of whom had been slain -at the battle of the Himera; he could not<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_411">[p. 411]</span> transport horses, but he put the -horsemen aboard with their saddles and bridles, entertaining full -assurance that he could procure horses in Africa. In selecting -soldiers for his expedition, he was careful to take one member from -many different families, to serve as hostage for the fidelity of -those left behind. He liberated, and enrolled among his soldiers, -many of the strongest and most resolute slaves. To provide the -requisite funds, his expedients were manifold; he borrowed from -merchants, seized the money belonging to orphans, stripped the -women of their precious ornaments, and even plundered the richest -temples. By all these proceedings, the hatred as well as fear towards -him was aggravated, especially among the more opulent families. -Agathokles publicly proclaimed, that the siege of Syracuse, which the -Carthaginians were now commencing, would be long and terrible—that -he and his soldiers were accustomed to hardships and could endure -them, but that those, who felt themselves unequal to the effort, -might retire with their properties while it was yet time. Many of -the wealthier families—to a number stated as 1600 persons—profited -by this permission; but as they were leaving the city, Agathokles -set his mercenaries upon them, slew them all, and appropriated their -possessions to himself.<a id="FNanchor_948" href="#Footnote_948" -class="fnanchor">[948]</a> By such tricks and enormities, he -provided funds enough for an armament of sixty ships, well filled -with soldiers. Not one of these soldiers knew where they were -going; there was a general talk about the madness of Agathokles; -nevertheless such was their confidence in his bravery and military -resource, that they obeyed his orders without asking questions. To -act as viceroy of Syracuse during his own absence, Agathokles named -Antander his brother, aided by an Ætolian officer named Erymnon.<a -id="FNanchor_949" href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></p> - -<p>The armament was equipped and ready, without any suspicion on the -part of the Carthaginian fleet blockading the harbor. It happened -one day that the approach of some corn-ships seduced this fleet -into a pursuit; the mouth of the harbor being thus left unguarded, -Agathokles took the opportunity of striking with his armament into -the open sea. As soon as the Carthaginian fleet saw him sailing -forth, they neglected the corn-ships,<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_412">[p. 412]</span> and prepared for battle, which they -presumed that he was come to offer. To their surprise, he stood out -to sea as fast as he could; they then pushed out in pursuit of him, -but he had already got a considerable advance and strove to keep -it. Towards nightfall however they neared him so much, that he was -only saved by the darkness. During the night he made considerable -way; but on the next day there occurred an eclipse of the sun so -nearly total, that it became perfectly dark, and the stars were -visible. The mariners were so terrified at this phenomenon, that -all the artifice and ascendency of Agathokles were required to -inspire them with new courage. At length, after six days and nights, -they approached the coast of Africa. The Carthaginian ships had -pursued them at a venture, in the direction towards Africa; and they -appeared in sight, just as Agathokles was nearing the land. Strenuous -efforts were employed by the mariners on both sides to touch land -first; Agathokles secured that advantage, and was enabled to put -himself into such a posture of defence that he repulsed the attack -of the Carthaginian ships, and secured the disembarcation of his -own soldiers, at a point called the Latomiæ or Stone quarries.<a -id="FNanchor_950" href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a></p> - -<p>After establishing his position ashore, and refreshing his -soldiers, the first proceeding of Agathokles was to burn his vessels; -a proceeding which seemed to carry an air of desperate boldness. Yet -in truth the ships were now useless—for, if he was unsuccessful on -land, they were not enough to enable him to return in the face of -the Carthaginian fleet; they were even worse than useless, since, if -he retained them, it was requisite that he should leave a portion of -his army to guard them, and thus enfeeble his means of action for -the really important achievements on land. Convening his soldiers -in assembly near the ships, he first offered a sacrifice to Demeter -and Persephonê—the patron goddesses of Sicily, and of Syracuse in -particular. He then apprised his soldiers, that during the recent -crossing and danger from the Carthaginian pursuers, he had addressed -a vow to these goddess<span class="pagenum" id="Page_413">[p. -413]</span>es—engaging to make a burnt-offering of his ships in -their honor, if they would preserve him safe across to Africa. The -goddesses had granted this boon; they had farther, by favorably -responding to the sacrifice just offered, promised full success to -his African projects: it became therefore incumbent on him to fulfil -his vow with exactness. Torches being new brought, Agathokles took -one in his hand, and mounted on the stern of the admiral’s ship, -directing each of the trierarchs to do the like on his own ship. All -were set on fire simultaneously, amidst the sound of trumpets, and -the mingled prayers and shouts of the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_951" -href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a></p> - -<p>Though Agathokles had succeeded in animating his soldiers with a -factitious excitement, for the accomplishment of this purpose, yet -so soon as they saw the conflagration decided and irrevocable, thus -cutting off all their communication with home—their spirits fell, and -they began to despair of their prospects. Without allowing them time -to dwell upon the novelty of the situation, Agathokles conducted them -at once against the nearest Carthaginian town, called Megalê-Polis.<a -id="FNanchor_952" href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a> -His march lay for the most part through a rich territory in the -highest cultivation. The passing glance which we thus obtain into the -condition of the territory near Carthage is of peculiar interest; -more especially when contrasted with the desolation of the same -coast, now and for centuries past. The corn-land, the plantations -both of vines and olives, the extensive and well-stocked gardens, -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_414">[p. 414]</span> size and -equipment of the farm buildings, the large outlay for artificial -irrigation, the agreeable country-houses belonging to wealthy -Carthaginians, etc., all excited the astonishment, and stimulated -the cupidity, of Agathokles and his soldiers. Moreover, the towns -were not only very numerous, but all open and unfortified, except -Carthage itself and a few others on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_953" -href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a></p> - -<p>The Carthaginians, besides having little fear of invasion by -sea, were disposed to mistrust their subject cities, which they -ruled habitually with harshness and oppression.<a id="FNanchor_954" -href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a> The Liby-Phenicians -appear to have been unused to arms—a race of timid cultivators and -traffickers, accustomed to subjection and practised in the deceit -necessary for lightening it.<a id="FNanchor_955" href="#Footnote_955" -class="fnanchor">[955]</a> Agathokles, having marched through -this land of abundance, assaulted Megalêpolis without delay. The -inhabitants, unprepared for attack, distracted with surprise -and terror, made little resistance. Agathokles easily took the -town, abandoning both the persons of<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_415">[p. 415]</span> the inhabitants and all the rich -property within, to his soldiers; who enriched themselves with a -prodigious booty both from town and country—furniture, cattle, -and slaves. From hence he advanced farther southward to the town -called Tunês (the modern Tunis, at the distance of only fourteen -miles south-west of Carthage itself), which he took by storm in -like manner. He fortified Tunês as a permanent position; but he -kept his main force united in camp, knowing well that he should -presently have an imposing army against him in the field, and -severe battles to fight.<a id="FNanchor_956" href="#Footnote_956" -class="fnanchor">[956]</a></p> - -<p>The Carthaginian fleet had pursued Agathokles during his crossing -from Syracuse, in perfect ignorance of his plans. When he landed -in Africa, on their own territory, and even burnt his fleet, they -at first flattered themselves with the belief that they held him -prisoner. But as soon as they saw him commence his march in military -array against Megalêpolis, they divined his real purposes, and were -filled with apprehension. Carrying off the brazen prow-ornaments of -his burnt and abandoned ships, they made sail for Carthage, sending -forward a swift vessel to communicate first what had occurred. -Before this vessel arrived, however, the landing of Agathokles had -been already made known at Carthage, where it excited the utmost -surprise and consternation; since no one supposed that he could have -accomplished such an adventure without having previously destroyed -the Carthaginian army and fleet in Sicily. From this extreme dismay -they were presently relieved by the arrival of the messengers from -their fleet; whereby they learnt the real<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_416">[p. 416]</span> state of affairs in Sicily. They now -made the best preparations in their power to resist Agathokles. -Hanno and Bomilkar, two men of leading families, were named generals -conjointly. They were bitter political rivals,—but this very -rivalry was by some construed as an advantage, since each would -serve as a check upon the other and as a guarantee to the state; -or, what is more probable, each had a party sufficiently strong to -prevent the separate election of the other.<a id="FNanchor_957" -href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> These two generals, -unable to wait for distant succors, led out the native forces of the -city, stated at 40,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, derived altogether -from citizens and residents—with 2000 war-chariots. They took post -on an eminence (somewhere between Tunis and Carthage) not far from -Agathokles; Bomilkar commanding on the left, where the ground was so -difficult that he was unable to extend his front, and was obliged -to admit an unusual depth of files; while Hanno was on the right, -having in his front rank the Sacred Band of Carthage, a corps of 2500 -distinguished citizens, better armed and braver than the rest. So -much did the Carthaginians outnumber the invaders—and so confident -were they of victory—that they carried with them 20,000 pairs of -handcuffs for their anticipated prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_958" -href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a></p> - -<p>Agathokles placed himself on the left, with 1000 chosen hoplites -round him, to combat the Sacred Band; the command of his right he -gave to his son Archagathus. His troops—Syracusans, miscellaneous -mercenary Greeks, Campanians or Samnites, Tuscans, and Gauls—scarcely -equalled in numbers one-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_417">[p. -417]</span>half of the enemy. Some of the ships’ crews were even -without arms,—a deficiency, which Agathokles could only supply in -appearance, by giving to them the leather cases or wrappers of -shields, stretched out upon sticks. The outstretched wrappers thus -exhibited looked from a distance like shields; so that these men, -stationed in the rear, had the appearance of a reserve of hoplites. -As the soldiers however were still discouraged, Agathokles tried to -hearten them up by another device yet more singular, for which indeed -he must have made deliberate provision beforehand. In various parts -of the camp, he let fly a number of owls, which perched upon the -shields and helmets of the soldiers. These birds, the favorite of -Athênê, were supposed and generally asserted to promise victory; the -minds of the soldiers are reported to have been much reassured by the -sight.</p> - -<p>The Carthaginian war-chariots and cavalry, which charged first, -made little or no impression; but the infantry of their right pressed -the Greeks seriously. Especially Hanno, with the Sacred Band around -him, behaved with the utmost bravery and forwardness, and seemed to -be gaining advantage, when he was unfortunately slain. His death not -only discouraged his own troops, but became fatal to the army, by -giving opportunity for treason to his colleague Bomilkar. This man -had long secretly meditated the project of rendering himself despot -of Carthage. As a means of attaining that end, he deliberately sought -to bring reverses upon her; and no sooner had he heard of Hanno’s -death, than he gave orders for his own wing to retreat. The Sacred -Band, though fighting with unshaken valor, were left unsupported, -attacked in rear as well as front, and compelled to give way along -with the rest. The whole Carthaginian army was defeated and driven -back to Carthage. Their camp fell into the hands of Agathokles, -who found among their baggage the very handcuffs which they had -brought for fettering their expected captives.<a id="FNanchor_959" -href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a></p> - -<p>This victory made Agathokles for the time master of the open -country. He transmitted the news to Sicily, by a boat of thirty<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_418">[p. 418]</span> oars, constructed -expressly for the purpose—since he had no ships of his own remaining. -Having fortified Tunês and established it as his central position, -he commenced operations along the eastern coast (Zeugitana and -Byzakium, as the northern and southern portions of it were afterwards -denominated by the Romans) against the towns dependent on Carthage.<a -id="FNanchor_960" href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a></p> - -<p>In that city, meanwhile, all was terror and despondency in -consequence of the recent defeat. It was well known that the -African subjects generally entertained nothing but fear and -hatred towards the reigning city. Neither the native Libyans -or Africans,—nor the mixed race called Liby-Phœnicians, who -inhabited the towns<a id="FNanchor_961" href="#Footnote_961" -class="fnanchor">[961]</a>—could be depended on if their services -were really needed. The distress of the Carthaginians took the form -of religious fears and repentance. They looked back with remorse -on the impiety of their past lives, and on their omissions of duty -towards the gods. To the Tyrian Herakles, they had been slack in -transmitting the dues and presents required by their religion; a -backwardness which they now endeavored to make up by sending envoys -to Tyre, with prayers and supplications, with rich presents, and -especially with models in gold and silver of their sacred temples -and shrines. Towards Kronus, or Moloch, they also felt that they -had conducted themselves sinfully. The worship acceptable to that -god required the sacrifice of young children, born of free and -opulent parents, and even the choice child of the family. But -it was now found out, on investigation, that many parents had -recently put a fraud upon the god, by surreptitiously buying poor -children, feeding them well, and then sacrificing them as their -own. This discovery seemed at once to explain why Kronus had become -offended, and what had brought upon them the recent defeat. They -made an emphatic atonement, by selecting 200 children from the -most illustrious families in Carthage, and offering them up to -Kronus at a great public sacrifice; besides which, 300 parents, -finding themselves denounced for similar omissions in the past, -displayed their repentance by voluntarily immolating their own -children for the public safety. The statue of Kronus,—placed with -outstretched hands to receive the victim tendered to him, with -fire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_419">[p. 419]</span> immediately -underneath—was fed on that solemnity certainly with 200, and probably -with 500, living children.<a id="FNanchor_962" href="#Footnote_962" -class="fnanchor">[962]</a> By this monstrous holocaust the full -religious duty being discharged, and forgiveness obtained from the -god, the mental distress of the Carthaginians was healed.</p> - -<p>Having thus relieved their consciences on the score of religious -obligation, the Carthaginians despatched envoys to Hamilkar in -Sicily, acquainting him with the recent calamity, desiring him -to send a reinforcement, and transmitting to him the brazen prow -ornaments taken from the ships of Agathokles. They at the same time -equipped a fresh army, with which they marched forth to attack -Tunês. Agathokles had fortified that town, and established a strong -camp before it; but he had withdrawn his main force to prosecute -operations against the maritime towns on<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_420">[p. 420]</span> the eastern coast of the territory of -Carthage. Among these towns, he first attacked Neapolis with success, -granting to the inhabitants favorable terms. He then advanced farther -southwards towards Adrumetum, of which he commenced the siege, with -the assistance of a neighboring Libyan prince named Elymas, who now -joined him. While Agathokles was engaged in the siege of Adrumetum, -the Carthaginians attacked his position at Tunês, drove his soldiers -out of the fortified camp into the town, and began to batter the -defences of the town itself. Apprised of this danger while besieging -Adrumetum, but nevertheless reluctant to raise the siege,—Agathokles -left his main army before it, stole away with only a few soldiers and -some camp-followers, and conducting them to an elevated spot—halfway -between Adrumetum and Tunês, yet visible from both—he caused them to -kindle at night upon this eminence a prodigious number of fires.<a -id="FNanchor_963" href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a> -The effect, of these fires, seen from Adrumetum on one side and -from Tunês on the other, was, to produce the utmost terror at both -places. The Carthaginians besieging Tunês fancied that Agathokles -with his whole army was coming to attack them, and forthwith -abandoned the siege in disorder, leaving their engines behind. The -defenders of Adrumetum, interpreting these fires as evidence of a -large reinforcement on its way to join the besieging army, were -so discouraged that they surrendered the town on capitulation.<a -id="FNanchor_964" href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_421">[p. 421]</span>By this same -stratagem—if the narrative can be trusted—Agathokles both relieved -Tunês, and acquired possession of Adrumetum. Pushing his conquests -yet farther south, he besieged and took Thapsus, with several -other towns on the coast to a considerable distance southward.<a -id="FNanchor_965" href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a> He -also occupied and fortified the important position called Aspis, on -the south-east of the headland Cape Bon, and not far distant from -it; a point convenient for maritime communication with Sicily.<a -id="FNanchor_966" href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></p> - -<p>By a series of such acquisitions, comprising in all not less -than 200 dependencies of Carthage, Agathokles became master along -the eastern coast.<a id="FNanchor_967" href="#Footnote_967" -class="fnanchor">[967]</a> He next endeavored to subdue the -towns in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_422">[p. 422]</span> the -interior, into which he advanced as far as several days’ march. -But he was recalled by intelligence from his soldiers at Tunês, -that the Carthaginians had marched out again to attack them, and -had already retaken some of his conquests. Returning suddenly by -forced marches, he came upon them by surprise, and drove in their -advanced parties with considerable loss; while he also gained an -important victory over the Libyan prince Elymas, who had rejoined the -Carthaginians, but was now defeated and slain.<a id="FNanchor_968" -href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a> The Carthaginians, -however, though thus again humbled and discouraged, still maintained -the field, strongly entrenched, between Carthage and Tunês.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the affairs of Agathokles at Syracuse had taken a -turn unexpectedly favorable. He had left that city blocked up -partially by sea and with a victorious enemy encamped near it; so -that supplies found admission with difficulty. In this condition, -Hamilkar, commander of the Carthaginian army, received from -Carthage the messengers announcing their recent defeat in Africa; -yet also bringing the brazen prow ornaments taken from the ships -of Agathokles. He ordered the envoys to conceal the real truth, -and to spread abroad news that Agathokles had been destroyed with -his armament; in proof of which he produced the prow ornaments,—an -undoubted evidence that the ships had really been destroyed. Sending -envoys with these evidences into Syracuse, to be exhibited to -Antander, and the ether authorities, Hamilkar demanded from them -the surrender of the city, under promise of safety and favorable -terms; at the same time marching his army close up to it, with -the view of making an attack. Antander with others, believing -the information and despairing of successful resistance, were -disposed to comply; but Erymnon the Ætolian insisted on holding out -until<span class="pagenum" id="Page_423">[p. 423]</span> they had -fuller certainty. This resolution Antander adopted. At the same -time, mistrusting those citizens of Syracuse who were relatives or -friends of the exiles without, he ordered them all to leave the -city immediately, with their wives and families. No less than 8000 -persons were expelled under this mandate. They were consigned to the -mercy of Hamilkar, and his army without; who not only suffered them -to pass, but treated them with kindness. Syracuse was now a scene -of aggravated wretchedness and despondency; not less from this late -calamitous expulsion, than from the grief of those who believed that -their relatives in Africa had perished with Agathokles. Hamilkar had -brought up his battering-engines, and was preparing to assault the -town, when Nearchus, the messenger from Agathokles, arrived from -Africa after a voyage of five days, having under favor of darkness -escaped, though only just escaped, the blockading squadron. From him -the Syracusan government learnt the real truth, and the victorious -position of Agathokles. There was no farther talk of capitulation; -Hamilkar—having tried a partial assault, which was vigorously -repulsed,—withdrew his army, and detached from it a reinforcement of -5000 men to the aid of his countrymen in Africa.<a id="FNanchor_969" -href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a></p> - -<p>During some months, he seems to have employed himself in partial -operations for extending the Carthaginian dominion throughout -Sicily. But at length he concerted measures with the Syracusan -exile Deinokrates, who was at the head of a numerous body of his -exiled countrymen, for a renewed attack upon Syracuse. His fleet -already blockaded the harbor, and he now with his army, stated as -120,000 men, destroyed the neighboring lands, hoping to starve -out the inhabitants. Approaching close to the walls of the city, -he occupied the Olympieion, or temple of Zeus Olympius, near the -river Anapus and the interior coast of the Great Harbor. From -hence—probably under the conduct of Deinokrates and the other exiles, -well-acquainted with the ground—he undertook by a night-march to -ascend the circuitous and difficult mountain track, for the purpose -of surprising the fort called Euryalus, at the highest point of -Epipolæ,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_424">[p. 424]</span> and the -western apex of the Syracusan lines of fortification. This was the -same enterprise, at the same hour, and with the same main purpose, -as that of Demosthenes during the Athenian siege, after he had -brought the second armament from Athens to the relief of Nikias.<a -id="FNanchor_970" href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a> -Even Demosthenes, though conducting his march with greater -precaution than Hamilkar, and successful in surprising the fort -of Euryalus, had been driven down again with disastrous loss. -Moreover, since his time, this fort Euryalus, instead of being left -detached, had been embodied by the elder Dionysius as an integral -portion of the fortifications of the city. It formed the apex -or point of junction for the two converging walls—one skirting -the northern cliff, the other the southern cliff, of Epipolæ.<a -id="FNanchor_971" href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a> -The surprise intended by Hamilkar—difficult in the extreme, if at -all practicable—seems to have been unskilfully conducted. It was -attempted with a confused multitude, incapable of that steady order -requisite for night-movements. His troops, losing their way in the -darkness, straggled, and even mistook each other for enemies; while -the Syracusan guards from Euryalus, alarmed by the noise, attacked -them vigorously and put them to the rout. Their loss, in trying -to escape down the steep declivity, was prodigious; and Hamilkar -himself, making brave efforts to rally them, became prisoner to -the Syracusans. What lent peculiar interest to this incident, in -the eyes of a pious Greek, was that it served to illustrate and -confirm the truth of prophecy. Hamilkar had been assured by a -prophet that he would sup that night in Syracuse; and this assurance -had in part emboldened him to the attack, since he naturally -calculated on entering the city as a conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_972" -href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> He did indeed take -his evening meal in Syracuse, literally fulfilling the augury. -Immediately after it, he was handed over to the relatives of the -slain, who first paraded him through the city<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_425">[p. 425]</span> in chains, then inflicted on him -the worst tortures, and lastly killed him. His head was cut off -and sent to Africa.<a id="FNanchor_973" href="#Footnote_973" -class="fnanchor">[973]</a></p> - -<p>The loss and humiliation sustained in this repulse—together -with the death of Hamilkar, and the discord ensuing between the -exiles under Deinokrates and the Carthaginian soldiers—completely -broke up the besieging army. At the same time, the Agrigentines, -profiting by the depression both of Carthaginians and exiles, stood -forward publicly, proclaiming themselves as champions of the cause -of autonomous city government throughout Sicily, under their own -presidency, against both the Carthaginians on one side, and the -despot Agathokles on the other. They chose for their general a -citizen named Xenodokus, who set himself with vigor to the task of -expelling everywhere the mercenary garrisons which held the cities in -subjection. He began first with Gela, the city immediately adjoining -Agrigentum, found a party of the citizens disposed to aid him, and -in conjunction with them, overthrew the Agathoklean garrison. The -Geloans, thus liberated, seconded cordially his efforts to extend the -like benefits to others. The popular banner proclaimed by Agrigentum -proved so welcome, that many cities eagerly invited her aid to shake -off the yoke of the soldiery in their respective citadels, and regain -their free governments.<a id="FNanchor_974" href="#Footnote_974" -class="fnanchor">[974]</a> Enna, Erbessus, Echetla,<a -id="FNanchor_975" href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a> -Leontini, and Kamarina, were all thus relieved from the dominion -of Agathokles; while other cities were in like manner emancipated -from the sway of the Carthaginians; and joined the Agrigentine -confederacy. The Agathoklean government at Syracuse was not strong -enough to resist such spirited manifestations. Syracuse still -continued to be blocked up by the Carthaginian fleet; though the -blockade was less efficacious, and supplies were now introduced more -abundantly than before.<a id="FNanchor_976" href="#Footnote_976" -class="fnanchor">[976]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_426">[p. 426]</span>The ascendency -of Agathokles was thus rather on the wane in Sicily: but in Africa, -he had become more powerful than ever—not without perilous hazards -which brought him occasionally to the brink of ruin. On receiving -from Syracuse the head of the captive Hamilkar, he rode forth -close to the camp of the Carthaginians, and held it up to their -view in triumph; they made respectful prostration before it, but -the sight was astounding and mournful to them.<a id="FNanchor_977" -href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a> While they were thus -in despondency, however, a strange vicissitude was on the point of -putting their enemy into their hands. A violent mutiny broke out in -the camp of Agathokles at Tunês, arising out of a drunken altercation -between his son Archagathus and an Ætolian officer named Lykiskus; -which ended in the murder of the latter by the former. The comrades -of Lykiskus rose in arms with fury to avenge him, calling for the -head of Archagathus. They found sympathy with the whole army; who -seized the opportunity of demanding their arrears of outstanding -pay, chose new generals, and took regular possession of Tunês with -its defensive works. The Carthaginians, informed of this outbreak, -immediately sent envoys to treat with the mutineers, offering to -them large presents and double pay in the service of Carthage. -Their offer was at first so favorably entertained, that the envoys -returned with confident hopes of success; when Agathokles, as a -last resource, clothed himself in mean garb, and threw himself on -the mercy of the soldiers. He addressed them in a pathetic appeal, -imploring them not to desert him, and even drew his sword to kill -himself before their faces. With such art did he manage this scene, -that the feelings of the soldiers underwent a sudden and complete -revolution. They not only became reconciled to him, but even greeted -him with enthusiasm, calling on him to resume the dress and functions -of general, and promising unabated obedience for the future.<a -id="FNanchor_978" href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a> -Agathokles gladly obeyed the call, and took advan<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_427">[p. 427]</span>tage of their renewed -ardor to attack forthwith the Carthaginians; who, expecting nothing -less, were defeated with considerable loss.<a id="FNanchor_979" -href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a></p> - -<p>In spite of this check, the Carthaginians presently sent a -considerable force into the interior, for the purpose of reconquering -or regaining the disaffected Numidian tribes. They met with good -success in this enterprise; but the Numidians were in the main -faithless and indifferent to both the belligerents, seeking only -to turn the war to their own profit. Agathokles, leaving his son -in command at Tunês, followed the Carthaginians into the interior -with a large portion of his army. The Carthaginian generals were -cautious, and kept themselves in strong position. Nevertheless -Agathokles felt confident enough to assail them in their camp; and -after great effort, with severe loss on his own side, he gained an -indecisive victory. This advantage however was countervailed by -the fact, that during the action the Numidians assailed his camp, -slew all the defenders, and carried off nearly all the slaves and -baggage. The loss on the Carthaginian side fell most severely upon -the Greek soldiers in their pay; most of them exiles under Klinon, -and some Syracusan exiles. These men behaved with signal gallantry, -and were nearly all slain, either during the battle or after the -battle, by Agathokles.<a id="FNanchor_980" href="#Footnote_980" -class="fnanchor">[980]</a></p> - -<p>It had now become manifest, however, to this daring invader -that the force of resistance possessed by Carthage was more than -he could overcome—that though humbling and impoverishing her for -the moment, he could not bring the war to a triumphant close; -since the city itself, occupying the isthmus of a peninsula from -sea to sea, and surrounded with the strongest fortifications, -could not be besieged except by means far superior to his.<a -id="FNanchor_981" href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a> -We<span class="pagenum" id="Page_428">[p. 428]</span> have already -seen, that though he had gained victories and seized rich plunder, -he had not been able to provide even regular pay for his soldiers, -whose fidelity was consequently precarious. Nor could he expect -reinforcements from Sicily; where his power was on the whole -declining, though Syracuse itself was in less danger than before. -He therefore resolved to invoke aid from Ophellas at Kyrênê and -despatched Orthon as envoy for that purpose.<a id="FNanchor_982" -href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a></p> - -<p>To Kyrênê and what was afterwards called its Pentapolis (i. e. -the five neighboring Grecian towns, Kyrênê, its port Apollonia, -Barka, Teucheira, and Hesperides), an earlier chapter of this history -has already been devoted.<a id="FNanchor_983" href="#Footnote_983" -class="fnanchor">[983]</a> Unfortunately information respecting -them, for a century and more anterior to Alexander the Great, is -almost wholly wanting. Established among a Libyan population, many -of whom were domiciliated with the Greeks as fellow-residents, -these Kyreneans had imbibed many Libyan habits in war, in peace, -and in religion; of which their fine breed of horses, employed both -for the festival chariot-matches and in battle, was one example. -The Libyan tribes, useful as neighbors, servants, and customers,<a -id="FNanchor_984" href="#Footnote_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a> -were frequently also troublesome as enemies. In 413 -<small>B. C.</small> we hear accidentally that Hesperides -was besieged by Libyan tribes, and rescued by some Peloponnesian -hoplites on their way to Syracuse during the Athenian siege.<a -id="FNanchor_985" href="#Footnote_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a> -About 401 <small>B. C.</small> (shortly after the close of -the Peloponnesian war), the same city was again so hard pressed -by the same enemies, that she threw open her citizenship to any -Greek new-comer who would aid in repelling them. This invitation -was accepted by several of the Messenians, just then expelled from -Peloponnesus, and proscribed by the Spartans; they went to Africa, -but, becoming involved in intestine warfare among the citizens of -Kyrênê, a large proportion of them perished.<a id="FNanchor_986" -href="#Footnote_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a> Except these -scanty notices, we hear nothing about the Greco-Libyan Pentapolis -in relation to Grecian affairs, before<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_429">[p. 429]</span> the time of Alexander. It would appear -that the trade with the native African tribes, between the Gulfs -called the Greater and Lesser Syrtis, was divided between Kyrênê -(meaning the Kyrenaic Pentapolis) and Carthage—at a boundary point -called the Altars of the Philæni, ennobled by a commemorative legend; -immediately east of these Altars was Automala, the westernmost -factory of Kyrênê.<a id="FNanchor_987" href="#Footnote_987" -class="fnanchor">[987]</a> We cannot doubt that the relations, -commercial and otherwise, between Kyrênê and Carthage, the two -great emporia on the coast of Africa, were constant and often -lucrative—though not always friendly.</p> - -<p>In the year 331 <small>B. C.</small>, when the victorious -Alexander overran Egypt, the inhabitants of Kyrênê sent to -tender presents and submission to him, and became enrolled -among his subjects.<a id="FNanchor_988" href="#Footnote_988" -class="fnanchor">[988]</a> We hear nothing more about them until the -last year of Alexander’s life (324 <small>B. C.</small> to 323 -<small>B. C.</small>). About that time, the exiles from Kyrênê -and Barka, probably enough emboldened by the rescript of Alexander -(proclaimed at the Olympic festival of 324 <small>B. C.</small>, -and directing that all Grecian exiles, except those guilty of -sacrilege, should be recalled forthwith), determined to accomplish -their return by force. To this end they invited from Krete an officer -named Thimbron; who, having slain Harpalus after his flight from -Athens (recounted in a <a href="#Thimbron">previous chapter</a>), -had quartered himself in Krete, with the treasure, the ships, and -the 6000 mercenaries, brought over from Asia by that satrap.<a -id="FNanchor_989" href="#Footnote_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a> -Thimbron willingly carried over his army to their assistance, -intending to conquer for himself a principality in Libya. He landed -near Kyrênê, defeated the Kyrenean forces with great slaughter, and -made himself master of Apollonia, the fortified port of that city, -distant from it nearly ten miles. The towns of Barka and Hesperides -sided with him; so that he was strong enough to force the Kyreneans -to a disadvantageous treaty.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_430">[p. -430]</span> They covenanted to pay 500 talents,—to surrender to -him half of their war-chariots for his ulterior projects—and to -leave him in possession of Apollonia. While he plundered the -merchants in the harbor, he proclaimed his intention of subjugating -the independent Libyan tribes, and probably of stretching his -conquests to Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_990" href="#Footnote_990" -class="fnanchor">[990]</a> His schemes were however frustrated by one -of his own officers, a Kretan named Mnasikles; who deserted to the -Kyreneans, and encouraged them to set aside the recent convention. -Thimbron, after seizing such citizens of Kyrênê as happened to be -at Apollonia, attacked Kyrênê itself, but was repulsed; and the -Kyreneans were then bold enough to invade the territory of Barka -and Hesperides. To aid them, Thimbron moved his quarters from -Apollonia; but during his absence, Mnasikles contrived to surprise -that valuable port; thus mastering at once his base of operations, -the station for his fleet, and all the baggage of his soldiers. -Thimbron’s fleet could not be long maintained without a harbor. The -seamen, landing here and there for victuals and water, were cut off -by the native Libyans, while the vessels were dispersed by storms.<a -id="FNanchor_991" href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a></p> - -<p>The Kyreneans, now full of hope, encountered Thimbron in the -field, and defeated him. Yet though reduced to distress, he contrived -to obtain possession of Teucheira; to which port he invoked as -auxiliaries 2500 fresh soldiers, out of the loose mercenary bands -dispersed near Cape Tænarus in Peloponnesus. This reinforcement -again put him in a condition for battle. The Kyreneans on their -side also thought it necessary to obtain succor, partly from the -neighboring Libyans, partly from Carthage. They got together a force -stated as 30,000 men, with which they met him in the field. But, on -this occasion they were totally routed, with the loss of all their -generals and much of their army. Thimbron was now in the full tide -of success; he pressed both Kyrênê and the harbor so vigorously, -that famine began to prevail, and sedition broke out among the -citizens. The oligarchical men, expelled by the more popular party, -sought shelter, some in the camp of Thimbron; some at the court -of Ptolemy in Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_992" href="#Footnote_992" -class="fnanchor">[992]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_431">[p. 431]</span>I have already -mentioned, that in the partition after the decease of Alexander, -Egypt had been assigned to Ptolemy. Seizing with eagerness the -opportunity of annexing to it so valuable a possession as the -Kyrenaic Pentapolis, this chief sent an adequate force under Ophellas -to put down Thimbron and restore the exiles. His success was -complete. All the cities in the Pentapolis were reduced; Thimbron, -worsted and pursued as a fugitive, was seized in his flight by -some Libyans, and brought prisoner to Teucheira; the citizens of -which place (by permission of the Olynthian Epikydes, governor for -Ptolemy), first tortured him, and then conveyed him to Apollonia to -be hanged. A final visit from Ptolemy himself regulated the affairs -of the Pentapolis, which were incorporated with his dominions -and placed under the government of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_993" -href="#Footnote_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a></p> - -<p>It was thus that the rich and flourishing Kyrênê, an interesting -portion of the once autonomous Hellenic world, passed like the -rest under one of the Macedonian Diadochi. As the proof and -guarantee of this new sovereignty, we find erected within the -walls of the city, a strong and completely detached citadel, -occupied by a Macedonian or Egyptian garrison (like Munychia at -Athens), and forming the stronghold of the viceroy. Ten years -afterwards (<small>B. C.</small> 312) the Kyreneans made an -attempt to emancipate themselves, and besieged this citadel; but -being again put down by an army and fleet which Ptolemy despatched -under Agis from Egypt,<a id="FNanchor_994" href="#Footnote_994" -class="fnanchor">[994]</a> Kyrênê passed once more under the -vice-royalty of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_995" href="#Footnote_995" -class="fnanchor">[995]</a></p> - -<p>To this viceroy Agathokles now sent envoys, invoking his aid -against Carthage. Ophellas was an officer of consideration and -experience. He had served under Alexander, and had married an -Athenian wife, Euthydikê,—a lineal descendant from Mil<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_432">[p. 432]</span>tiades the victor of -Marathon, and belonging to a family still distinguished at Athens. -In inviting Ophellas to undertake jointly the conquest of Carthage, -the envoys proposed that he should himself hold it when conquered. -Agathokles (they said) wished only to overthrow the Carthaginian -dominion in Sicily, being well aware that he could not hold that -island in conjunction with an African dominion. To Ophellas,<a -id="FNanchor_996" href="#Footnote_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a> -such an invitation proved extremely seducing. He was already on -the look out for aggrandizement towards the west, and had sent an -exploring nautical expedition along the northern coast of Africa, -even to some distance round and beyond the Strait of Gibraltar.<a -id="FNanchor_997" href="#Footnote_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a> -Moreover, to all military adventurers, both on sea and on land, the -season was one of boundless speculative promise. They had before -them not only the prodigious career of Alexander himself, but the -successful encroachments of the great officers his successors. In -the second distribution, made at Triparadeisus, of the Alexandrine -empire, Antipater had assigned to Ptolemy not merely Egypt and -Libya, but also an undefined amount of territory west of Libya, to -be afterwards acquired;<a id="FNanchor_998" href="#Footnote_998" -class="fnanchor">[998]</a> the conquest of which was known to have -been among the projects of Alexander, had he lived longer. To this -conquest Ophellas was now specially called, either as the viceroy or -the independent equal of Ptolemy, by the invitation of Agathokles. -Having learnt in the service of Alexander not to fear long marches, -he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_433">[p. 433]</span> embraced the -proposition with eagerness. He undertook an expedition from Kyrênê on -the largest scale. Through his wife’s relatives, he was enabled to -make known his projects at Athens, where, as well as in other parts -of Greece, they found much favor. At this season, the Kassandrian -oligarchies were paramount not only at Athens, but generally -throughout Greece. Under the prevalent degradation and suffering, -there was ample ground for discontent, and no liberty of expressing -it; many persons therefore were found disposed either to accept -army-service with Ophellas, or to enrol themselves in a foreign -colony under his auspices. To set out under the military protection -of this powerful chief—to colonize the mighty Carthage, supposed to -be already enfeebled by the victories of Agathokles—to appropriate -the wealth, the fertile landed possessions, and the maritime -position, of her citizens—was a prize well calculated to seduce -men dissatisfied with their homes, and not well informed of the -intervening difficulties.<a id="FNanchor_999" href="#Footnote_999" -class="fnanchor">[999]</a></p> - -<p>Under such hopes, many Grecian colonists joined Ophellas at -Kyrênê, some even with wives and children. The total number is -stated at 10,000. Ophellas conducted them forth at the head of -a well appointed army of 10,000 infantry, 600 cavalry, and 100 -war-chariots; each chariot carrying the driver and two fighting men. -Marching with this miscellaneous body of soldiers and colonists, he -reached in eighteen days the post of Automalæ—the westernmost factory -of Kyrênê.<a id="FNanchor_1000" href="#Footnote_1000" -class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> From thence he proceeded westward along -the shore between the two Syrtes, in many parts a sandy, trackless -desert, without wood and almost without water (with the exception -of particular points of fertility), and infested by serpents many -and venomous. At one time, all his provisions were exhausted; he -passed through the territory of the natives called Lotophagi, -near the lesser Syrtis; where the army had<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_434">[p. 434]</span> nothing to eat except the fruit -of the lotus, which there abounded.<a id="FNanchor_1001" -href="#Footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a> Ophellas met -with no enemies; but the sufferings of every kind endured by his -soldiers—still more of course by the less hardy colonists and their -families—were most distressing. After miseries endured for more than -two months, he joined Agathokles in the Carthaginian territory; With -what abatement of number, we do not know, but his loss must have been -considerable.<a id="FNanchor_1002" href="#Footnote_1002" -class="fnanchor">[1002]</a></p> - -<p>Ophellas little knew the man whose invitation and alliance he -had accepted. Agathokles at first received him with the warmest -protestations of attachment, welcoming the new-comers with profuse -hospitality, and supplying to them full means of refreshment and -renovation after their past sufferings. Having thus gained the -confidence and favorable sympathies of all, he proceeded to turn it -to his own purposes. Convening suddenly the most devoted among his -own soldiers, he denounced Ophellas as guilty of plotting against -his life. They listened to him with the same feelings of credulous -rage as the Macedonian soldiers exhibited when Alexander denounced -Philotas before them. Agathokles then at once called them to arms, -set upon Ophellas unawares, and slew him with his more immediate -defenders. Among the soldiers of Ophellas, this act excited horror -and indignation, no less than surprise; but Agathokles at length -succeeded in bringing them to terms, partly by deceitful pretexts, -partly by intimidation: for this unfortunate army, left without any -commander of fixed purpose, had no resource except to enter into -his service.<a id="FNanchor_1003" href="#Footnote_1003" -class="fnanchor">[1003]</a> He thus found himself (like -Antipater<span class="pagenum" id="Page_435">[p. 435]</span> after -the death of Leonnatus) master of a double army, and relieved from -a troublesome rival. The colonists of Ophellas—more unfortunate -still, since they could be of no service to Agathokles—were put by -him on board some merchant vessels, which he was sending to Syracuse -with spoil. The weather becoming stormy, many of these vessels -foundered at sea,—some were driven off and wrecked on the coast of -Italy—and a few only reached Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_1004" -href="#Footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> Thus miserably -perished the Kyrenean expedition of Ophellas; one of the most -commanding and powerful schemes, for joint conquest and colonization, -that ever set out from any Grecian city.</p> - -<p>It would have fared ill with Agathokles, had the Carthaginians -been at hand, and ready to attack him in the confusion immediately -succeeding the death of Ophellas. It would also have fared yet -worse with Carthage, had Agathokles been in a position to attack -her during the terrible sedition excited, nearly at the same time, -within her walls by the general Bomilkar.<a id="FNanchor_1005" -href="#Footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> This traitor -(as has been already stated) had long cherished the design to render -himself despot, and had been watching for a favorable opportunity. -Having purposely caused the loss of the first battle—fought in -conjunction with his brave colleague Hanno, against Agathokles—he -had since carried on the war with a view to his own project (which -explains in part the continued reverses of the Carthaginians); he -now thought that the time was come for openly raising his standard. -Availing himself of a military muster in the quarter of the city -called Neapolis, he first dismissed the general body of the -soldiers, retaining near him only a trusty band of 500 citizens, -and 4000 mercenaries. At the head of these, he then fell upon -the unsuspecting city: dividing them into five detachments, and -slaughtering indiscriminately the unarmed citizens in the streets, -as well as in the great market-place. At first the Carthaginians -were astounded and paralyzed. Gradually however they took courage, -stood upon their defence against the assailants, combatted them in -the streets and poured upon them missiles from the house-tops. After -a prolonged conflict, the partisans of Bomilkar found themselves -worsted, and were glad to avail themselves of the mediation of<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_436">[p. 436]</span> some elder citizens. -They laid down their arms on promise of pardon. The promise was -faithfully kept by the victors, except in regard to Bomilkar himself; -who was hanged in the market-place, having first undergone severe -tortures.<a id="FNanchor_1006" href="#Footnote_1006" -class="fnanchor">[1006]</a></p> - -<p>Though the Carthaginians had thus escaped from an extreme -peril, yet the effects of so formidable a conspiracy weakened them -for some time against their enemy without; while Agathokles on -the other hand, reinforced by the army from Kyrênê, was stronger -than ever. So elate did he feel, that he assumed the title of -King;<a id="FNanchor_1007" href="#Footnote_1007" -class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> following herein the example of the great -Macedonian officers, Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and -Kassander; the memory of Alexander being now discarded, as his heirs -had been already put to death. Agathokles, already master of nearly -all the dependent towns east and south-east of Carthage, proceeded to -carry his arms to the north-west of the city. He attacked Utica,—the -second city next to Carthage in importance, and older indeed than -Carthage itself—situated on the western or opposite shore of the -Carthaginian Gulf, and visible from Carthage, though distant from it -twenty-seven miles around the Gulf on land.<a id="FNanchor_1008" -href="#Footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a> The Uticans -had hitherto remained faithful to Carthage, in spite of her -reverses, and of defection elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_1009" -href="#Footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> Agathokles -marched into their territory with such<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_437">[p. 437]</span> unexpected rapidity (he had hitherto -been on the south-east of Carthage, and he now suddenly moved to -the north-west of that city), that he seized the persons of three -hundred leading citizens, who had not yet taken the precaution of -retiring within the city. Having vainly tried to prevail on the -Uticans to surrender, he assailed their walls, attaching in front -of his battering engines the three hundred Utican prisoners; so -that the citizens, in hurling missiles of defence, were constrained -to inflict death on their own comrades and relatives. They -nevertheless resisted the assault with unshaken resolution; but -Agathokles found means to force an entrance through a weak part of -the walls, and thus became master of the city. He made it a scene -of indiscriminate slaughter, massacring the inhabitants, armed and -unarmed, and hanging up the prisoners. He further captured the town -of Hippu-Akra, about thirty miles north-west of Utica, which had also -remained faithful to Carthage—and which now, after a brave defence, -experienced the like pitiless treatment.<a id="FNanchor_1010" -href="#Footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a> The -Carthaginians, seemingly not yet recovered from their recent shock, -did not interfere, even to rescue these two important places; so that -Agathokles, firmly established in Tunês as a centre of operations, -extended his African dominion more widely than ever all round -Carthage, both on the coast and in the interior; while he interrupted -the supplies of Carthage itself, and reduced the inhabitants to great -privations.<a id="FNanchor_1011" href="#Footnote_1011" -class="fnanchor">[1011]</a> He even occupied and fortified strongly -a place called Hippagreta, between Utica and Carthage; thus -pushing his posts within a short distance both east and west of -her gates.<a id="FNanchor_1012" href="#Footnote_1012" -class="fnanchor">[1012]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_438">[p. 438]</span>In this -prosperous condition of his African affairs, he thought the -opportunity favorable for retrieving his diminished ascendency in -Sicily; to which island he accordingly crossed over, with 2000 men, -leaving the command in Africa to his son Archagathus. That young -man was at first successful, and seemed even in course of enlarging -his father’s conquests. His general Eumachus overran a wide range -of interior Numidia, capturing Tokæ, Phellinê, Meschelæ, Akris, and -another town bearing the same name of Hippu-Akra—and enriching his -soldiers with a considerable plunder. But in a second expedition, -endeavoring to carry his arms yet farther into the interior, he -was worsted in an attack upon a town called Miltinê, and compelled -to retreat. We read that he marched through one mountainous region -abounding in wild cats—and another, in which there were a great -number of apes, who lived in the most tame and familiar manner in -the houses with men—being greatly caressed, and even worshipped -as gods.<a id="FNanchor_1013" href="#Footnote_1013" -class="fnanchor">[1013]</a></p> - -<p>The Carthaginians however had now regained internal harmony and -power of action. Their senate and their generals were emulous, both -in vigor and in provident combinations, against the common enemy. -They sent forth 30,000 men, a larger force than they had yet had in -the field; forming three distinct camps, under Hanno, Imilkon, and -Adherbal, partly in the interior, partly on the coast. Archagathus, -leaving a sufficient guard at Tunês, marched to meet them, -distributing his army in three divisions also; two, under himself -and Æschrion, besides the corps under Eumachus in the mountainous -region. He was however unsuccessful at all points. Hanno, contriving -to surprise the division of Æschrion, gained a complete victory, -wherein Æschrion himself with more than 4000 men were slain.<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_439">[p. 439]</span> Imilkon was yet more -fortunate in his operations against Eumachus, whom he entrapped by -simulated flight into an ambuscade, and attacked at such advantage, -that the Grecian army was routed and cut off from all retreat. A -remnant of them defended themselves for some time on a neighboring -hill, but being without water, nearly all soon perished, from thirst, -fatigue, and the sword of the conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_1014" -href="#Footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a></p> - -<p>By such reverses, destroying two-thirds of the Agathoklean -army, Archagathus was placed in serious peril. He was obliged to -concentrate his force in Tunês, calling in nearly all his outlying -detachments. At the same time, those Liby-Phenician cities, and -rural Libyan tribes, who had before joined Agathokles, now detached -themselves from him when his power was evidently declining, and made -their peace with Carthage. The victorious Carthaginian generals -established fortified camps round Tunês, so as to restrain the -excursions of Archagathus; while with their fleet they blocked up -his harbor. Presently provisions became short, and much despondency -prevailed among the Grecian army. Archagathus transmitted this -discouraging news to his father in Sicily, with urgent entreaties -that he would come to the rescue.<a id="FNanchor_1015" -href="#Footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a></p> - -<p>The career of Agathokles in Sicily, since his departure from -Africa, had been checkered, and on the whole unproductive. Just -before his arrival in the island,<a id="FNanchor_1016" -href="#Footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> his -generals Leptines and Demophilus had gained an important victory -over the Agrigentine forces commanded by Xenodokus, who were -disabled from keeping the field. This disaster was a fatal -discouragement both to the Agrigentines, and to the cause which -they had espoused as champions—free and autonomous city-government -with equal confederacy for self-defence, under the presidency of -Agrigentum.<a id="FNanchor_1017" href="#Footnote_1017" -class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> The outlying cities confederate with -Agrigentum were left without military protection, and exposed to -the attacks<span class="pagenum" id="Page_440">[p. 440]</span> -of Leptines, animated and fortified by the recent arrival of -his master Agathokles. That despot landed at Selinus—subdued -Herakleia, Therma, and Kephaloidion, on or near the northern coast -of Sicily—then crossed the interior of the island to Syracuse. In -his march he assaulted Kentoripa, having some partisans within, but -was repulsed with loss. At Apollonia,<a id="FNanchor_1018" -href="#Footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a> he was -also unsuccessful in his first attempt; but being stung with -mortification, he resumed the assault next day, and at length, by -great efforts, carried the town. To avenge his loss, which had been -severe, he massacred most of the citizens, and abandoned the town -to plunder.<a id="FNanchor_1019" href="#Footnote_1019" -class="fnanchor">[1019]</a></p> - -<p>From hence he proceeded to Syracuse, which he now revisited -after an absence of (apparently) more than two years in Africa. -During all this interval, the Syracusan harbor had been watched -by a Carthaginian fleet, obstructing the entry of provisions, -and causing partial scarcity.<a id="FNanchor_1020" -href="#Footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> But there -was no blockading army on land; nor had the dominion of Agathokles, -upheld as it was by his brother Antander and his mercenary force, -been at all shaken. His arrival inspired his partisans and soldiers -with new courage, while it spread terror throughout most parts of -Sicily. To contend with the Carthaginian blockading squadron, he -made efforts to procure maritime aid from the Tyrrhenian ports -in Italy;<a id="FNanchor_1021" href="#Footnote_1021" -class="fnanchor">[1021]</a> while on land, his forces were now -preponderant—owing to the recent defeat, and broken spirit, of -the Agrigentines. But his prospects were suddenly checked by the -enterprising move of his old enemy—the Syracusan exile Deinokrates; -who made profession of taking up that generous policy which the -Agrigentines had tacitly let fall—announcing himself as the champion -of autonomous city-government, and equal confederacy, throughout -Sicily. Deinokrates received ready adhesion from most of the cities -belonging to the Agrigentine confederacy—all of them who were alarmed -by finding that the weakness or fears of their presiding city had -left them unprotected against Agathokles. He was soon at the head -of a powerful army—20,000 foot, and 1500 horse. Moreover a large -proportion of his army<span class="pagenum" id="Page_441">[p. -441]</span> were not citizen militia, but practised soldiers; for -the most part exiles, driven from their homes by the distractions -and violences of the Agathoklean æra.<a id="FNanchor_1022" -href="#Footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> For military -purposes, both he and his soldiers were far more strenuous and -effective than the Agrigentines under Xenodokus had been. He not only -kept the field against Agathokles, but several times offered him -battle, which the despot did not feel confidence enough to accept. -Agathokles could do no more than maintain himself in Syracuse, while -the Sicilian cities generally were put in security against his -aggressions.</p> - -<p>Amidst this unprosperous course of affairs in Sicily, Agathokles -received messengers from his son, reporting the defeats in Africa. -Preparing immediately to revisit that country, he was fortunate -enough to obtain a reinforcement of Tyrrhenian ships of war, which -enabled him to overcome the Carthaginian blockading squadron at -the mouth of the Syracusan harbor. A clear passage to Africa -was thus secured for himself, together with ample supplies of -imported provisions for the Syracusans.<a id="FNanchor_1023" -href="#Footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> Though -still unable to combat Deinokrates in the field, Agathokles was -emboldened by his recent naval victory to send forth Leptines with -a force to invade the Agrigentines—the jealous rivals, rather than -the allies, of Deinokrates. The Agrigentine army—under the general -Xenodokus, whom Leptines had before defeated—consisted of citizen -militia mustered on the occasion; while the Agathoklean mercenaries, -conducted by Leptines, had made arms a profession, and were used -to fighting as well as to hardships.<a id="FNanchor_1024" -href="#Footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> Here as -elsewhere in Greece, we find the civic and patriotic energy trampled -down by professional soldiership, and reduced to operate only as an -obsequious instrument for administrative details.</p> - -<p>Xenodokus, conscious of the inferiority of his Agrigentine force, -was reluctant to hazard a battle. Driven to this imprudence by the -taunts of his soldiers, he was defeated a second time by Leptines, -and became so apprehensive of the wrath of the Agrigentines, that -he thought it expedient to retire to Gela.<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_442">[p. 442]</span> After a period of rejoicing, for his -recent victories by land as well as by sea, Agathokles passed over -to Africa, where he found his son, with the army at Tunês in great -despondency and privation, and almost mutiny for want of pay. They -still amounted to 6000 Grecian mercenaries, 6000 Gauls, Samnites, -and Tyrrhenians—1500 cavalry—and no less than 6000 (if the number -be correct) Libyan war-chariots. There were also a numerous body -of Libyan allies; faithless time-servers, watching for the turn of -fortune. The Carthaginians, occupying strong camps in the vicinity -of Tunês, and abundantly supplied, awaited patiently the destroying -effects of privation and suffering on their enemies. So desperate -was the position of Agathokles, that he was compelled to go forth -and fight. Having tried in vain to draw the Carthaginians down -into the plain, he at length attacked them in the full strength of -their entrenchments. But in spite of the most strenuous efforts, -his troops were repulsed with great slaughter, and driven back to -their camp.<a id="FNanchor_1025" href="#Footnote_1025" -class="fnanchor">[1025]</a></p> - -<p>The night succeeding this battle was a scene of disorder and -panic in both camps; even in that of the victorious Carthaginians. -The latter, according to the ordinances of their religion, eager to -return their heartfelt thanks to the gods for this great victory, -sacrificed to them as a choice offering the handsomest prisoners -captured.<a id="FNanchor_1026" href="#Footnote_1026" -class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> During this process, the tent or -tabernacle consecrated to the gods, close to the altar as well as to -the general’s tent, accidentally took fire. The tents being formed by -mere wooden posts, connected by a thatch of hay or straw both on roof -and sides,—the fire spread rapidly, and the entire camp was burnt, -together with many soldiers who tried to arrest the conflagration. -So distracting was the terror occasioned by this catastrophe, that -the whole Carthaginian army for the time dispersed; and Agathokles, -had he been prepared, might have destroyed them. But it happened that -at the same hour, his own<span class="pagenum" id="Page_443">[p. -443]</span> camp was thrown into utter confusion by a different -accident, rendering his soldiers incapable of being brought into -action.<a id="FNanchor_1027" href="#Footnote_1027" -class="fnanchor">[1027]</a></p> - -<p>His position at Tunês had now become desperate. His Libyan allies -had all declared against him, after the recent defeat. He could -neither continue to hold Tunês, nor carry away his troops to Sicily; -for he had but few vessels, and the Carthaginians were masters at -sea. Seeing no resource, he resolved to embark secretly with his -younger son Herakleides; abandoning Archagathus and the army to their -fate. But Archagathus and the other officers, suspecting his purpose, -were thoroughly resolved that the man who had brought them into -destruction should not thus slip away and betray them. As Agathokles -was on the point of going aboard at night, he found himself watched, -arrested, and held prisoner, by the indignant soldiery. The whole -town now became a scene of disorder and tumult, aggravated by the -rumor that the enemy were marching up to attack them. Amidst the -general alarm, the guards who had been set over Agathokles, thinking -his services indispensable for defence, brought him out with his -fetters still on. When the soldiers saw him in this condition, -their sentiment towards him again reverted to pity and admiration, -notwithstanding his projected desertion; moreover they hoped for his -guidance to resist the impending attack. With one voice they called -upon the guards to strike off his chains and set him free. Agathokles -was again at liberty. But insensible to everything except his own -personal safety, he presently stole away, leaped unperceived into a -skiff, with a few attendants, but without either of his sons,—and was -lucky enough to arrive, in spite of stormy November weather, on the -coast of Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_1028" href="#Footnote_1028" -class="fnanchor">[1028]</a></p> - -<p>So terrible was the fury of the soldiers, on discovering that -Agathokles had accomplished his desertion, that they slew both -his sons, Archagathus and Herakleides. No resource was left but -to elect new generals, and make the best terms they could<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_444">[p. 444]</span> with Carthage. They -were still a formidable body, retaining in their hands various -other towns besides Tunês; so that the Carthaginians, relieved -from all fear of Agathokles, thought it prudent to grant an easy -capitulation. It was agreed that all the towns should be restored -to the Carthaginians, on payment of 300 talents; that such soldiers -as chose to enter into the African service of Carthage, should -be received on full pay; but that such as preferred returning to -Sicily should be transported thither, with permission to reside in -the Carthaginian town of Solus (or Soluntum). On these terms the -convention was concluded, and the army finally broken up. Some indeed -among the Grecian garrisons, quartered in the outlying posts, being -rash enough to dissent and hold out, were besieged and taken by the -Carthaginian force. Their commanders were crucified, and the soldiers -condemned to rural work as fettered slaves.<a id="FNanchor_1029" -href="#Footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a></p> - -<p>Thus miserably terminated the expedition of Agathokles to -Africa, after an interval of four years from the time of his -landing. By the <i>vana mirantes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1030" -href="#Footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> who looked out -for curious coincidences (probably Timæus), it was remarked, that -his ultimate flight, with the slaughter of his two sons, occurred -exactly on the same day of the year following his assassination -of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_1031" href="#Footnote_1031" -class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> Ancient writers extol, with good -reason, the bold and striking conception of transferring the war -to Africa, at the very moment when he was himself besieged in -Syracuse by a superior Carthaginian force. But while admitting -the military resource, skill, and energy, of Agathokles, we must -not forget that his success in Africa was materially furthered by -the treasonable conduct of the Carthaginian general Bomilkar—an -accidental coincidence in point of time. Nor is it to be overlooked, -that Agathokles missed the opportunity of turning his first success -to account, at a moment when the Carthaginians would probably have -purchased his evacuation of Africa by making large concessions to -him in Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_1032" href="#Footnote_1032" -class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> He imprudently persisted in the war, -though<span class="pagenum" id="Page_445">[p. 445]</span> the -complete conquest of Carthage was beyond his strength—and though -it was still more beyond his strength to prosecute effective war, -simultaneously and for a long time, in Sicily and in Africa. The -African subjects of Carthage were not attached to her; but neither -were they attached to him;—nor, on the long run, did they do him any -serious good. Agathokles is a man of force and fraud—consummate in -the use of both. His whole life is a series of successful adventures, -and strokes of bold ingenuity to extricate himself from difficulties; -but there is wanting in him all predetermined general plan, or -measured range of ambition, to which these single exploits might be -made subservient.</p> - -<p>After his passage from Africa, Agathokles landed on the western -corner of Sicily near the town of Egesta, which was then in alliance -with him. He sent to Syracuse for a reinforcement. But he was -hard pressed for money; he suspected, or pretended to suspect, -the Egestæans of disaffection; accordingly, on receiving his new -force, he employed it to commit revolting massacre and plunder in -Egesta. The town is reported to have contained 10,000 citizens. -Of these Agathokles caused the poorer men to be for the most part -murdered; the richer were cruelly tortured, and even their wives -tortured and mutilated, to compel revelations of concealed wealth; -the children of both sexes were transported to Italy, and there -sold as slaves to the Bruttians. The original population being -thus nearly extirpated, Agathokles changed the name of the town to -Dikæopolis, assigning it as a residence to such deserters as might -join him.<a id="FNanchor_1033" href="#Footnote_1033" -class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> This atrocity, more suitable to -Africa<a id="FNanchor_1034" href="#Footnote_1034" -class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> than Greece (where the mutilation -of women is almost unheard of), was probably the way in which -his savage pride obtained some kind of retaliatory satisfaction -for the recent calamity and humiliation in Africa. Under the -like<span class="pagenum" id="Page_446">[p. 446]</span> sentiment, -he perpetrated another deed of blood at Syracuse. Having learnt -that the soldiers, whom he had deserted at Tunês, had after his -departure put to death his two sons, he gave orders to Antander -his brother (viceroy of Syracuse), to massacre all the relatives -of those Syracusans who had served him in the African expedition. -This order was fulfilled by Antander (we are assured) accurately -and to the letter. Neither age or sex—grandsire or infant—wife or -mother—were spared by the Agathoklean executioners. We may be sure -that their properties were plundered at the same time; we hear of no -mutilations.<a id="FNanchor_1035" href="#Footnote_1035" -class="fnanchor">[1035]</a></p> - -<p>Still Agathokles tried to maintain his hold on the Sicilian towns -which remained to him; but his cruelties as well as his reverses -had produced a strong sentiment against him, and even his general -Pasiphilus revolted to join Deinokrates. That exile was now at the -head of an army stated at 20,000 men, the most formidable military -force in Sicily; so that Agathokles, feeling the inadequacy of his -own means, sent to solicit peace, and to offer tempting conditions. -He announced his readiness to evacuate Syracuse altogether, and -to be content, if two maritime towns on the northern coast of the -island—Therma and Kephaloidion—were assigned to his mercenaries and -himself. Under this proposition, Deinokrates, and the other Syracusan -exiles, had the opportunity of entering Syracuse, and reconstituting -the free city-government. Had Deinokrates been another Timoleon, the -city might now have acquired and enjoyed another temporary sunshine -of autonomy and prosperity; but his ambition was thoroughly selfish. -As commander of this large army, he enjoyed a station of power and -license such as he was not likely to obtain under the reconstituted -city-government of Syracuse. He therefore evaded the propositions of -Agathokles, requiring still larger concessions; until at length the -Syracusan exiles in his own army (partly instigated by emissaries -from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_447">[p. 447]</span> Agathokles -himself) began to suspect his selfish projects, and to waver in -their fidelity to him. Meanwhile Agathokles, being repudiated by -Deinokrates, addressed himself to the Carthaginians, and concluded -a treaty with them, restoring or guaranteeing to them all the -possessions that they had ever enjoyed in Sicily. In return for -this concession, he received from them a sum of money, and a large -supply of corn.<a id="FNanchor_1036" href="#Footnote_1036" -class="fnanchor">[1036]</a></p> - -<p>Relieved from Carthaginian hostility, Agathokles presently -ventured to march against the army of Deinokrates. The latter was -indeed greatly superior in strength, but many of his soldiers -were now lukewarm or disaffected, and Agathokles had established -among them correspondences upon which he could rely. At a great -battle fought near Torgium, many of them went over on the field to -Agathokles, giving to him a complete victory. The army of Deinokrates -was completely dispersed. Shortly afterwards a considerable body -among them (4000 men, or 7000 men, according to different statements) -surrendered to the victor on terms. As soon as they had delivered up -their arms, Agathokles, regardless of his covenant, caused them to be -surrounded by his own army, and massacred.<a id="FNanchor_1037" -href="#Footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a></p> - -<p>It appears as if the recent victory had been the result of a -secret and treacherous compact between Agathokles and Deinokrates; -and as if the prisoners massacred by Agathokles were those of -whom Deinokrates wished to rid himself as malcontents; for -immediately after the battle, a reconciliation took place between -the two. Agathokles admitted the other as a sort of partner in his -despotism; while Deinokrates not only brought into the partnership -all the military means and strong posts which he had been two -years in acquiring, but also betrayed to Agathokles the revolted -general Pasiphilus with the town of Gela occupied by the latter. -It is noticed as singular, that Agathokles, generally faithless -and unscrupulous towards both friends and enemies, kept up the -best understanding and confidence with Deinokrates to the end of -his life.<a id="FNanchor_1038" href="#Footnote_1038" -class="fnanchor">[1038]</a></p> - -<p>The despot had now regained full power at Syracuse, together<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_448">[p. 448]</span> with a great extent -of dominion in Sicily. The remainder of his restless existence -was spent in operations of hostility or plunder against more -northerly enemies—the Liparæan isles<a id="FNanchor_1039" -href="#Footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a>—the Italian -cities and the Bruttians—the island of Korkyra. We are unable to -follow his proceedings in detail. He was threatened with a formidable -attack<a id="FNanchor_1040" href="#Footnote_1040" -class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> by the Spartan prince Kleonymus, who -was invited by the Tarentines to aid them against the Lucanians -and Romans. But Kleonymus found enough to occupy him elsewhere, -without visiting Sicily. He collected a considerable force on the -coast of Italy, undertook operations with success against the -Lucanians, and even captured the town of Thurii. But the Romans, -now pushing their intervention even to the Tarentine Gulf, drove -him off and retook the town; moreover his own behavior was so -tyrannical and profligate, as to draw upon him universal hatred. -Returning from Italy to Korkyra, Kleonymus made himself master of -that important island, intending to employ it as a base of operations -both against Greece and against Italy.<a id="FNanchor_1041" -href="#Footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a> He failed -however in various expeditions both in the Tarentine Gulf and -the Adriatic. Demetrius Poliorketes and Kassander alike tried to -conclude an alliance with him; but in vain.<a id="FNanchor_1042" -href="#Footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a> At a -subsequent period, Korkyra was besieged by Kassander with a large -naval and military force; Kleonymus then retired (or perhaps had -previously retired) to Sparta. Kassander, having reduced the island -to great straits,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_449">[p. 449]</span> -was on the point of taking it, when it was relieved by Agathokles -with a powerful armament. That despot was engaged in operations on -the coast of Italy against the Bruttians when his aid to Korkyra -was solicited; he destroyed most part of the Macedonian fleet, -and then seized the island for himself.<a id="FNanchor_1043" -href="#Footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a> On returning -from this victorious expedition to the Italian coast, where he -had left a detachment of his Ligurian and Tuscan mercenaries, he -was informed that these mercenaries had been turbulent during -his absence, in demanding the pay due to them from his grandson -Archagathus. He caused them all to be slain, to the number of -2000.<a id="FNanchor_1044" href="#Footnote_1044" -class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></p> - -<p>As far as we can trace the events of the last years of -Agathokles, we find him seizing the towns of Kroton and -Hipponia in Italy, establishing an alliance with Demetrius -Poliorketes,<a id="FNanchor_1045" href="#Footnote_1045" -class="fnanchor">[1045]</a> and giving his daughter Lanassa in -marriage to the youthful Pyrrhus king of Epirus. At the age of -seventy-two, still in the plenitude of vigor as well as of power, -he was projecting a fresh expedition against the Carthaginians in -Africa, with two hundred of the largest ships of war, when his career -was brought to a close by sickness and by domestic enemies.</p> - -<p>He proclaimed as future successor to his dominion, his son, named -Agathokles; but Archagathus his grandson (son of Archagathus who had -perished in Africa), a young prince of more conspicuous qualities, -had already been singled out for the most important command, and was -now at the head of the army near Ætna. The old Agathokles, wishing to -strengthen the hands of his intended successor, sent his favored son -Agathokles to Ætna, with written orders directing that Archagathus -should yield up to him the command. Archagathus, noway disposed to -obey, invited his uncle Agathokles to a banquet, and killed him; -after which he contrived the poisoning of his grandfather the old -despot himself. The instrument of his purpose was Mænon; a citizen -of Egesta, enslaved at the time when Agathokles massacred most of -the Egestæan population. The beauty of his person procured him much -favor with Agathokles; but he had never for<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_450">[p. 450]</span>gotten, and had always been anxious to -avenge, the bloody outrage on his fellow-citizens. To accomplish -this purpose, the opportunity was now opened to him, together with a -promise of protection, through Archagathus. He accordingly poisoned -Agathokles, as we are told, by means of a medicated quill, handed to -him for cleaning his teeth after dinner.<a id="FNanchor_1046" -href="#Footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a> Combining -together the various accounts, it seems probable that Agathokles -was at the time sick—that this sickness may have been the reason -why he was so anxious to strengthen the position of his intended -successor—and that his death was as much the effect of his malady -as of the poison. Archagathus, after murdering his uncle, seems by -means of his army to have made himself real master of the Syracusan -power; while the old despot, defenceless on a sick bed, could do -no more than provide for the safety of his Egyptian wife Theoxena -and his two young children, by despatching them on shipboard with -all his rich movable treasures to Alexandria. Having secured -this object, amidst extreme grief on the part of those around, -he expired.<a id="FNanchor_1047" href="#Footnote_1047" -class="fnanchor">[1047]</a></p> - -<p>The great lines in the character of Agathokles are well marked. -He was of the stamp of Gelon and the elder Dionysius—a soldier of -fortune, who raised himself from the meanest beginnings to the summit -of political power—and who, in the acquisition as well as maintenance -of that power, displayed an extent of energy, perseverance, and -military resource, not surpassed by any one, even of the generals -formed in Alexander’s school. He was an adept in that art at which -all aspiring men of his age aimed—the handling of mercenary soldiers -for the extinction of political liberty and security at home, and -for predatory aggrandizement abroad. I have already noticed the -opinion delivered by Scipio Africanus—that the elder Dionysius and -Agathokles were the most daring, sagacious, and capable men of -action<span class="pagenum" id="Page_451">[p. 451]</span> within -his knowledge.<a id="FNanchor_1048" href="#Footnote_1048" -class="fnanchor">[1048]</a> Apart from this enterprising genius, -employed in the service of unmeasured personal ambition, we -know nothing of Agathokles except his sanguinary, faithless, -and nefarious dispositions; in which attributes also he stands -pre-eminent, above all his known contemporaries, and above nearly all -predecessors.<a id="FNanchor_1049" href="#Footnote_1049" -class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> Notwithstanding his often-proved -perfidy, he seems to have had a joviality and apparent simplicity -of manner (the same is recounted of Cæsar Borgia) which amused -men and put them off their guard, throwing them perpetually into -his trap.<a id="FNanchor_1050" href="#Footnote_1050" -class="fnanchor">[1050]</a></p> - -<p>Agathokles, however, though among the worst of Greeks, was yet -a Greek. During his government of thirty-two years, the course -of events in Sicily continued under Hellenic agency, without the -preponderant intervention of any foreign power. The power of -Agathokles indeed rested mainly on foreign mercenaries; but so -had that of Dionysius and Gelon before him;<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_452">[p. 452]</span> and he as well as they, kept up -vigorously the old conflict against the Carthaginian power in -the island. Grecian history in Sicily thus continues down to the -death of Agathokles; but it continues no longer. After his death, -Hellenic power and interests become incapable of self-support, -and sink into a secondary and subservient position, overridden or -contended for by foreigners. Syracuse and the other cities passed -from one despot to another, and were torn with discord arising -out of the crowds of foreign mercenaries who had obtained footing -among them. At the same time, the Carthaginians made increased -efforts to push their conquests in the island, without finding -any sufficient internal resistance; so that they would have taken -Syracuse, and made Sicily their own, had not Pyrrhus king of Epirus -(the son-in-law of Agathokles) interposed to arrest their progress. -From this time forward, the Greeks of Sicily become a prize to be -contended for—first between the Carthaginians and Pyrrhus—next, -between the Carthaginians and Romans<a id="FNanchor_1051" -href="#Footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a>—until at -length they dwindle into subjects of Rome; corn-growers for the Roman -plebs, clients under the patronage of the Roman Marcelli, victims of -the rapacity of Verres, and suppliants for the tutelary eloquence of -Cicero. The historian of self-acting Hellas loses sight of them at -the death of Agathokles.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_98"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_453">[p. 453]</span></p> - <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVIII.<br /> - OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES.</h2> - <hr class="sep" /> - <div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> - <p class="i0">1 IN GAUL AND SPAIN.</p> - <p class="i0">2 ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.</p> - </div></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">To</span> complete the picture of the -Hellenic world while yet in its period of full life, in freedom -and self-action, or even during its decline into the half-life -of a dependent condition—we must say a few words respecting some -of its members lying apart from the general history, yet of not -inconsiderable importance. The Greeks of Massalia formed its western -wing; the Pontic Greeks (those on the shores of the Euxine), its -eastern; both of them the outermost radiations of Hellenism, where it -was always militant against foreign elements, and often adulterated -by them. It is indeed little that we have the means of saying; but -that little must not be left unsaid.</p> - -<p>In my third volume (ch. xxii. p. 397), I briefly noticed the -foundation and first proceedings of Massalia (the modern Marseilles), -on the Mediterranean coast of Gaul or Liguria. This Ionic city, -founded by the enterprising Phokæans of Asia Minor, a little before -their own seaboard was subjugated by the Persians, had a life and -career of its own, apart from those political events which determined -the condition of its Hellenic sisters in Asia, Peloponnesus, Italy, -or Sicily. The Massaliots maintained their own relations of commerce, -friendship or hostility with their barbaric neighbors, the Ligurians, -Gauls, and Iberians, without becoming involved in the larger -political confederacies of the Hellenic world. They carried out from -their mother-city established habits of adventurous coast navigation -and commercial activity. Their situation, distant from other Greeks -and sustained by a force hardly sufficient even for defence, -imposed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_454">[p. 454]</span> upon them -the necessity both of political harmony at home, and of prudence and -persuasive agency in their mode of dealing with neighbors. That they -were found equal to this necessity, appears sufficiently attested by -the few general statements transmitted in respect to them; though -their history in its details is unknown. Their city was strong by -position, situated upon a promontory washed on three sides by the -sea, well-fortified, and possessing a convenient harbor securely -closed against enemies.<a id="FNanchor_1052" href="#Footnote_1052" -class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> The domain around it however appears -not to have been large, nor did their population extend itself much -into the interior. The land around was less adapted for corn than -for the vine and the olive; wine was supplied by the Massaliots -throughout Gaul.<a id="FNanchor_1053" href="#Footnote_1053" -class="fnanchor">[1053]</a> It was on shipboard that their courage -and skill was chiefly displayed; it was by maritime enterprise that -their power, their wealth, and their colonial expansion was obtained. -In an age when piracy was common, the Massaliot ships and seamen -were effective in attack and defence not less than in transport and -commercial interchange; while their numerous maritime successes were -attested by many trophies adorning the temples.<a id="FNanchor_1054" -href="#Footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a> The city contained -docks and arsenals admirably provided with provisions, stores, arms, -and all the various muniments of naval war.<a id="FNanchor_1055" -href="#Footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a> Except the -Phenicians and Carthaginians, these Massaliots were the only -enterprising mariners in the Western Mediterranean; from the year 500 -<small>B. C.</small> downward, after the energy of the Ionic -Greeks had been crushed by inland potentates. The Iberian and Gallic -tribes were essentially landsmen, not occupying permanent stations on -the coast, nor having any vocation for the sea; but the Ligurians, -though chiefly mountaineers, were annoying neighbors to Massalia as -well by their piracies at sea as from their depredations by land.<a -id="FNanchor_1056" href="#Footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> -To all these landsmen, however, depredators as they were, the visit -of the trader soon made itself felt as a want, both for import<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_455">[p. 455]</span> and export; and -to this want the Massaliots, with their colonies, were the only -ministers, along the Gulfs of Genoa and Lyons, from Luna (the -frontier of Tuscany) to the Dianium (Cape della Nao) in Spain.<a -id="FNanchor_1057" href="#Footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a> -It was not until the first century before the Christian era that they -were outstripped in this career by Narbon, and a few other neighbors, -exalted into Roman colonies.</p> - -<p>Along the coast on both sides of their own city, the Massaliots -planted colonies, each commended to the protection, and consecrated -by the statue and peculiar rites, of their own patron goddess, -the Ephesian Artemis.<a id="FNanchor_1058" href="#Footnote_1058" -class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> Towards the east were Tauroentium, -Olbia, Antipolis, Nikæa, and the Portus Monœki; towards the west, -on the coast of Spain, were Rhoda, Emporiæ, Alônê, Hemeroskopium, -and Artemisium or Dianium. These colonies were established chiefly -on outlying capes or sometimes islets, at once near and safe; they -were intended more as shelter and accommodation for maritime traffic, -and as depots for trade with the interior,—than for the purpose of -spreading inland, and including a numerous outlying population round -the walls. The circumstances of Emporiæ were the most remarkable. -That town was built originally on a little uninhabited islet off the -coast of Iberia; after a certain interval, it became extended to the -adjoining mainland, and a body of native Iberians were admitted to -joint residence within the new-walled circuit there established. This -new circuit however was divided in half by an intervening wall, on -one side of which dwelt the Iberians, on the other side the Greeks. -One gate alone was permitted, for intercommunication, guarded night -and day by appointed magistrates, one of whom was perpetually on -the spot. Every night, one third of the Greek citizens kept guard -on the walls, or at least held themselves prepared to do so. How -long these strict and fatiguing precautions were found necessary, -we do not know; but after a certain time they were relaxed, and -the intervening wall disappeared, so that Greeks and Iberians -freely coalesced into one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_456">[p. -456]</span> community.<a id="FNanchor_1059" href="#Footnote_1059" -class="fnanchor">[1059]</a> It is not often that we are allowed -to see so much in detail the early difficulties and dangers of a -Grecian colony. Massalia itself was situated under nearly similar -circumstances among the rude Ligurian Salyes; we hear of these -Ligurians hiring themselves as laborers to dig on the fields of -Massaliot proprietors.<a id="FNanchor_1060" href="#Footnote_1060" -class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> The various tribes of Ligurians, -Gauls, and Iberians extended down to the coast, so that there was -no safe road along it, nor any communication except by sea, until -the conquests of the Romans in the second and first century before -the Christian era.<a id="FNanchor_1061" href="#Footnote_1061" -class="fnanchor">[1061]</a></p> - -<p>The government of Massalia was oligarchical, carried on chiefly by -a Senate or Great Council of Six Hundred (called Timuchi), elected -for life—and by a small council of fifteen, chosen among this -larger body to take turn in executive duties.<a id="FNanchor_1062" -href="#Footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a> The public -habits of the administrators are said to have been extremely -vigilant and circumspect; the private habits of the citizens, -frugal and temperate—a maximum being fixed by law for dowries and -marriage-ceremonies.<a id="FNanchor_1063" href="#Footnote_1063" -class="fnanchor">[1063]</a> They were careful in their dealings -with the native tribes, with whom they appear to have maintained -relations generally friendly. The historian Ephorus (whose -history closed about 340 <small>B. C.</small>) represented -the Gauls as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_457">[p. 457]</span> -especially phil-hellenic;<a id="FNanchor_1064" href="#Footnote_1064" -class="fnanchor">[1064]</a> an impression which he could hardly -have derived from any but Massaliot informants. The Massaliots (who -in the first century before Christ were <i>trilingues</i>, speaking -Greek, Latin, and Gallic<a id="FNanchor_1065" href="#Footnote_1065" -class="fnanchor">[1065]</a>) contributed to engraft upon these -unlettered men a certain refinement and variety of wants, and to lay -the foundation of that taste for letters which afterwards became -largely diffused throughout the Roman Province of Gaul. At sea, and -in traffic, the Phenicians and Carthaginians were their formidable -rivals. This was among the causes which threw them betimes into -alliance and active co-operation with Rome, under whose rule they -obtained favorable treatment, when the blessing of freedom was no -longer within their reach.</p> - -<p>Enough is known about Massalia to show that the city was a -genuine specimen of Hellenism and Hellenic influences—acting not -by force or constraint, but simply by superior intelligence and -activity—by power of ministering to wants which must otherwise have -remained unsupplied—and by the assimilating effect of a lettered -civilization upon ruder neighbors. This is the more to be noticed -as it contrasts strikingly with the Macedonian influences which -have occupied so much of the present volume; force admirably -organized and wielded by Alexander, yet still nothing but force. -The loss of all details respecting the history of Massalia is -greatly to be lamented; and hardly less, that of the writings of -Pytheas, an intelligent Massaliotic navigator, who, at this early -age (330-320 <small>B. C.</small>),<a id="FNanchor_1066" -href="#Footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a> with an -adventurous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_458">[p. 458]</span> -boldness even more than Phokæan, sailed through the Pillars of -Herakles and from thence northward along the coast of Spain, Gaul, -Britain, Germany—perhaps yet farther. Probably no Greek except a -Massaliot could have accomplished such a voyage; which in his case -deserves the greater sympathy, as there was no other reward for the -difficulties and dangers braved, except the gratification of an -intelligent curiosity. It seems plain that the publication of his -“Survey of the Earth”—much consulted by Eratosthenes, though the -criticisms which have reached us through Polybius and Strabo dwell -chiefly upon its mistakes, real or supposed—made an epoch in ancient -geographical knowledge.</p> - -<p>From the western wing of the Hellenic world, we pass to the -eastern—the Euxine Sea. Of the Pentapolis on its western coast -south of the Danube (Apollonia, Mesembria, Kallatis, Odessus, and -probably Istrus)—and of Tyras near the mouth of the river so called -(now Dniester)—we have little to record, though Istrus and Apollonia -were among the towns whose political constitutions Aristotle thought -worthy of his examination.<a id="FNanchor_1067" href="#Footnote_1067" -class="fnanchor">[1067]</a> But Herakleia on the south coast, and -Pantikapæum or Bosporus between the Euxine and the Palus Mæotis (now -Sea of Azof), are not thus unknown to history; nor can Sinôpê (on the -south coast) and Olbia (on the north-west) be altogether passed over. -Though lying apart from the political headship of Athens or Sparta, -all these cities were legitimate members of the Hellenic brotherhood. -All supplied spectators and competitors for the<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_459">[p. 459]</span> Pan-hellenic festivals—pupils to the -rhetors and philosophers—purchasers, and sometimes even rivals, to -the artists. All too were (like Massalia and Kyrênê) adulterated -partially—Olbia and Bosporus considerably—by admixture of a -non-hellenic element.</p> - -<p>Of Sinôpê, and its three dependent colonies Kotyôra, Kerasus, -and Trapezus, I have already said something,<a id="FNanchor_1068" -href="#Footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a> in describing -the retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks. Like Massalia with its -dependencies Antipolis, Nikæa, and others—Sinôpê enjoyed not merely -practical independence, but considerable prosperity and local -dignity, at the time when Xenophon and his companions marched through -those regions. The citizens were on terms of equal alliance, mutually -advantageous, with Korylas prince of Paphlagonia, on the borders -of whose territory they dwelt. It is probable that they figured on -the tribute list of the Persian king as a portion of Paphlagonia, -and paid an annual sum; but here ended their subjection. Their -behavior towards the Ten Thousand Greeks, pronounced enemies of the -Persian king, was that of an independent city. Neither they, nor -even the inland Paphlagonians, warlike and turbulent, were molested -with Persian governors or military occupation.<a id="FNanchor_1069" -href="#Footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a> Alexander however -numbered them among the subjects of Persia; and it is a remarkable -fact, that envoys from Sinôpê were found remaining with Darius almost -to his last hour, after he had become a conquered fugitive, and had -lost his armies, his capitals, and his treasures. These Sinopian -envoys fell into the hands of Alexander; who set them at liberty -with the remark, that since they were not members of the Hellenic -confederacy, but subjects of Persia—their presence as envoys near -Darius was very excusable.<a id="FNanchor_1070" href="#Footnote_1070" -class="fnanchor">[1070]</a> The position of Sinôpê placed her out -of the direct range of the hostilities carried on by Alexander’s -successors against each other; and the ancient Kappadokian princes -of the Mithridatic family (professedly descendants of the Persian -Achæ<span class="pagenum" id="Page_460">[p. 460]</span>menidæ),<a -id="FNanchor_1071" href="#Footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a> -who ultimately ripened into the king of Pontus, had not become -sufficiently powerful to swallow up her independence until the reign -of Pharnakes, in the second century before Christ. Sinôpê then -passed under his dominion; exchanging (like others) the condition of -a free Grecian city for that of a subject of the barbaric kings of -Pontus, with a citadel and mercenary garrison to keep her citizens in -obedience. We know nothing however of the intermediate events.</p> - -<p>Respecting the Pontic Herakleia, our ignorance is not so complete. -That city—much nearer than Sinôpê to the mouth of the Thracian -Bosporus, and distant by sea from Byzantium only one long day’s -voyage of a rowboat—was established by Megarians and Bœotians -on the coast of the Mariandyni. These natives were subdued, and -reduced to a kind of serfdom; whereby they became slaves, yet with -a proviso that they should never be sold out of the territory. -Adjoining, on the westward, between Herakleia and Byzantium, were -the Bithynian Thracians—villagers not merely independent, but -warlike and fierce wreckers, who cruelly maltreated any Greeks -stranded on their coast.<a id="FNanchor_1072" href="#Footnote_1072" -class="fnanchor">[1072]</a> We are told in general terms that the -government of Herakleia was oligarchical;<a id="FNanchor_1073" -href="#Footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> perhaps in the -hands of the descendants of the principal original colonists, who -partitioned among themselves the territory with its Mariandynian -serfs, and who formed a small but rich minority among the total -population. We hear of them as powerful at sea, and as being -able to man, through their numerous serfs, a considerable fleet, -with which they invaded the territory of Leukon prince of the -Kimmerian Bosporus.<a id="FNanchor_1074" href="#Footnote_1074" -class="fnanchor">[1074]</a> They were also engaged in land-war with -Mithridates,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_461">[p. 461]</span> a -prince of the ancient Persian family established as district rulers -in Northern Kappadokia.<a id="FNanchor_1075" href="#Footnote_1075" -class="fnanchor">[1075]</a></p> - -<p>Towards 380-370 <small>B. C.</small>, the Herakleots became -disturbed by violent party-contentions within the city. As far as we -can divine from a few obscure hints, these contentions began among -the oligarchy themselves;<a id="FNanchor_1076" href="#Footnote_1076" -class="fnanchor">[1076]</a> some of whom opposed, and partially -threw open, a close political monopoly—yet not without a struggle, -in the course of which an energetic citizen named Klearchus was -banished. Presently however the contest assumed larger dimensions; -the plebs sought admission into the constitution, and are even said -to have required abolition of debts with a redivision of the lands.<a -id="FNanchor_1077" href="#Footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> -A democratical constitution was established; but it was speedily -menaced by conspiracies of the rich, to guard against which, the -classification of the citizens was altered. Instead of three tribes, -and four centuries, all were distributed anew into sixty-four -centuries; the tribes being discontinued. It would appear that in the -original four centuries, the rich men had been so enrolled as to form -separate military divisions (probably their rustic serfs being armed -along with them)—-while the three tribes had contained all the rest -of the people; so that the effect of thus multiplying the centuries -was, to divest the rich of their separate military enrolment, -and to disseminate them in many different regiments along with a -greater number of poor.<a id="FNanchor_1078" href="#Footnote_1078" -class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></p> - -<p>Still however the demands of the people were not fully granted, -and dissension continued. Not merely the poorer citizens, but also -the population of serfs—homogeneous, speaking the same language, and -sympathizing with each other, like Helots or<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_462">[p. 462]</span> Penestæ—when once agitated by the hope -of liberty, were with difficulty appeased. The government, though -greatly democratized, found itself unable to maintain tranquillity, -and invoked assistance from without. Application was made first, -to the Athenian Timotheus—next, to the Theban Epaminondas; but -neither of them would interfere—nor was there, indeed, any motive -to tempt them. At length application was made to the exiled citizen -Klearchus.</p> - -<p>This exile, now about forty years of age, intelligent, audacious -and unprincipled, had passed four years at Athens partly in -hearing the lessons of Plato and Isokrates—and had watched with -emulous curiosity the brilliant fortune of the despot Dionysius -at Syracuse, in whom both these philosophers took interest.<a -id="FNanchor_1079" href="#Footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a> -During his banishment, moreover, he had done what was common with -Grecian exiles; he had taken service with the enemy of his native -city, the neighboring prince Mithridates,<a id="FNanchor_1080" -href="#Footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> and probably -enough against the city itself. As an officer, he distinguished -himself much; acquiring renown with the prince and influence<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_463">[p. 463]</span> over the minds of -soldiers. Hence his friends, and a party in Herakleia, became -anxious to recall him, as moderator and protector under the -grievous political discords prevailing. It was the oligarchical -party who invited him to come back, at the head of a body of -troops, as their auxiliary in keeping down the plebs. Klearchus -accepted their invitation; but with the full purpose of making -himself the Dionysius of Herakleia. Obtaining from Mithridates a -powerful body of mercenaries, under secret promise to hold the -city only as his prefect, he marched thither with the proclaimed -purpose of maintaining order, and upholding the government. As -his mercenary soldiers were soon found troublesome companions, -he obtained permission to construct a separate stronghold in -the city, under color of keeping them apart in the stricter -discipline of a barrack.<a id="FNanchor_1081" href="#Footnote_1081" -class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> Having thus secured a strong position, -he invited Mithridates into the city, to receive the promised -possession; but instead of performing this engagement, he detained -the prince as prisoner, and only released him on payment of a -considerable ransom. He next cheated, still more grossly, the -oligarchy who had recalled him; denouncing their past misrule, -declaring himself their mortal enemy, and espousing the pretensions -as well as the antipathies of the plebs. The latter willingly -seconded him in his measures—even extreme measures of cruelty and -spoliation—against their political enemies. A large number of -the rich were killed, imprisoned, or impoverished and banished; -their slaves or serfs, too, were not only manumitted by order of -the new despot, but also married to the wives and daughters of -the exiles. The most tragical scenes arose out of these forced -marriages; many of the women even killed themselves, some after -having first killed their new husbands. Among the exiles, a party, -driven to despair, procured assistance from without, and tried to -obtain by force readmittance into the city; but they were totally -defeated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_464">[p. 464]</span> -by Klearchus, who after this victory became more brutal and -unrelenting than ever.<a id="FNanchor_1082" href="#Footnote_1082" -class="fnanchor">[1082]</a></p> - -<p>He was now in irresistible power; despot of the whole city, plebs -as well as oligarchy. Such he continued to be for twelve years; -during which he displayed great warlike energy against exterior -enemies, together with unabated cruelty towards the citizens. He -farther indulged in the most overweening insolence of personal -demeanor, adopting an Oriental costume and ornaments, and proclaiming -himself the son of Zeus—as Alexander the Great did after him. Amidst -all these enormities, however, his literary tastes did not forsake -him; he collected a library, at that time a very rare possession.<a -id="FNanchor_1083" href="#Footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a> -Many were the conspiracies attempted by suffering citizens against -this tyrant; but his vigilance baffled and punished all. At length -two young men, Chion and Leonidas (they too having been among the -hearers of Plato), found an opportunity to stab him at a Dionysiac -festival. They, with those who seconded them, were slain by his -guards, after a gallant resistance; but Klearchus himself died of -the wound, in torture and mental remorse.<a id="FNanchor_1084" -href="#Footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a></p> - -<p>His death unfortunately brought no relief to the Herakleots. The -two sons whom he left, Timotheus and Dionysius, were both minors; but -his brother Satyrus, administering in their name, grasped the sceptre -and continued the despotism, with cruelty not merely undiminished, -but even aggravated and sharpened by the past assassination. Not -inferior to his predecessor in energy and vigilance, Satyrus was in -this respect different, that he was altogether rude and unlettered. -Moreover he was rigidly scrupulous in preserving the crown for his -brother’s children, as soon as they should be of age. To ensure to -them an undisturbed succession, he took every precaution to avoid -begetting children of his own by his wife.<a id="FNanchor_1085" -href="#Footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> After a rule of -seven years, Satyrus died of a lingering and painful distemper.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_465">[p. 465]</span>The government -of Herakleia now devolved on Timotheus, who exhibited a contrast, -alike marked and beneficent, with his father and uncle. Renouncing -all their cruelty and constraint, he set at liberty every man whom he -found in prison. He was strict in dispensing justice, but mild and -even liberal in all his dealings towards the citizens. At the same -time, he was a man of adventurous courage, carrying on successful -war against foreign enemies, and making his power respected all -round. With his younger brother Dionysius, he maintained perfect -harmony, treating him as an equal and partner. Though thus using -his power generously towards the Herakleots, he was, however, still -a despot, and retained the characteristic marks of despotism—the -strong citadel, fortified separately from the town, with a commanding -mercenary force. After a reign of about nine years, he died, deeply -mourned by every one.<a id="FNanchor_1086" href="#Footnote_1086" -class="fnanchor">[1086]</a></p> - -<p>Dionysius, who succeeded him, fell upon unsettled times, full -both of hope and fear; opening chances of aggrandizement, yet -with many new dangers and uncertainties. The sovereignty which he -inherited doubtless included, not simply the city of Herakleia, -but also foreign dependencies and possessions in its<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_466">[p. 466]</span> neighborhood; for -his three predecessors<a id="FNanchor_1087" href="#Footnote_1087" -class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> had been all enterprising chiefs, -commanding a considerable aggressive force. At the commencement of -his reign, indeed, the ascendency of Memnon and the Persian force -in the north-western part of Asia Minor was at a higher pitch -than ordinary; it appears too that Klearchus—and probably his -successors also—had always taken care to keep on the best terms -with the Persian court.<a id="FNanchor_1088" href="#Footnote_1088" -class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> But presently came the invasion of -Alexander (334 <small>B. C.</small>), with the battle of the -Granikus, which totally extinguished the Persian power in Asia -Minor, and was followed, after no long interval, by the entire -conquest of the Persian empire. The Persian control being now -removed from Asia Minor—while Alexander with the great Macedonian -force merely passed through it to the east, leaving viceroys behind -him—new hopes of independence or aggrandizement began to arise among -the native princes in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Kappadokia. The -Bithynian prince even contended successfully in the field against -Kalas, who had been appointed by Alexander as satrap in Phrygia.<a -id="FNanchor_1089" href="#Footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a> -The Herakleot Dionysius, on the other hand, enemy by position of -these Bithynians, courted the new Macedonian potentates, playing -his political game with much skill in every way. He kept his forces -well in hand, and his dominions carefully guarded; he ruled in a -mild and popular manner, so as to preserve among the Herakleots -the same feelings of attachment which had been inspired by his -predecessor. While the citizens of the neighboring Sinôpê (as has -been already related) sent their envoys to Darius, Dionysius kept his -eyes upon Alexander; taking care to establish a footing at Pella, -and being peculiarly assiduous in attentions to Alexander’s sister, -the princess Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_1090" href="#Footnote_1090" -class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> He was the better qualified for this -courtly service, as he was a man of elegant and ostentatious -tastes, and had purchased from his namesake, the fallen Syracusan -Dionysius, all the rich furniture of the Dionysian family, highly -available for presents.<a id="FNanchor_1091" href="#Footnote_1091" -class="fnanchor">[1091]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_467">[p. 467]</span>By the favor -of Antipater and the regency at Pella, the Herakleotic despot was -enabled both to maintain and extend his dominions, until the return -of Alexander to Susa and Babylon in 324 <small>B. C.</small> -All other authority was now superseded by the personal will of the -omnipotent conqueror; who, mistrusting all his delegates—Antipater, -the princesses, and the satraps—listened readily to complainants -from all quarters, and took particular pride in espousing the -pretensions of Grecian exiles. I have already recounted how in June -324 <small>B. C.</small>, Alexander promulgated at the Olympic -festival a sweeping edict, directing that in every Grecian city the -exiles should be restored—by force, if force was required. Among -the various Grecian exiles, those from Herakleia were not backward -in soliciting his support, to obtain their own restoration, as -well as the expulsion of the despot. As they were entitled, along -with others, to the benefit of the recent edict, the position of -Dionysius became one of extreme danger. He now reaped the full -benefit of his antecedent prudence, in having maintained both his -popularity with the Herakleots at home, and his influence with -Antipater, to whom the enforcement of the edict was entrusted. He -was thus enabled to ward off the danger for a time; and his good -fortune rescued him from it altogether, by the death of Alexander -in June 323 <small>B. C.</small> That event, coming as it did -unexpectedly upon every one, filled Dionysius with such extravagant -joy, that he fell into a swoon: and he commemorated it by erecting -a statue in honor of Euthymia, or the tranquillizing goddess. His -position however seemed again precarious, when the Herakleotic exiles -renewed their solicitations to Perdikkas: who favored their cause, -and might probably have restored them, if he had chosen to direct -his march towards the Hellespont against Antipater and Kraterus, -instead of undertaking the ill-advised expedition against Egypt, -wherein he perished.<a id="FNanchor_1092" href="#Footnote_1092" -class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></p> - -<p>The tide of fortune now turned more than ever in favor of -Dionysius. With Antipater and Kraterus, the preponderant potentates -in his neighborhood, he was on the best terms; and it happened -at this juncture to suit the political views of Kraterus to -dismiss his Persian wife Amastris (niece of the late Persian<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_468">[p. 468]</span> king Darius, and -conferred upon Kraterus by Alexander when he himself married -Statira), for the purpose of espousing Phila daughter of Antipater. -Amastris was given in marriage to Dionysius; for him, a splendid -exaltation—attesting the personal influence which he had previously -acquired. His new wife, herself a woman of ability and energy, -brought to him a large sum from the regal treasure, as well as -the means of greatly extending his dominion round Herakleia. -Noway corrupted by this good fortune, he still persevered both in -his conciliating rule at home, and his prudent alliances abroad, -making himself especially useful to Antigonus. That great chief, -preponderant throughout most parts of Asia Minor, was establishing -his ascendency in Bithynia and the neighborhood of the Propontis, -by founding the city of Antigonia in the rich plain adjoining -the Askanian Lake.<a id="FNanchor_1093" href="#Footnote_1093" -class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> Dionysius lent effective maritime aid -to Antigonus, in that war which ended by his conquest of Cyprus -from the Egyptian Ptolemy (307 <small>B. C.</small>) To the -other Ptolemy, nephew and general of Antigonus, Dionysius gave his -daughter in marriage; and even felt himself powerful enough to assume -the title of king, after Antigonus, Lysimachus, and the Egyptian -Ptolemy had done the like.<a id="FNanchor_1094" href="#Footnote_1094" -class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> He died, after reigning thirty years -with consummate political skill and uninterrupted prosperity—except -that during the last few years he lost his health from excessive -corpulence.<a id="FNanchor_1095" href="#Footnote_1095" -class="fnanchor">[1095]</a></p> - -<p>Dionysius left three children under age—Klearchus, Oxathres and -a daughter—by his wife Amastris; whom he constituted regent, and -who, partly through the cordial support of Antigonus, maintained -the Herakleotic dominion unimpaired. Presently Lysimachus, king -of Thrace and of the Thracian Chersonese (on the isthmus of -which he had founded the city of Lysimacheia), coveted this as a -valuable alliance, paid his court to Amastris, and married her. The -Herakleotic queen thus enjoyed double protection, and was enabled -to avoid taking a part in the formidable conflict of Ipsus (300 -<small>B. C.</small>); wherein the allies Lysimachus, Kassander, -Ptolemy, and Seleukus were victorious<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_469">[p. 469]</span> over Antigonus. The latter being -slain, and his Asiatic power crushed, Lysimachus got possession -of Antigonia, the recent foundation of his rival in Bithynia, and -changed its name to Nikæa.<a id="FNanchor_1096" href="#Footnote_1096" -class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> After a certain time, however, Lysimachus -became desirous of marrying Arsinoê, daughter of the Egyptian -Ptolemy; accordingly, Amastris divorced herself from him, and set up -for herself separately as regent of Herakleia. Her two sons being -now nearly of age, she founded and fortified, for her own residence, -the neighboring city of Amastris, about sixty miles eastward -of Herakleia on the coast of the Euxine.<a id="FNanchor_1097" -href="#Footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a> These young men, -Klearchus and Oxathres, assumed the government of Herakleia, and -entered upon various warlike enterprises; of which we know only, that -Klearchus accompanied Lysimachus in his expedition against the Getæ, -sharing the fate of that prince, who was defeated and taken prisoner. -Both afterwards obtained their release, and Klearchus returned -to Herakleia; where he ruled in a cruel and oppressive manner, -and even committed the enormity (in conjunction with his brother -Oxathres) of killing his mother Amastris. This crime was avenged -by her former husband Lysimachus; who, coming to Herakleia under -professions of friendship (<small>B. C.</small> 286), caused -Klearchus and Oxathres to be put to death, seized their treasure, -and keeping separate possession of the citadel only, allowed the -Herakleots to establish a popular government.<a id="FNanchor_1098" -href="#Footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a></p> - -<p>Lysimachus, however, was soon persuaded by his wife Arsinoê -to make over Herakleia to her, as it had been formerly possessed -by Amastris; and Arsinoê sent thither a Kymæan officer named -Herakleides, who carried with him force sufficient to re-establish -the former despotism, with its oppressions and cruelties. For other -purposes too, not less mischievous, the influence of Arsinoê was -all-powerful. She prevailed upon Lysimachus to kill his eldest -son (by a former marriage) Agathokles, a young prince of the most -estimable and eminent qualities. Such an<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_470">[p. 470]</span> atrocity, exciting universal abhorrence -among the subjects of Lysimachus, enabled his rival Seleukus to -attack him with success. In a great battle fought between these two -princes, Lysimachus was defeated and slain—by the hand and javelin -of a citizen of Herakleia, named Malakon.<a id="FNanchor_1099" -href="#Footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a></p> - -<p>This victory transferred the dominions of the vanquished prince -to Seleukus. At Herakleia too, its effect was so powerful, that the -citizens were enabled to shake off their despotism. They at first -tried to make terms with the governor Herakleides, offering him money -as an inducement to withdraw. From him they obtained only an angry -refusal; yet his subordinate officers of mercenaries, and commanders -of detached posts in the Herakleotic territory, mistrusting their -own power of holding out, accepted an amicable compromise with the -citizens, who tendered to them full liquidation of arrears of pay, -together with the citizenship. The Herakleots were this enabled -to discard Herakleides, and regain their popular government. -They signalized their revolution by the impressive ceremony of -demolishing their Bastile—the detached fort or stronghold within the -city, which had served for eighty-four years as the characteristic -symbol, and indispensable engine, of the antecedent despotism.<a -id="FNanchor_1100" href="#Footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a> -The city, now again a free commonwealth, was farther reinforced -by the junction of Nymphis (the historian) and other Herakleotic -citizens, who had hitherto been in exile. These men were restored, -and welcomed by their fellow-citizens in full friendship and -harmony; yet with express proviso, that no demand should be made -for the restitution of their properties, long since confiscated.<a -id="FNanchor_1101" href="#Footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a> -To the victor Seleukus, however, and his officer Aphrodisius, the -bold bearing of the newly-emancipated Herakleots proved offensive. -They would probably have incurred great danger from him, had not -his mind been first set upon the conquest of Macedonia in the -accomplishment of which he was murdered by Ptolemy Keraunus.</p> - -<p>The Herakleots thus became again a commonwealth of free citizens, -without any detached citadel or mercenary garrison; yet they lost, -seemingly through the growing force and aggres<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_471">[p. 471]</span>sions of some inland dynasts, several -of their outlying dependencies—Kierus, Tium, and Amastris. The two -former they recovered some time afterwards by purchase, and they -wished also to purchase back Amastris; but Eumenes, who held it, -hated them so much, that he repudiated their money, and handed over -the place gratuitously to the Kappadokian chief Ariobarzanes.<a -id="FNanchor_1102" href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a> -That their maritime power was at this time very great, we may see -by the astonishing account given of their immense ships,—numerously -manned, and furnished with many brave combatants on the deck—which -fought with eminent distinction in the naval battle between -Ptolemy Keraunus (murderer and successor of Seleukus) and -Antigonus Gonatas.<a id="FNanchor_1103" href="#Footnote_1103" -class="fnanchor">[1103]</a></p> - -<p>It is not my purpose to follow lower down the destinies of -Herakleia. It maintained its internal autonomy, with considerable -maritime power, a dignified and prudent administration, and -a partial, though sadly circumscribed, liberty of foreign -action—until the successful war of the Romans against Mithridates -(<small>B. C.</small> 69). In Asia Minor, the Hellenic -cities on the coast were partly enabled to postpone the epoch of -their subjugation, by the great division of power which prevailed -in the interior; for the potentates, of Bithynia, Pergamus, -Kappadokia, Pontus, Syria, were in almost perpetual discord—while -all of them were menaced by the intrusion of the warlike and -predatory Gauls, who extorted for themselves settlements in -Galatia (<small>B. C.</small> 276). The kings, the enemies -of civic freedom, were kept partially in check by these new and -formidable neighbors,<a id="FNanchor_1104" href="#Footnote_1104" -class="fnanchor">[1104]</a> who were themselves however hardly less -formidable to the Grecian cities on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_1105" -href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> Sinôpê, -Herakleia, Byzantium,—and even Rhodes, in<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_472">[p. 472]</span> spite of the advantage of an -insular position,—isolated relics of what had once been an -Hellenic aggregate, become from henceforward cribbed and confined -by inland neighbors almost at their gates<a id="FNanchor_1106" -href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a>—dependent on the -barbaric potentates, between whom they were compelled to trim, making -themselves useful in turn to all. It was however frequent with these -barbaric princes to derive their wives, mistresses, ministers, -negotiators, officers, engineers, literati, artists, actors, and -intermediate agents both for ornament and recreation—from some Greek -city. Among them all, more or less of Hellenic influence became thus -insinuated; along with the Greek language which spread its roots -everywhere—even among the Gauls or Galatians, the rudest and latest -of the foreign immigrants.</p> - -<p>Of the Grecian maritime towns in the Euxine south of the -Danube—Apollonia, Mesembria, Odêssus, Kallatis, Tomi, and Istrus—five -(seemingly without Tomi) formed a confederate Pentapolis.<a -id="FNanchor_1107" href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a> -About the year 312 <small>B. C.</small>, we hear of them as -under the power of Lysimachus king of Thrace, who kept a garrison -in Kallatis—probably in the rest also. They made a strug<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_473">[p. 473]</span>gle to shake off his -yoke, obtaining assistance from some of the neighboring Thracians -and Scythians, as well as from Antigonus. But Lysimachus, after a -contest which seems to have lasted three or four years, overpowered -both their allies and them, reducing them again into subjection.<a -id="FNanchor_1108" href="#Footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a> -Kallatis sustained a long siege, dismissing some of its ineffective -residents; who were received and sheltered by Eumelus prince of -Bosporus. It was in pushing his conquests yet farther northward, in -the steppe between the rivers Danube and Dniester, that Lysimachus -came into conflict with the powerful prince of the Getæ—Dromichætes; -by whom he was defeated and captured, but generously released.<a -id="FNanchor_1109" href="#Footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> -I have already mentioned that the empire of Lysimachus ended with his -last defeat and death by Seleukus—(281 <small>B. C.</small>). By -his death, the cities of the Pontic Pentapolis regained a temporary -independence. But their barbaric neighbors became more and more -formidable, being reinforced seemingly by immigration of fresh -hordes from Asia; thus the Sarmatians, who in Herodotus’s time were -on the east of the Tanais, appear, three centuries afterwards, even -south of the Danube. By these tribes—Thracians, Getæ, Scythians, and -Sarmatians—the Greek cities of this Pentapolis were successively -pillaged. Though renewed indeed afterwards, from the necessity of -some place of traffic, even for the pillagers themselves—they were -but poorly renewed, with a large infusion of barbaric residents.<a -id="FNanchor_1110" href="#Footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a> -Such was the condition in which the exile Ovid found Tomi, near the -beginning of the Christian era. The Tomitans were more than half -barbaric, and their Greek not easily intelligible. The Sarmatian or -Getic horse-bowmen, with their poisoned arrows, ever hovered near, -galloped even up to the gates, and carried off the unwary cultivators -into slavery. Even within a furlong of the town, there was no -security either for person or property. The<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_474">[p. 474]</span> residents were clothed in skins, or -leather; while the women, ignorant both of spinning and weaving, -were employed either in grinding corn or in carrying on their heads -the pitchers of water.<a id="FNanchor_1111" href="#Footnote_1111" -class="fnanchor">[1111]</a></p> - -<p>By these same barbarians, Olbia also (on the right bank of -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_475">[p. 475]</span> Hypanis or -Bug near its mouth) became robbed of that comfort and prosperity -which it had enjoyed when visited by Herodotus. In his day, the -Olbians lived on good terms with the Scythian tribes in their -neighborhood. They paid a stipulated tribute, giving presents besides -to the prince and his immediate favorites; and on these conditions, -their persons and properties were respected. The Scythian prince -Skylês (son of an Hellenic mother from Istrus, who had familiarized -him with Greek speech and letters) had built a fine house in the -town, and spent in it a month, from attachment to Greek manners -and religion, while his Scythian army lay near the gates without -molesting any one.<a id="FNanchor_1112" href="#Footnote_1112" -class="fnanchor">[1112]</a> It is true, that this proceeding cost -Skylês his life; for the Scythians would not tolerate their own -prince in the practice of foreign religious rites, though they did -not quarrel with the same rites when observed by the Greeks.<a -id="FNanchor_1113" href="#Footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> -To their own customs the Scythians adhered tenaciously, and those -customs were often sanguinary, ferocious, and brutish. Still they -were warriors, rather than robbers—they abstained from habitual -pillage, and maintained with the Greeks a reputation for honesty -and fair dealing, which became proverbial with the early poets. -Such were the Scythians as seen by Herodotus (probably about -440 to 430 <small>B. C.</small>); and the picture drawn by -Ephorus a century afterwards (about 340 <small>B. C.</small>), -appears to have been not materially different.<a id="FNanchor_1114" -href="#Footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a> But after that -time it gradually altered. New tribes seem to have come in—the -Sarmatians out of the East—the Gauls out of the West; from Thrace -northward to the Tanais and the Palus Mæotis, the most different -tribes became intermingled—Gauls, Thracians, Getæ, Scythians, -Sarmatians, etc.<a id="FNanchor_1115" href="#Footnote_1115" -class="fnanchor">[1115]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_476">[p. -476]</span> Olbia was in an open plain, with no defence except its -walls and the adjoining river Hypanis, frozen over in the winter. The -hybrid Helleno-Scythian race, formed by intermarriages of Greeks with -Scythians—and the various Scythian tribes who had become partially -sedentary cultivators of corn for exportation—had probably also -acquired habits less warlike than the tribes of primitive barbaric -type. At any rate, even if capable of defending themselves, they -could not continue their production and commerce under repeated -hostile incursions.</p> - -<p>A valuable inscription remaining enables us to compare the -Olbia (or Borysthenes) seen by Herodotus, with the same town in -the second century <small>B. C.</small><a id="FNanchor_1116" -href="#Footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> At this latter -period, the city was diminished in population, impoverished in -finances, exposed to constantly increasing exactions and menace from -the passing barbaric hordes, and scarcely able to defend against -them even the security of its walls. Sometimes there approached -the barbaric chief Saitapharnes with his personal suite, sometimes -his whole tribe or horde in mass, called Saii. Whenever they -came, they required to be appeased by presents, greater than the -treasury could supply, and borrowed only from the voluntary help of -rich<span class="pagenum" id="Page_477">[p. 477]</span> citizens; -while even these presents did not always avert ill treatment or -pillage. Already the citizens of Olbia had repelled various attacks, -partly by taking into pay a semi-Hellenic population in their -neighborhood (Mix-Hellenes, like the Liby-Phenicians in Africa); but -the inroads became more alarming, and their means of defence less, -through the uncertain fidelity of these Mix-Hellenes, as well as -of their own slaves—the latter probably barbaric natives purchased -from the interior.<a id="FNanchor_1117" href="#Footnote_1117" -class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> In the midst of public poverty, it was -necessary to enlarge and strengthen the fortifications; for they were -threatened with the advent of the Gauls—who inspired such terror that -the Scythians and other barbarians were likely to seek their own -safety by extorting admission within the walls of Olbia. Moreover -even corn was scarce, and extravagantly dear. There had been repeated -failures in the produce of the lands around, famine was apprehended, -and efforts were needed, greater than the treasury could sustain, -to lay in a stock at the public expense. Among the many points of -contrast with Herodotus, this is perhaps the most striking; for in -his time, corn was the great produce and the principal export from -Olbia; the growth had now been suspended, or was at least perpetually -cut off, by increased devastation and insecurity.</p> - -<p>After perpetual attacks, and even several captures, by -barbaric neighbors—this unfortunate city, about fifty years -before the Christian era, was at length so miserably sacked by -the Getæ, as to become for a time abandoned.<a id="FNanchor_1118" -href="#Footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> Presently, -however, the fugitives partially returned, to re-establish -themselves on a reduced scale. For the very same barbarians who -had persecuted and plundered them, still required an emporium with -a certain amount of import and export, such as none but Greek -settlers could provide; moreover it was from the coast near Olbia, -and from care of its inhabitants, that many of the neigh<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_478">[p. 478]</span>boring tribes derived -their supply of salt.<a id="FNanchor_1119" href="#Footnote_1119" -class="fnanchor">[1119]</a> Hence arose a puny after-growth of -Olbia—preserving the name, traditions, and part of the locality, of -the deserted city—by the return of a portion of the colonists with an -infusion of Scythian or Sarmatian residents; an infusion indeed so -large, as seriously to dishellenize both the speech and the personal -names in the town.<a id="FNanchor_1120" href="#Footnote_1120" -class="fnanchor">[1120]</a></p> - -<p>To this second edition of Olbia, the rhetor Dion Chrysostom -paid a summer visit (about a century after the Christian era), of -which he has left a brief but interesting account. Within the wide -area once filled by the original Olbia—the former circumference -of which was marked by crumbling walls and towers—the second town -occupied a narrow corner; with poor houses, low walls, and temples -having no other ornament except the ancient statues mutilated -by the plunderers. The citizens dwelt in perpetual insecurity, -constantly under arms or on guard; for the barbaric horsemen, -in spite of sentinels posted to announce their approach, often -carried off prisoners, cattle, or property, from the immediate -neighborhood of the gates. The picture drawn of Olbia by Dion -confirms in a remarkable way that given of Tomi by Ovid. And what -imparts to it a touching interest is, that the Greeks whom Dion saw -contending with the difficulties, privations, and dangers of this -inhospitable outpost, still retained the activity, the elegance, and -the intellectual aspirations of their Ionic breed; in this respect -much superior to the Tomitans of Ovid. In particular, they were -passionate admirers of Homer; a considerable proportion of the Greeks -of Olbia could repeat the Iliad from memory.<a id="FNanchor_1121" -href="#Footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> Achilles -(localized under<span class="pagenum" id="Page_479">[p. 479]</span> -the surname of Pontarches, on numerous islands and capes in the -Euxine) was among the chief divine or heroic persons to whom they -addressed their prayers.<a id="FNanchor_1122" href="#Footnote_1122" -class="fnanchor">[1122]</a> Amidst Grecian life, thus degraded and -verging towards its extinction, and stripped even of the purity of -living speech—the thread of imaginative and traditional sentiment -thus continues without suspension or abatement.</p> - -<p>Respecting Bosporus or Pantikapæum (for both names denote the -same city, though the former name often comprehends the whole -annexed dominion), founded by Milesian settlers<a id="FNanchor_1123" -href="#Footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> on the European -side of the Kimmerian Bosporus (near Kertsch), we first hear, -about the period when Xerxes was repulsed from Greece (480-479 -<small>B. C.</small>). It was the centre of a dominion -including Phanagoria, Kepi, Hermonassa, and other Greek cities on -the Asiatic side of the strait; and is said to have been governed -by what seems to have been an oligarchy—called the Archæanaktidæ, -for forty-two years<a id="FNanchor_1124" href="#Footnote_1124" -class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> (480-438 <small>B. C.</small>).</p> - -<p>After them we have a series of princes standing out -individually by name, and succeeding each other in the same -family. Spartokus I. was succeeded by Seleukus; next comes -Spartokus II.; then Satyrus I. (407-393 <small>B. C.</small>); -Leukon (393-353 <small>B. C.</small>); Spartokus III. -(353-348 <small>B. C.</small>); Parisades I. (348-310 -<small>B. C.</small>); Satyrus II., Prytanis, Eumelus -(310-304 <small>B. C.</small>); Spartokus IV. (304-284 -<small>B. C.</small>); Parisades II.<a id="FNanchor_1125" -href="#Footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a> During the reigns -of these princes, a connection of some intimacy subsisted between -Athens and Bosporus; a connection not political, since the Bosporanic -princes had little interest in the contentions about Hellenic -hegemony—but of private intercourse, commercial interchange, and -reciprocal good offices. The eastern corner of the Tauric Cher<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_480">[p. 480]</span>sonesus, between -Pantikapæum and Theodosia, was well-suited for the production of -corn; while plenty of fish, as well as salt, was to be had in or -near the Palus Mæotis. Corn, salted fish and meat, hides, and -barbaric slaves in considerable numbers, were in demand among all -the Greeks round the Ægean, and not least at Athens, where Scythian -slaves were numerous;<a id="FNanchor_1126" href="#Footnote_1126" -class="fnanchor">[1126]</a> while oil and wine, with other products -of more southern regions, were acceptable in Bosporus and the other -Pontic ports. This important traffic seems to have been mainly -carried on in ships and by capital belonging to Athens and other -Ægean maritime towns; and must have been greatly under the protection -and regulation of the Athenians, so long as their maritime empire -subsisted. Enterprising citizens of Athens went to Bosporus (as -to Thrace and the Thracian Chersonesus), to push their fortunes; -merchants from other cities found it advantageous to settle as -resident strangers or metics at Athens, where they were more in -contact with the protecting authority, and obtained readier access to -the judicial tribunals. It was probably during the period preceding -the great disaster at Syracuse in 413 <small>B. C.</small>, that -Athens first acquired her position as a mercantile centre for the -trade with the Euxine; which we afterwards find her retaining, even -with reduced power, in the time of Demosthenes.</p> - -<p>How strong was the position enjoyed by Athens in Bosporus, during -her unimpaired empire, we may judge from the fact, that Nymphæum -(south of Pantikapæum, between that town and Theodosia) was among -her tributary towns, and paid a talent an<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_481">[p. 481]</span>nually.<a id="FNanchor_1127" -href="#Footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a> Not until the -misfortunes of Athens in the closing years of the Peloponnesian war, -did Nymphæum pass into the hands of the Bosporanic princes; betrayed -(according to Æschines) by the maternal grandfather of Demosthenes, -the Athenian Gylon; who however probably did nothing more than obey a -necessity rendered unavoidable by the fallen condition of Athens.<a -id="FNanchor_1128" href="#Footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a> -We thus see that Nymphæum, in the midst of the Bosporanic dominion, -was not only a member of the Athenian empire, but also contained -influential Athenian citizens, engaged in the corn-trade. Gylon -was rewarded by a large grant of land at Kepi—probably other -Athenians of Nymphæum were rewarded also—by the Bosporanic prince; -who did not grudge a good price for such an acquisition. We find -also other instances,—both of Athenian citizens sent out to reside -with the prince Satyrus,—and of Pontic Greeks who, already in -correspondence and friendship with various individual Athenians, -consign their sons to be initiated in the commerce, society, and -refinements of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_1129" href="#Footnote_1129" -class="fnanchor">[1129]</a> Such facts attest the correspondence -and intercourse of that city, during her imperial greatness, with -Bosporus.</p> - -<p>The Bosporanic prince Satyrus was in the best relations with -Athens, and even seems to have had authorized representatives there -to enforce his requests, which met with very great attention.<a -id="FNanchor_1130" href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> -He treated the Athenian merchants at Bosporus with<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_482">[p. 482]</span> equity and even favor, -granting to them a preference in the export of corn when there was -not enough for all.<a id="FNanchor_1131" href="#Footnote_1131" -class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> His son Leukon not only continued the -preference to Athenian exporting ships, but also granted to them -remission of the export duty (of one-thirtieth part), which he -exacted from all other traders. Such an exemption is reckoned as -equivalent to an annual present of 13,000 medimni of corn (the -medimnus being about 1⅓ bushel); the total quantity of corn brought -from Bosporus to Athens in a full year being 400,000 medimni.<a -id="FNanchor_1132" href="#Footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> -It is easy to see moreover that such a premium must have thrown -nearly the whole exporting trade into the hands of Athenian -merchants. The Athenians requited this favor by public votes of -gratitude and honor, conferring upon Leukon the citizenship, together -with immunity from all the regular burthens attaching to property at -Athens. There was lying in that city money belonging to Leukon;<a -id="FNanchor_1133" href="#Footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a> -who was therefore open (under the proposition of Leptines) to that -conditional summons for exchange of properties, technically termed -Antidosis. In his time, moreover, the corn-trade of Bosporus appears -to have been farther extended; for we learn that he established an -export from Theodosia as well as from Pantikapæum. His successor -Parisades I. continuing to Athenian exporters of corn the same -privilege of immunity from export duty, obtained from Athens still -higher honors than Leukon; for we learn that his statue, together -with those of two relatives, was erected in the agora, on the -motion of Demosthenes.<a id="FNanchor_1134" href="#Footnote_1134" -class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> The connection of Bosporus with -Athens was durable as well as intimate; its corn-trade being of -high importance to the subsistence of the people. Every Athenian -exporter was bound by law to bring his cargo in the first instance -to Athens. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_483">[p. 483]</span> -freighting and navigating of ships for that purpose, together with -the advance of money by rich capitalists (citizens and metics) -upon interest and conditions enforced by the Athenian judicature, -was a standing and profitable business. And we may appreciate the -value of equitable treatment, not to say favor, from the kings of -Bosporus—when we contrast it with the fraudulent and extortionate -behavior of Kleomenes, satrap of Egypt, in reference to the export -of Egyptian corn.<a id="FNanchor_1135" href="#Footnote_1135" -class="fnanchor">[1135]</a></p> - -<p>The political condition of the Greeks at Bosporus was somewhat -peculiar. The hereditary princes (above enumerated), who ruled -them substantially as despots, assumed no other title (in respect -to the Greeks) than that of Archon. They paid tribute to the -powerful Scythian tribes who bounded them on the European side, -and even thought it necessary to carry a ditch across the narrow -isthmus, from some point near Theodosia northward to the Palus -Mæotis, as a protection against incursions.<a id="FNanchor_1136" -href="#Footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a> Their dominion -did not extend farther west than Theodosia; this ditch was their -extreme western boundary; and even for the land within it, they paid -tribute. But on the Asiatic side of the strait, they were lords -paramount for a considerable distance, over the feebler and less -warlike tribes who pass under the common name of Mæotæ or Mæêtae—the -Sindi, Toreti, Dandarii, Thatês, etc. Inscriptions, yet remaining, -of Parisades I. record him as King of these various barbaric tribes, -but as Archon of Bosporus and Theodosia.<a id="FNanchor_1137" -href="#Footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a> His dominion on -the Asiatic side of the Kimmerian Bosporus, sustained by Grecian and -Thracian mercenaries, was of considerable (though to us un<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_484">[p. 484]</span>known) extent, reaching -to somewhere near the borders of Caucasus.<a id="FNanchor_1138" -href="#Footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></p> - -<p>Parisades I. on his death left three sons—Satyrus, Prytanis, -and Eumelus. Satyrus, as the eldest, succeeded; but Eumelus -claimed the crown, sought aid without, and prevailed on various -neighbors—among them a powerful Thracian king named Ariopharnes—to -espouse his cause. At the head of an army said to consist of -20,000 horse and 22,000 foot, the two allies marched to attack -the territories of Satyrus, who advanced to meet them, with 2000 -Grecian mercenaries, and 2000 Thracians of his own, reinforced by -a numerous body of Scythian allies—20,000 foot, and 10,000 horse, -and carrying with him a plentiful supply of provisions in waggons. -He gained a complete victory, compelling Eumelus and Ariopharnes -to retreat and seek refuge in the regal residence of the latter, -near the river Thapsis; a fortress built of timber, and surrounded -with forest, river, marsh, and rock, so as to be very difficult -of approach. Satyrus, having first plundered the country around, -which supplied a rich booty of prisoners and cattle, proceeded to -assail his enemies in their almost impracticable position. But -though he, and Meniskus his general of mercenaries, made the most -strenuous efforts, and even carried some of the outworks, they were -repulsed from the fortress itself; and Satyrus, exposing himself -forwardly to extricate Meniskus, received a wound of which he shortly -died—after a reign of nine months. Meniskus, raising the siege, -withdrew the army to Gargaza; from whence he conveyed back the regal -corpse to Pantikapæum.<a id="FNanchor_1139" href="#Footnote_1139" -class="fnanchor">[1139]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_485">[p. 485]</span>Prytanis, the -next brother, rejecting an offer of partition tendered by Eumelus, -assumed the sceptre, and marched forth to continue the struggle. -But the tide of fortune now turned in favor of Eumelus; who took -Gargaza with several other places, worsted his brother in battle, -and so blocked him up in the isthmus near the Palus Mæotis, that -he was forced to capitulate and resign his pretensions. Eumelus -entered Pantikapæum as conqueror. Nevertheless, the defeated -Prytanis, in spite of his recent covenant, made a renewed attempt -upon the crown; wherein he was again baffled, forced to escape to -Kêpi, and there slain. To assure himself of the throne, Eumelus put -to death the wives and children of both his two brothers, Satyrus -and Prytanis—together with all their principal friends. One youth -alone—Parisades, son of Satyrus—escaped and found protection with the -Scythian prince Agarus.</p> - -<p>Eumelus had now put down all rivals; yet his recent cruelties -had occasioned wrath and disgust among the Bosporanic citizens. He -convoked them in assembly, to excuse his past conduct, and promised -good government for the future; at the same time guaranteeing to them -their full civic constitution, with such privileges and immunities -as they had before enjoyed, and freedom from direct taxation.<a -id="FNanchor_1140" href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a> -Such assurances, combined probably with an imposing mercenary force, -appeased or at least silenced the prevailing disaffection. Eumelus -kept his promises so far as to govern in a mild and popular spirit. -While thus rendering himself acceptable at home, he maintained -an energetic foreign policy, and made several conquests among -the surrounding tribes.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_486">[p. -486]</span> He constituted himself a sort of protector of the -Euxine, repressing the piracies of the Heniochi and Achæi (among -the Caucasian mountains to the east) as well as of the Tauri in the -Chersonesus (Crimea); much to the satisfaction of the Byzantines, -Sinopians, and other Pontic Greeks. He received a portion of the -fugitives from Kallatis, when besieged by Lysimachus, and provided -for them a settlement in his dominions. Having thus acquired -great reputation, Eumelus was in the full career of conquest and -aggrandizement, when an accident terminated his life, after a -reign of rather more than five years. In returning from Scythia to -Pantikapæum, in a four-wheeled carriage (or waggon) and four with -a tent upon it, his horses took fright and ran away. Perceiving -that they were carrying him towards a precipice, he tried to -jump out; but his sword becoming entangled in the wheel, he was -killed on the spot.<a id="FNanchor_1141" href="#Footnote_1141" -class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> He was succeeded by his son Spartokus -IV., who reigned twenty years (304-284 <small>B. C.</small>); -afterwards came the son of Spartokus, Parisades II.; with -whose name our information breaks off.<a id="FNanchor_1142" -href="#Footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a></p> - -<p>This dynasty, the Spartokidæ, though they ruled the Greeks of -Bosporus as despots by means of a foreign mercenary force—yet seem to -have exercised power with equity and moderation.<a id="FNanchor_1143" -href="#Footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a> Had Eumelus lived, -he might probably have established an extensive empire over the -barbaric tribes on all sides of him. But empire over such subjects -was seldom permanent; nor did his successors long maintain even as -much as he left. We have no means of following their fortunes in -detail; but we know that about a century <small>B. C.</small>, -the then reigning prince, Parisades IV., found himself so pressed and -squeezed by the Scythians,<a id="FNanchor_1144" href="#Footnote_1144" -class="fnanchor">[1144]</a> that he was forced (like Olbia -and the Pentapolis) to forego his inde<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_487">[p. 487]</span>pendence; and to call in, as auxiliary -or master, the formidable Mithridates Eupator of Pontus; from whom a -new dynasty of Bosporanic kings began—subject however after no long -interval, to the dominion and interference of Rome.</p> - -<p>These Mithridatic princes lie beyond our period; but the cities -of Bosporus under the Spartokid princes, in the fourth century -<small>B. C.</small>, deserve to be ranked among the conspicuous -features of the living Hellenic world. They were not indeed purely -Hellenic, but presented a considerable admixture of Scythian or -Oriental manners; analogous to the mixture of the Hellenic and -Libyan elements at Kyrênê with its Battiad princes. Among the -facts attesting the wealth and power of these Spartokid princes, -and of the Bosporanic community, we may number the imposing groups -of mighty sepulchral tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapæum); some of -which have been recently examined, while the greater part still -remain unopened. These spacious chambers of stone—enclosed in -vast hillocks (Kurgans), cyclopian works piled up with prodigious -labor and cost—have been found to contain not only a profusion of -ornaments of the precious metals (gold, silver, and electron, or a -mixture of four parts of gold to one of silver), but also numerous -vases, implements, and works of art, illustrating the life and -ideas of the Bosporanic population. “The contents of the tumuli -already opened are so multifarious, that from the sepulchres of -Pantikapæum alone, we might become acquainted with everything which -served the Greeks either for necessary use, or for the decoration -of domestic life.”<a id="FNanchor_1145" href="#Footnote_1145" -class="fnanchor">[1145]</a> Statues, reliefs and frescoes on the -walls, have been found, on varied subjects both of war and peace, and -often of very fine execution; besides these, numerous carvings in -wood, and vessels of bronze or terra cotta; with necklaces, armlets, -bracelets, rings, drinking cups, etc. of precious metal—several with -colored beads attached.<a id="FNanchor_1146" href="#Footnote_1146" -class="fnanchor">[1146]</a> The costumes, equipment, and<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_488">[p. 488]</span> physiognomy -represented, are indeed a mixture of Hellenic and barbaric; moreover, -even the profusion of gold chains and other precious ornaments, -indicates a tone of sentiment partially orientalized, in those for -whom they were destined.</p> - -<p>But the design as well as the execution comes clearly out of the -Hellenic workshop; and there is good ground for believing, that in -the fourth century <small>B. C.</small>, Pantikapæum was the -seat, not only of enterprising and wealthy citizens, but also of -strenuous and well-directed artistic genius. Such manifestations of -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_489">[p. 489]</span> refinements -of Hellenism, in this remote and little-noticed city, form an -important addition to the picture of Hellas as a whole,—prior to its -days of subjection,—which it has been the purpose of this history to -present.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p>I have now brought down the history of Greece to the point -of time marked out in the Preface to my First Volume—the close -of the generation contemporary with Alexander—the epoch, from -whence dates not only the extinction of Grecian political freedom -and self-action, but also the decay of productive genius, and -the debasement of that consummate literary and rhetorical -excellence which the fourth century <small>B. C.</small> had -seen exhibited in Plato and Demosthenes.<a id="FNanchor_1147" -href="#Footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> The contents of -this last Volume indicate but too clearly that Greece as a separate -subject of history no longer exists; for one full half of it is -employed in depicting Alexander and his conquests—ἄγριον αἰχμητὴν, -κρατερὸν μήστωρα φόβοιο<a id="FNanchor_1148" href="#Footnote_1148" -class="fnanchor">[1148]</a>—that Non-Hellenic conqueror into -whose vast possessions the Greeks are absorbed, with their -intellectual brightness bedimmed, their spirit broken, and half -their virtue taken away by Zeus—the melancholy emasculation -inflicted (according to Homer) upon victims overtaken by the -day of slavery.<a id="FNanchor_1149" href="#Footnote_1149" -class="fnanchor">[1149]</a></p> - -<p>One branch of intellectual energy there was, and one alone, which -continued to flourish, comparatively little impaired, under the -preponderance of the Macedonian sword—the spirit of speculation and -philosophy. During the century which we have<span class="pagenum" -id="Page_490">[p. 490]</span> just gone through, this spirit was -embodied in several eminent persons, whose names have been scarcely -adverted to in this history. Among these names, indeed, there are -two, of peculiar grandeur, whom I have brought partially before the -reader, because both of them belong to general history as well as to -philosophy; Plato, as citizen of Athens, companion of Sokrates at -his trial, and counsellor of Dionysius in his glory—Aristotle, as -the teacher of Alexander. I had at one time hoped to include in my -present work a record of them as philosophers also, and an estimate -of their speculative characteristics; but I find the subject far too -vast to be compressed into such a space as this volume would afford. -The exposition of the tenets of distinguished thinkers is not now -numbered by historians, either ancient or modern, among the duties -incumbent upon them, nor yet among the natural expectations of their -readers; but is reserved for the special historian of philosophy. -Accordingly, I have brought my history of Greece to a close, without -attempting to do justice either to Plato or to Aristotle. I hope to -contribute something towards supplying this defect, the magnitude -of which I fully appreciate, in a separate work, devoted specially -to an account of Greek speculative philosophy in the fourth century -<small>B. C.</small></p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - -<div class="section" id="App_98"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_491">[p. 491]</span></p> - <p class="large center g1 mt2"><big>APPENDIX.</big></p> - <p class="center">ON ISSUS AND ITS NEIGHBORHOOD, AS CONNECTED WITH THE WAR.</p> -</div> - -<div class="appendix"> - -<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> exact battle-field of -Issus cannot be certainly assigned, upon the evidence accessible to -us. But it may be determined, within a few miles north or south; and -what is even more important—the general features of the locality, as -well as the preliminary movements of the contending armies, admit of -being clearly conceived and represented.</p> - -<p>That the battle was fought in some portion of the narrow space -intervening between the eastern coast of the Gulf of Issus and the -western flank of Mount Amanus—that Alexander’s left and Darius’s -right, rested on the sea, and their right and left respectively on -the mountain—that Darius came upon Alexander unexpectedly from the -rear, thus causing him to return back a day’s march from Myriandrus, -and to reoccupy a pass which he had already passed through and -quitted—these points are clearly given, and appear to me not open to -question. We know that the river Pinarus, on which the battle was -fought, was at a certain distance <i>south</i> of Issus, the last town of -Kilikia before entering Syria (Arrian, ii. 7. 2)—ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν -προὐχώρει (Darius from Issus) ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Πίναρον—Ritter -erroneously states that Issus was <i>upon</i> the river Pinarus, which -he even calls <i>the Issus river</i> (Erdkunde, Theil iv. Abth. 2. p. -1797-1806). We know also that this river was at some distance <i>north</i> -of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Assyria, through -which Alexander passed and repassed.</p> - -<p>But when we proceed, beyond these data (the last of them only -vague and relative), to fix the exact battle-field, we are reduced to -conjecture. Dr. Thirlwall, in an appendix to the sixth volume of his -history, has collected and discussed very ably the different opinions -of various geographers.</p> - -<p>To those whom he has cited, may be added—Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay -on the Cilician and Syrian Gates (in the Transactions of the -Geographical Society for 1837)—Mützel’s Topographical Notes on -the third book of Quintus Curtius—and the last volume of Ritter’s -Erdkunde, published only this year (1855), ch. xxvii. p. 1778 -<i>seqq.</i></p> - -<p>We know from Xenophon that Issus was a considerable town close -to the sea—two days’ march from the river Pyramus, and one day’s -march northward of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_492">[p. 492]</span> Syria. -That it was near the north-eastern corner of the Gulf, may also be -collected from Strabo, who reckons the shortest line across Asia -Minor, as stretching from Sinôpê or Amisus <i>to Issus</i>—and who also -lays down the Egyptian sea as having its northern termination <i>at -Issus</i> (Strabo, xiv. p. 677; xvi. p. 749). The probable site of -Issus has been differently determined by different authors; Rennell -(Illustrations of the Geography of the Anabasis, p. 42-48) places -it near Oseler or Yusler; as far as I can judge, this seems too far -distant from the head of the Gulf, towards the south.</p> - -<p>In respect to the maritime pass, called the Gates of Kilikia -and Syria, there is much discrepancy between Xenophon and Arrian. -It is evident that, in Xenophon’s time, this pass and the road of -march through it lay between the mountains and the sea,—and that -the obstructions (walls blocking up the passage), which he calls -insurmountable by force, were mainly of artificial creation. But when -Alexander passed, no walls existed. The artificial obstructions had -disappeared during the seventy years between Xenophon and Alexander; -and we can assign a probable reason why. In Xenophon’s time, Kilikia -was occupied by the native prince Syennesis, who, though tributary, -maintained a certain degree of independence even in regard to the -Great King, and therefore kept a wall guarded by his own soldiers -on his boundary towards Syria. But in Alexander’s time, Kilikia -was occupied, like Syria, by a Persian satrap. Artificial boundary -walls, between two conterminous satrapies under the same master, were -unnecessary; and must even have been found inconvenient, during the -great collective military operations of the Persian satraps against -the revolted Evagoras of Cyprus (principally carried on from Kilikia -as a base, about 380 <small>B. C.</small>, Diodor. xv. 2)—as -well as in the subsequent operations against the Phenician towns -(Diodor. xvi. 42). Hence we may discern a reason why all artificial -obstructions may have been swept away before the time of Alexander; -leaving only the natural difficulties of the neighboring ground, upon -which Xenophon has not touched.</p> - -<p>The spot still retained its old name—“The Gates of Kilikia and -Syria”—even after walls and gates had been dispensed with. But that -name, in Arrian’s description, designates a difficult and narrow -point of the road <i>over hills and rocks</i>; a point which Major Rennell -(Illustrations, p. 54) supposes to have been about a mile south of -the river and walls described by Xenophon. However this may be, the -precise spot designated by Xenophon seems probably to be sought -about seven miles north of Scanderoon, near the ruins now known as -Jonas’s Pillars (or Sakal Tutan), and the Castle of Merkes, where a -river called <i>Merkes</i>, <i>Mahersy</i>, or <i>Kara-su</i>, flows across from the -mountain to the sea. That this river is the same with the Kersus of -Xenophon, is the opinion of Rennell, Ainsworth, and Mützel; as well -as of Colonel Callier, who surveyed the country when accompanying -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_493">[p. 493]</span> army of -Ibrahim Pacha as engineer (cited by Ritter, Erdk. p. 1792). At the -spot here mentioned, the gulf indents eastward, while the western -flank of Amanus approaches very close to it, and drops with unusual -steepness towards it. Hence the road now followed does not pass -between the mountain and the sea, but ascends over a portion of the -mountain, and descends again afterwards to the low ground skirting -the sea. Northward of Merkes, the space between the mountain and -the sea gradually widens, towards Bayas. At some distance to the -north of Bayas occurs the river now called Delle Tschai, which is -considered I think with probability, to be the Pinarus, where the -battle between Alexander and Darius was fought. This opinion however -is not unanimous; Kinneir identifies the <i>Merkes</i> with the Pinarus. -Moreover, there are several different streams which cross the space -between Mount Amanus and the sea. Des Monceaux notices six streams -as having been crossed between the Castle of Merkes and Bayas; and -five more streams between Bayas and Ayas (Mützel ad Curtium, p. 105). -Which among these is the Pinarus, cannot be settled without more or -less of doubt.</p> - -<p>Besides the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, noted by Xenophon and -Arrian in the above passages, there are also other Gates called <i>the -Amanian Gates</i>, which are spoken of in a perplexing manner. Dr. -Thirlwall insists with propriety on the necessity of distinguishing -the <i>maritime</i> passes, between Mount Amanus and the sea—from the -<i>inland</i> passes, which crossed over the ridge of Mount Amanus -itself. But this distinction seems not uniformly observed by ancient -authors, when we compare Strabo, Arrian, and Kallisthenes. Strabo -uses the phrase, <i>Amanian Gates</i>, twice (xiv. p. 676; xvi. p. 751); -in both cases designating a <i>maritime pass</i>, and not a pass <i>over</i> -the mountain,—yet designating one maritime pass in the page first -referred to, and another in the second. In xiv. p. 676—he means by -αἱ Ἀμανίδες πύλαι, the spot called by modern travellers Demir Kapu, -between Ægæ and Issus, or between Mopsuestia and Issus; while in xvi. -751—he means by the same words that which I have been explaining as -the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, on the eastern side of the Gulf of -Issus. In fact, Strabo seems to conceive as a whole the strip of -land between Mount Amanus and the Gulf, beginning at Demir Kapu, -and ending at the Gates of Kilikia and Syria—and to call both the -beginning and the end of it by the same name—the Amanian Gates. -But he does not use this last phrase to designate the passage over -or across Mount Amanus; neither does Arrian; who in describing the -march of Darius from Sochi into Kilikia, says (ii. 7, 1)—ὑπερβαλὼν -δὴ τὸ ὄρος Δαρεῖος τὸ κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς Ἀμανικὰς καλουμένας, ὡς ἐπὶ -Ἴσσον προῆγε, καὶ ἐγένετο κατόπιν Ἀλεξάνδρου λαθών. Here, let it be -observed, we do not read ὑπερβαλὼν τὰς πύλας—nor can I think that the -words mean, as the translator gives them—“transiit Amanum, <i>eundo -per Pylas Amanicas</i>.” The words rather signify, that Darius<span -class="pagenum" id="Page_494">[p. 494]</span> “crossed over the -mountain where it adjoined the Amanian Gates”—<i>i. e.</i> where it -adjoined the strip of land skirting the Gulf, and lying between those -two extreme points which Strabo denominates <i>Amanian Gates</i>. Arrian -employs this last phrase more loosely than Strabo, yet still with -reference to the maritime strip, and not to a <i>col</i> over the mountain -ridge.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, Kallisthenes (if he is rightly represented by -Polybius, who recites his statement, not his words, xii. 17) uses the -words <i>Amanian Gates</i> to signify the passage by which Darius entered -Kilikia—that is, the passage <i>over</i> the mountain. That which Xenophon -and Arrian call the <i>Gates of Kilikia and Syria</i>—and which Strabo -calls <i>Amanian Gates</i>—is described by Polybius as τὰ στενὰ, καὶ τὰς -λεγομένας ἐν τῇ Κιλικίᾳ πύλας.</p> - -<p>It seems pretty certain that this must have been Darius’s line of -march, because he came down immediately upon Issus, and then marched -forward to the river Pinarus. Had he entered Kilikia by the pass of -Beylan, he must have passed the Pinarus <i>before</i> he reached Issus. -The positive grounds for admitting a practicable pass near the 37th -parallel, are indeed called in question by Mützel (ad Curtium, p. -102, 103), and are not in themselves conclusive; still I hold them -sufficient, when taken in conjunction with the probabilities of the -case. This pass was, however, we may suppose, less frequented than -the maritime line of road through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, and -the pass of Beylan; which, as the more usual, was preferred both by -the Cyreians and by Alexander.</p> - -<p>Respecting the march of Alexander, Dr. Thirlwall here starts a -question, substantially to this effect: “Since Alexander intended -to march through the pass of Beylan for the purpose of attacking -the Persian camp at Sochi, what could have caused him to go to -Myriandrus, which was more south than Beylan, and out of his road?” -Dr. Thirlwall feels this difficulty so forcibly, that in order -to eliminate it, he is inclined to accept the hypothesis of Mr. -Williams, which places Myriandrus at Bayas, and the Kiliko-Syrian -Gates at Demir-Kapu; an hypothesis which appears to me inadmissible -on various grounds, and against which Mr. Ainsworth (in his Essay on -the Cilician and Syrian Gates) has produced several very forcible -objections.</p> - -<p>I confess that I do not feel the difficulty on which Dr. Thirlwall -insists. When we see that Cyrus and the Ten Thousand went to -Myriandrus, in their way to the pass of Beylan, we may reasonably -infer that, whether that town was in the direct line or not, it was -at least in the <i>usual</i> road of march—which does not always coincide -with the direct line. But to waive this supposition, however—let us -assume that there existed another shorter road leading to Beylan -without passing by Myriandrus—there would still be reason enough to -induce Alexander to go somewhat out of his way, in order to visit -Myriandrus. For it was an important object with him to secure the -sea ports<span class="pagenum" id="Page_495">[p. 495]</span> in -his rear, in case of a possible reverse. Suppose him repulsed and -forced to retreat—it would be a material assistance to his retreat, -to have assured himself beforehand of Myriandrus as well as the -other seaports. In the approaching months, we shall find him just as -careful to make sure of the Phenician cities on the coast, before he -marches into the interior to attack Darius at Arbela.</p> - -<p>Farther, Alexander, marching to attack Darius, had nothing to gain -by haste, and nothing to lose by coming up to Sochi three days later. -He knew that the enormous Persian host would not try to escape; -it would either await him at Sochi, or else advance into Kilikia -to attack him there. The longer he tarried, the more likely they -were to do the latter, which was what he desired. He had nothing to -lose therefore in any way, and some chance of gain, by prolonging -his march to Sochi for as long a time as was necessary to secure -Myriandrus. There is no more difficulty, I think, in understanding -why he went to Myriandrus, than why he went westward from Tarsus -(still more out of his line of advance) to Soli and Anchialus.</p> - -<p>It seems probable (as Rennell, p. 56, and others think), that the -site of Myriandrus is now some distance inland; that there has been -an accretion of new land and morass on the coast.</p> - -<p>The modern town of Scanderoon occupies the site of Ἀλεξανδρεία -κατ᾽ Ἴσσον, founded (probably by order of Alexander himself) in -commemoration of the victory of Issus. According to Ritter (p. 1791), -“Alexander had the great idea of establishing there an emporium for -the traffic of the East with Europe, as at the other Alexandria for -the trade of the East with Egypt.” The importance of the site of -Scanderoon, in antiquity, is here greatly exaggerated. I know no -proof that Alexander had the idea which Ritter ascribes to him; and -it is certain that his successors had no such idea; because they -founded the great cities of Antioch and Seleukeia (in Pieria), both -of them carrying the course of trade up the Orontes, and therefore -diverting it away from Scanderoon. This latter town is only of -importance as being the harbor of Aleppo; a city (Berœa) of little -consequence in antiquity, while Antioch became the first city in the -East, and Seleukeia among the first: see Ritter, p. 1152.</p> - -</div> - -<p class="center mt2">END.</p> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="Index"> - <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_497">[p. 497]</span></p> - <h2 class="nobreak g1">INDEX.</h2> - <hr class="sep" /> -</div> - -<div class="idx"> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">A.</li> -<li><i>Abantes</i>, iii. 165.</li> -<li><i>Abdêra</i>, the army of Xerxes at, v. 42.</li> -<li><i>Abrokomas</i>, ix. 27, 31.</li> -<li><i>Abydos</i>, march of Xerxes to, v. 28; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, viii. 94;</li> - <li>Athenian victory at, over the Peloponnesians, viii. 110;</li> - <li>Athenian victory over Pharnabazus at, viii. 121;</li> - <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Anaxibius and Iphikrates at, ix. 369 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Achæan</i> origin affected by Spartan kings, ii. 11; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>league, <a href="#Page_391">xii. 391</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Achæans</i>, various accounts of, i. 104, 105; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>effect of the Dorian occupation of Peloponnesus on, ii. 12;</li> - <li>Homeric view of, ii. 12;</li> - <li>of Phthiôtis and Peloponnesus, ii. 275;</li> - <li>of Peloponnesus, ii. 284, 303.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Achæmenes</i>, v. 96.</li> -<li><i>Achæus</i>, i. 101, 199.</li> -<li><i>Achaia</i>, ii. 269; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>towns and territory of, ii. 465 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Epaminondas in, <small>B. C.</small> 367, x. 266;</li> - <li>proceedings of the Thebans in <small>B. C.</small> 367, x. 268;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Sparta and Elis, <small>B. C.</small> 365, x. 313.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Acharnæ</i>, Archidamus at, vi. 131 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Achelôus</i>, i. 282.</li> -<li><i>Achillêis</i>, the basis of the Iliad, ii. 175 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Achillês</i>, i. 291 <i>seq.</i>, 297 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Achradina</i>, capture of, by Neon, xi. 157.</li> -<li><i>Acropolis at Athens</i>, flight to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 114; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of by Xerxes, v. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>visit of the Peisistratids to, after its capture by Xerxes, v. 118;</li> - <li>inviolable reserve fund in, vi. 138 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ada</i>, queen of Karia, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> -<li><i>Adeimantus</i>, of Corinth, and Themistoklês, at Salamis, v. 122, 124.</li> -<li><i>Admêtus</i> and Alkêstis, i. 113 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Admêtus</i> and Themisoklês, v. 283.</li> -<li><i>Adranum</i>, Timoleon at, xi. 148, 156.</li> -<li><i>Adrastus</i>, i. 256, <i>seq.</i>, 268; iii. 34.</li> -<li><i>Adrastus</i>, the Phrygian exile, iii. 152.</li> -<li><i>Adrumetum</i>, captured by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a>.</li> -<li><i>Æa</i>, i. 250 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Æakid</i> genealogy, i. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 189.</li> -<li><i>Æakus</i>, i. 184 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Æêtês</i>, i. 115; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Argonauts, i. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Circê, i. 251.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ægæ</i>, iii. 190.</li> -<li><i>Ægean</i>, islands in, ii. 214; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Macedonian fleet master of, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ægean</i> islands, effect of the battle of Chæroneia on, xi. 504.</li> -<li><i>Ægeids</i> at Sparta, ii. 361.</li> -<li><i>Ægeus</i>, i. 205; death of, i. 221.</li> -<li><i>Ægialeus</i>, i. 82.</li> -<li><i>Ægina</i>, i. 184; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>war of, against Athens, at the instigation of the Thebans, iv. 171, 173, 315;</li> - <li>submission of, to Darius, iv. 315;</li> - <li>appeal of Athenians to Sparta against the Medism of, iv. 318;</li> - <li>attempted revolution at, by Nikodromus, v. 47 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>from <small>B. C.</small> 488 to 481, v. 47, 48 <i>seq.</i>, 53;</li> - <li>and Athens, settlement of the feud between, v. 58;</li> - <li>removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108;</li> - <li>Greek fleet at, in the spring of <small>B. C.</small> 479, v. 147;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_498">[p. 498]</span>war of Athens against, <small>B. C.</small> 459, v. 321;</li> - <li>subdued by Athens, v. 331;</li> - <li>expulsion of the Æginetans from, by the Athenians, vi. 136;</li> - <li>and Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 389, ix. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Gorgôpas in, ix. 373 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Teleutias in, ix. 373, 376.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æginæan</i> scale, ii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 325; iii. 171.</li> -<li><i>Æqinetans</i>, and Thebans, i. 184; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the hostages taken from them by Kleomenês and Leotychidês, v. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>pre-eminence of, at Salamis, v. 145;</li> - <li>at Thyrea, capture and death of, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 366.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ægistheus</i>, i. 162 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ægospotami</i>, battle of, viii. 217 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>condition of Athens and her dependencies after the battle of, viii. 223, 225, 227 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ægyptos</i>, i. 87.</li> -<li><i>Æimnestus</i> and Dionysius, x. 468.</li> -<li><i>Æneadæ</i> at Skêpsis, i. 316.</li> -<li><i>Æneas</i>, i. 293, 315 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ænianes</i>, ii. 286.</li> -<li><i>Æolic</i> Greeks in the Trôad, i. 335; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>emigration under the Pelopids, ii. 19;</li> - <li>Kymê, custom at, in cases of murder, ii. 94 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Doric dialects, ii. 335;</li> - <li>cities in Asia, iii. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>emigration, iii. 191, 193;</li> - <li>establishments near Mount Ida, iii. 195.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æolid line</i>, the first, i. 107 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the second, i. 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the third, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the fourth, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æolis</i>, iii. 195; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the subsatrapy of, and Pharnabazus, ix. 206 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æolus</i>, i. 95 <i>seq.</i>, 103.</li> -<li><i>Æpytus</i>, i. 176.</li> -<li><i>Æschinês</i>, at the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 342; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proceedings of, against Philip, after his capture of Olynthus, xi. 366;</li> - <li>early history of, xi. 366;</li> - <li>as envoy of Athens in Arcadia, xi. 367;</li> - <li>desire of, for peace, <small>B. C.</small> 347, xi. 368;</li> - <li>and the embassies from Athens to Philip, xi. 381 <i>seq.</i>, 406, 410, 413 <i>seq.</i>, 422;</li> - <li>and the motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>visit of, to Philip in Phokis, xi. 422;</li> - <li>justifies Philip after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;</li> - <li>corruption of, xi. 430 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Amphiktyonic assembly at Delphi, <small>B. C.</small> 359, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;</li> - <li>conduct of, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 506;</li> - <li>accusation against Ktesiphon by, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exile of, <a href="#Page_293">xii. 293</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æschylus</i>, Promêtheus of, i. 78, 381 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 379 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Sophoklês, and Euripidês, viii. 317 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Æsculapius</i>, i. 178 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Æsôn</i>, death of, i. 114.</li> -<li><i>Æsymnête</i>, iii. 19.</li> -<li><i>Æthiopis</i> of Arktinus, ii. 156.</li> -<li><i>Æêthlius</i>, i. 99.</li> -<li><i>Ætna</i>, foundation of the city of, v. 229; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>second city of, v. 236;</li> - <li>reconquered by Duketius, vii. 123;</li> - <li>conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;</li> - <li>Campanians of, x. 497.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ætolia</i>, legendary settlement of, i. 137; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of Demosthenes against, vi. 296 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ætolian</i> genealogy, i. 138.</li> -<li><i>Ætolians</i>, ii. 290; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>rude condition of, ii. 292;</li> - <li>emigration of, into Peloponnesus, ii. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Akarnanians, iii. 411;</li> - <li>and Peloponnesians under Eurylochus attack Naupaktus, xi. 291;</li> - <li>contest and pacification of, with Antipater, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li> - <li>Kassander’s attempt to check, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ætolo-Eleians</i> and the Olympic games, ii. 317.</li> -<li><i>Ætôlus</i>, i. 102, 103; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Oxylus, i. 153.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Africa</i>, circumnavigation of, by the Phenicians, iii. 283 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of Agathokles to, against Carthage, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agamêdês</i> and Trophonius, i. 129.</li> -<li><i>Agamemnôn</i>, pre-eminence of, i. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 161 <i>seq.</i>, 163; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Orestes transferred to Sparta, i. 165;</li> - <li>and the Trojan expedition, i. 289, 293.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agaristê</i> and Megaklês, iii. 38.</li> -<li><i>Agasias</i>, ix. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Agathokles</i>, first rise of, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>distinction of, in the Syracusan expedition to Kroton, <a href="#Page_398">xii. 398</a>;</li> - <li>retires from Syracuse to Italy, <a href="#Page_398">xii. 398</a>;</li> - <li>exploits of, in Italy and Sicily, about <small>B. C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_499">[p. 499]</span>first ascendency of, at Syracuse, <a href="#Page_399">xii. 399</a>;</li> - <li>his readmission to Syracuse, <a href="#Page_400">xii. 400</a>;</li> - <li>massacres the Syracusans, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>constituted despot of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_402">xii. 402</a>;</li> - <li>his popular manners, and military success, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Agrigentines, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;</li> - <li>and Deinokrates, <a href="#Page_407">xii. 407</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>massacre at Gela by, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at the Himera, <a href="#Page_409">xii. 409</a>;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Africa, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</li> - <li>capture of Megalêpolis and Tunês by, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, over Hanno and Bomilkar, <a href="#Page_416">xii. 416</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>operations of, on the eastern coast of Carthage, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mutiny in the army of, at Tunês, <a href="#Page_426">xii. 426</a>;</li> - <li>in Numidia, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>;</li> - <li>and Ophellas, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of Utica by, <a href="#Page_436">xii. 436</a>;</li> - <li>goes from Africa to Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 306-305, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;</li> - <li>in Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 306-305, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>returns from Sicily to Africa, where he is defeated by the Carthaginians, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>;</li> - <li>deserts his army at Tunês, and they capitulate, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</li> - <li>barbarities of, at Egesta and Syracuse, after his African expedition, <a href="#Page_445">xii. 445</a>;</li> - <li>operations of, in Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra, <a href="#Page_448">xii. 448</a>;</li> - <li>last projects and death of, <a href="#Page_449">xii. 449</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>genius and character of, <a href="#Page_450">xii. 450</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agavê</i> and Pentheus, i. 261 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Agêma</i>, Macedonian, <a href="#Page_63">xii. 63</a>.</li> -<li><i>Agên</i>, the satiric drama, <a href="#Page_296">xii. 296</a> and <a href="#Footnote_699"><i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> -<li><i>Agenôr</i> and his offspring, i. 257.</li> -<li><i>Agesandridas</i>, viii. 71, 74 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Agesilaus</i>, character of, ix. 242, 246, 280; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>nomination of, as king, ix. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>popular conduct and partisanship of, ix. 246;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Asia, <small>B. C.</small> 397, ix. 257 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>humiliation of Lysander by, ix. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Tissaphernes breaks the truce with, ix. 261;</li> - <li>attacks of, on the satrapy of Pharnabazus, ix. 261, 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his enrichment of his friends, ix. 262;</li> - <li>humanity of, ix. 263;</li> - <li>naked exposure of Asiatic prisoners by, ix. 265 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Ephesus, ix. 266;</li> - <li>victory of, near Sardis, ix. 267;</li> - <li>negotiations of, with Tithraustes, ix. 269;</li> - <li>appointed to command at sea and on land, ix. 269, 271;</li> - <li>efforts of, to augment his fleet, ix. 273;</li> - <li>and Spithridates, ix. 274;</li> - <li>and Pharnabazus, conference between, ix. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>large preparations and recall of, from Asia, ix. 280, 286, 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>relations of Sparta with her neighbors and allies after the accession of, ix. 284;</li> - <li>on the northern frontier of Bœotia, ix. 312;</li> - <li>victory of, at Koroneia, ix. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Teleutias, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of Lechæum by, ix. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of Peiræum and Œnoê by, ix. 344, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Isthmian festival, ix. 344;</li> - <li>and the envoys from Thebes, ix. 346, 352;</li> - <li>and the destruction of the Lacedæmonian <i>mora</i> by Iphikrates, ix. 348, 352;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Akarnania, ix. 354;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>miso-Theban sentiment of, x. 28, 34;</li> - <li>his defence of Phœbidas, x. 62;</li> - <li>subjugation of Phlius by, x. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the trial of Sphodrias, x. 100;</li> - <li>expeditions of, against Thebes, x. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Epaminondas, at the congress at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 170;</li> - <li>and the re-establishment of Mantinea, x. 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>feeling against, at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 207;</li> - <li>march of, against Mantinea, x. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>vigilant defence of Sparta by, against Epaminondas, x. 221, 330;</li> - <li>in Asia, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 294, 296;</li> - <li>in Egypt, x. 362 <i>seq.</i>, and the independence of Mêssêne, x. 360;</li> - <li>death and character of, x. 363 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agesipolis</i>, ix. 356 <i>seq.</i>; x. 35 <i>seq.</i>, 67, 70.</li> -<li><i>Agêtus</i> and Aristo, iv. 326.</li> -<li><i>Agis II.</i>, invasion of Attica by, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vi. 313; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>advance of, to Leuktra, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 64;</li> - <li>invasion of Argos by, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>retirement of, from Argos, vii. 74 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the battle of Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invasion of Attica by, vii. 288, 353;</li> - <li>movements of, after the Athenian disaster in Sicily, vii. 364;</li> - <li>applications from Eubœa and Lesbos to, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 365;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_500">[p. 500]</span>overtures of peace from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44;</li> - <li>repulse of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 128;</li> - <li>fruitless attempt of, to surprise Athens, viii. 156;</li> - <li>invasions of Elis by, ix. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, ix. 241.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agis III.</i>, ii. 387 <i>seq.</i>, 127, 281 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aglaurion</i>, v. 117 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Agnonides</i>, <a href="#Page_351">xii. 351</a>.</li> -<li><i>Agones</i> and festivals in honor of gods, i. 51.</li> -<li><i>Agora</i>, Homeric, ii. 67 <i>seq.</i>; and Boulê, ii. 75.</li> -<li><i>Agoratus</i>, viii. 235, 240.</li> -<li><i>Agrigentine</i> generals, accusation and death of, x. 427.</li> -<li><i>Agrigentines</i>, and Agathokles, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat of, by Leptines and Demophilus, <a href="#Page_440">xii. 440</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Leptines, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agrigentum</i>, iii. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Phalaris of, iv. 378, v. 204;</li> - <li>and Syracuse, before <small>B. C.</small> 500, v. 205;</li> - <li>prisoners sent to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;</li> - <li>and Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 446, vii. 126;</li> - <li>after the Theronian dynasty, vii. 127;</li> - <li>and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;</li> - <li>defensive preparations at, against Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422;</li> - <li>strength, wealth, and population of, <small>B. C.</small> 406, x. 423 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>blockade and capture of, by the Carthaginians, x. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>complaints against the Syracusan generals at, x. 427, 431, 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>declaration of, against Dionysius, xi. 6;</li> - <li>Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;</li> - <li>siege of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Agylla</i>, plunder of the temple at, xi. 25.</li> -<li><i>Agyrium</i>, Dionysius and Magon at, ix. 7.</li> -<li><i>Agyrrhius</i>, ix. 368.</li> -<li><i>Ajax</i>, son of Telamôn, i. 187, 299.</li> -<li><i>Ajax</i>, son of Oïleus, i. 189, 305, 310.</li> -<li><i>Akanthus</i>, iv. 25; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>march of Xerxes to, v. 43;</li> - <li>induced by Brasidas to revolt from Athens, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>speech of Brasidas at, ix. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition of, to the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 57.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Akarnan</i> and Amphoterus, i. 282.</li> -<li><i>Akarnania</i>, Demosthenês in, <small>B. C.</small> 426, vi. 296; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of Agesilaus against, ix. 354.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Akarnanians</i>, ii. 292 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athens, alliance between, vi. 120;</li> - <li>under Demosthenês save Naupaktus, vi. 303;</li> - <li>and Amphilochians, pacific treaty of, with the Ambrakiots, vi. 311.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Akastus</i>, wife of, and Pêleus, i. 114.</li> -<li><i>Akesines</i>, crossed by Alexander, <a href="#Page_230">xii. 230</a>.</li> -<li><i>Akræ</i> in Sicily, iii. 366.</li> -<li><i>Akragas</i>, iii. 366.</li> -<li><i>Akrisois</i>, Danaê and Perseus, i. 89 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Akrotatus</i>, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>.</li> -<li><i>Aktæôn</i>, i. 260.</li> -<li><i>Aktê</i>, Brasidas in, vi. 421.</li> -<li><i>Akusilaus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 390.</li> -<li><i>Alæsa</i>, foundation of, x. 469.</li> -<li><i>Alalia</i>, Phokæan colony at, iv. 205.</li> -<li><i>Alazônes</i>, iii. 239.</li> -<li><i>Alcyone</i> and Kêyx, i. 135.</li> -<li><i>Alêtês</i>, ii. 9.</li> -<li><i>Aleus</i>, i. 176.</li> -<li><i>Alexander of Macedon</i>, and Greeks at Tempê, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 69; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>embassy of, to Athens, v. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Athenians before the battle of Platæa, v. 151.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alexander the Great</i>, his visit to Ilium, i. 326, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>successors of, and Ilium, i. 326;</li> - <li>comparison between the invasion of, and that of Xerxes, v. 240;</li> - <li>birth of, xi. 241;</li> - <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 500;</li> - <li>quarrels of, with his father, xi. 513, <a href="#Page_3">xii. 3</a>;</li> - <li>accession of, xi. 517, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, 7;</li> - <li>character, education, and early political action of, <a href="#Page_2">xii. 2</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>uncertain position of, during the last year of Philip, <a href="#Page_5">xii. 5</a>;</li> - <li>Amyntas put to death by, <a href="#Page_8">xii. 8</a>;</li> - <li>march of, into Greece, <small>B. C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_11">xii. 11</a>;</li> - <li>chosen Imperator of the Greeks, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>;</li> - <li>convention at Corinth under, <small>B. C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>;</li> - <li>authority claimed by, under the convention at Corinth, <a href="#Page_15">xii. 15</a>;</li> - <li>violations of the convention at Corinth by, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, into Thrace, <a href="#Page_22">xii. 22</a> <i>seq.</i>, 25, <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy of Gauls to, <a href="#Page_26">xii. 26</a>;</li> - <li>victories of, over Kleitus and the Illyrians, <a href="#Page_27">xii. 27</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Thebes against, <a href="#Page_29">xii. 29</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, from Thrace to Thebes, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>;</li> - <li>capture and destruction of Thebes by, <a href="#Page_37">xii. 37</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_501">[p. 501]</span>demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens, <a href="#Page_45">xii. 45</a>;</li> - <li>at Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 335, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li> - <li>and Diogenes, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li> - <li>reconstitution of Bœotia by, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li> - <li>Grecian history a blank in the reign of, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a>;</li> - <li>connection of his Asiatic conquests with Grecian history, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic pretences of, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>;</li> - <li>analogy of his relation to the Greeks with those of Napoleon to the Confederation of the Rhine, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>, <a href="#Footnote_113">52 <i>n.</i></a>;</li> - <li>military endowments of, <a href="#Page_52">xii. 52</a>;</li> - <li>military changes in Greece during the sixty years before the accession of, <a href="#Page_53">xii. 53</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>measures of, before going to Asia, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li> - <li>his march to the Hellespont and passage to Asia, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>analogy of, to the Greek heroes, <a href="#Page_71">xii. 71</a>;</li> - <li>review of his army in Asia, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li> - <li>Macedonian officers of his army in Asia, <a href="#Page_73">xii. 73</a>;</li> - <li>Greeks in his service in Asia, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>;</li> - <li>defensive preparation of Darius against, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_81">xii. 81</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>submission of the Asiatics to, after the battle of the Granikus, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>;</li> - <li>and Mithrines, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, 207;</li> - <li>capture of Ephesus by, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>;</li> - <li>capture of Miletus by, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>debate of, with Parmenio at Miletus, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li> - <li>disbands his fleet, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a>;</li> - <li>capture of Halikarnassus by, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conquest of Lykia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia by, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>;</li> - <li>at Kelænæ, <a href="#Page_101">xii. 101</a>;</li> - <li>cuts the Gordian knot, <a href="#Page_104">xii. 104</a>;</li> - <li>refuses to liberate the Athenians captured at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li> - <li>subjugation of Paphlagonia and Kappadokia by, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>;</li> - <li>passes Mount Taurus and enters Tarsus, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>operations of, in Kilikia, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>;</li> - <li>march of, from Kilikia to Myriandrus, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>;</li> - <li>return of, from Myriandrus, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his courteous treatment of Darius’s mother, wife and family, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of Greeks taken at Damascus, <a href="#Page_129">xii. 129</a>;</li> - <li>in Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> - <li>his correspondence with Darius, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>siege and capture of Tyre by, <a href="#Page_132">xii. 132</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of the princes of Cyprus to, <a href="#Page_138">xii. 138</a>;</li> - <li>his march towards Egypt, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>siege and capture of Gaza by, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his cruelty to Batis, <a href="#Page_145">xii. 145</a>;</li> - <li>in Egypt, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>crosses the Euphrates at Thapsakus, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>;</li> - <li>fords the Tigris, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>;</li> - <li>continence of, <a href="#Footnote_376">xii. 158 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Arbela, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of Susa and Babylon to, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>;</li> - <li>his march from Susa to Persepolis, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li> - <li>at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>subjugation of Persis by, <a href="#Page_177">xii. 177</a>;</li> - <li>at Ekbatana, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sends home the Thessalian cavalry, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>;</li> - <li>pursues Darius into Parthia, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>disappointment of, in not taking Darius alive, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>;</li> - <li>Asiatizing tendencies of, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> - <li>at Hekatompylus, <a href="#Page_187">xii. 187</a>;</li> - <li>in Hyrkania, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of the Grecian mercenaries and envoys with Darius, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li>in Aria and Drangiana, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li>Parmenio and Philotas put to death by, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Gedrosia, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> - <li>foundation of Alexandria ad Caucasum by, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>;</li> - <li>in Baktria and Sogdiana, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Bessus, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> - <li>massacre of the Branchidæ by, <a href="#Page_203">xii. 203</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Marakanda, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Scythians, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>, 213;</li> - <li>Kleitus killed by, <a href="#Page_208">xii. 208</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of the Sogdian rock and the rock of Choriênes by, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>;</li> - <li>and Roxana, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> - <li>and Kallisthenes, conspiracy of royal pages against, <a href="#Page_221">xii. 221</a>;</li> - <li>reduces the country between Hindoo Koosh and the Indus, <a href="#Page_225">xii. 225</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>crosses the Indus and the Hydaspes, and defeats Porus, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a> <i>n.</i> 2, and <i>n.</i> 1, page <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> - <li>conquests of, in the Punjab, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>refusal of his army to march farther, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>;</li> - <li>voyage of, down the Hydaspes and the Indus, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>;</li> - <li>wounded in attacking the Malli, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>;</li> - <li>posts on the Indus established by, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>;</li> - <li>his bacchanalian procession thro’ Karmania, <a href="#Page_236">xii. 236</a>;</li> - <li>and the tomb of Cyrus the Great, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>;</li> - <li>satraps of, <a href="#Page_239">xii. 239</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_502">[p. 502]</span>discontents and mutiny of his Macedonian soldiers, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic levies of, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>;</li> - <li>sails down the Pasitigris and up the Tigris to Opis, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>;</li> - <li>partial disbanding of his Macedonian soldiers by, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>;</li> - <li>preparations of, for the conquest and circumnavigation of Asia, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li> - <li>his grief for the death of Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_247">xii. 247</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> - <li>extermination of the Kossæi by, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>;</li> - <li>his last visit to Babylon, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>numerous embassies to, <small>B. C.</small> 323, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>;</li> - <li>his sail on the Euphrates, <a href="#Page_250">xii. 250</a>;</li> - <li>his incorporation of Persians in the Macedonian phalanx, <a href="#Page_251">xii. 251</a>;</li> - <li>his despatch to Kleomenes, <a href="#Page_253">xii. 253</a>;</li> - <li>forebodings and suspicion of, at Babylon, <a href="#Page_253">xii. 253</a>, <a href="#Footnote_614">254 <i>n.</i> 3</a>;</li> - <li>illness and death of, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rumored poisoning of, <a href="#Footnote_617">xii. 256 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li> - <li>sentiments excited by the career and death of, <a href="#Page_258">xii. 258</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>probable achievements of, if he had lived longer, <a href="#Page_259">xii. 259</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character of, as a ruler, <a href="#Page_261">xii. 261</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>absence of nationality in, <a href="#Page_264">xii. 264</a>;</li> - <li>Livy’s opinion as to his chances, if he had attacked the Romans, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>;</li> - <li>unrivalled excellence of, as a military man, <a href="#Page_261">xii. 261</a>;</li> - <li>not the intentional diffuser of Hellenic culture, <a href="#Page_265">xii. 265</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>cities founded in Asia by, <a href="#Page_267">xii. 267</a>;</li> - <li>Asia not Hellenized by, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>;</li> - <li>increased intercommunication produced by the conquests of, <a href="#Page_272">xii. 272</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his interest in science and literature, <a href="#Page_274">xii. 274</a>;</li> - <li>state of the Grecian world when he crossed the Hellespont, <a href="#Page_275">xii. 275</a>;</li> - <li>possibility of emancipating Greece during his earlier Asiatic campaigns, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li> - <li>his rescript directing the recall of Grecian exiles, <a href="#Page_310">xii. 310</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his family and generals, after his death, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>partition of the empire of, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li> - <li>list of projects entertained by, at the time of his death, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, king of the Molossians, <a href="#Page_396">xii. 396</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Amyntas, x. 248, 249.</li> -<li><i>Alexander of Epirus</i>, marriage of, xi. 515.</li> -<li><i>Alexander</i>, the Lynkestian, xi. 517 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alexander of Pheræ</i>, x. 248; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expeditions of Pelopidas against, x. 248, 263, 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>, 309 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>seizure of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>release of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 285;</li> - <li>subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>naval hostilities of, against Athens, x. 370;</li> - <li>cruelties and assassination of, xi. 203 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alexandreia Trôas</i>, i. 326.</li> -<li><i>Alexandria</i> in Egypt, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ad Caucasum, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>;</li> - <li>in Ariis, and in Arachosia, <a href="#Footnote_479">xii. 200 <i>n.</i> 4</a>;</li> - <li>ad Jaxartem, <a href="#Page_205">xii. 205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alexandrine</i> chronology from the return of the Herakleids to the first Olympiad, ii. 304.</li> -<li><i>Alexiklês</i>, viii. 64, 67, 68.</li> -<li><i>Alkæus</i>, Herodotus’s mistake about, iii. 155 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his flight from battle, iii. 199;</li> - <li>opposition of, to Pittakus, iii. 199, iv., 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>collected works of, iv. 90 <i>n.</i> 4;</li> - <li>subjective character of his poetry, i. 363.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alkamenês</i>, son of Têleklus, ii. 420.</li> -<li><i>Alkamenês</i>, appointment of, to go to Lesbos, vii. 365; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat and death of, vii. 369.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alkestis</i> and Admêtus, i. 113 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alketas</i>, x. 139, 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, xi. 54.</li> -<li><i>Alkibiades</i>, reputed oration of Androkidês against, iv. 151, <i>n.</i> 3, vi. 7, <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>alleged duplication of the tribute-money of Athenian allies by, vi. 7, <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>at the battle of Delium, v. 397;</li> - <li>education and character of, vii. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sokratês, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conflicting sentiments entertained towards, vii. 40;</li> - <li>attempts of, to revive his family tie with Sparta, vii. 42;</li> - <li>early politics of, vii. 42;</li> - <li>adoption of anti-Laconian politics by, vii. 43;</li> - <li>attempt of, to ally Argos with Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 43;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_503">[p. 503]</span>trick of, upon the Lacedæmonian envoys, vii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>display of, at the Olympic festival, vii. 53 <i>seq.</i>, 59 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>intra-Peloponnesian policy of, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 62 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, into the interior of Peloponnesus, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 63;</li> - <li>at Argos, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 75, and <small>B. C.</small> 416, vii. 98;</li> - <li>and Nikias, projected contention of ostracism between, vii. 104 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his support of the Egestæan envoys at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 416, vii. 146;</li> - <li>and the Sicilian expedition, vii. 148, 152 <i>seq.</i>, 160 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attack upon, in connection with the mutilation of the Hermæ, vii. 175, 207 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the Eleusinian mysteries and, vii. 175 <i>seq.</i>, 211 <i>seq.</i>; viii. 150;</li> - <li>plan of action in Sicily proposed by, vii. 191;</li> - <li>at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 193;</li> - <li>at Katana, vii. 193;</li> - <li>recall of, to take his trial, vii. 195, 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>escape and condemnation of, vii. 211 <i>seq.</i>, 235 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>at Sparta, vii. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonians persuaded by, to send aid to Chios, vii. 367;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Milêtus from Athens, caused by, vii. 375;</li> - <li>order from Sparta to kill, viii. 2;</li> - <li>escape of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;</li> - <li>advice of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;</li> - <li>acts as interpreter between Tissaphernês and the Greeks, viii. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oligarchical conspiracy of, with the Athenian officers at Samos, viii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>counter manœuvres of, against Phrynichus, viii. 12;</li> - <li>proposed restoration of, to Athens, viii. 12, 13;</li> - <li>negotiations of, with Peisander, viii. 15, 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Athenian democracy at Samos, viii. 49 <i>seq.</i>, 51, 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Aspendus, viii. 100;</li> - <li>return of, from Aspendus to Samos, viii. 116;</li> - <li>arrival of, at the Hellespont, from Samos, viii. 117;</li> - <li>arrest of Tissaphernês by, viii. 120;</li> - <li>escape of, from Sardis, viii. 120;</li> - <li>and the Athenian fleet, at the Bosphorus, viii. 126;</li> - <li>attack upon Chalkêdon by, viii. 126;</li> - <li>occupation of Chrysopolis by, viii. 127;</li> - <li>and Thrasyllus, at the Hellespont, viii. 130;</li> - <li>capture of Chalkêdon by, viii. 132;</li> - <li>and Pharnabazus, viii. 133;</li> - <li>proceedings of, in Thrace and Asia, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 144;</li> - <li>return of, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 145 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Asia, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>dissatisfaction of the armament at Samos with, viii. 153;</li> - <li>accusations against, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 153;</li> - <li>alteration of sentiment towards, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 156 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Nikias, different behavior of the Athenians towards, viii. 158;</li> - <li>dismissal of, from his command, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 158;</li> - <li>at Ægospotami, viii. 217;</li> - <li>position and views of, in Asia, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assassination of, viii. 314 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character of, viii. 316 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alkidas</i>, vi. 237, 239 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alkmæôn</i>, i. 278 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alkmæônids</i>, curse, trial, and condemnation of, iii. 82; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proceedings of, against Hippias, iv. 120;</li> - <li>rebuilding of Delphian temple by, iv. 121;</li> - <li>false imputation of treachery on at the battle of Marathon, iv. 356;</li> - <li>demand of Sparta for the expulsion of, vi. 97.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Alkman</i>, iv. 77, 82, 85 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Alkmênê</i>, i. 91.</li> -<li><i>Allegorical</i> interpretation of mythes, i. 418 <i>seq.</i>, 425, 436.</li> -<li><i>Allegory</i> rarely admissible in the interpretation of mythes, i. 2.</li> -<li><i>Alôids</i>, the, i. 136.</li> -<li><i>Alos</i>, sanguinary rites at, i. 125.</li> -<li><i>Althæa</i> and the burning brand, i. 144.</li> -<li><i>Althæmenês</i>, founder of Rhodes, ii. 30.</li> -<li><i>Althæmenês</i> and Katreus, i. 224.</li> -<li><i>Alyattês</i> and Kyaxarês, iii. 230; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>war of, with Milêtus, iii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sacrilege committed by, iii. 256;</li> - <li>long reign, death and sepulchre of, iii. 257.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amaltheia</i>, the horn of, i. 150.</li> -<li><i>Amanus</i>, Mount, march of Darius to, <a href="#Page_115">xii. 115</a>.</li> -<li><i>Amasis</i>, iii. 328 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>death of, iv. 229.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amasis</i> and Polykratês, iv. 241.</li> -<li><i>Amastris</i>, <a href="#Page_467">xii. 467</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Amazons</i>, legend of, i. 209 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ambrakia</i>, iii. 404, 405.</li> -<li><i>Ambrakiots</i>, attack of, upon Amphilokian Argos, vi. 180; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of upon Akarnania, vi. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>projected attack of, on Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Olpæ, vi. 304;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_504">[p. 504]</span>Menedæus’s desertion of, vi. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Demosthenês’s victory over, vi. 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>pacific convention of, with the Akarnanians and Amphilochians, vi. 311.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ambrysus</i>, re-fortification of, xi. 494.</li> -<li><i>Ammon</i>, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, <a href="#Page_147">xii. 147</a>.</li> -<li><i>Amnesty</i> decreed by Solon, iii. 98; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proposed by Patrokleidês, viii. 225;</li> - <li>at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 293, 299 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amompharetus</i>, v. 174 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Amorgês</i>, vii. 375; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, vii. 388.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphiaraus</i>, i. 272, 275.</li> -<li><i>Amphiktyon</i>, i. 98, 99, 103.</li> -<li><i>Amphiktyonic assembly</i>, i. 100, ii. 243 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 241; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>condemnation of Sparta by, x. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accusation of Thebes against Sparta before, xi. 242;</li> - <li>accusation of Thebes against Phokis before, xi. 243;</li> - <li>resistance of Phokis to, xi. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sentence of, against the Phokians, and honors conferred upon Philip by, xi. 425, 429;</li> - <li>at Delphi, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphiktyonies</i>, or exclusive religious partnerships, ii. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 248.</li> -<li><i>Amphiktyons</i>, punishment of the Kirrhæans by, iv. 61; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>establishment of the Pythian games by, iv. 63;</li> - <li>violent measures of, against the Amphissians, xi. 474 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphiktyony</i> at Kalauria, i. 133.</li> -<li><i>Amphilochian Argos</i>, Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.</li> -<li><i>Amphilochians</i> and Akarnanians, pacific treaty of, with the Ambrakiots, vi. 211.</li> -<li><i>Amphilochus</i>, i. 278; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>wanderings of, i. 313.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphiôn and Zethus</i>, i. 263 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Homeric legend of, i. 257.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphipolis</i>, foundation of, vi. 11 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings of Brasidas in, vi. 420;</li> - <li>policy of Kleon and Nikias for the recovery of, vi. 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Kleon’s expedition against, vi. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>topography of, vi. 464 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>battle of, vi. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>negotiations for peace after the battle of, vi. 489;</li> - <li>not restored to Athens, on the peace of, Nikias, vii. 4;</li> - <li>neglect of, by the Athenians, vii. 104, xi. 215;</li> - <li>claim of Athens to, x. 245 <i>seq.</i>, 294;</li> - <li>Iphikrates at, x. 251, 299;</li> - <li>failure of Timotheus at, x. 301;</li> - <li>nine defeats of the Athenians at, x. 302 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>Kallisthenes at, x. 370;</li> - <li>Philip renounces his claim to, xi. 212;</li> - <li>siege and capture of, by Philip, xi. 232 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip’s dealings with the Athenians respecting, xi. 235.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphissa</i>, capture of, by Philip, xi. 497.</li> -<li><i>Amphissians</i>, accusation of, against Athens, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>violent proceedings of the Amphiktyons against, xi. 473 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amphitryôn</i>, i. 91.</li> -<li><i>Amphoterus</i> and Akarnan, i. 283.</li> -<li><i>Amyklæ</i>, ii. 327; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquest of, ii. 419.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amykus</i>, i. 169.</li> -<li><i>Amyntas</i>, and the Peisistratids, iv. 19.</li> -<li><i>Amyntas, father of Philip</i>, x. 48 <i>seq.</i>, 243 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 50, 56, 58, 65;</li> - <li>and Iphikrates, x. 108;</li> - <li>and Athens, x. 243, 245;</li> - <li>death of, x. 243;</li> - <li>assistance of Iphikrates to the family of, x. 250.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Amyntas</i>, son of Antiochus, <a href="#Page_9">xii. 9</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -<li><i>Amyntas</i>, son of Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_8">xii. 8</a>.</li> -<li><i>Anaktorium</i>, iii. 402 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 360.</li> -<li><i>Anaphê</i>, i. 240.</li> -<li><i>Anapus</i>, crossing of, by Dion, xi. 91.</li> -<li><i>Anaxagoras</i>, vi. 101.</li> -<li><i>Anaxandrides</i>, bigamy of, ii. 386.</li> -<li><i>Anaxarchus</i> of Abdera, <a href="#Page_213">xii. 213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> -<li><i>Anaxibius</i>, ix. 150 <i>seq.</i>, 156 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in the Hellespont, ix. 369;</li> - <li>death of, ix. 371 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Anaxikratês</i>, v. 335.</li> -<li><i>Anaxilaus</i>, v. 211, 230.</li> -<li><i>Anaximander</i>, iv. 381 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Anaximenês</i> of Lampsakus, i. 409.</li> -<li><i>Andokidês</i>, reputed oration of, against Alkibiadês, iv. 151 <i>n.</i> 1, vi. 6 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>de Mysteriis, iv. 123 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>and the mutilation of, the Hermæ, vii. 196, 200 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Androgeos</i>, death of, i. 211.</li> -<li><i>Androklus</i>, iii. 175.</li> -<li><i>Andromachê</i> and Helenus, i. 305.</li> -<li><i>Andromachus</i>, xi. 146.</li> -<li><i>Andrôn</i>, story of, respecting Krête, ii. 29.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_505">[p. 505]</span><i>Andros</i>, siege of, by Themistoklês, v. 141; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>siege of, by Alkibiadês and Konon, viii. 151.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Animals</i>, worship of, in Egypt, iii. 319.</li> -<li><i>Ankæus</i>, i. 177.</li> -<li><i>Antalkidas</i>, embassy of, to Tiribazus, ix. 374 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>embassies of, to Persia, ix. 383, x. 157;</li> - <li>in the Hellespont, ix. 384;</li> - <li>the peace of, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>, x. 1 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Antandrus</i>, expulsion of Arsakes from, viii. 114; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Syracusans at, x. 386.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ante-Hellenic</i> inhabitants of Greece, ii. 261; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>colonies from Phœnicia and Egypt not probable, ii. 267.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Antênôr</i>, i. 304, 315.</li> -<li><i>Antigonê</i>, i. 276.</li> -<li><i>Antigonus</i> and Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_334">xii. 334</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Eumenes, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>;</li> - <li>great power of, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>;</li> - <li>alliance of Kassander, Lysimachus and Ptolemy against, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>measures of, against Kassander, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> - <li>pacification of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>Roxana and her son Alexander put to death by, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>murders Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>;</li> - <li>Athenian envoys sent to, <a href="#Page_380">xii. 380</a>; death of, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Antigonus</i> Gonatas, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li> -<li><i>Antilochus</i>, death of, i. 298.</li> -<li><i>Antimachus</i> of Kolophon, i. 268.</li> -<li><i>Antiochus</i> at Samos and Notium, viii. 152, 153.</li> -<li><i>Antiochus</i>, the Arcadian, x. 280.</li> -<li><i>Antiopê</i>, i. 257 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Antipater</i>, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 387, 390, 397, 401; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>made viceroy of Macedonia, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li>and Olympias, <a href="#Page_68">xii. 68</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of Agis by, <a href="#Page_284">xii. 284</a>;</li> - <li>submission of all Greece to, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li> - <li>Grecian hostilities against, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_313">xii. 313</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kraterus, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Krannon, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li> - <li>terms imposed upon Athens by, <a href="#Page_324">xii. 324</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>remodels the Peloponnesian cities, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li> - <li>contest and pacification of, with the Ætolians, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li> - <li>made guardian of Alexander’s family, <a href="#Page_337">xii. 337</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>;</li> - <li>last directions of, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Antipater</i>, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li> -<li><i>Antiphilus</i>, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> -<li><i>Antiphon</i>, viii. 18, 30 <i>seq.</i>, 57 <i>seq.</i>, 78 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Antiquity</i>, Grecian, a religious conception, i. 445; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>stripped of its religious character by chronology, i. 446.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Antisthenês</i>, at Kaunus, vii. 397.</li> -<li><i>Antistrophê</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li> -<li><i>Anytus</i>, viii. 130, 242.</li> -<li><i>Aornos</i>, rock of, <a href="#Footnote_535">xii. 225 <i>n.</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> -<li><i>Apatê</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Apaturia</i>, excitement at the, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 193 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aphareus</i>, i. 168, 169.</li> -<li><i>Apheidas</i>, i. 176.</li> -<li><i>Aphepsion</i>, and Mantitheus, vii. 200.</li> -<li><i>Aphetæ</i>, Persian fleet at, v. 97, 98, 101.</li> -<li><i>Aphroditê</i>, i. 5, 52.</li> -<li><i>Apis</i>, i. 83.</li> -<li><i>Apodektæ</i>, iv. 137.</li> -<li><i>Apollo</i>, i. 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>legends of, i. 45 <i>seq.</i>, 50;</li> - <li>worship and functions of, i. 49 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 168;</li> - <li>and Laomedon, i. 57, 285;</li> - <li>and Hermês, i. 59;</li> - <li>types of, i. 61;</li> - <li>and Admêtus, i. 113;</li> - <li>and Korônis, i. 176;</li> - <li>Sminthius, i. 337;</li> - <li>evidence of the Homeric Hymn to, as to early Ionic life, iii. 168;</li> - <li>temple of at Klarus, iii. 184;</li> - <li>reply of Delphian to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Apollodôrus</i>, his genealogy of Hellên, i. 106 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Apollodôrus</i> and the Theôric fund, xi. 348.</li> -<li><i>Apollokratês</i>, xi. 105, 107, 117.</li> -<li><i>Apollonia</i>, iii. 402 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Illyrians, iv. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Apollonides</i>, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> -<li><i>Apriês</i>, reign and death of, iii. 323 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Apsyrtus</i>, i. 238.</li> -<li><i>Arabia</i>, Alexander’s projects with regard to, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> -<li><i>Arachosia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>.</li> -<li><i>Aradus</i>, surrender of, to Alexander <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li> -<li><i>Arbela</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Arbitration</i> at Athens, v. 354.</li> -<li><i>Arcadia</i>, ii. 299; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 560, ii. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, ii. 444 <i>seq.</i>, v. 315;</li> - <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 204 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_506">[p. 506]</span>invasions of, by Archidamus, x. 265, 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mission of Epaminondas to, x. 288;</li> - <li>dissensions in, x. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy of Æschines to, xi. 368.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arcadians</i>, ii. 301, 433 seq; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>sympathy of, with Messenians, ii. 427;</li> - <li>impulse of towards a Pan-Arcadian union, x. 208;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens and Thebes, for aid against Sparta, x. 213;</li> - <li>Epaminondas and the consolidation of, x. 215;</li> - <li>energetic action and insolence of, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoy to Persia from, x. 278, 280;</li> - <li>protest of, against the headship of Thebes, x. 281;</li> - <li>alliance of Athens with, x. 287;</li> - <li>and Eleians, x. 314 <i>seq.</i>, 323;</li> - <li>occupation and plunder of Olympia by, x. 314, 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>celebration of the Olympic games by, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>seizure of, at Tegea, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Archagathus</i>, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> -<li><i>Archêgelês</i>, Apollo, i. 50.</li> -<li><i>Archelaus</i>, x. 46 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>siege of Pydna by, viii. 118.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Archeptolemus</i>, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Archias</i>, œkist of Syracuse, iii. 363.</li> -<li><i>Archias</i>, the Theban, x. 82, 85.</li> -<li><i>Archias</i>, the Exile-Hunter, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Archidamus II.</i>, speech of, against war with Athens, vi. 80 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>invasions of Attica by, vii. 126 <i>seq.</i>, 152, 221;</li> - <li>his expedition to Platæa, vi. 185 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Archidamus III.</i>, invasions of Arcadia by, x. 265, 316 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the independence of Messênê, x. 291, 360;</li> - <li>and Philomelus, xi. 254;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Megalopolis, xi. 306;</li> - <li>aid to the Phokians at Thermopylæ under, xi. 419, 421; <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Archilochus</i>, i. 362; iv. 26, 73, 76 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Archinus</i>, decrees of, viii. 299, 308.</li> -<li><i>Architects</i> at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 20.</li> -<li><i>Architecture</i>, Grecian, between <small>B. C.</small> 600-550, iv. 98.</li> -<li><i>Archonides</i>, x. 469.</li> -<li><i>Archons</i> after Kodrus, iii. 49; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the nine, iii. 75;</li> - <li>judges without appeal till after Kleisthenês, iii. 129;</li> - <li>effect of Kleisthenês’s revolution on, iv. 137 <i>seq.</i>, 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>limited functions of, after the Persian war, v. 276;</li> - <li>limitation of the functions of, by Periklês, v. 355, 358, 365.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ardys</i>, iii. 223.</li> -<li><i>Areopagus, senate of</i>, iii. 73; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Ephetæ, iii. 79;</li> - <li>and the Eumenides of Æschylus, iii. 80 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;</li> - <li>under the Solonian and Kleisthenean constitutions, iv. 141;</li> - <li>in early Athens, v. 352 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oligarchical tendencies of, v. 354;</li> - <li>venerable character and large powers of, v. 359;</li> - <li>at variance with the growing democratic sentiment, <small>B. C.</small> 480-460, v. 361;</li> - <li>a centre of action for the oligarchical party, v. 361;</li> - <li>power of, abridged by Periklês and Ephialtês, v. 366 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arês</i>, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Aretê</i>, xi. 55, 56, 82, 129.</li> -<li><i>Argadeis</i>, iii. 50.</li> -<li><i>Argæus</i> and Philip, xi. 212.</li> -<li><i>Arganthonius</i> and the Phokæans, iv. 199.</li> -<li><i>Argeian</i> Demos, proceedings of, vii. 99.</li> -<li><i>Argeian</i> genealogies, i. 81.</li> -<li><i>Argeians</i>, attempts of, to recover Thyrea, ii. 447; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat and destruction of, by Kleomenês, iv. 321;</li> - <li>trick of, with their callendar, vii. 65;</li> - <li>Epidaurus, vii. 69, 70, 88;</li> - <li>at the battle within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333;</li> - <li>manœuvres of, respecting the holy truce, ix. 344;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387;</li> - <li>and Mardonius, v. 157.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Argês</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Argilus</i>, acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Arginusæ</i>, battle of, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recall, impeachment, defence, and condemnation of the generals at the battle of, viii. 181, 210;</li> - <li>inaction of the Athenian fleet after the battle of, viii. 215.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Argô</i>, the, i. 231.</li> -<li><i>Argonautic expedition</i>, i. 231 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>monuments of, i. 241 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>how and when attached to Kolchis, i. 251;</li> - <li>attempts to reconcile the, with geographical knowledge, i. 254 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>continued faith in, i. 255;</li> - <li>Dr. Warton and M. Ginguené on the, i. 481 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_507">[p. 507]</span><i>Argos</i>, rise of, coincident with the decline of Mykênæ, i. 165; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 6;</li> - <li>and neighboring Dorians greater than Sparta, in 776 <small>B. C.</small>, ii. 307;</li> - <li>Dorian settlements in, ii. 308, 309, 311;</li> - <li>early ascendency of, ii. 312, 320;</li> - <li>subsequent decline of, ii. 321;</li> - <li>acquisitions of Sparta from, ii. 448 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>military classification at, ii. 460;</li> - <li>struggles of, to recover the headship of Greece, ii. 463 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kleônæ, ii. 464;</li> - <li>victorious war of Sparta against, <small>B. C.</small> 496-5, iv. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>prostration of, <small>B. C.</small> 496-5, iv. 324;</li> - <li>assistance of, to Ægina, v. 49;</li> - <li>neutrality of, on the invasion of Xerxes, v. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>position of, on its alliance with Athens about <small>B. C.</small> 461, v. 319 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>uncertain relations between Sparta and, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 3;</li> - <li>position of, on the peace of Nikias, vii. 11 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the Thousand-regiment at, vii. 11;</li> - <li>induced by the Corinthians to head a new Peloponnesian alliance, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 13;</li> - <li>joined by Matinea, vii. 14;</li> - <li>joined by the Corinthians, vii. 17, 19;</li> - <li>joined by Elis, vii. 19;</li> - <li>refusal of Tegea to join, vii. 20;</li> - <li>and Sparta, projected alliance between, vii. 24;</li> - <li>and Bœotia, projected alliance between, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conclusion of a fifty years’ peace between Sparta and, vii. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, alliance between, vii. 44, 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy from, for alliance with Corinth, vii. 61;</li> - <li>attack of, upon Epidaurus, vii. 65, 69;</li> - <li>invasion of, by the Lacedæmonians and their allies, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 75;</li> - <li>political change at, through the battle of Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 89 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treaty of peace between Sparta and, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance between Sparta and, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 94;</li> - <li>renounces alliance with Athens, Elis and Mantinea, vii. 94;</li> - <li>oligarchical revolution at, vii, 96, 97;</li> - <li>restoration of democracy at, vii. 100;</li> - <li>renewed alliance of, with Athens, vii. 101;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B. C.</small> 416, vii. 101;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian intervention in behalf of the oligarchy at, vii. 101, 102;</li> - <li>envoys from, to the Athenian Demos at Samos, viii. 53;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Corinth, against Sparta, ix. 284;</li> - <li>consolidation of Corinth with, ix. 332;</li> - <li>expedition of Agesipolis against, ix. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>violent intestine feud at, x. 199 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Argos, Amphilochian</i>, capture of, by Phormio, vi. 121; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of Ambrakiots on, vi. 180;</li> - <li>Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Argus</i>, destruction of Argeians in the grove of, iv. 321.</li> -<li><i>Aria</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>.</li> -<li><i>Ariadnê</i>, i. 220 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ariæus</i>, flight of, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 47; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Klearchus, ix. 52, 54;</li> - <li>and the Greeks after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 54, 56, 62, 78.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aridæus</i>, Philip, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> -<li><i>Ariobarzanes</i>, intervention of, in Greece, x. 261; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revolt of, x. 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Susian Gates, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arion</i>, iv. 78 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aristagoras</i> and Megabatês, iv. 284; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revolt of, iv. 285 <i>seq.</i>, 292;</li> - <li>application of, to Sparta, iv. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens, iv. 289;</li> - <li>march of, to Sardis, iv. 290;</li> - <li>desertion of the Ionic revolt by, iv. 296 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aristarchus</i>, the Athenian, viii. 82.</li> -<li><i>Aristarchus</i>, the Lacedæmonian, ix. 164 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aristeidês</i>, constitutional change introduced by, iv. 145; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>character of, iv. 338 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>elected general, iv. 341;</li> - <li>banishment of, by ostracism, v. 50;</li> - <li>and Themistoklês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;</li> - <li>restoration of, from banishment, v. 110;</li> - <li>joins the Greek fleet at Salamis, v. 130;</li> - <li>slaughters the Persians at Psyttaleia, v. 136;</li> - <li>equitable assessment of, upon the allied Greeks, v. 264 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>popularity of, after the Persian war, v. 278;</li> - <li>death and poverty of, v. 289.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aristeus</i>, vi. 70, 73 <i>seq.</i> 182.</li> -<li><i>Aristo</i> and Agêtus, iv. 326.</li> -<li><i>Aristocrats</i>, Grecian, bad morality of, vi. 287.</li> -<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_508">[p. 508]</span><i>Aristodêmus</i>, king of Messenia, ii. 476.</li> -<li><i>Aristodêmus Malakus</i>, iii. 359.</li> -<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, “the coward”, v. 94, 188.</li> -<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, the actor, xi. 373.</li> -<li><i>Aristodikus</i>, iv. 201.</li> -<li><i>Aristogeitôn</i> and Harmodius, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aristoklês</i> and Hipponoidas, vii. 85, 89.</li> -<li><i>Aristokratês</i>, king of Orchomenus, ii. 428, 437.</li> -<li><i>Aristokratês</i>, the Athenian, vii. 368.</li> -<li><i>Aristomachê</i>, x. 480.</li> -<li><i>Aristomenês</i>, ii. 421, 428 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aristonikus</i> of Methymna, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> -<li><i>Aristophanês</i>, viii. 327; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his reason for showing up Sokratês, viii. 408;</li> - <li>his attack upon the alleged impiety of Sokratês, i. 400 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kleon, vi. 482 <i>seq.</i>, 488.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aristoteles</i> the Spartan, xi. 2.</li> -<li><i>Aristotle</i> on Spartan women, ii. 387; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the Spartan laws of property, ii. 408;</li> - <li>meaning of the word Sophist in, viii. 354;</li> - <li>formal logic of, viii. 429;</li> - <li>novelties ascribed to Sokratês by, viii. 424;</li> - <li>and Hermeias, xi. 441, 441 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>instruction of Alexander by, <a href="#Page_3">xii. 3</a>;</li> - <li>and Alexander, political views of, compared, <a href="#Page_265">xii. 265</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aristoxenus</i>, of Tarentum, xi. 154.</li> -<li><i>Aristus</i> and Nikoteles, x. 466.</li> -<li><i>Arkas</i> and Kallisto, i. 175.</li> -<li><i>Arkesilaus</i> the Second, iv. 40; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Third, iv. 45 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arktinus</i>, Æthiopis of, ii. 156.</li> -<li><i>Armenia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Armenus</i>, i. 242.</li> -<li><i>Arnold</i>, his edition of Thucydides, viii. 106 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Arrhibæus</i>, vi. 400, 440, 443 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Arrian</i> on the Amazons, i. 216 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conjecture of, respecting Geryôn, i. 249;</li> - <li>on Darius’s plan against Alexander, <a href="#Page_110">xii. 110</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arsakes</i> at Antandrus, viii. 114.</li> -<li><i>Arsames</i>, <a href="#Page_112">xii. 112</a>.</li> -<li><i>Arsinoê</i>, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Arsites</i>, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> -<li><i>Art</i>, Grecian. iv. 98 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Artabanus</i>, v. 8 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Artabazus, Xerxes’s general</i>, siege of Potidæa and Olynthus by, v. 142; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>jealousy of, against Mardonius, v. 160;</li> - <li>conduct of, at and after the battle of Platæa, v. 180, 182;</li> - <li>and Pausanias, v. 254, 268.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Artabazus, satrap of Daskylium</i>, xi. 230, 257, 300.</li> -<li><i>Artabazus, Darius’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> -<li><i>Artaphernês, satrap of Sardis</i>, Hippias’s application to, iv. 277; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Histiæus, iv. 298, 309;</li> - <li>proceedings of, after the conquest of Ionia, iv. 311;</li> - <li>and Datis, Persian armament under, iv. 329;</li> - <li>return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Artaphernês, the Persian envoy</i>, vi. 360 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Artaxerxes Longimanus</i>, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 361 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Artaxerxes Mnemon</i>, accession of, ix. 7; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 312; ix. 7, 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>, 48, 52;</li> - <li>death of, x. 366.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Artayktês</i>, v. 198 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Artemis</i>, i. 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>worship of, in Asia, iii. 170.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Artemis</i> Limnatis, temple of, ii. 424.</li> -<li><i>Artemisia</i>, v. 119, 133, 139.</li> -<li><i>Artemisium</i>, resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at, v. 71; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greek fleet at, v. 79, 80, 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sea-fight off, v. 99, 101;</li> - <li>retreat of the Greek fleet from, to Salamis, v. 102.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Arthur</i>, romances of, i. 476.</li> -<li><i>Artisans</i>, at Athens, iii. 136 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Arts</i>, rudimentary state of, in Homeric and Hesiodic Greece, ii. 116.</li> -<li><i>Aryandes</i>, Persian satrap of Egypt, iv. 47.</li> -<li><i>Asia</i>, twelve Ionic cities in, iii. 172 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Æolic cities in, iii. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>collective civilization in, without individual freedom or development, iii. 303;</li> - <li>state of, before the Persian monarchy, iv. 182;</li> - <li>conquests of Cyrus the Great in, iv. 209;</li> - <li>expedition of Greek fleet against, <small>B. C.</small> 478, v. 253;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês in, viii. 144, 153 <i>seq.</i>, 311 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of Timotheus to, x. 252, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Agesilaus in, x. 294, 296;</li> - <li>measures of Alexander before going to, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li> - <li>passage of Alexander to, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>;</li> - <li>review of Alexander’s army in, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li> - <li>cities founded by Alexander in, <a href="#Page_267">xii. 267</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_509">[p. 509]</span>Hellenized by the Diadochi, not by Alexander, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>;</li> - <li>how far really Hellenized, <a href="#Page_270">xii. 270</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Asia Minor</i>, Greeks in, ii. 235; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>non-Hellenic people of, iii. 203, 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>features of the country of, iii. 205;</li> - <li>Phrygian music and worship among Greeks in, iii. 212;</li> - <li>predominance of female influence in the legends of, iii. 222;</li> - <li>Cimmerian invasion of, iii. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conquest of, by the Persians, iv. 201;</li> - <li>arrival of Cyrus the Younger in, viii. 135, 137.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Asia, Upper</i>, Scythian invasion of, iii. 253.</li> -<li><i>Asiatic</i> customs and religion blended with Hellenic in the Trôad, i. 338.</li> -<li><i>Asiatic Dorians</i>, iii. 201, 202.</li> -<li><i>Asiatic</i> frenzy grafted on the joviality of the Grecian Dionysia, i. 35.</li> -<li><i>Asiatic Greece</i>, deposition of despots of, by Aristagoras, iv. 245.</li> -<li><i>Asiatic Greeks</i>, conquest of, by Crœsus, iii. 259 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>state of, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;</li> - <li>application of, to Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 546, iv. 199;</li> - <li>alliance with, against Persia, abandoned by the Athenians, iv. 291;</li> - <li>successes of Persians against, iv. 294;</li> - <li>reconquest of, after the fall of Milêtus, iv. 306;</li> - <li>first step to the ascendency of Athens over, v. 198;</li> - <li>not tributary to Persia between <small>B. C.</small> 477 and 412, v. 339 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Persia, by Sparta, ix. 205;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernes, x. 206; ix. 207;</li> - <li>application of to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li> - <li>after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Spartan project for the rescue of, x. 44.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Asidates</i>, ix. 172.</li> -<li><i>Askalaphus</i> and Ialmenus, i. 130.</li> -<li><i>Asklepiadês</i> of Myrlea, legendary discoveries of, i. 247 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> -<li><i>Asklêpiads</i>, i. 181.</li> -<li><i>Asklêpius</i>, i. 178 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Asopius</i>, son of Phormio, vi. 231.</li> -<li><i>Asopus</i>, Greeks and Persians at, before the battle of Platæa, v. 158 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aspasia</i>, vi. 98 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Aspendus</i>, Phenician fleet at, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 99, 100, 114; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 99;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês, return from, to Samos, viii. 116;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_100">xii. 100</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Aspis</i>, <a href="#Page_421">xii. 421</a>.</li> -<li><i>Assembly</i>, Spartan popular, ii. 345, 356; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenian judicial, iv. 137, 140 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Athenian political, iv. 139.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Assyria</i>, relations of, with Egypt, iii. 324.</li> -<li><i>Assyrian</i> kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.</li> -<li><i>Assyrians</i> and Medes, iii. 224 <i>seq.</i>, 290 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>contrasted with Phenicians, Greeks, and Egyptians, iii. 303;</li> - <li>and Phenicians, effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Astakus</i>, vi. 135, 141.</li> -<li><i>Asteria</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Asterius</i>, i. 220.</li> -<li><i>Astræus</i>, i. 6; and Eôs, children of, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Astronomy</i>, physical, thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and physics, knowledge of, among the early Greeks, ii. 114.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Astyages</i>, story of, iv. 182 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Astyanax</i>, death of, i. 305.</li> -<li><i>Astyochus</i>, expedition of, to Ionia, vii. 383; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Lesbos, vii. 384;</li> - <li>at Chios and the opposite coast, vii. 391;</li> - <li>accidental escape of, vii. 392;</li> - <li>and Pedaritus, vii. 393, 394;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernês, treaty between, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mission of Lichas and others respecting, vii. 397;</li> - <li>victory of, over Charmînus, and junction with Antisthenês, vii. 397;</li> - <li>at Rhodes, viii. 94;</li> - <li>at Milêtus, viii. 97;</li> - <li>recall of, viii. 98.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Atalanta</i>, i. 56, 145 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Atarneus</i>, captured and garrisoned by Derkyllidas, ix. 219; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Hermeias of, xi. 441, and <i>n.</i> 3.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Atê</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Athamas</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Athenagoras</i>, vii. 184 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Athênê</i>, birth of, i. 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>various representations of, i. 54;</li> - <li>her dispute with Poseidon, i. 56, 191;</li> - <li>Chalkiœkus, temple of, and Pausanias, v. 272;</li> - <li>Polias, reported prodigy in the temple of, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 109.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Athenian</i>, victims for the Minôtaur, i. 221; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_510">[p. 510]</span>ceremonies commemorative of the destruction of the Minôtaur, i. 223;</li> - <li>democracy, Kleisthenês, the real author of, iv. 139;</li> - <li>people, judicial attributes of, iv. 140;</li> - <li>nobles, early violence of, iv. 152;</li> - <li>energy, development of, after Kleisthenês’s revolution, iv. 176;</li> - <li>seamen, contrasted with the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;</li> - <li>dikasts, temper of, in estimating past services, iv. 372;</li> - <li>democracy, origin of the apparent fickleness of, iv. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoy, speech of, to Gelo, v. 219;</li> - <li>parties and politics, effect of the Persian war upon, v. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>empire, v. 290 <i>seq.</i>, 304 <i>n.</i> 2, 346, vi. 398 <i>seq.</i>, 44 <i>n.</i>, 48; viii. 281-290;</li> - <li>power, increase of, after the formation of the Delian confederacy, v. 313;</li> - <li>auxiliaries to Sparta against the Helots, v. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>democracy, consummation of, v. 380;</li> - <li>armament against Samos, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc., vi. 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>private citizens, redress of the allies against, vi. 38;</li> - <li>assembly, speeches of the Korkyræan and Corinthian envoys to, vi. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>navel attack, vi. 63;</li> - <li>envoy, reply of, to the Corinthian envoy, at the Spartan assembly, vi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition to ravage Peloponnesus, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 134;</li> - <li>armament to Potidæa and Chalkidic Thrace, <small>B. C.</small> 429, vi. 191;</li> - <li>assembly, debates in, respecting Mitylênê. vi. 244, 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assembly, about the Lacedæmonian prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assembly, on Demosthenes’ application for reinforcements to attack Sphakteria, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hoplites, at the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 477;</li> - <li>fleet, operations of, near Messênê and Rhegium, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vii. 133;</li> - <li>assembly and the expedition to Sicily, vii. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i>, 279;</li> - <li>treasury, abundance in, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 164;</li> - <li>fleet in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 302, 303 <i>seq.</i>, 315 <i>seq.</i>, 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>prisoners at Syracuse, vii. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Samos, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 394;</li> - <li>democracy, securities in, against corruption, vii. 402;</li> - <li>assembly, vote of, in favor of oligarchical change, viii. 14;</li> - <li>assembly, at Kolônus, viii. 35;</li> - <li>democracy, reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46;</li> - <li>squadron, escape of from Sestos to Elæus, viii. 105;</li> - <li>fleet at Kynossêma, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Abydos, viii. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet, concentration of, at Kardia, viii. 120;</li> - <li>fleet, at the Bosphorus, <small>B. C.</small> 410, viii. 127;</li> - <li>fleet at Arginusæ, viii. 170 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assembly, debate in, on the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 178-186, 190-194;</li> - <li>fleet, inaction of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 211;</li> - <li>fleet, removal of, from Samos to Ægospotami, viii. 215;</li> - <li>fleet, capture of, at Ægospotami, viii. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>kleruchs and allies after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223;</li> - <li>tragedy, growth of, viii. 317, 319;</li> - <li>mind, influence of comedy on, viii. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character not corrupted between <small>B. C.</small> 480 and 405, viii. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>confederacy, new, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Theban cavalry, battle of, near Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>marine, reform in the administration of, by Demosthenês, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Athenians</i> and the Hêrakleids, i. 94; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Sigeium, i. 339;</li> - <li>and Samians, contrast between, iv. 247;</li> - <li>active patriotism of, between <small>B. C.</small> 500-400, iv. 178;</li> - <li>diminished active sentiment of, after the Thirty Tyrants, iv. 180;</li> - <li>alliance with Asiatic Greeks abandoned by, iv. 291;</li> - <li>Darius’s revenge against, iv. 297;</li> - <li>terror and sympathy of, on the capture of Milêtus, iv. 309;</li> - <li>appeal of, to Sparta, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;</li> - <li>condition and character of, <small>B. C.</small> 490, iv. 334;</li> - <li>application of, to Sparta, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 341;</li> - <li>victory of, at Marathon, iv. 348 <i>seq.</i>, 358;</li> - <li>alleged fickleness and ingratitude of, towards Miltiadês, iv. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>answers of the Delphian oracle to, on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion, v. 59;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic patriotism of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hopeless situation of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li> - <li>conduct of, on the approach of Xerxes, v. 107, <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Salamis, v. 115, 132 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_511">[p. 511]</span>honor awarded to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;</li> - <li>under Pausanias in Bœotia, v. 164;</li> - <li>and Alexander of Macedon, before the battle of Platæa, v. 170;</li> - <li>and Spartans at Platæa, v. 171, 174;</li> - <li>victory of, at Platæa, v. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and continental Ionians, after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199;</li> - <li>attack the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 479, v. 200;</li> - <li>the leaders of Grecian progress after the battle of Salamis, v. 242;</li> - <li>rebuild their city after the battle of Platæa, v. 243;</li> - <li>effect of the opposition to the fortification of Athens upon, v. 246;</li> - <li>induced by Themistoklês to build twenty new triremes annually, v. 252;</li> - <li>activity of, in the first ten years of their hegemony, v. 294 <i>seq.</i>, 303;</li> - <li>renounce the alliance of Sparta, and join Argos and Thessaly, v. 319 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings of, in Cyprus, Phœnicia, Egypt, and Megara, <small>B. C.</small> 460, v. 321;</li> - <li>defeat the Æginetans, <small>B. C.</small> 459, v. 323;</li> - <li>defeat of at Tanagra, v. 328;</li> - <li>victory of, at Œnophyta, v. 331;</li> - <li>sail round Peloponnesus under Tolmidês, v. 331;</li> - <li>march against Thessaly, v. 334;</li> - <li>defeat and losses of, in Egypt, <small>B. C.</small> 460-455, v. 383;</li> - <li>victories of, at Cyprus, under Anaxikratês, v. 337;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Korôneia, v. 348;</li> - <li>personal activity of, after the reforms of Periklês and Ephialtês, vi. 1;</li> - <li>settlements of, in the Ægean, during the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 11;</li> - <li>pride of, in the empire of Athens, vi. 9;</li> - <li>decision of, respecting Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 62;</li> - <li>victory of near Potidæa, vi. 73;</li> - <li>blockade of Potidæa by, vi. 74;</li> - <li>counter-demand of, upon Sparta, for expiation of sacrilege, vi. 105;</li> - <li>final answer of, to the Spartans before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 110;</li> - <li>expel the Æginetans from Ægina, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 186;</li> - <li>ravage of the Megarid by, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137;</li> - <li>irritation of, at their losses from the plague and the Peloponnesians, vi. 164;</li> - <li>energetic demonstration of, <small>B. C.</small> 428, vi. 226;</li> - <li>their feeling and conduct towards the revolted Mitylenæans, vi. 249 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Lacedæmonians at Pylus, armistice between, vi. 324;</li> - <li>demands of, in return for the release of the Lacedæmonians in Sphakteria, vi. 329;</li> - <li>and Bœotians, debate between, after the battle of Delium, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 393 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>discontent of, with Sparta, on the non-fulfilment of the peace of Nikias, vii. 10;</li> - <li>recapture of Skiônê by, vii. 22;</li> - <li>and Amphipolis, vii. 104, xi. 215, 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>siege and capture of Mêlos by, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of Alkibiadês by, for his alleged profanation of the mysteries, vii. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, near the Olympieion at Syracuse, vii. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>forbearance of, towards Nikias, vii. 227 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>not responsible for the failure of the Sicilian expedition, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 227 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Epipolæ, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 277;</li> - <li>conduct of, on receiving Nikias’s despatch, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 279, 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, in the harbor of Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 316;</li> - <li>and Syracusans, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 291, 294 <i>seq.</i>, 317 <i>seq.</i>, 323 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>postponement of their retreat from Syracuse by an eclipse of the moon, vii. 315;</li> - <li>blockade of, in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Corinthians near Naupaktus, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>resolutions of, after the disaster at Syracuse, vii. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>suspicions of, about Chios, vii. 368;</li> - <li>defeat Alkamenês and the Peloponnesian fleet, vii. 369;</li> - <li>effect of the Chian revolt on, vii. 372;</li> - <li>harassing operations of, against Chios, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 345 <i>seq.</i>, 391, 393;</li> - <li>victory of, near Milêtus, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 385, 387;</li> - <li>retirement of, from Milêtus, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 388;</li> - <li>naval defeat of, near Eretria, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>moderation of, on the deposition of the Thirty and the Four Hundred, viii. 88 <i>seq.</i>, 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;</li> - <li>convention of, with Pharnabazus, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;</li> - <li>capture of Byzantium by, viii. 134;</li> - <li>different behavior of, towards Alkibiadês and Nikias, viii. 158;</li> - <li>victory of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_512">[p. 512]</span>remorse of, after the death of the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 205;</li> - <li>first proposals of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 227;</li> - <li>repayment of the Lacedæmonians by, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 305;</li> - <li>their treatment of Dorieus, ix. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restoration of the Long Walls at Corinth by, ix. 338;</li> - <li>and Evagoras of Cyprus, ix. 365, 375;</li> - <li>successes of Antalkidas against, ix. 344;</li> - <li>their alleged envy of distinguished generals, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 283;</li> - <li>project of, to seize Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 289;</li> - <li>and Charidemus in the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 360-358, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the alliance of Olynthus rejected by, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 236;</li> - <li>their remissness in assisting Methônê, xi. 260;</li> - <li>change in the character of, between <small>B. C.</small> 431 and 360, xi. 279;</li> - <li>prompt resistance of, to Philip at Thermopylæ, xi. 296;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Olynthus, <small>B. C.</small> 349, xi. 346;</li> - <li>capture of, at Olynthus, xi. 365, 372;</li> - <li>letters of Philip to, xi. 411, 416, 417;</li> - <li>and the Phokians at Thermopylæ, <small>B. C.</small> 374-346, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>letter of Philip to, declaring war, <small>B. C.</small> 340, xi. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>refusal of, to take part in the Amphiktyonic proceedings against Amphissa, xi. 478;</li> - <li>Philip asks the Thebans to assist in attacking, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thebans, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 495 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Philip, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>their recognition of Philip as head of Greece, xi. 507, 511 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>captured at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li> - <li>champions of the liberation of Greece, <small>B. C.</small> 323, <a href="#Page_312">xii. 312</a>;</li> - <li>helpless condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 302-301, <a href="#Page_385">xii. 385</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Athens</i>, historical, impersonal authority of law in, ii. 81; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>treatment of homicide in, ii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>military classification at, ii. 460;</li> - <li>meagre history of, before Drako, iii. 48;</li> - <li>tribunals for homicide at, iii. 77;</li> - <li>local superstitions at, about trial of homicide, iii. 79;</li> - <li>pestilence and suffering at, after the Kylonian massacre, iii. 82;</li> - <li>and Megara, war between, about Salamis, iii. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>acquisition of Salamis by, iii. 91 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>state of, immediately before the legislation of Solon, iii. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rights of property sacred at, iii. 105, 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rate of interest free at, iii. 108;</li> - <li>political rights of Solon’s four classes at, iii. 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>democracy at, begins with Kleisthenês, iii. 127;</li> - <li>distinction between the democracy at, and Solon’s constitution, iii. 131;</li> - <li>Solon’s departure from, iii. 147;</li> - <li>Solon’s return to, iii. 153;</li> - <li>connection of, with Thracian Chersonesus, under Peisistratus, iv. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 126;</li> - <li>introduction of universal admissibility to office at, iv. 145;</li> - <li>necessity for creating a constitutional morality at, in the time of Kleisthenês, iv. 153;</li> - <li>application of, for alliance with Persia, iv. 165;</li> - <li>and Platæa, first connection between, iv. 166;</li> - <li>successes of, against Bœotians and Chalkidians, iv. 170;</li> - <li>war of Ægina against, iv. 173, 316;</li> - <li>application of Aristagoras to, iv. 289;</li> - <li>treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 316;</li> - <li>traitors at, <small>B. C.</small> 490, iv. 356, 358;</li> - <li>penal procedure at, iv. 368 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Ægina war between, from <small>B. C.</small> 488 to 481, v. 47, 49 <i>seq.</i>, 50, 53, 323;</li> - <li>first growth of the naval force of, v. 51;</li> - <li>fleet of, the salvation of Greece, v. 53;</li> - <li>and Sparta, no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Ægina, occupation of, Xerxes, v. 109, 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Mardonius at, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first step to the separate ascendancy of, over Asiatic Greeks, v. 200;</li> - <li>conduct of, in the repulse of the Persians, v. 242;</li> - <li>Long Walls at, v. 244 <i>seq.</i>, 322 <i>seq.</i>, ix. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plans of Themistoklês for the naval aggrandizement of, v. 249 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>increase of metics and commerce at, after the enlargement of Piræus, v. 251;</li> - <li>headship of the allied Greeks transferred from Sparta to, v. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, first open separation between, v. 258 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li> - <li>proceedings of, on being made leader of the allied Greeks, v. 263 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_513">[p. 513]</span>stimulus to democracy at, from the Persian war, v. 275;</li> - <li>changes in the Kleisthenean constitution at, after the Persian war, v. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>long-sighted ambition imputed to, v. 293;</li> - <li>enforcing sanction of the confederacy of Delos exercised by, v. 298;</li> - <li>increasing power and unpopularity of among the allied Greeks, v. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>as guardian of the Ægean against piracy, between <small>B. C.</small> 476-466, v. 304;</li> - <li>bones of Theseus conveyed to, v. 304, 305;</li> - <li>quarrel of, with Thasos, <small>B. C.</small> 465, v. 309, 311;</li> - <li>first attempt of, to found a city at Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon, v. 310;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Megara, <small>B. C.</small> 461, v. 321;</li> - <li>growing hatred of Corinth and neighboring states to, <small>B. C.</small> 461, v. 321;</li> - <li>war of, with Corinth, Ægina, etc., <small>B. C.</small> 459, v. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reconciliation between leaders and parties at, after the battle of Tanagra, v. 329;</li> - <li>acquisition of Bœotia, Phokis, and Lokris by, v. 331;</li> - <li>and the Peloponnesians, five years’ truce between, v. 334;</li> - <li>and Persia, treaty between, <small>B. C.</small> 450, v. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fund of the confederacy transferred from Delos to, v. 343;</li> - <li>position and prospects of, about <small>B. C.</small> 448, v. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>commencement of the decline of, v. 346 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Delphi, <small>B. C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li> - <li>loss of Bœotia by, v. 347 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>despondency at, after the defeat at Korôneia, v. 350;</li> - <li>and Sparta, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;</li> - <li>and Megara, feud between, v. 351;</li> - <li>magistrates and Areopagus in early, v. 352;</li> - <li>increase of democratical sentiment at, between the time of Aristeidês and of Periklês, v. 355;</li> - <li>choice of magistrates by lot at, v. 355;</li> - <li>oligarchical party at, v. 361;</li> - <li>maritime empire of, vi. 2 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 281-293, ix. 199 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>maritime revenue of, vi. 5 <i>seq.</i>, 6, <i>n.</i> 1, 36;</li> - <li>commercial relations of, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 11;</li> - <li>political condition of, between <small>B. C.</small> 445-431, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>improvements in the city of, under Periklês, vi. 20 <i>seq.</i>, 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Periklês’s attempt to convene a Grecian congress at, vi. 25;</li> - <li>application of the Samians to Sparta for aid against, vi. 29;</li> - <li>funeral ceremony of slain warriors at, vi. 31;</li> - <li>and her subject-allies, vi. 33 <i>seq.</i>, 48;</li> - <li>and Sparta, confederacies of, vi. 49;</li> - <li>reinforcement from, to Korkyra against Corinth, vi. 57 <i>seq.</i>, 67;</li> - <li>and Corinth, after the second naval battle between Corinth and Korkyra, vi., 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Perdikkas, vi. 71 <i>seq.</i>, 449, <i>seq.</i>, vii. 96;</li> - <li>non-aggressive, between <small>B. C.</small> 445-431, vi. 76;</li> - <li>Megara prohibited from trading with, vi. 76;</li> - <li>hostility of the Corinthians to, after their defeat near Potidæa, vi. 77;</li> - <li>discussion and decision of the Spartan assembly upon war with, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>position and prospects of, on commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 113 <i>seq.</i>, 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>requisitions addressed to, by Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assembly at, on war with Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conduct of, on the Theban night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Akarnanians, alliance between, vi. 121;</li> - <li>crowding of population into, on Archidamus’s invasion of Attica, vi. 129;</li> - <li>and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 130;</li> - <li>clamor at, on Archidamus’s ravage of Acharnæ, vi. 131;</li> - <li>measures for the permanent defence of, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 138 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance of Stitalkês with, vi. 141, 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>freedom of individual thought and action at, vi. 149 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>position of, at the time of Periklês’s funeral oration, vi. 152;</li> - <li>the plague at, vi. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 293;</li> - <li>proceedings of, on learning the revolt of Mitylênê, vi. 223;</li> - <li>exhausted treasury of, <small>B. C.</small> 428, vi. 232;</li> - <li>new politicians at, after Periklês, vi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolutions at, contrasted with those at Korkyra, vi. 283;</li> - <li>political clubs at, vi. 290;</li> - <li>and the prisoners in Sphakteria vi. 325 <i>seq.</i>, 353 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fluctuation of feeling at, as to the Peloponnesian war, vi. 355;</li> - <li>and her Thracian subject-allies, vi. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Brasidas’s conquests in Thrace, vi. 413;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_514">[p. 514]</span>and Sparta, one year’s truce between, <small>B. C.</small> 423, vi. 432 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 423-422, vi. 449, 452 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>necessity for voluntary accusers at, vi. 486;</li> - <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 5;</li> - <li>application of Corinthians to, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 20;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian envoys at, about Panaktum and Pylus, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 29;</li> - <li>and Argos, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 43 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>convention of, with Argos, Mantineia, and Elis, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 49 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>policy of, attempted by Alkibiades, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 62 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attack of, upon Epidaurus, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 64, 66;</li> - <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 69;</li> - <li>and Argos, renewed alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 417, vii. 101;</li> - <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 416, vii. 103;</li> - <li>Sicilian expedition, vii. 132, 142, 144 <i>seq.</i>, 163 <i>seq.</i>, 364 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mutilation of the Hermæ at, vii. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 197 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>injurious effects of Alkibiadês’s banishment upon, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 216;</li> - <li>Nikias’s despatch to, for reinforcements, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, violation of the peace between, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 286;</li> - <li>effects of the Lacedæmonian occupation of Dekeleia on, vii. 354 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>dismissal of Thracian mercenaries from, 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Chios, Erythræ, and Klazomenæ from, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 371;</li> - <li>appropriation of the reserve fund at, vii. 373;</li> - <li>loss of Teos by, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 374;</li> - <li>revolt of Lebedos and Eræ from, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 375;</li> - <li>loss and recovery of Lesbos by, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 384 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recovery of Klazomenæ by, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 384;</li> - <li>rally of, during the year after the disaster at Syracuse, viii. 1;</li> - <li>conspiracy of the Four Hundred at, viii. 1, 7 <i>seq.</i>, 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>loss of Orôpus by, viii. 25;</li> - <li>arrival of the Paralus at, from Samos, viii. 30;</li> - <li>constitutional morality of, viii. 25;</li> - <li>restoration of democracy at, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 69 <i>seq.</i>, 77 <i>seq.</i>, 81 <i>seq.</i>, 89;</li> - <li>contrast between oligarchy at, and democracy at Samos, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 91 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Byzantium from, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li> - <li>revolt of Abydos and Lampsakus from, viii. 94;</li> - <li>revolt of Kyzikus from, viii. 112;</li> - <li>zeal of Pharnabazus against, viii. 113;</li> - <li>proposals of peace from Sparta to, <small>B. C.</small> 410, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of Alkibiadês to, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 145 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fruitless attempt of Agis to surprise, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 150;</li> - <li>complaints at, against Alkibiadês, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 152 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conflicting sentiments at, caused by the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 175;</li> - <li>alleged proposals of peace from Sparta to, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 210;</li> - <li>condition of her dependencies, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oath of mutual harmony at, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 225;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Lysander, viii. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of oligarchical exiles to, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 234;</li> - <li>oligarchical party at, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 235;</li> - <li>imprisonment of Strombichidês and other democrats at, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 236;</li> - <li>the Thirty tyrants at, viii. 237, 240 <i>seq.</i>, ix. 182 <i>seq.</i>, 186 <i>seq.</i>, 198;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian garrison at, under Kallibius, viii. 242;</li> - <li>alteration of feeling in Greece after the capture of, by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li> - <li>restoration of Thrasybulus and the exiles to, viii. 279;</li> - <li>restoration of the democracy at, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 280, 294, 295, 295 <i>seq.</i>, 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 405-403, viii. 293;</li> - <li>abolition of Hellenotamiæ and restriction of citizenship at <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>development of dramatic genius at, between the time of Kleisthenês and of Eukleidês, viii. 318 <i>seq.</i>, 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accessibility of the theatre at, viii. 321;</li> - <li>growth of rhetoric and philosophy at, viii. 338 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>literary and philosophical antipathy at, viii. 348;</li> - <li>enlargement of the field of education at, viii. 349;</li> - <li>sophists at, viii. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 399;</li> - <li>banishment of Xenophon from, ix. 175;</li> - <li>Theban application to, for aid against Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 395, ix. 291 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance of Thebes, Corinth, Argos and, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li> - <li>contrast between political conflicts at, and at Corinth, ix. 330 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_515">[p. 515]</span>alarm at, on the Lacedæmonian capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, ix. 340;</li> - <li>and Ægina, <small>B. C.</small> 389, ix. 372 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>financial condition of, from <small>B. C.</small> 403 to 387, ix. 378 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>creation of the Theôric Board at, ix. 379;</li> - <li>property-taxes at, ix. 380 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2, 12;</li> - <li>applications of, to Persia, <small>B. C.</small> 413, x. 7, 8;</li> - <li>and Evagoras, x. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>naval competition of, with Sparta, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Macedonia, contrast between, x. 47;</li> - <li>Theban exiles at, after the seizure of the Kadmeia by Phœbidas, x. 61, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>condemnation of the generals at, who had favored the enterprise of Pelopidas, x. 96;</li> - <li>contrast between judicial procedure at, and at Sparta, x. 102;</li> - <li>hostility of, to Sparta, and alliance with Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 102 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exertions of, to form a new maritime confederacy, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 103 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>absence of Athenian generals from, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>synod of new confederates at, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 112;</li> - <li>nature and duration of the Solonian census at, x. 113 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>new census at, in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>symmories at, x. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>financial difficulties of, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 133;</li> - <li>displeasure of, against Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 133, 159;</li> - <li>separate peace of, with the Lacedæmonians, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 137, 141;</li> - <li>disposition of, towards peace with Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 158, 164;</li> - <li>and the dealings of Thebes with Platæa and Thespiæ, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 162 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the peace of, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 167, 172;</li> - <li>and Sparta, difference between in passive endurance and active energy, x. 187;</li> - <li>the Theban victory at Leuktra not well received at, x. 189;</li> - <li>at the head of a new Peloponnesian land confederacy, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 201;</li> - <li>application of Arcadians to, for aid against Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 213;</li> - <li>application of Sparta, Corinth, and Phlius to, for aid against Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>ambitious views of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 253;</li> - <li>embassies from, to Persia, x. 278, 280, 293;</li> - <li>loss of Orôpus by, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 286;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Arcadia, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 288;</li> - <li>partial readmission of, to the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 365, x. 295 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kotys, x. 298 <i>seq.</i>, 372, 373;</li> - <li>Theban naval operations against, under Epaminondas, x. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>naval operations of Alexander of Pheræ against, x. 370;</li> - <li>and Miltokythes, x. 372;</li> - <li>restoration of the Chersonese to, <small>B. C.</small> 358, x. 379;</li> - <li>transmarine empire of, <small>B. C.</small> 358, x. 381;</li> - <li>condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 360-359, xi. 199;</li> - <li>proceedings of Philip towards, on his accession, xi. 212;</li> - <li>and Eubœa, xi. 217 <i>seq.</i>, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of the Chersonese to, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 219;</li> - <li>revolt of Chios, Kos, Rhodes, and Byzantium from, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li> - <li>armaments and operations of, in the Hellespont, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li> - <li>loss of power to, from the Social War, xi. 232;</li> - <li>Philip’s hostilities against, <small>B. C.</small> 358-356, xi. 237;</li> - <li>recovery of Sestos by, <small>B. C.</small> 353, xi. 257;</li> - <li>intrigues of Kersobleptes and Philip against, <small>B. C.</small> 353, xi. 258;</li> - <li>countenance of the Phokians by, <small>B. C.</small> 353, xi. 262;</li> - <li>applications of Sparta and Megalopolis to, <small>B. C.</small> 353, xi. 263, 290;</li> - <li>alarm about Persia at, <small>B. C.</small> 354, xi. 285;</li> - <li>Philip’s naval operations against, <small>B. C.</small> 351, xi. 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Olynthus, xi. 326, 331, 334, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 365, 372;</li> - <li>and Philip overtures for peace between, <small>B. C.</small> 348 xi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of the Phokians to, for aid against Philip at Thermopylæ, xi. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassies to Philip from, xi. 379 <i>seq.</i>; 401 <i>seq.</i>, 422, 430 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>resolution of the synod of allies at, respecting Philip, xi. 388;</li> - <li>assemblies at, in the presence of the Macedonian envoys, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoys from Philip to, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;</li> - <li>motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance between Philip and, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>ratification of peace and alliance between Philip and, xi. 398 <i>seq.</i>, 429 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_516">[p. 516]</span>alarm and displeasure at, on the surrender of Thermopylæ to Philip, xi. 423;</li> - <li>professions of Philip to, after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;</li> - <li>and the honors conferred upon Philip by the Amphiktyons, xi. 429;</li> - <li>and Philip, formal peace between, from <small>B. C.</small> 346 to 340, xi. 442;</li> - <li>mission of Python from Philip to, xi. 446;</li> - <li>and Philip, proposed amendments in the peace of, <small>B. C.</small> 346, between, xi. 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Philip, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont, xi. 450;</li> - <li>increased influence of Demosthenes at, <small>B. C.</small> 341-338, xi. 452;</li> - <li>services of Kalias the Chalkidian to, <small>B. C.</small> 341, xi. 452;</li> - <li>and Philip, declaration of war between, <small>B. C.</small> 340, xi. 455 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>votes of thanks from Byzantium and the Chersonese to, xi. 461;</li> - <li>accusation of the Amphissians against, at the Amphiktyonic assembly, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thebes, unfriendly relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 484;</li> - <li>proceedings at, on Philip’s fortification of Elateia and application to Thebes for aid, xi. 484 <i>seq.</i> 491;</li> - <li>and Thebes, alliance of, against Philip, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 490;</li> - <li>Demosthenes crowned at, xi. 493, 495;</li> - <li>proceedings at, on the defeat at Chæroneia, xi. 502 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>lenity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;</li> - <li>means of resistance at, after the battle of, Chæroneia, xi. 508;</li> - <li>honorary votes at, in favor of Philip, xi. 509;</li> - <li>sentiment at, on the death of Philip, <a href="#Page_10">xii. 10</a>;</li> - <li>submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_12">xii. 12</a>;</li> - <li>conduct of, on Alexander’s violation of the convention at Corinth, <a href="#Page_17">xii. 17</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings at, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, <a href="#Page_44">xii. 44</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at, <a href="#Page_45">xii. 45</a>;</li> - <li>pacific policy of, in Alexander’s time, <a href="#Page_277">xii. 277</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>position of parties at, during and after the anti-Macedonian struggle of Agis, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a>;</li> - <li>submission of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>state of parties at, on the proclamation of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_345">xii. 345</a>;</li> - <li>Kassander gets possession of, <a href="#Page_361">xii. 361</a>; under Demetrius Phalereus, <a href="#Page_362">xii. 362</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>census at, under Demetrius Phalereus, <a href="#Page_363">xii. 363</a>;</li> - <li>Demetrius Poliorketes at, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li> - <li>alteration of sentiment at, between <small>B. C.</small> 338 and 307, <a href="#Page_376">xii. 376</a>;</li> - <li>in <small>B. C.</small> 501 and 307, contrast between, <a href="#Page_377">xii. 377</a>;</li> - <li>restrictive law against philosophers at, <small>B. C.</small> 307, <a href="#Page_379">xii. 379</a>;</li> - <li>embassy to Antigonus from, <a href="#Page_380">xii. 380</a>;</li> - <li>political nullity of, in the generation after Demosthenes, <a href="#Page_392">xii. 392</a>;</li> - <li>connection of, with Bosporus or Pantikapæum, <a href="#Page_480">xii. 480</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Athos</i>, iv. 23; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>colonies in, iv. 25;</li> - <li>Mardonius’s fleet destroyed near, iv. 314;</li> - <li>Xerxes’s canal through, v. 21 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Atlas</i>, i. 6, 8, 9.</li> -<li><i>Atossa</i>, iv. 252.</li> -<li><i>Atreids</i>, i. 157.</li> -<li><i>Atreus</i>, i. 155 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Atropos</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Attalus, the Macedonian</i>, xi. 513; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Pausanias, xi. 515;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 518.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra</i>, death of, xi. 8.</li> -<li><i>Attic</i> legends, i. 191 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>chronology. commencement of, iii. 49;</li> - <li>gentes, iii. 54 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>demes, iii. 63, 66, 68, iv. 133 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>law of debtor and creditor, iii. 99, 109 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>scale, ratio of, to the Æginæan and Euboic, iii. 171;</li> - <li>Dionysia, iv. 69.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Attica</i> original distribution of, i. 193; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>division of, by Kekrops, i. 195;</li> - <li>obscurity of the civil condition of, before Solon, iii. 49;</li> - <li>alleged duodecimal division of, in early times, iii. 50;</li> - <li>four Ionic tribes in, iii. 50 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>original separation and subsequent consolidation of communities in, iii. 69;</li> - <li>long continuance of the cantonal feeling in, iii. 70;</li> - <li>state of, after Solon’s legislation, iii. 154;</li> - <li>Spartan expeditions to, against Hippias, iv. 122;</li> - <li>Xerxes in, v. 111 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian invasion of, under Pleistoanax, v. 349;</li> - <li>Archidamus’s invasions of, vi. 129 <i>seq.</i>, 154, 221;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian invasion of, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vi. 239;</li> - <li>invasion of, by Agis, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 288;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_517">[p. 517]</span>king Pausanias’s expedition to, viii. 275 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Augê</i>, i. 177.</li> -<li><i>Augeas</i>, i. 139.</li> -<li><i>Aulis</i>, Greek forces assembled at, against Troy, i. 293 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Agesilaus at, ix. 258.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ausonians</i>, iii. 355.</li> -<li><i>Autoklês</i> at the congress at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 165; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in the Hellespont, x. 371 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Autolykus</i>, i. 119.</li> -<li><i>Azan</i>, i. 176.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">B.</li> -<li><i>Babylon</i>, iii. 291 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Cyrus’s capture of, iv. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt, and reconquest of, by Darius, iv. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Harpalus satrap of, <a href="#Page_240">xii. 240</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Babylonian</i> scale, ii. 319; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Babylonians</i>, industry of, iii. 300; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>deserts and predatory tribes surrounding, iii. 304.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bacchæ</i> of Euripides, i. 262 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Bacchiads</i>, ii. 307, iii. 2.</li> -<li><i>Bacchic</i> rites, i. 33, 34, 38.</li> -<li><i>Bacchus</i>, birth of, i. 260; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>rites of, i. 261.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bacon</i> and Sokratês, viii. 450 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the Greek philosophers, viii. 454 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bad</i>, meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bagæus</i> and Orœtês, iv. 230.</li> -<li><i>Bagoas</i>, xi. 439, 441, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> -<li><i>Baktria</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Barbarian</i>, meaning of, ii. 276; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Grecian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bards</i>, ancient Grecian, ii. 136, 143.</li> -<li><i>Bardylis</i>, defeat of, by Philip, xi. 215.</li> -<li><i>Barka</i>, modern observations of, iv. 32 <i>n.</i> 2, 36 <i>n.</i> 3, 37 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>foundation of, iv. 42;</li> - <li>Persian expedition from Egypt against, iv. 48;</li> - <li>capture of, iv. 48;</li> - <li>submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Basilids</i>, iii. 162 <i>n.</i> 4, 188.</li> -<li><i>Batis</i>, governor of Gaza, <a href="#Page_144">xii. 144</a>.</li> -<li><i>Battus</i>, founder of Kyrênê, iv. 30 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>dynasty of, iv. 40 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the Third, iv. 43.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bebrykians</i>, iii. 207, 208.</li> -<li><i>Bellerophôn</i>, i. 121 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Bêlus</i>, temple of, iii. 297.</li> -<li><i>Bequest</i>, Solon’s law of, iii. 139.</li> -<li><i>Berœa</i>, Athenian attack upon, vi. 76 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Bessus</i>, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> -<li><i>Bias</i>, i. 91, 109 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Bisaltæ</i>, the king of, iv. 21, v. 43.</li> -<li><i>Bithynia</i>, Derkyllidas in, ix. 216.</li> -<li><i>Bithynians</i>, iii. 207.</li> -<li><i>Boar</i>, the Kalydônian, i. 147, 148 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Bœotia</i>, affinities of, with Thessaly, ii. 18; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>transition from mythical to historical, ii. 19;</li> - <li>cities and confederation of, ii. 295;</li> - <li>Mardonius in, v. 153, 161;</li> - <li>Pausanias’s march to, v. 168;</li> - <li>supremacy of Thebes in, restored by Sparta, v. 319, 326;</li> - <li>expedition of the Lacedæmonians into, <small>B. C.</small> 458, v. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331;</li> - <li>loss of, by Athens, v. 347 <i>seq.</i>, 351 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>scheme of Demosthenês and Hippokratês for invading, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 379;</li> - <li>and Argos, projected alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 26;</li> - <li>and Eubœa, bridge connecting, viii. 112, 118;</li> - <li>Agesilaus on the northern frontier of, ix. 315;</li> - <li>expeditions of Kleombrotus to, x. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 129;</li> - <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, by the Thebans, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li> - <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;</li> - <li>retirement of the Spartans from, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 190;</li> - <li>extinction of free cities in, by Thebes, xi. 201;</li> - <li>successes of Onomarchus in, xi. 293;</li> - <li>reconstitution of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bœotian</i> war, ix. 295 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>cities after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 29, 33.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bœotians</i>, ii. 14 <i>seq.</i> 293 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Chalkidians, successes of Athens against, iv. 171;</li> - <li>and Athenians, debate between, after the battle of Delium, vi. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at peace during the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 457;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_518">[p. 518]</span>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 3;</li> - <li>refuse to join Argos, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 16.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bœôtus</i>, genealogy of, i. 256 <i>n.</i> 2, ii. 18 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Bogês</i>, v. 295.</li> -<li><i>Bomilkar</i>, <a href="#Page_416">xii. 416</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> -<li><i>Boreas</i>, i. 6, 199, 200.</li> -<li><i>Bosporus</i>, Alkibiades and the Athenian fleet at the, viii. 125; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Autokles in the, x. 372;</li> - <li>disputes between Philip and Athens about, xi. 450.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bosporus</i> or Pantikapæum, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Bottiæans</i>, iv. 14, 19 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Boulê</i>, Homeric, ii. 65; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Agora, ii. 74.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Branchidæ</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_202">xii. 202</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Brasidas</i>, first exploit of, vi. 135; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Knêmus, attempt of, upon Peiræus, vi. 211;</li> - <li>at Pylus, vi. 324;</li> - <li>sent with Helot and other Peloponnesian hoplites to Thrace, vi. 370;</li> - <li>at Megara, vi. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, through Thessaly to Thrace, vi. 399 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Perdikkas, relations between, vi. 400, 450, 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>prevails upon Akanthus to revolt from Athens, vi. 402 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings of, at Argilus, vi. 408, 409;</li> - <li>at Amphipolis, vi. 408 <i>seq.</i>, 476 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>repelled from Eion, vi. 411;</li> - <li>capture of Lêkythus by, vi. 424;</li> - <li>revolt of Skiônê to, vi. 435 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Perdikkas, proceedings of, towards Arrhibæus, vi. 400, 440, 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>personal ascendency of, vi. 412, 425;</li> - <li>operations of, after his acquisition of Amphipolis, vi. 420;</li> - <li>surprises and takes Toronê, vi. 422;</li> - <li>acquisition of Mendê by, vi. 439;</li> - <li>retreat of, before the Illyrians, vi. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian reinforcement to, vi. 449;</li> - <li>attempt of, upon Potidæa, vi. 450;</li> - <li>opposition of, to peace on the expiration of the One year’s truce, vi. 455;</li> - <li>death and character of, vi. 473, 474, 479 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>speech of, at Akanthus, ix. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>language of, contrasted with the acts of Lysander, ix. 194.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Brazen</i> race, the, i. 65.</li> -<li><i>Brennus</i>, invasion of Greece by, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li> -<li><i>Briarcus</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Bribery</i>, judicial, in Grecian cities, v. 188.</li> -<li><i>Brisêis</i>, i. 294.</li> -<li><i>Bromias</i>, xi. 298.</li> -<li><i>Brontês</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Brundusium</i>, iii. 391.</li> -<li><i>Brute</i>, the Trojan, i. 482 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Bruttians</i>, xi. 10, 133.</li> -<li><i>Bryant</i>, hypothesis on the Trojan war, i. 330 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on Palæphatus, i. 418 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Bryas</i>, vii. 99.</li> -<li><i>Budini</i>, iii. 244.</li> -<li><i>Bukephalia</i>, <a href="#Page_229">xii. 229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> -<li><i>Bull</i>, Phalaris’s brazen, v. 205 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Bura</i>, destruction of, x. 157.</li> -<li><i>Butadæ</i>, i. 197.</li> -<li><i>Byblus</i>, surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li> -<li><i>Byzantium</i>, iv. 27; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;</li> - <li>Pausanias at, v. 268, 280;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li> - <li>Klearchus, the Lacedæmonian, sent to, viii. 128;</li> - <li>capture of, by the Athenians, viii. 134;</li> - <li>mission of Cheirisophus to, ix. 125;</li> - <li>return of Cheirisophus from, ix. 144;</li> - <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li> - <li>mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;</li> - <li>siege of, by Philip, xi. 459;</li> - <li>vote of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461;</li> - <li>Philip concludes peace with, xi. 461.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">C.</li> -<li><i>Calabrian</i> peninsula, Dionysius’s projected wall across, xi. 43.</li> -<li><i>Calycê</i>, i. 137.</li> -<li><i>Campanians</i>, xi. 9; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Ætna, x. 407.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Canacê</i>, i. 136 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Carthage</i>, iii. 273; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>foundation and dominion of, iii. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Tyre, amicable relations of, iii. 348;</li> - <li>projected expedition of Kambysês against, iv. 220;</li> - <li>empire, power, and population of, x. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and her colonies, x. 394;</li> - <li>military force of, x. 396 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>political constitution of, x. 397 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oligarchical system and sentiment at, x. 398 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_519">[p. 519]</span>powerful families at, x. 400;</li> - <li>intervention of, in Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 410, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 469, 473, 481, 483;</li> - <li>distressat, on the failure of Imilkon’s expedition against Syracuse, x. 511;</li> - <li>danger of, from her revolted Libyan subjects, <small>B. C.</small> 394, x. 511;</li> - <li>Dionysius renews the war with, xi. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Dionysius concludes an unfavorable peace with, xi. 42;</li> - <li>new war of Dionysius with, xi. 44;</li> - <li>danger from, to Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 344, xi. 134;</li> - <li>operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sedition of Bomilkar at, <a href="#Page_435">xii. 435</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Carthaginian</i> invasion of Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 480, v. 221 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fleet, entrance of, into the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 498.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Carthaginians</i>, and Phenicians, difference between the aims of, iii. 275; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Greeks, first known collision between, iii. 348;</li> - <li>peace of, with Gelo, after the battle of the Himera, v. 225;</li> - <li>and Egestæans, victory of, over the Selinuntines, x. 404;</li> - <li>blockade and capture of Agrigentum by, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plunder of Syracuse by, x. 482;</li> - <li>in Sicily, expedition of Dionysius against, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>naval victory of, off Katana, x. 495;</li> - <li>before Syracuse, x. 499 <i>seq.</i>, 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, in the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 501;</li> - <li>in Sicily, frequency of pestilence among, xi. 1;</li> - <li>purchase the robe of the Lakinian Hêrê, xi. 23;</li> - <li>and Hipponium, xi. 43;</li> - <li>invade Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 340, xi. 170, 171;</li> - <li>Timoleon’s victory over, at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>peace of Timoleon with, xi. 182;</li> - <li>their defence of Agrigentum against Agathokles, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, over Agathokles at the Himera, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recover great part of Sicily from Agathokles, <a href="#Page_409">xii. 409</a>;</li> - <li>expedition of Agathokles to Africa against, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>religious terror of after the defeat of Hanno and Bomilkar, <a href="#Page_418">xii. 418</a>;</li> - <li>success of, against Agathokles in Numidia, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>;</li> - <li>victories of, over Archagathus, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>;</li> - <li>Archagathus blocked up at Tunês by, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, over Agathokles near Tunês, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li> - <li>nocturnal panic in the camp of, near Tunês, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li> - <li>the army of Agathokles capitulate with, after his desertion, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Caspian</i> Gates, <a href="#Footnote_438">xii. 182 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> -<li><i>Castes</i>, Egyptian, iii. 314 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Catalogue</i> in the Iliad, i. 290 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 157.</li> -<li><i>Cato</i> the elder, and Kleon, vi. 485 <i>n.</i>, 486 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Census</i>, nature and duration of the Solonian, x. 113 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 114 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Centaur</i> Nessus, i. 151.</li> -<li><i>Centimanes</i>, i. 8.</li> -<li><i>Ceremonies</i>, religious, a source of mythes, i. 62, 63.</li> -<li><i>Cestus</i>, iv. 57 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Chabrias</i>, defeat of Gorgôpas by, ix. 375; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proceedings of between <small>B. C.</small> 387-378, x. 105;</li> - <li>at Thebes, x. 127;</li> - <li>victory of, near Naxos, x. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Corinth, x. 258;</li> - <li>in Egypt, x. 361, 362;</li> - <li>and Charidemus, x. 379;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 223.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chæreas</i>, viii. 30, 46.</li> -<li><i>Chæroneia</i>, victory of the Thebans over Onomarchus at, xi. 257; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>battle of, <small>B. C.</small> 338, xi. 498 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chaldæan</i> priests and Alexander, <a href="#Page_249">xii. 249</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> -<li><i>Chaldæans</i>, iii. 290 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Chalkêdon</i> and Alkibiadês, viii. 126, 132.</li> -<li><i>Chalkideus</i>, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370, 371 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Tissaphernes, treaty between, vii. 376;</li> - <li>defeat and death of, vii. 385.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chalkidians</i>, Thracian, iv. 22 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 183, 396; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Eubœa, successes of Athens against, iv. 170.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chalkidikê</i>, success of Timotheus in, x. 294; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>three expeditions from Athens to, <small>B. C.</small> 349-348, xi. 334 <i>n.</i>, 349;</li> - <li>success of Philip in, xi. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chalkis</i>, iii. 164 <i>seq.</i>; retirement of the Greek fleet to, on the loss of three triremes, v. 80.</li> -<li><i>Chalybes</i>, iii. 252, ix. 106 <i>seq.</i>, 110.</li> -<li><i>Champions</i>, select, change in Grecian opinions respecting, ii. 451.</li> -<li><i>Chaonians</i>, iii. 413 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Chaos</i>, i. 4; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and her offspring, i. 4.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chares</i>, assistance of, to Phlius, x. 272; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_520">[p. 520]</span>recall of, from Corinth, x. 287;</li> - <li>unsuccessful attempt of, to seize Corinth, x. 289;</li> - <li>in the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 358, x. 379;</li> - <li>at Chios, xi. 374;</li> - <li>in the Hellespont, xi. 224;</li> - <li>accusation of Iphikrates and Timotheus by, xi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Artabazus, xi. 230;</li> - <li>conquest of Sestos by, xi. 258;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Olynthus, xi. 349;</li> - <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 502;</li> - <li>capitulation of, at Mitylênê, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Charidemus</i>, x. 251; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Iphikrates, x. 299;</li> - <li>and Timotheus, x. 300, 301;</li> - <li>and Kephisodotus, x. 374, 377;</li> - <li>and Kersobleptes, x. 376, 377;</li> - <li>and the Athenians in the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 360-358, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Miltokythes, x. 378;</li> - <li>his popularity and expedition to Thrace, xi. 307;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Chalkidikê, xi. 349;</li> - <li>put to death by Darius, <a href="#Page_108">xii. 108</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Charidemus</i> and Ephialtes, banishment of, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>.</li> -<li><i>Chariklês</i>, expedition of, to Peloponnesus, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 288; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Peisander, vii. 198.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Charilaus</i> and Lykurgus, ii. 344; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Samian, iv. 249.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Charites</i>, the, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Charitesia</i>, festival of, i. 128.</li> -<li><i>Charlemagne</i>, legends of, i. 475.</li> -<li><i>Charmandê</i>, dispute among the Cyreian forces near, ix. 35.</li> -<li><i>Charmînus</i>, victory of Astyochus over, vii. 397.</li> -<li><i>Charon</i> the Theban, x. 81 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Charondas</i>, iv. 417.</li> -<li><i>Charopinus</i>, iv. 290.</li> -<li><i>Cheirisophus</i>, ix. 80; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Xenophon, ix. 92, 95, 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 99;</li> - <li>mission of, to Byzantium, ix. 125;</li> - <li>return of, from Byzantium, ix. 144;</li> - <li>elected sole general of the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 145;</li> - <li>death of, ix. 148.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chersonese</i>, Thracian, iv. 27; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>connection of, with Athens under Peisistratus, iv. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attacked by the Athenians, <small>B. C.</small> 479, v. 201;</li> - <li>operations of Periklês in, vi. 10;</li> - <li>retirement of Alkibiadês to, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 159;</li> - <li>fortification of, by Derkyllidas, ix. 218;</li> - <li>partial readmission of Athenians to, <small>B. C.</small> 365, x. 296 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Epaminondas near, x. 301, 306;</li> - <li>Timotheus at, x. 302, 306, 368;</li> - <li>Ergophilus in the, x. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Kotys in the, x. 373;</li> - <li>Kephisodotus in the, x. 374;</li> - <li>Charidemus and the Athenians in the, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restoration of, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, x. 379, xi. 219;</li> - <li>Kersobleptes cedes part of, to Athens, xi. 258;</li> - <li>speech of Demosthenes on, xi. 451;</li> - <li>mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;</li> - <li>votes of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chians</i> at Ladê, iv. 304; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>activity of, in promoting revolt among the Athenian allies, vii. 374;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Lesbos, vii. 382 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>improved condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 94.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chimæra</i>, the, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Chios</i>, foundation of, iii. 147; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Histiæus at, iv. 299;</li> - <li>an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li> - <li>proceeding of Athenians at, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vi. 360;</li> - <li>application from, to Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 365;</li> - <li>the Lacedæmonians persuaded by Alkibiadês to send aid to, vii. 367;</li> - <li>suspicions of the Athenians about, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li> - <li>expedition of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês to, vii. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of Strombichidês to, vii. 374;</li> - <li>harassing operations of the Athenians against, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>, 391, 393;</li> - <li>prosperity of, between <small>B. C.</small> 480-412. vii. 387;</li> - <li>defeat of Pedaritus at, viii. 20;</li> - <li>removal of Mindarus from Milêtus to, viii. 101;</li> - <li>voyage of Mindarus from, to the Hellespont, viii. 102, 102 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>revolution at, furthered by Kratesippidas, viii. 140;</li> - <li>escape of Eteonikus from Mitylenê to, viii. 175, 189;</li> - <li>Eteonikus at, viii. 211;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li> - <li>repulse of the Athenians at, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 223;</li> - <li>acquisition of, by Memnon, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li> - <li>capture of, by Macedonian admirals, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chivalry</i>, romances of, i. 475 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Chlidon</i>, x. 84.</li> -<li><i>Chœrilus</i>, Näke’s comments on, ii. 137 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_521">[p. 521]</span>poem of, on the expedition of Xerxes into Greece, v. 39 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Choric</i> training at Sparta and Krête, iv. 84 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Choriênes</i>, Alexander’s capture of the rock of, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>.</li> -<li><i>Chorus</i>, the Greek, iv. 83; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>improvements in, by Stesichorus, iv. 87.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chronicle</i> of Turpin, the, i. 475.</li> -<li><i>Chronological</i> calculation destroys the religious character of mythical genealogies, i. 446; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>table from Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici, ii. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>computations, the value of, dependent on the trustworthiness of the genealogies, ii. 41;</li> - <li>evidence of early poets, ii. 45.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chronologists</i>, modern, ii. 37.</li> -<li><i>Chronologizing</i> attempts indicative of mental progress, ii. 56.</li> -<li><i>Chronology</i> of mythical events, various schemes of, ii. 34 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexandrine, from the return of the Herakleids to the first Olympiad, ii. 304;</li> - <li>of Egyptian kings from Psammetichus to Amasis, iii. 330 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>Egyptian, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian, between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, v. 304 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>of the period between Philip’s fortification of Elateia and the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 494 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Chrysaor</i>, i. 1, 7.</li> -<li><i>Chryseis</i>, i. 294.</li> -<li><i>Chrysippus</i>, i. 160.</li> -<li><i>Chrysopolis</i>, occupation of, by the Athenians, viii. 127.</li> -<li><i>Cimmerian</i> invasion of Asia Minor, iii. 249 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Cimmerians</i>, iii. 234; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>driven out of their country by the Scythians, iii. 247 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Circê</i> and Æêtês, i. 252.</li> -<li><i>Clinton’s</i> Fasti Hellenici, chronological table from, ii. 36 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>opinion on the computations of the date of the Trojan war, ii. 39;</li> - <li>vindication of the genealogies, ii. 42 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Coined</i> money, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 318.</li> -<li><i>Comedy</i>, growth, development, and influence of, at Athens, viii. 325 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Comic</i> poets, before Aristophanês, viii. 327; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>writers, mistaken estimate of, as witnesses and critics, viii. 332 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Commemorative</i> influence of Grecian rites, i. 454 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Congress</i> at Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 13-15; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 24;</li> - <li>at Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 67 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Conón</i> on the legend of Kadmus, i. 258.</li> -<li><i>Constitutional</i> forms, attachment of the Athenians to, viii. 41; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>morality, necessity for creating, in the time of Kleisthenês, iv. 159.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Corinth</i>, origin of, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Dorians, at, ii. 9;</li> - <li>early distinction of, ii. 113;</li> - <li>isthmus of, ii. 216;</li> - <li>Herakleid kings of, ii. 306;</li> - <li>Dorian settlers at, ii. 309;</li> - <li>despots at, iii. 39 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>great power of, under Periander, iii. 43;</li> - <li>Sikyôn and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;</li> - <li>voyage from, to Gadês in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B. C.</small>, iii. 277;</li> - <li>relations of Korkyra with, iii. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Korkyra, joint settlements of, iii. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>relations between the colonies of, iii. 407;</li> - <li>decision of, respecting the dispute between Thebes and Platæa, iv. 166;</li> - <li>protest of, at the first convocation at Sparta, iv. 175;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic congress at the Isthmus of, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rush of Peloponnesians to the Isthmus of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li> - <li>growing hatred of, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 461, v. 320;</li> - <li>operations of the Athenians in the Gulf of, <small>B. C.</small> 455, v. 332;</li> - <li>and Korkyra, war between, vi. 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, after the naval battle between Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>congress at, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 13, 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Syracuse, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 235;</li> - <li>synod at, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li> - <li>altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Argos, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li> - <li>anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 302;</li> - <li>battle of, ix. 307 <i>seq.</i>, 317;</li> - <li>Pharnabazus and the anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 320;</li> - <li>philo-Laconian party at, <small>B. C.</small> 392, ix. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><i>coup d’état</i> of the government at, ix. 329;</li> - <li>contrast between political conflicts at, and at Athens, ix. 330 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>and Argos, consolidation of, <small>B. C.</small> 392, ix. 332;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_522">[p. 522]</span>victor of the Lacedæmonians within the Long Walls at ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the Long Walls of, partly pulled down by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335;</li> - <li>the Long Walls of, restored by the Athenians, and taken by Agesilaus and Teleutias, ix. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387, x. 12;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens, for aid against Thebes, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Iphikrates at, x. 237;</li> - <li>and the Persian rescript in favor of Thebes, x. 282;</li> - <li>project of the Athenians to seize, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 289;</li> - <li>peace of, with Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application from Syracuse to, <small>B. C.</small> 344, xi. 134;</li> - <li>message from Hiketas to, xi. 143;</li> - <li>Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reinforcement from, to Timoleon, xi. 152, 155, 157;</li> - <li>efforts of, to restore Syracuse, xi. 167, 168;</li> - <li>Philip chosen chief of the Greeks at the congress at, xi. 511;</li> - <li>convention at, under Alexander, <small>B. C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>violations of the convention at, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <small>B. C.</small> 335, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Corinthian envoys</i>, speech of, to the Athenian assembly, in reply to the Korkyræans, vi. 59; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>speech of, to the Spartan assembly, against Athens, vi. 82 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>speech of, at the congress of allies at Sparta, vi. 93 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Corinthian</i> genealogy of Eumelus, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li> -<li><i>Corinthian</i> Gulf, naval conflicts of Corinthians and Lacedæmonians in, ix. 326; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>territory, Nikias’s expedition against, vi. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>war, commencement of, ix. 301.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Corinthians</i>, early commerce and enterprise of, iii. 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>behavior of, at Salamis, v. 145;</li> - <li>defeated by Myronides, v. 324;</li> - <li>procure the refusal of the Samians’ application to Sparta for aid against Athens, vi. 30, 50;</li> - <li>instigate Potidæa, the Chalkidians and Bottiæans to revolt from Athens, vi. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, near Potidæa, vi. 73;</li> - <li>strive to excite war against Athens after their defeat near Potidæa, vi. 78;</li> - <li>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;</li> - <li>induce Argos to head a new Peloponnesian alliance, vii. 12;</li> - <li>hesitate to join Argos, vii. 16, 62;</li> - <li>join Argos, vii. 18;</li> - <li>application of, to the Bœotians and Athenians, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 20;</li> - <li>and Karneia, vii. 308 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>and Athenians, naval battle between, near Naupaktus, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Lacedæmonians, naval and land conflicts between, <small>B. C.</small> 393, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Courts</i> of Requests, their analogy to Athenian dikasteries, v. 399 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Creditor</i> and debtor, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Roman law of, iii. 159.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Criticisms</i> on the first two volumes of this history, reply to, i. 408 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Crœsus</i> and Solon, alleged interview between, iii. 149 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>moral of Herodotus’s story about, iii. 153;</li> - <li>reign and conquests of, iii. 258 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>power and alliances of, iv. 182;</li> - <li>and Cyrus, war between, iv. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the oracles, iv. 189, 190, 193;</li> - <li>solicits the alliance of Sparta, iv. 190;</li> - <li>fate of, impressive to the Greek mind, iv. 195.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Cumæ</i> in Campania, iii. 357 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Cyclades</i>, ii. 214, iii. 163; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Themistoklês levies fines on, v. 141.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Cycle</i>, epic, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Cyclic</i> poets, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Cyclôpes</i>, i. 4, 5.</li> -<li><i>Cyprus</i>, influence of Aphroditê upon, i. 5; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;</li> - <li>Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 277;</li> - <li>extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;</li> - <li>subjugation of, by Phenicians and Persians, iv. 293;</li> - <li>conquest of, by the Turks in 1570, iv. 293 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition to, under Kimon, v. 335;</li> - <li>before and under Evagoras, x. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>subjugation of, to the Persian king Ochus, xi. 437;</li> - <li>surrender of the princes of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_137">xii. 137</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Cyrenaica</i>, iv. 36 <i>n.</i> 3, 37 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Cyropædia</i>, Xenophon’s, iv. 183.</li> -<li><i>Cyrus the Great</i>, early history and rise of, iv. 183 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Crœsus, war between, iv. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Lacedæmonians, iv. 199;</li> - <li>conquests of, in Asia, iv. 209;</li> - <li>capture of Babylon by, iv. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exploits and death of, iv. 215;</li> - <li>effects of his conquests upon the Persians, iv. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_523">[p. 523]</span>the tomb of, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Cyrus the Younger</i>, arrival of, in Asia Minor, <small>B. C.</small> 408, viii. 135, 137; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Lysander’s visits to, at Sardis, viii. 140 <i>seq.</i>, 214;</li> - <li>pay of the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 143;</li> - <li>and Kallikratidas, viii. 162;</li> - <li>entrusts his satrapy and revenues to Lysander, viii. 214;</li> - <li>and Artaxerxes Mnemon, viii. 312, ix. 8 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>youth and education of, ix. 5;</li> - <li>his esteem for the Greeks and hopes of the crown, ix. 6;</li> - <li>charge of Tissaphernes against, ix. 7;</li> - <li>strict administration and prudent behavior of, ix. 9;</li> - <li>forces of, collected at Sardis, ix. 11;</li> - <li>march of, from Sardis to Kunaxa, ix. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assistance of Epyaxa to, ix. 18;</li> - <li>review of his troops at Tyriæum, ix. 19;</li> - <li>and Syennesis, ix. 20;</li> - <li>at Tarsus, ix. 21 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>desertion of Xenias and Pasion from, ix. 28;</li> - <li>at Thapsakus, ix. 29 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Babylonia, ix. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>speech of, to his Greek forces in Babylonia, ix. 36;</li> - <li>his conception of Grecian superiority, ix. 37;</li> - <li>his present to the prophet Silanus, ix. 40;</li> - <li>passes the undefended trench, ix. 41;</li> - <li>at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character of, ix. 49;</li> - <li>probable conduct of, towards Greece, if victorious at Kunaxa, ix. 51;</li> - <li>and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 207.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">D.</li> -<li><i>Dædalus</i>, i. 225, 228 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dæmon</i> of Sokratês, viii. 408 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dæmons</i>, i. 65, 67, 70 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and gods, distinction between, i. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>admission of, as partially evil beings, i. 427.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Damascus</i>, capture of, by the Macedonians, <a href="#Page_128">xii. 128</a>.</li> -<li><i>Damasithymus</i> of Kalyndus, v. 135.</li> -<li><i>Danaê</i>, legend of, i. 90.</li> -<li><i>Danaos</i> and the Danaides, i. 88.</li> -<li><i>Dancing</i>, Greek, iv. 85.</li> -<li><i>Daphnæus</i>, at Agrigentum, x. 426 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>death of, x. 444.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dardanus</i>, son of Zeus, i. 285.</li> -<li><i>Daric</i>, the golden, iv. 239 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Darius Hystaspes</i>, accession of, iv. 224 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>discontents of the satraps under, iv. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of the Medes against, iv. 227 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Babylon against, iv. 230;</li> - <li>organization of the Persian empire by, iv. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>twenty satrapies of, iv. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>organizing tendency, coinage, roads, and posts of, iv. 238 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sylosôn, iv. 240;</li> - <li>conquering dispositions of, iv. 252;</li> - <li>probable consequences of an expedition by, against Greece before going against Scythia, iv. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invasion of Scythia by, iv. 262 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his orders to the Ionians at the bridge over the Danube, iv. 269;</li> - <li>return of, to Susa from Scythia, iv. 280;</li> - <li>revenge of, against the Athenians, iv. 297;</li> - <li>preparations of, for invading Greece, iv. 314;</li> - <li>submission of Greeks to, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;</li> - <li>heralds of, at Athens and Sparta, iv. 316;</li> - <li>instructions of, to Datis and Artaphernês, iv. 329;</li> - <li>resolution of, to invade Greece a second time, v. 1;</li> - <li>death of, v. 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Darius</i>, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, x. 367.</li> -<li><i>Darius Codomannus</i>, encouragement of anti-Macedonians in Greece by, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his accession and preparations for defence against Alexander, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>;</li> - <li>irreparable mischief of Memnon’s death to, <a href="#Page_106">xii. 106</a>;</li> - <li>change in the plan of, after Memnon’s death, <a href="#Page_107">xii. 107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> - <li>puts Charidemus to death, <a href="#Page_108">xii. 108</a>;</li> - <li>Arrian’s criticism on the plan of, against Alexander, <a href="#Page_110">xii. 110</a>;</li> - <li>at Mount Amanus, <a href="#Page_115">xii. 115</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>advances into Kilikia, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li> - <li>at Issus before the battle, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of his mother, wife, and family by Alexander, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li>his correspondence with Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>inaction of, after the battle of Issus, <a href="#Page_152">xii. 152</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Arbela, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>a fugitive in Media, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> - <li>pursued by Alexander into Parthia, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conspiracy against, by Bessus and others, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_185">xii. 185</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander’s disappointment in not taking him alive, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_524">[p. 524]</span>funeral, fate, and conduct of, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Darius Nothus</i>, ix. 2 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>death of, ix. 6.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Daskon</i>, attack of Dionysius on the Carthaginian naval station at, x. 508.</li> -<li><i>Datames</i>, x. 360.</li> -<li><i>Datis</i>, siege and capture of Eretria by, iv. 330 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquest of Karystus by, iv. 331;</li> - <li>Persian armament at Samos under, iv. 329;</li> - <li>conquest of Naxos and other Cyclades by, iv. 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>forbearance of, towards Delos, iv. 330;</li> - <li>at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Debtor and creditor</i>, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Roman law of, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Debtors</i>, Solon’s relief of, iii. 99; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>treatment of, according to Gallic and Teutonic codes, iii. 110 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Debts</i>, the obligation of, inviolable at Athens, iii. 105, 113; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>distinction between the principal and interest of, in an early society, iii. 107.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Defence</i>, means of, superior to those of attack in ancient Greece, ii. 111.</li> -<li><i>Deianeira</i>, i. 151.</li> -<li><i>Deinokrates</i>, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dêïokes</i>, iii. 227 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Deities</i> not included in the twelve great ones, i. 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of guilds or trades, i. 344.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dekamnichus</i>, x. 47.</li> -<li><i>Dekarchies</i> established by Lysander, ix. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 194, 197.</li> -<li><i>Dekeleia</i>, legend of, 159; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fortification of, by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 286, 288, 364;</li> - <li>Agis at, vii. 365, viii. 150.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Delian Apollo</i>, i. 45.</li> -<li><i>Delian festival</i>, iii. 167 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>early splendor and subsequent decline of, iv. 54;</li> - <li>revival of, <small>B. C.</small> 426, vi. 312.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Delium</i>, Hippokratês’s march to, and fortification of, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 382 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>battle of, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 389 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>siege and capture of, by the Bœotians, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 396;</li> - <li>Sokratês and Alkibiadês at the battle of, vi. 397.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dêlos</i>, Ionic festival at, iii. 167, <i>seq.</i>, iv. 54; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>forbearance of Datis towards, iv. 330;</li> - <li>the confederacy of, v. 263 <i>seq.</i>, 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the synod of, v. 301, 302;</li> - <li>first breach of union in the confederacy of, v. 312;</li> - <li>revolt of Thasos from the confederacy of, v. 315;</li> - <li>transfer of the fund of the confederacy from, to Athens, v. 343;</li> - <li>transition of the confederacy of, into an Athenian empire, v. 343;</li> - <li>purification of, by the Athenians, vi. 312;</li> - <li>restoration of the native population to, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 23.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Delphi</i>, temple and oracle of, i. 48 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 253; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>oracle of, and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 41;</li> - <li>early state and site of, iv. 59;</li> - <li>growth of, iv. 62;</li> - <li>conflagration and rebuilding of the temple at, iv. 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the oracle at, worked by Kleisthenês, iv. 122;</li> - <li>oracle of, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Xerxes’s detachment against, v. 417;</li> - <li>proceedings of Sparta and Athens at, <small>B. C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li> - <li>answer of the oracle of, to the Spartans on war with Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 432, vi. 92;</li> - <li>reply of the oracle at, about Sokratês, viii. 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Agesipolis and the oracle at, ix. 357;</li> - <li>claim of the Phokians to the presidency of the temple at, xi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philomelus seizes and fortifies the temple at, xi. 247;</li> - <li>Philomelus takes part of the treasures in the temple at, xi. 252;</li> - <li>employment of the treasures in the temple at, by Onomarchus, xi. 255;</li> - <li>Phayllus despoils the temple at, xi. 297;</li> - <li>peculation of the treasures at, xi. 375;</li> - <li>miserable death of all concerned in the spoliation of the temple at, xi. 434;</li> - <li>relations of the Lokrians of Amphissa with, xi. 469;</li> - <li>Amphiktyonic meeting at, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Delphian Apollo</i>, reply of, to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.</li> -<li><i>Delphians</i> and Amphiktyons, attack of, upon Kirrha, xi. 474.</li> -<li><i>Delphinium</i> at Athens, iii. 78 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Deluge</i> of Deukaliôn, i. 96 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Demades</i>, reproof of Philip by, xi. 505; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>peace of, xi. 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>remark of, on hearing of Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_257">xii. 257</a>;</li> - <li>Macedonizing policy of, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_525">[p. 525]</span>and Phokion, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demagogues</i>, iii. 18, 21, viii. 39 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Demaratus</i> and Kleomenês, iv. 325 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conversations of, with Xerxes, v. 40, 86, 96;</li> - <li>advice of, to Xerxes after the death of Leonidas, v. 96.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demes, Attic</i>, iii. 63, 66, 68; iv. 132 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dêmêtêr</i>, i. 6, 7, 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>foreign influence on the worship of, i. 24, 25;</li> - <li>how represented in Homer and Hesiod, i. 37;</li> - <li>Homeric hymn to, i. 38 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>legends of, differing from the Homeric hymn, i. 44;</li> - <li>Hellenic importance of, i. 44.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dêmêtrius</i> of Skêpsis, on Ilium, i. 328.</li> -<li><i>Demetrius Phalereus</i>, administration of, at Athens, <a href="#Page_362">xii. 362</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>retires to Egypt, <a href="#Page_374">xii. 374</a>;</li> - <li>condemnation of, <a href="#Page_378">xii. 378</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demetrius Poliorketes</i>, at Athens, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>exploits of, <small>B. C.</small> 307-304, <a href="#Page_381">xii. 381</a>;</li> - <li>his successes in Greece against Kassander, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li> - <li>march of, through Thessaly into Asia, <a href="#Page_386">xii. 386</a>;</li> - <li>return of, from Asia to Greece, <a href="#Page_388">xii. 388</a>;</li> - <li>acquires the crown of Macedonia, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>;</li> - <li>Greece under, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>;</li> - <li>captivity and death of, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demiurgi</i>, iii. 72.</li> -<li><i>Demochares</i>, <a href="#Page_378">xii. 378</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li> -<li><i>Democracies</i>, Grecian, securities against corruption in, vii. 402.</li> -<li><i>Democracy</i>, Athenian, iii. 128, 140; v. 380; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>effect of the idea of, upon the minds of the Athenians, iv. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Athens, stimulus to, from the Persian war, v. 275;</li> - <li>reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restoration of, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 75 <i>seq.</i>, 80 <i>seq.</i>, and <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 288, 300;</li> - <li>moderation of Athenian, viii. 92, 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Samos, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, viii. 93 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Democratical</i> leaders at Athens, and the Thirty, viii. 240, 245 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>sentiment, increase of, at Athens, between <small>B. C.</small> 479-459, v. 355.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dêmokêdês</i>, romantic history of, iv. 253 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Demônax</i>, reform of Kyrênê by, iv. 44; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>constitution of, not durable, iv. 49.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demophantus</i>, psephism of, viii. 80.</li> -<li><i>Demos</i> at Syracuse, v. 206.</li> -<li><i>Demosthenês the general</i>, in Akarnania, vi. 296; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of, against Ætolia, vi. 296 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>saves Naupaktus, vi. 301;</li> - <li>goes to protect Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;</li> - <li>his victory over Eurylochus at Olpæ, vi. 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his triumphant return from Akarnania to Athens, vi. 312;</li> - <li>fortifies and defends Pylus, vi. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, for reinforcements from Athens, to attack Sphakteria, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, in Sphakteria, vi. 341 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attempt of, to surprise Megara and Nisæ, vi. 372 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>scheme of, for invading Bœotia, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 379;</li> - <li>unsuccessful descent upon Bœotia by, vi. 380;</li> - <li>his evacuation of the fort at Epidaurus, vii. 97;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 289, 298, 303;</li> - <li>arrival of, at Syracuse, vii. 302, 304;</li> - <li>plans of, on arriving at Syracuse, vii. 306;</li> - <li>night attack of, upon Epipolæ, vii. 306 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his proposals for removing from Syracuse, vii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Nikias, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 338;</li> - <li>capture and subsequent treatment of, vii. 341 <i>seq.</i>, 347;</li> - <li>respect for the memory of, vii. 348;</li> - <li>death of, vii. 347.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Demosthenes</i>, father of the orator, xi. 265.</li> -<li><i>Demosthenes the orator</i>, first appearance of, as public adviser in the Athenian assembly, xi. 263; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>parentage and early youth of, xi. 263 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and his guardians, xi. 265;</li> - <li>early rhetorical tendencies of, xi. 266;</li> - <li>training and instructors of, xi. 268 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>action and matter of, xi. 271;</li> - <li>first known as a composer of speeches for others, xi. 272;</li> - <li>speech of, against Leptines, xi. 272;</li> - <li>speech of, on the Symmories, xi. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exhortations of, to personal effort and sacrifice, xi. 289, 357;</li> - <li>recommendations of, on Sparta and Megalopolis, xi. 291;</li> - <li>first Philippic of, xi. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opponents of, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 351, xi. 318;</li> - <li>earliest Olynthiac of, xi. 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_526">[p. 526]</span>practical effect of his speeches, xi. 329;</li> - <li>second Olynthiac of, xi. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>allusions of, to the Theôric fund, xi. 334, 338;</li> - <li>third Olynthiac of, xi. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 336;</li> - <li>insulted by Meidias, xi. 343;</li> - <li>reproached for his absence from the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 344;</li> - <li>serves as hoplite in Eubœa, and is chosen senator for, <small>B. C.</small> 349-348, xi. 345;</li> - <li>order of the Olynthiacs of, xi. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Æschines, on the negotiations with Philip, <small>B. C.</small> 347-346, xi. 371 <i>n.</i>, 378 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>speaks in favor of peace, <small>B. C.</small> 347, xi. 372;</li> - <li>and the first embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 380 <i>seq.</i>, 386;</li> - <li>failure of, in his speech before Philip, xi. 382;</li> - <li>and the confederate synod at Athens respecting Philip, xi. 389 <i>n.</i>, 390, 392 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>and the motion of Philokratês for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the exclusion of the Phokians from the peace and alliance between Athens and Philip, xi. 400 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the second embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 403, 405 <i>seq.</i>, 412, 415;</li> - <li>and the third embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 422;</li> - <li>charges of, against Æschines, xi. 431;</li> - <li>and the peace and alliance of Athens with Philip, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 432;</li> - <li>recommends acquiescence in the Amphiktyonic dignity of Philip, xi. 435;</li> - <li>vigilance and warnings of, against Philip, after <small>B. C.</small> 246, xi. 444;</li> - <li>speech on the Chersonese and third Philippic of, xi. 451;</li> - <li>increased influence of, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 341-338, xi. 452;</li> - <li>mission of, to the Chersonese and, Byzantium, xi. 453;</li> - <li>vote of thanks to, at Athens, xi. 461;</li> - <li>reform in the administration of the Athenian marine by, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i>, 464 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>his opposition to the proceedings of Æschines at the Amphiktyonic meeting, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 478;</li> - <li>on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;</li> - <li>advice of, on hearing of the fortification of Elateia by Philip, xi. 486;</li> - <li>mission of, to Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 488 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>crowned at Athens, xi. 493, 496;</li> - <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 498 <i>seq.</i>, 501;</li> - <li>confidence shown to, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 503, 509;</li> - <li>conduct of, on the death of Philip, <a href="#Page_10">xii. 10</a>;</li> - <li>correspondence of, with Persia, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accusation against, respecting the revolt of Thebes against Alexander, <a href="#Page_34">xii. 34</a>;</li> - <li>position and policy of, in Alexander’s time, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Æschines, judicial contest between, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accusation against, in the affair of Harpalus, <a href="#Page_294">xii. 294</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recall of, from exile, <a href="#Page_314">xii. 314</a>;</li> - <li>flight of, to Kalauria, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li> - <li>condemnation and death of, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>life and character of, <a href="#Page_328">xii. 328</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Derdas</i> at Olynthus, x. 65.</li> -<li><i>Derkyllidas</i>, in Asia, ix. 209 <i>seq.</i>, 219 <i>seq.</i>, 255; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Abydos and Sestos, ix. 320;</li> - <li>superseded by Anaxibius at Abydos, ix. 368.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Despots</i>, in Greece, iii. 4, 18 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Sikyôn, iii. <i>seq.</i>, 39;</li> - <li>at Corinth, iii. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Asiatic Greece, deposition of, by Aristagoras, iv. 285;</li> - <li>Sicilian, v. 206, 233.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Deukaliôn</i>, i. 96 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dexippus</i>, ix. 126, 149 <i>seq.</i>; x. 423, 429, 444.</li> -<li><i>Diadochi</i>, Asia Hellenized by, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>.</li> -<li><i>Diagoras</i>, prosecution of, vii. 208.</li> -<li><i>Dialectics</i>, Grecian, iv. 87; viii. 338, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 454 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dictators</i> in Greece, iii. 19.</li> -<li><i>Dido</i>, legend of, iii. 347.</li> -<li><i>Digamma</i> and the Homeric poems, ii. 147.</li> -<li><i>Diitrephês</i>, vii. 356 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dikæus</i>, vision of, v. 118.</li> -<li><i>Dikasteries</i>, not established by Solon, iii. 125; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenian, iv. 140 <i>seq.</i>, v. 378 <i>seq.</i>, 385, 393;</li> - <li>constitution of, by Periklês, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>, 366;</li> - <li>working of, at Athens, v. 381 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Rhodes and other Grecian cities, v. 384 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>jurisdiction of, over the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 39 <i>seq.</i>, 42, 43, 45.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dikasts</i>, oath of, at Athens, iii. 105, viii. 298; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenian iv. 141, 372;</li> - <li>under Periklês, v. 357, 366, 376 <i>seq.</i>, 388.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dikon</i> of Kaulonia, xi. 28.</li> -<li><i>Dimnus</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, 194.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_527">[p. 527]</span><i>Diodôrus</i>, his historical versions of mythes, i. 413; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>statement of, respecting the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 184.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Diodotus</i>, speech of, vi. 254 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Diogenes</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li> -<li><i>Diokleidês</i>, vii. 198, 204.</li> -<li><i>Dioklês the Corinthian</i>, ii. 297.</li> -<li><i>Dioklês the Syracusan</i>, the laws of, x. 389 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>aid to Himera under, x. 410, 412;</li> - <li>banishment of, x. 417.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dio Chrysostom’s</i> attempt to historicise the legend of Troy, i. 321.</li> -<li><i>Dio Chrysostom</i> at Olbia, <a href="#Page_477">xii. 477</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Diomêdês</i>, return of, from Troy, i. 316.</li> -<li><i>Diomedon</i>, pursuit of Chians by, vii. 375; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Teos and Lesbos, vii. 383;</li> - <li>at Milêtus and Chios, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Samos, viii. 28;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Kallikratidas, viii. 169.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dion</i>, his Dionysian connection, and character, xi. 58; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Plato, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>political views of, xi. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>maintains the confidence of Dionysius the Elder to the last, xi. 61;</li> - <li>his visits to Peloponnesus and Athens, xi. 61;</li> - <li>conduct of, on the accession of Dionysius the Younger, xi. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>efforts of, to improve Dionysius the Younger, xi. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>entreats Plato to visit Dionysius the Younger, xi. 69;</li> - <li>and Plato urge Dionysius the Younger to reform himself, xi. 73;</li> - <li>and Plato, intrigues of Philistus against, xi. 76;</li> - <li>alienation of Dionysius the Younger from, xi. 77;</li> - <li>banishment of, xi. 78;</li> - <li>property of, confiscated by Dionysius the Younger, xi. 82;</li> - <li>resolution of, to avenge himself on Dionysius the Younger, and free Syracuse, xi. 82 <i>seq.</i>, 85;</li> - <li>forces of, at Zakynthus, xi. 84, 87;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Dionysius the Younger, xi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>entry of, into Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>chosen general by the Syracusans, xi. 94;</li> - <li>captures Epipolæ and Euryalus, xi. 95;</li> - <li>blockade of Ortygia by, xi. 95, 98, 114;</li> - <li>negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with, xi. 97, 104;</li> - <li>victory of, over Dionysius the Younger, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>intrigues of Dionysius the Younger against, xi. 103;</li> - <li>suspicions of the Syracusans against, xi. 100, 193, 118;</li> - <li>and Herakleides, xi. 101, 103, 112, 115 <i>seq.</i>, 121, 122;</li> - <li>deposition and retreat of, from Syracuse, xi. 105;</li> - <li>at Leontini, xi. 106, 108, 109;</li> - <li>repulse of Nepsius and rescue of Syracuse by, xi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>entry of, into Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 356, xi. 110;</li> - <li>entry of, into Ortygia, xi. 117;</li> - <li>conduct of, on his final triumph, xi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his omission to grant freedom to Syracuse, xi. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition to, as dictator, xi. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>tyranny, unpopularity and disquietude of, xi. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death and character of, xi. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timoleon, contrast between, xi. 195 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dionysia</i>, Attic, i. 31, iv. 69.</li> -<li><i>Dionysiac</i> festival at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 349, xi. 343.</li> -<li><i>Dionysius, Phôkæan</i>, iv. 305 <i>seq.</i>, 309.</li> -<li><i>Dionysius the Elder</i>, and Konon, ix. 325; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>demonstration against, at Olympia, <small>B. C.</small> 384, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>triremes of, captured by Iphikrates, x. 151;</li> - <li>first appearance of, at Syracuse, x. 420;</li> - <li>movement of the Hermokratean party to elevate, x. 432;</li> - <li>harangue of, against the Syracusan generals at Agrigentum, x. 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>one of the generals of Syracuse, x. 434 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first expedition of, to Gela, x. 438;</li> - <li>accusations of, against his colleagues, x. 439;</li> - <li>election of, as sole general, x. 440;</li> - <li>stratagem of, to obtain a body-guard, x. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>establishes himself as despot at Syracuse, x. 444 <i>seq.</i>, 454;</li> - <li>second expedition of, to Gela, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>charges of treachery against, x. 451, 456;</li> - <li>mutiny of the Syracusan horsemen against, x. 451 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Imilkon, peace between, x. 455 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sympathy of Sparta with, x. 457;</li> - <li>strong position of, after his peace with Imilkon, x. 457;</li> - <li>fortification and occupation of Ortygia by, x. 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>re-distribution of property by, x. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exorbitant exactions of, x. 461;</li> - <li>mutiny of the Syracusan soldiers against, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>besieged in Ortygia, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>strengthens his despotism, x. 466 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conquers Ætna, Naxus, Katana, and Leontini, x. 467;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_528">[p. 528]</span>at Enna, x. 468;</li> - <li>resolution of, to make war upon Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 400, x. 469;</li> - <li>additional fortifications at Syracuse by, x. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>preparations of, for war with Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 399-397, x. 473, 477 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>improved behavior of, to the Syracusans, <small>B. C.</small> 399, x. 473;</li> - <li>conciliatory policy of, towards the Greek cities, near the Strait of Messênê, <small>B. C.</small> 399, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>marriage of, with Doris and Aristomachê, x. 476, 480;</li> - <li>exhorts the Syracusan assembly to war against Carthage, x. 481;</li> - <li>permits the plunder of the Carthaginians at Syracuse, x. 482;</li> - <li>declares war against Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 397, x. 483;</li> - <li>marches against the Carthaginians in Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 397, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>siege and capture of Motyê by, x. 485 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of the Sikels from, x. 494;</li> - <li>provisions of, for the defence of Syracuse against the Carthaginians <small>B. C.</small> 396, x. 494;</li> - <li>naval defeat of, near Katana, x. 495;</li> - <li>retreat of, from Katana to Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 395, x. 497;</li> - <li>Syracusan naval victory over the Carthaginians in the absence of, x. 501;</li> - <li>speech of Theôdorus against, x. 501 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>discontent of the Syracusans with, <small>B. C.</small> 395, x. 501 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Pharakidas, x. 504;</li> - <li>attacks the Carthaginian camp before Syracuse and sacrifices his mercenaries, x. 507;</li> - <li>success of, by sea and land against the Carthaginians before Syracuse, x. 508;</li> - <li>secret treaty of, with Imilkon before Syracuse, x. 510;</li> - <li>and the Iberians, x. 510;</li> - <li>capture of Libyans by, x. 510;</li> - <li>difficulties of, from his mercenaries, xi. 2;</li> - <li>re-establishment of Messênê by, xi. 3;</li> - <li>conquests of, in the interior of Sicily, <small>B. C.</small>, 394, xi. 4;</li> - <li>at Tauromenium, xi. 5, 8;</li> - <li>and the Sikels, <small>B. C.</small> 394-393, xi. 5, 6;</li> - <li>declaration of Agrigentum against, <small>B. C.</small> 393, xi. 6;</li> - <li>victory of, near Abakæna, xi. 6;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Rhegium, <small>B. C.</small> 393, xi. 7;</li> - <li>repulses Magon at Agyrium, xi. 7;</li> - <li>plans of against the Greek cities in southern Italy, xi. 8;</li> - <li>alliance of, with the Lucanians against the Italiot Greeks, xi. 11;</li> - <li>attack of, upon Rhegium, <small>B. C.</small> 390, xi. 11;</li> - <li>expedition of, against the Italian Greeks, <small>B. C.</small> 389, xi. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his capture and generous treatment of Italiot Greeks, xi. 15;</li> - <li>besieges and grants peace to Rhegium, xi. 16;</li> - <li>capture of Kaulonia and Hipponium by, xi. 7;</li> - <li>capture of Rhegium by, xi. 7, 18, 21;</li> - <li>cruelty of, to Phyton, xi. 19;</li> - <li>and Sparta, ascendancy of, <small>B. C.</small> 387, xi. 22;</li> - <li>capture of Kroton, by xi. 23;</li> - <li>schemes of for conquests in Epirus and Illyria, xi. 23;</li> - <li>plunders Latium, Etruria, and the temple of Agylla, xi. 25;</li> - <li>poetical compositions of, xi. 26;</li> - <li>dislike and dread of, in Greece, xi. 25, 30;</li> - <li>harshness of, to Plato, xi. 39;</li> - <li>new constructions and improvements by, at Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 387-383, xi. 39;</li> - <li>renews the war wish Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 383, xi. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>disadvantageous peace of, with Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 383, xi. 42;</li> - <li>projected wall of, across the Calabrian peninsula, xi. 43;</li> - <li>relations of, with Central Greece, <small>B. C.</small> 382-369, xi. 44;</li> - <li>war of, with Carthage, <small>B. C.</small> 368, xi. 44;</li> - <li>gains the tragedy prize at the Lenæan festival at Athens, xi. 46;</li> - <li>death and character of, xi. 46 <i>seq.</i>, 62;</li> - <li>family left by, xi. 54, 62;</li> - <li>the good opinion of, enjoyed by Dion to the last, xi. 61;</li> - <li>drunken habits of his descendants, xi. 132.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dionysius the Younger</i>, age of, at his father’s death, xi. 55 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>accession and character of, xi. 63;</li> - <li>Dion’s efforts to improve, xi. 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Plato’s visits to, xi. 69 <i>seq.</i>, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Plato’s injudicious treatment of, xi. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his hatred and injuries to Dion, xi. 77, 78, 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>detention of Plato by, xi. 79;</li> - <li>Dion’s expedition against, xi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>weakness and drunken habits of, xi. 87;</li> - <li>absence of, from Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 89;</li> - <li>negotiations of, with Dion and the Syracusans, xi. 96, 104;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Dion, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>blockaded in Ortygia by Dion, xi. 98;</li> - <li>intrigues of, against Dion, xi. 101, 103;</li> - <li>his flight in Lokri, xi. 104;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_529">[p. 529]</span>return of, to Syracuse, xi. 133;</li> - <li>at Lokri, xi. 133;</li> - <li>his surrender of Ortygia to Timoleon, xi. 150;</li> - <li>at Corinth, xi. 151 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dionysius</i> of the Pontic Herakleia, <a href="#Page_465">xii. 465</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dionysus</i>, worship of, i. 23, 24, 30, 33; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>legend of, in the Homeric hymn to, i. 34;</li> - <li>alteration of the primitive Grecian idea of, i. 36 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Diopeithes</i>, xi. 450.</li> -<li><i>Dioskuri</i>, i. 172.</li> -<li><i>Diphilus</i> at Naupaktus, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 358.</li> -<li><i>Diphridas</i>, in Asia, ix. 363.</li> -<li><i>Dirkê</i>, i. 263.</li> -<li><i>Discussion</i>, growth of, among the Greeks, iv. 96.</li> -<li><i>Dithyramb</i>, iv. 88.</li> -<li><i>Dôdôna</i>, i. 396.</li> -<li><i>Doloneia</i>, ii. 178, 189.</li> -<li><i>Dolonkians</i> and Miltiadês the first, iv. 117.</li> -<li><i>Dorian cities</i> in Peloponnesus about 450 <small>B. C.</small>, ii. 298; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>islands in the Ægean and the Dorians in Argolis, ii. 323;</li> - <li>immigration to Peloponnesus, ii. 303;</li> - <li>settlers at Argos and Corinth, ii. 308 <i>seq.</i>, 311;</li> - <li>settlement in Sparta, ii. 328;</li> - <li>allotment of land at Sparta, ii. 416;</li> - <li>mode, the, ii. 433, iii. 212;</li> - <li>states, inhabitants of, iii. 31;</li> - <li>tribes at Sikyôn, names of, iii. 32, 35.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dorians</i>, early accounts of, 103 <i>seq.</i>; ii. 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mythical title of, to the Peloponnesus, ii. 6;</li> - <li>their occupation of Argos, Sparta, Messenia, and Corinth, ii. 8, 9;</li> - <li>early Krêtan, ii. 310;</li> - <li>in Argolis and the Dorian islands in the Ægean, ii. 323;</li> - <li>of Sparta and Stenyklêrus, ii. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>divided into three tribes, ii. 361;</li> - <li>Messenian, ii. 438;</li> - <li>Asiatic, iii. 201, 202;</li> - <li>of Ægina, iv. 172.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Doric</i> dialect, ii. 337 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 87; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>emigrations, ii. 25 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dorieus the Spartan Prince</i>, aid of, to Kinyps, iv. 39; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Krotoniates, iv. 415, 416;</li> - <li>Sicily, v. 207.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Dorieus the Rhodian</i>, vii. 394, viii. 116, 117; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture and liberation of, viii. 159;</li> - <li>treatment of, by the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, ix. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Hermokrates in the Ægean, x. 385.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Doris</i>, i. 102, ii. 289.</li> -<li><i>Doris</i>, wife of Dionysius, x. 476, 480.</li> -<li><i>Doriskus</i>, Xerxes at, v. 31 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dorkis</i>, v. 256, 257.</li> -<li><i>Dôrus</i>, i. 99 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Drako</i> and his laws, iii. 73 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dramatic</i> genius, development of, at Athens, viii. 317 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Drangiana</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> -<li><i>Drepanê</i>, i. 239.</li> -<li><i>Dryopians</i>, settlements of, formed by sea, ii. 310.</li> -<li><i>Dryopis</i>, ii. 289.</li> -<li><i>Duketius</i>, the Sikel prince, iii. 374, vii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Dymanes</i>, Hylleis, and Pamphyli, ii. 360.</li> -<li><i>Dyrrachium</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">E.</li> -<li><i>Earliest Greeks</i>, residences of, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Early poets</i>, historical value of, ii. 45.</li> -<li><i>Echemus</i>, i. 95, 177.</li> -<li><i>Echidna</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Eclipse</i> of the sun in a battle between Medes and Lydians, iii. 231; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of the moon, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 315;</li> - <li>of the moon, <small>B. C.</small> 333, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Edda</i>, the, i. 479.</li> -<li><i>Edessa</i>, the dynasty of, iv. 13, 17.</li> -<li><i>Eetioneia</i>, fort at, viii. 57, 63; viii. 67.</li> -<li><i>Egesta</i>, application of, to Athens, vii. 145 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>application of, to Carthage, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Syracusan attack upon, x. 489;</li> - <li>barbarities of Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_445">xii. 445</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Egypt</i>, influence of, upon the religion of Greece, i. 24, 29, 31; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the opening of, to Grecian commerce, i. 365;</li> - <li>ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable, ii. 267;</li> - <li>Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;</li> - <li>Herodotus’s account of, iii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>antiquity of, iii. 311;</li> - <li>peculiar physical and moral features of, iii. 311;</li> - <li>large town-population in, iii. 319;</li> - <li>profound submission of the people in, iii. 320, 321;</li> - <li>worship of animals in, iii. 322;</li> - <li>relations of, with Assyria, iii. 324;</li> - <li>archæology and chronology of, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kyrênê, iv. 42;</li> - <li>Persian expedition from, against Barka, iv. 49;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_530">[p. 530]</span>Kambyses’s invasion and conquest of, iv. 219;</li> - <li>revolt and reconquest of, under Xerxes, v. 3;</li> - <li>defeat and losses of the Athenians in, v. 333;</li> - <li>unavailing efforts of Persia to reconquer, x. 13;</li> - <li>Agesilaus and Chabrias in, x. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reconquest of, by Ochus, xi. 439;</li> - <li>march of Alexander towards, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander in, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Egyptians</i>, ethnography of, iii. 264; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>contrasted with Greeks, Phenicians, and Assyrians, iii. 304;</li> - <li>and Ethiopians, iii. 313;</li> - <li>effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eileithyia</i>, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Eion</i>, capture of, by Kimon, v. 295 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defended by Thucydidês against Brasidas, vi. 411;</li> - <li>Kleon at, vi. 471.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ekbatana</i>, foundation of, iii. 228; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Darius at, <a href="#Page_180">xii. 180</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Parmenio at, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ekdikus</i>, expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 363.</li> -<li><i>Ekklesia</i>, Athenian, iv. 139.</li> -<li><i>Elæa</i>, iii. 191.</li> -<li><i>Elæus</i>, escape of the Athenian squadron from Sestos to, viii. 106; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 109, 113.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Elateia</i>, re-fortification of, by Philip, xi. 483.</li> -<li><i>Elatus</i>, i. 178.</li> -<li><i>Elea</i>, Phôkæan colony at, iv. 206; vii. 127.</li> -<li><i>Eleatic</i> school, viii. 343 <i>seq.</i>, 369.</li> -<li><i>Elegiac</i> verse of Kallinus, Tyrtæus, and Mimnermus, iv. 78.</li> -<li><i>Eleian</i> genealogy, i. 138, 141.</li> -<li><i>Eleians</i> excluded from the Isthmian games, i. 140; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Olympic games, ii. 10, 321;</li> - <li>and Pisatans, ii. 434, 439;</li> - <li>their exclusion of the Lacedæmonians from the Olympic festival, vii. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>desert the Argeian allies, vii. 76;</li> - <li>and Arcadians, X. 314 <i>seq.</i>, 324;</li> - <li>exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, <small>B. C.</small> 364, x. 318 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Elektra</i> and Thaumas, progeny of, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Elektryôn</i>, death of, i. 92.</li> -<li><i>Eleusinian</i> mysteries, i. 38, 41, 43; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>alleged profanation of, by Alkibiadês and others, vii. 175 <i>seq.</i>, 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>celebration of, protected by Alkibiades, viii. 150.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eleusinians</i>, seizure and execution of by the Thirty at Athens, viii. 267.</li> -<li><i>Eleusis</i>, temple of, i. 40; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>importance of mysteries to, i. 43;</li> - <li>early independence of, iii. 71;</li> - <li>retirement of the Thirty to, viii. 266;</li> - <li>capture of, viii. 274.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eleutheria</i>, institution of, at Platæa, v. 189.</li> -<li><i>Elis</i>, genealogy of, i. 137, 139; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Oxylus and the Ætolians at, ii. 9;</li> - <li>Pisa, Triphylia, and Lepreum, ii. 39, 440;</li> - <li>formation of the city of, v. 315;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Sparta to Argos, vii. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Lepreum, vii. 18;</li> - <li>and Sparta, war between, ix. 224 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>claim of, to Triphylia and the Pisatid, x. 260 <i>seq.</i>, 313;</li> - <li>alienation of, from the Arcadians, x. 260;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Sparta and Achaia, x. 313.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Elymi</i>, iii. 349.</li> -<li><i>Emigrants</i> to Iônia, the, ii. 21 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Emigration</i>, early, from Greece, iii. 349.</li> -<li><i>Emigrations</i> consequent on the Dorian occupation of the Peloponnesus, ii. 12; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Æolic, Ionic, and Doric, ii. 19 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Empedoklês</i>, i. 424 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 127, viii. 340.</li> -<li><i>Emporiæ</i>, <a href="#Page_455">xii. 455</a>.</li> -<li><i>Endius</i>, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Endymiôn</i>, stories of, i. 137.</li> -<li><i>Eneti</i>, the, i. 319.</li> -<li><i>England</i>, her government of her dependencies compared with the Athenian empire, vi. 48 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Eniênes</i>, ii. 286.</li> -<li><i>Enna</i>, Dionysius at, x. 468.</li> -<li><i>Ennea Hodoi</i>, v. 310, vi. 12.</li> -<li><i>Enômoties</i>, ii. 456 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Entella</i>, Syracusan attack upon, x. 490, 497.</li> -<li><i>Eos</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Epaminondas</i>, and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at Thebes, x. 81, 87, 124 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>training and character of, x. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Pelopidas, x. 121;</li> - <li>and Kallistratus, x. 164, 288;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus at the congress at Sparta, x. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 173;</li> - <li>at Leuktra, x. 179;</li> - <li>and Orchomenus, x. 194;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_531">[p. 531]</span>proceedings and views of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expeditions of, into Peloponnesus, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, x. 254 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>, 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>foundation of Megalopolis and Messênê by, x. 224 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his retirement from Peloponnesus, x. 233;</li> - <li>his trial of accountability, x. 239 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mildness of, x. 259;</li> - <li>and the Theban expedition to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283, 285;</li> - <li>mission of, to Arcadia, x. 288;</li> - <li>Theban fleet and naval expedition under, x. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Menekleidas, x. 268, 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the destruction of Orchomenus, x. 312;</li> - <li>and the arrest of Arcadians by the Theban harmost at Tegea, x. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attempted surprise of Mantinea by the cavalry of, x. 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the battle of Mantinea, x. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, x. 346 <i>seq.</i>, character of, x. 351 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epeians</i>, i. 138, 141 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 12.</li> -<li><i>Epeius</i> of Panopeus, i. 302, 312.</li> -<li><i>Epeunaktæ</i>, iii. 387.</li> -<li><i>Ephesus</i>, iii. 180 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Crœsus, iii. 260;</li> - <li>defeat of Thrasyllus at, viii. 129;</li> - <li>Lysander at, viii. 152, 215;</li> - <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ephetæ</i>, iii. 77, 79 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ephialtês, the Alôid</i>, i. 136.</li> -<li><i>Ephialtês, the general</i>, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> -<li><i>Ephialtês, the statesman</i>, v. 366, 372; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Periklês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>judicial reform of, v. 368.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ephors</i>, Spartan, ii. 350, 352 <i>seq.</i>, 358, vii. 24; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>appointment of, at Athens, viii. 236.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ephorus</i>, i. 409, ii. 369.</li> -<li><i>Epic cycle</i>, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Epic poems</i>, lost, ii. 121; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135;</li> - <li>variations in the mode of reciting, ii. 141 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>long, besides the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 156.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epic poetry</i> in early Greece, ii. 118 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Epic poets</i> and their dates, ii. 122.</li> -<li><i>Epic</i> of the middle ages, i. 481.</li> -<li><i>Epical</i> localities, transposition of, i. 245; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>age preceding the lyrical, iv. 74.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epicharmus</i>, i. 376 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Epidamnus</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Illyrians, iv. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>foundation of, vi. 51;</li> - <li>application of the democracy at, to Korkyra and Corinth, vi. 52;</li> - <li>attacked by the Korkyræans, vi. 53;</li> - <li>expeditions from Corinth to, vi. 53.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epidaurus</i>, attack of Argos and Athens upon, vii. 64, 68; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ravaged by the Argeians, vii. 69;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian movements in support of, vii. 69;</li> - <li>attempts of the Argeians to storm, vii. 70;</li> - <li>operations of the Argeian allies near, vii. 90;</li> - <li>evacuation of the fort at, vii. 97.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epigoni</i>, the, i. 278, ii. 130 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Epimenides</i>, visit of, to Athens, i. 28.</li> -<li><i>Epimenides of Krete</i>, iii. 87 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Epimêtheus</i>, i. 6, 74.</li> -<li><i>Epipolæ</i>, vii. 245; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>intended occupation of, by the Syracusans, vii. 247;</li> - <li>occupation of, by the Athenians, vii. 247;</li> - <li>defeat of the Athenians at, vii. 272;</li> - <li>Demosthenês’s night-attack upon, vii. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of by Dion, xi. 95;</li> - <li>capture of, by Timoleon, xi. 160.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epirots</i>, ii. 233, iii. 351, 413 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of, upon Akarnania, vi. 193 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epirus</i>, discouraging to Grecian colonization, iii. 417; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 23;</li> - <li>government of Olympias in, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>, <a href="#Footnote_922">395 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Epistatês</i>, iv. 138.</li> -<li><i>Epitadas</i>, vi. 334, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 342.</li> -<li><i>Epitadeus</i>, the Ephor, ii. 406.</li> -<li><i>Epôdus</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li> -<li><i>Epyaxa</i>, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.</li> -<li><i>Eræ</i>, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375.</li> -<li><i>Erasinides</i>, trial and imprisonment of, viii. 180.</li> -<li><i>Eratosthenês</i>, viii. 248, 272, 292.</li> -<li><i>Erechtheion</i>, restoration of, vi. 21.</li> -<li><i>Erechtheus</i>, i. 191 <i>seq.</i>, 198, 204.</li> -<li><i>Eresus</i>, Thrasyllus at, viii. 101.</li> -<li><i>Eretria</i>, iii. 164 <i>seq.</i>, 170 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>assistance of, to the Milesians, iv. 290;</li> - <li>siege and capture of, by Datis, iv. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fate of captives taken by Datis at, iv. 362;</li> - <li>naval defeat of the Athenians near viii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Phokion at, xi. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_532">[p. 532]</span>Philippizing faction at, xi. 449;</li> - <li>liberation of, xi. 452.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ergoklês</i>, ix. 368 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Ergophilus</i>, x. 369 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Erichthonius</i>, i. 192, 196, 285.</li> -<li><i>Eriphylê</i>, i. 272 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Erôs</i>, i. 4; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Aphrodite, function of, i. 5.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Erytheia</i>, i. 249.</li> -<li><i>Erythræ</i>, iii. 187, vii. 371.</li> -<li><i>Eryx</i>, defeat of Dionysius at, xi. 46.</li> -<li><i>Eryxô</i> and Learchus, iv. 43.</li> -<li><i>Eteokles</i>, i. 128, 267, 280.</li> -<li><i>Eteonikus</i>, expulsion of, from Thasos, viii. 127; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Mitylênê, viii. 170;</li> - <li>escape of, from Mitylênê to Chios, viii. 174, 190;</li> - <li>at Chios, viii. 211;</li> - <li>removal of, from Chios to Ephesus, viii. 213;</li> - <li>in Ægina, ix. 372, 375.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ethiopians</i> and Egyptians, iii. 313.</li> -<li><i>Etruria</i>, plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.</li> -<li><i>Euæphnus</i> and Polycharês, ii. 426.</li> -<li><i>Eubœa</i>, iii. 163 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at the strait on the north of, v. 71;</li> - <li>advance of the Persian fleet to, v. 102;</li> - <li>revolt and reconquest of, by Periklês, v. 349;</li> - <li>application from, to Agis, vii. 364;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 73;</li> - <li>Peloponnesian fleet summoned from, by Mindarus, viii. 111;</li> - <li>bridge joining Bœotia and, viii. 112, 118;</li> - <li>rescued from Thebes by Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 350-349, xi. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>intrigues of Philip in, xi. 339;</li> - <li>expedition of Phokion to, <small>B. C.</small> 342, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hostilities in, <small>B. C.</small> 349-348, xi. 345;</li> - <li>Philippizing factions in, <small>B. C.</small> 342, xi. 449;</li> - <li>expedition of Phokion to, <small>B. C.</small> 341, xi. 452.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eubœa in Sicily</i>, v. 215.</li> -<li><i>Euboic scale</i>, ii. 319, 324, iii. 171.</li> -<li><i>Euboic synod</i>, xi. 453.</li> -<li><i>Eubulus</i>, xi. 277, 308, 366, 368, 394.</li> -<li><i>Eudamidas</i>, x. 58, 65.</li> -<li><i>Euemerus’s</i> treatment of mythes, i. 411.</li> -<li><i>Euenus</i>, i. 112.</li> -<li><i>Eukleides</i>, archonship of, viii. 280, 309.</li> -<li><i>Eukles</i>, vi. 407, 409, 413 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eumachus</i>, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> -<li><i>Eumelus of Bosporus</i>, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eumelus the poet</i>, i. 120 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eumenes</i>, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a>;</li> - <li>and Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a>;</li> - <li>victory of, over Kraterus and Neoptolemus, <a href="#Page_336">xii. 336</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attempts of, to uphold Alexander’s dynasty in Asia, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Antigonus, <a href="#Page_337">xii. 337</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eumenides</i>, Æschylus’s, and the Areopagus, iii. 80 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Eumolpus</i>, i. 202 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eunomus</i>, ix. 374.</li> -<li><i>Eupatridæ</i>, iii. 72 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Euphaes</i>, ii. 426.</li> -<li><i>Euphemus</i>, speech of, at Kamarina, vii. 231.</li> -<li><i>Euphiletus</i> and Melêtus, vii. 204.</li> -<li><i>Euphræus</i>, xi. 206, 448.</li> -<li><i>Euphrates</i>, Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 31; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 103;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Euphron</i>, x. 269 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Euripides</i>, faults imputed to, i. 389 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>story about the dramas of, and the Athenian prisoners in Sicily, vii. 346;</li> - <li>number of tragedies by, viii. 319 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>Æschylus and Sophokles, viii. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Dekamnichus, x. 47.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Euripides</i>, financial proposal of, ix. 380 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Euripus</i>, bridge across, viii. 112, 118.</li> -<li><i>Eurôpa</i>, i. 218 <i>seq.</i>, 527.</li> -<li><i>Eurotas</i>, crossed by Epaminondas, x. 218.</li> -<li><i>Euryalus</i>, Hamilkar’s attempt on, <a href="#Page_423">xii. 423</a>.</li> -<li><i>Eurybatês</i>, v. 49.</li> -<li><i>Eurybiades</i>, v. 75, 120 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eurydike</i>, widow of Amyntas, x. 250.</li> -<li><i>Eurydike</i>, granddaughter of Philip, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> -<li><i>Euryleon</i>, v. 207.</li> -<li><i>Eurylochus</i>, vi. 301, 302, 304, 305.</li> -<li><i>Eurymedon</i>, victories of the, v. 308.</li> -<li><i>Eurymedon</i> at Korkyra, vi. 274 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Sophokles, expedition of, to Korkyra and Sicily, vi. 316 <i>seq.</i>, 360 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Pylus, vi. 322 <i>seq.</i>, 333;</li> - <li>expeditions of, to Sicily, vii. 133, 136, 287;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_533">[p. 533]</span>return of, from Sicily to Athens, vii. 139.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Eurynomê</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Euryptolemus</i>, viii. 177 <i>n.</i>, 184, 197, 200 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Eurypylus</i>, i. 301.</li> -<li><i>Eurystheus</i>, i. 91, 92, 93, 94.</li> -<li><i>Eurytos</i>, i. 139, 151.</li> -<li><i>Eurytus</i>, v. 94.</li> -<li><i>Eutæa</i>, Agesilaus at, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 211.</li> -<li><i>Euthydemus</i>, Plato’s, viii. 392 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Euthykrates</i> and Lasthenes, xi. 351, 352.</li> -<li><i>Euxine</i>, Greek settlements on, iii. 236; iv. 27, ix. 121; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>first sight of, by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 111;</li> - <li>indigenous tribes on, ix. 122;</li> - <li>the Greeks on, and the Ten Thousand, ix. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Xenophon’s idea of founding a new city on the, ix. 132 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Evadnê</i>, i. 278.</li> -<li><i>Evagoras</i>, ix. 364, 374, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">F.</li> -<li><i>Family</i> tie, in legendary Greece, ii. 83; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>rites in Greece, iii. 51.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Fates</i>, i. 7; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Crœsus, iv. 195 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ferdousi</i>, Persian epic of, i. 641.</li> -<li><i>Festivals</i>, Grecian, i. 51, ii. 228, iv. 53, 67 <i>seq.</i>, 71 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Athens, viii. 324.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Fiction</i>, plausible, i. 435; ii. 51.</li> -<li><i>Fictitious</i> matter in Greek tradition, i. 433.</li> -<li><i>Financial changes</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 137.</li> -<li><i>Five Thousand</i>, the, at Athens, viii. 31, 54 <i>n.</i>, 61, 75 <i>n.</i> 1, 78 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Flaying alive</i> by Persians and Turks, iv. 293 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Fleece, Golden</i>, legend of, i. 123.</li> -<li><i>Flute</i>, use of, in Sparta, iv. 87.</li> -<li><i>Fortification</i> of towns in early Greece, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of the Grecian camp in the Iliad, ii. 186.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Four Hundred</i>, the oligarchy of, viii. 30 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Frenzy</i>, religious, of women, i. 30 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Funeral</i> ceremony at Athens over slain warriors, vi. 31; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>orations, besides that of Periklês, vi. 142 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>obsequies of Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_252">xii. 252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Funerals</i>, Solon’s regulations about iii. 140.</li> - -<li class="iix">G.</li> -<li><i>Gadês</i>, iii. 271 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>voyage from Corinth to, in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B. C.</small>, iii. 277.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gæa</i>, i. 4, 6, 9.</li> -<li><i>Gæsylus</i>, xi. 116.</li> -<li><i>Games</i>, Olympic, i. 100, ii. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 317 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 55 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Isthmian, i. 124, ii. 306 <i>n.</i> 1, iv. 65;</li> - <li>the four great Grecian, ii. 240, iv. 67, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141;</li> - <li>Pythian, iv. 58, 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Nemean, iv. 65.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gamori</i>, iii. 30; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Syracuse, v. 206.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gargaphia</i>, fountain of, v. 165 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Gaugamela</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Gauls</i>, embassy of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>invasion of Greece by, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gaza</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Gedrosia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> -<li><i>Gela</i>, v. 208; and Syracuse, before <small>B. C.</small> 500, v. 204; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Kleander of, v. 208;</li> - <li>Gelo, despot of, v. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>congress of Sicilian cities at, vii. 137;</li> - <li>and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;</li> - <li>expeditions of Dionysius to, x. 438, 439, 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of, by Imilkon, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;</li> - <li>Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Geleontes</i>, iii. 51.</li> -<li><i>Gelo</i>, v. 67, 204-239.</li> -<li><i>Gelôni</i>, iii. 244.</li> -<li><i>Gelonian</i> dynasty, fall of, v. 233; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>citizens of Syracuse, v. 234 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Genealogies</i>, Grecian, i. 80 <i>seq.</i>, 448; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Argeian, i. 81, mythical, i. 191, 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Egyptian, i. 448;</li> - <li>Clinton’s vindication of, ii. 37 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Genealogy</i>, Corinthian, of Eumelus, i. 120 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Orchomenos, i. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Eleian, i. 139;</li> - <li>Ætolian, i. 143;</li> - <li>Laconian, i. 168;</li> - <li>Messênian i. 171;</li> - <li>Arcadian, i. 173.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Generals</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_534">[p. 534]</span><i>Gentes</i>, Attic, iii. 53 <i>seq.</i>, 66 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>analogy between those of Greece and other nations, iii. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian, patronymic names of, iii. 63;</li> - <li>difference between Grecian and Roman, iii. 65;</li> - <li>non-members of, under Solon, iii. 133.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Geographical</i> knowledge, Hesiodic and Homeric, ii. 114; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>views of Alexander, <a href="#Footnote_548">xii. 232 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Geography</i>, fabulous, i. 245 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Homeric, iii. 204;</li> - <li>of the retreat of the Ten Thousand, ix. 115 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Geological</i> features of Greece, ii. 215.</li> -<li><i>Geomori</i>, iii. 30, 72.</li> -<li><i>Gergis</i>, iii. 197; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 212.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gergithes</i>, iii. 197.</li> -<li><i>German</i> progress brought about by violent external influences, i. 463; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mythes, i. 464.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gerontes</i>, ii. 66.</li> -<li><i>Geronthræ</i>, conquest of, ii. 419.</li> -<li><i>Geryôn</i>, i. 7, 249.</li> -<li><i>Getæ</i>, Alexander’s defeat of, <a href="#Page_24">xii. 24</a>.</li> -<li><i>Gigantes</i>, birth of, i. 5, 9 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Gillus</i>, iv. 258.</li> -<li><i>Giskon</i>, x. 401, 403 <i>n.</i>, xi. 180.</li> -<li><i>Glaukæ</i>, <a href="#Page_230">xii. 230</a>.</li> -<li><i>Glauke</i>, i. 117.</li> -<li><i>Glaukon</i>, discourse of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 391.</li> -<li><i>Glaukus</i>, i. 224.</li> -<li><i>Gnomic</i>, Greek poets, iv. 90 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Gnomon</i>, whence obtained by the Greeks, iii. 345.</li> -<li><i>Goddesses</i>, and gods, twelve great, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Gods</i>, Grecian, how conceived by the Greeks, i. 3 <i>seq.</i>, 347 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and dæmons, i. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and men, i. 449.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Golden Fleece</i>, legend of, i. 123.</li> -<li><i>Golden race</i>, the, i. 65.</li> -<li><i>Gongylus</i>, the Corinthian, vii. 265, 271.</li> -<li><i>Good</i>, etc., meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gordian knot</i>, Alexander cuts the, <a href="#Page_104">xii. 104</a>.</li> -<li><i>Gordium</i>, Alexander’s march from, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li> -<li><i>Gordius</i>, legend of, iii. 217.</li> -<li><i>Gorgias</i> of Leontini, vii. 128, 132, viii. 369, 382.</li> -<li><i>Gorgons</i>, i. 90.</li> -<li><i>Gorgôpas</i> at Ægina, ix. 373 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Government</i> of historical and legendary Greece, ii. 60 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>heroic, ii. 75;</li> - <li>earliest changes of, in Greece, iii. 4 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>kingly, iii. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>change from monarchical to oligarchical in Greece, iii. 15 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Governments</i>, Grecian, weakness of, iv. 152.</li> -<li><i>Graces</i>, the, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Grææ</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Græci</i>, ii. 269.</li> -<li><i>Græcia</i> Magna, iii. 399.</li> -<li><i>Græco-Asiatic</i> cities, <a href="#Page_271">xii. 271</a>.</li> -<li><i>Granikus</i>, battle of the, <a href="#Page_80">xii. 80</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenians captured at the, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Graphê Paranomôn</i>, v. 375 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>abolition of, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 36.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Grecian</i> mythes, i. 51, 426 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>genealogies, i. 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mythology, sources of our information on, i. 106;</li> - <li>intellect, expansive force of, i. 362;</li> - <li>progress between <small>B. C.</small> 700 and 500, i. 365 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>antiquity, i. 445, 448; genealogies, i. 447;</li> - <li>townsman, intellectual acquisitions of a, i. 458;</li> - <li>poetry, matchless, i. 463;</li> - <li>progress self-operated, i. 463;</li> - <li>mythology, how it would have been affected by the introduction of Christianity, <small>B. C.</small> 500, i. 467;</li> - <li>mythes, proper treatment of, i. 487 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>computation of time, ii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>festivals, intellectual influence of, ii. 228;</li> - <li>history, first and second periods of, ii. 270 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 52;</li> - <li>opinion, change in, on the decision of disputes by champions, ii. 451;</li> - <li>states, growing communion of, between <small>B. C.</small> 600 and 547, ii. 461;</li> - <li>“faith”, iii. 115;</li> - <li>settlements on the Euxine, iii. 236;</li> - <li>marine and commerce, growth of, iii. 336;</li> - <li>colonies in Southern Italy, iii. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>world about 560 <small>B. C.</small>, iii. 398;</li> - <li>history, want of unity in, iv. 51, 52;</li> - <li>games, influence of, upon the Greek mind, iv. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>art, beginnings and importance of, iv. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>architecture, iv. 99;</li> - <li>governments, weakness of, iv. 152;</li> - <li>world, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 47;</li> - <li>and barbarian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_535">[p. 535]</span>youth, society and conversation of, vii. 33 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>states, complicated relations among, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 52, and <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 292;</li> - <li>philosophy, negative side of, viii. 345;</li> - <li>dialectics, their many-sided handling of subjects, viii. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>states embassies from, at Pella, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>captives, mutilated, at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_173">xii. 173</a>;</li> - <li>history, bearing of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns on, <a href="#Page_179">xii. 179</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mercenaries under Darius, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li>envoys with Darius, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>;</li> - <li>world, state of, <small>B. C.</small> 334, <a href="#Page_275">xii. 275</a>;</li> - <li>exiles, Alexander’s rescript directing the recall of, <a href="#Page_310">xii. 310</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Greece</i>, legends of, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into series, i. 105; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>legendary and historical, state of society and manners in, ii. 57-118;</li> - <li>subterranean course of rivers in, ii. 218;</li> - <li>difficulty of land communication in, ii. 220;</li> - <li>accessibility of, by sea, ii. 222;</li> - <li>islands and colonies of, ii. 224;</li> - <li>difference between the land-states and sea-states in, ii. 225;</li> - <li>effects of the configuration of, ii. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mineral and other productions of, ii. 229 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>climate of, ii. 232;</li> - <li>difference between the inhabitants of different parts of, ii. 233;</li> - <li>ante-Hellenic inhabitants of, ii. 261;;</li> - <li>discontinuance of kingship in, iii. 7;</li> - <li>anti-monarchical sentiment of, iii. 11 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 176;</li> - <li>the voyage from, to Italy or Sicily, iii. 361;</li> - <li>seven wise men of, iv. 94 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first advance of, towards systematic conjunction, iv. 174;</li> - <li>probable consequences of a Persian expedition against, before that against Scythia, iv. 261 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion, v. 57, 60;</li> - <li>first separation of, into two distinct parties, v. 262 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li> - <li>proceedings in central, between <small>B. C.</small> 470-464, v. 312;</li> - <li>state of feeling in, between <small>B. C.</small> 445-431, vi. 76;</li> - <li>bad morality of the rich and great in, vi. 284;</li> - <li>atmospherical disturbances in, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vi. 293;</li> - <li>warlike preparations in, during the winter of <small>B. C.</small> 414-413, vii. 287;</li> - <li>alteration of feeling in, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li> - <li>disgust in, at the Thirty at Athens, viii. 262;</li> - <li>degradation of, by the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 10;</li> - <li>effect of the battle of Leuktra on, x. 184, 185, 193;</li> - <li>relations of Dionysius with, <small>B. C.</small> 382-369, xi. 44;</li> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 360-359, xi. 197;</li> - <li>decline of citizen-soldiership and increase of mercenaries in, after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>effect of the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens upon, xi. 430;</li> - <li>movements and intrigues of Philip throughout, after <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>state of, on Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, 9 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of Alexander into, <small>B. C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_11">xii. 11</a>;</li> - <li>Macedonian interventions in, <small>B. C.</small> 336-335, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>terror in, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, <a href="#Page_43">xii. 43</a>;</li> - <li>connection of Alexander with, history of, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a> <i>seq.</i>, 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>an appendage to Macedonia under Alexander, <a href="#Page_52">xii. 52</a>;</li> - <li>military changes in, during the sixty years before Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_53">xii. 53</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>possibility of emancipating, during Alexander’s earlier Asiatic campaigns, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li> - <li>hopes raised in, by the Persian fleet and armies, <small>B. C.</small> 334-331, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li> - <li>submission of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li> - <li>effect of Alexander’s death on, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a>;</li> - <li>confederacy for liberating, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Ptolemy of Egypt in, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>;</li> - <li>success of Demetrius Poliorketes in, against Kassander, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li> - <li>under Demetrius Poliorketes and Antigonus Gonatas, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>;</li> - <li>invasion of, by the Gauls, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>;</li> - <li>of Polybius, <a href="#Page_391">xii. 391</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Greece, Proper</i>, geography of, ii. 211 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Greek</i> forces against Troy, i. 289 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>language and the mythes, i. 351;</li> - <li>tradition, matter of, uncertified, i. 433;</li> - <li>language, various dialects of, ii. 238;</li> - <li>alphabet, origin of, iii. 344 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>Latin and Oscan languages, iii. 354;</li> - <li>settlements, east of the Strymôn in Thrace, iv. 20;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_536">[p. 536]</span>settlements on the Euxine south of the Danube, iv. 27;</li> - <li>settlements in Libya, and the nomads, iv. 38;</li> - <li>cities, local festivals in, iv. 51, 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>lyric poetry, iv. 73, 90;</li> - <li>poetry about the middle of the seventh century <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 74;</li> - <li>music, about the middle of the seventh century <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 75;</li> - <li>poetry, after Terpander, iv. 77;</li> - <li>hexameter, new metres superadded to, iv. 79;</li> - <li>chorus, iv. 83, 87;</li> - <li>dancing, iv. 85;</li> - <li>mind, positive tendencies of, in the time of Herodotus, iv. 105 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>philosophy, in the sixth century <small>B. C.</small>, 380 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Artemisium, v. 79 <i>seq.</i>, 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Salamis, v. 111;</li> - <li>fleet at Mykalê, v. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet after the battle of Mykalê, v. 200 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet, expedition of, against Asia, <small>B. C.</small> 478, v. 253;</li> - <li>generals and captains, slaughter of Cyreian, ix. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>heroes, analogy of Alexander to the, <a href="#Page_71">xii. 71</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Greeks</i>, return of, from Troy, i. 309 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>their love of antiquities, i. 353;</li> - <li>their distaste for a real history of the past, i. 359;</li> - <li>Homeric, ii. 92, 114;</li> - <li>in Asia Minor, ii. 235, iii. 212;</li> - <li>extra-Peloponnesian north of Attica in the first two centuries, ii. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>advance of, in government in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B. C.</small>, iii. 20;</li> - <li>musical modes of, iii. 212;</li> - <li>and Phenicians in Sicily and Cyprus, iii. 276;</li> - <li>contrasted with Egyptians, Assyrians, and Phenicians, iii. 304;</li> - <li>influence of Phenicians, Assyrians, and Egyptians on, iii. 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Carthaginians, first known collision between, iii. 348;</li> - <li>Sicilian and Italian, monetary and statical scale of, iii. 369;</li> - <li>in Sicily, prosperity of, between <small>B. C.</small> 735-485, iii. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Sicily and in Greece Proper, difference between, iii. 372;</li> - <li>Italian, between <small>B. C.</small> 700-500, iii. 392, 394, 398;</li> - <li>their talent for command over barbarians, iv. 17;</li> - <li>first voyage of, to Libya, iv. 29;</li> - <li>and Libyans at Kyrene, iv. 39;</li> - <li>political isolation of, iv. 51;</li> - <li>tendencies to political union among, after <small>B. C.</small> 560, iv. 52;</li> - <li>growth of union among, between <small>B. C.</small> 776-560, iv. 53;</li> - <li>rise of philosophy and dialectic among, iv. 96;</li> - <li>writing among, iv. 97;</li> - <li>Asiatic, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;</li> - <li>Asiatic, application of, to Sparta, 546 <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 199;</li> - <li>and Darius, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;</li> - <li>eminent, liable to be corrupted by success, iv. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Persians, religious conception of history common to, v. 11;</li> - <li>northern, and Xerxes, v. 64, 69;</li> - <li>confederate, engagement of, against such as joined Xerxes, v. 70;</li> - <li>effect of the battle of Thermopylæ on, v. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the battle of Salamis, v. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Medising, and Mardonius, v. 148;</li> - <li>Medising, at Platæa, v. 161;</li> - <li>at Platæa, v. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mykalê, v. 194 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic, first step to the ascendancy of Athens over, v. 200;</li> - <li>Sicilian, early governments of, v. 206;</li> - <li>Sicilian, progress of, between the battle of Salamis and Alexander, v. 241;</li> - <li>allied, oppose the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 246;</li> - <li>allied, transfer the headship from Sparta to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 477, v. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>allied, Aristeides assessment of, v. 263;</li> - <li>allied, under Athens, substitute money-payment for personal service, v. 298 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>effect of the Athenian disaster in Sicily upon, vii. 363;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernes, Alkibiades acts as interpreter between, viii. 4 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic, surrender of, by Sparta to Persia, ix. 205;</li> - <li>Asiatic, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 206;</li> - <li>Asiatic, and Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li> - <li>the Ten Thousand, their position and circumstances, ix. 11;</li> - <li>Ten Thousand, at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Ten Thousand, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Ten Thousand, retreat of, ix. 56-121, 181 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Ten Thousand, after their return to Trapezus, ix. 121-180;</li> - <li>Asiatic, their application to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li> - <li>in the service of Alexander in Asia, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>;</li> - <li>unpropitious circumstances for, in the Lamian war, <a href="#Page_334">xii. 334</a>;</li> - <li>Italian, pressed upon by enemies from the interior, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_537">[p. 537]</span><i>Gurylls</i>, death of, x. 335.</li> -<li><i>Guilds</i>, Grecian deities of, i. 344; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>German and early English, iii. 60 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>compared with ancient political associations, viii. 16 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Gyges</i>, i. 5, iii. 219 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Gylippus</i>, expedition of, to Syracuse, vii. 242, 265 <i>seq.</i>, 275 <i>seq.</i>, 298 <i>seq.</i>, 323, 330 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Gylon</i>, father of Kleobulê, the mother of Demosthenes, xi. 261 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Gymnêsii</i>, iii. 35.</li> -<li><i>Gyndês</i>, distribution of, into channels by Cyrus, iv. 212.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">H.</li> -<li><i>Hadês</i>, i. 6 <i>seq.</i>, 7, 9.</li> -<li><i>Hæmôn</i> and Antigonê, i. 276.</li> -<li><i>Haliartus</i>, Lysander at, ix. 294.</li> -<li><i>Halikarnassus</i>, ii. 31, iii. 201; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Halonnesus</i>, dispute between Philip and the Athenians about, xi. 449 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Halys</i>, the, 207.</li> -<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, defeat and death of, at Himera, v. 222 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, collusion of, with Agathokles, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>superseded in Sicily by another general of the same name, <a href="#Page_403">xii. 403</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, victory of, at the Himera, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attempt of, upon Syracuse, <a href="#Page_422">xii. 422</a>;</li> - <li>defeat and death of, <a href="#Page_424">xii. 424</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hannibal</i>, expeditions of, to Sicily, x. 402-415, 421 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hanno</i>, silly fabrication of, xi. 158.</li> -<li><i>Harmodius</i> and Aristogeitôn, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Harmosts</i>, Spartan, ix. 189 <i>seq.</i>, 197, 201.</li> -<li><i>Harpagus</i>, iv. 202, 207.</li> -<li><i>Harpalus</i>, <a href="#Page_240">xii. 240</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Harpies</i>, the, i. 1, 266.</li> -<li><i>Hêbê</i>, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Hectôr</i>, i. 286, 297.</li> -<li><i>Hegemony</i>, Athenian, v. 291 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hegesippus</i>, xi. 446.</li> -<li><i>Hegesistratus</i>, iv. 118, v. 191, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hekabê</i>, i. 286.</li> -<li><i>Hekatæus</i> on Geryôn, i. 249; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the Argonauts, i. 253;</li> - <li>and the mythes, i. 391;</li> - <li>and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 296.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hekatompylus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hekatoncheires</i>, the, i. 4, 5.</li> -<li><i>Hekatonymus</i> and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Helen</i>, i. 161, 168, 169; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>necklace of, i. 282;</li> - <li>and Paris, i. 287;</li> - <li>and Achilles, i. 294;</li> - <li>various legends of, i. 305 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Helenus</i> and Andromachê, i. 305.</li> -<li><i>Heliæa</i>, iii. 128 <i>n.</i>, iv. 137, 141 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Heliasts</i>, iv. 141.</li> -<li><i>Helikê</i>, destruction of, x. 157.</li> -<li><i>Helios</i>, i. 6, 344.</li> -<li><i>Helixus</i>, viii. 133.</li> -<li><i>Hellanikus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 390; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>contrasted with Saxo Grammaticus and Snorro Sturleson, i. 468.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hellas</i>, division of, i. 100; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proper, ii. 212;</li> - <li>mountain systems of, ii. 212 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>islands and colonies of, ii. 224;</li> - <li>most ancient, ii. 268;</li> - <li>first historical manifestation of, as an aggregate body, iv. 318.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hellê</i> and Phryxus, i. 123.</li> -<li><i>Hellên</i> and his sons, i. 99 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hellênes</i>, i. 99, ii. 236 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hellenic</i> religion and customs in the Trôad, i. 337; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>cities, ii. 257.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hellênion</i> at Naukratis, iii. 336.</li> -<li><i>Hellenism</i>, definition of, <a href="#Page_270">xii. 270</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hellenotamiæ</i>, v. 265, viii. 310.</li> -<li><i>Hellespont</i>, bridges of Xerxes over, v. 15 <i>seq.</i>, 19 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>crossed by Xerxes, v. 31;</li> - <li>retreating march of Xerxes to, v. 144 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian fleet at, <small>B. C.</small> 479, v. 200;</li> - <li>Strombichidês at, viii. 96;</li> - <li>Peloponnesian reinforcement to, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li> - <li>Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 102, 109, 117;</li> - <li>Athenians and Peloponnesians at, after the battle of Kynossêma, viii. 117;</li> - <li>Thrasyllus and Alkibiadês at, viii. 131;</li> - <li>Thrasybulus at, ix. 366;</li> - <li>Iphikrates at, ix. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Antalkidas at, ix. 384;</li> - <li>Epaminondas at, x. 301, 306;</li> - <li>Timotheus at, x. 301, 306, 368;</li> - <li>Autoklês at, x. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>operations of the Athenians at, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li> - <li>disputes between Athens and Philip about, xi. 450;</li> - <li>imprudence of the Persians in letting Alexander cross the, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_538">[p. 538]</span><i>Helôris</i>, unsuccessful expedition of, xi. 5, 7, 15.</li> -<li><i>Helots</i>, ii. 373 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Pausanias and, v. 270;</li> - <li>revolt of, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Ithômê, capitulation of, v. 333;</li> - <li>assassination of, vi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Brasidean, vii. 21;</li> - <li>brought back to Pylus, vii. 71;</li> - <li>and the invasion of, Laconia by Epaminondas, x. 219;</li> - <li>establishment of, with the Messenians, x. 229 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Helus</i>, conquered by Alkamenês, ii. 420.</li> -<li><i>Hephæstion</i>, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hephæstos</i>, i. 10, 58.</li> -<li><i>Hêræon</i> near Mykênæ, i. 165.</li> -<li><i>Hêræon Teichos</i>, siege of, by Philip, xi. 307.</li> -<li><i>Hêrakleia Pontica</i>, i. 241; <a href="#Page_460">xii. 460</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 146.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hêrakleia in Italy</i>, iii. 384, vi. 14.</li> -<li><i>Hêrakleia in Sicily</i>, v. 207; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Dion at, xi. 89, 90 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hêrakleia Trachinea</i>, vi. 90 <i>seq.</i>; vii. 60, ix. 284, 302, xi. 90 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hêrakleid</i> kings of Corinth, ii. 307.</li> -<li><i>Hêrakleides the Syracusan</i>, exile of, xi. 86; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>victory of, over Philistus, xi. 100;</li> - <li>and Dion, xi. 101, 105, 110, 112 <i>seq.</i>, 121;</li> - <li>victory of, over Nypsius, xi. 107;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 122.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hêrakleides</i>, governor of the Pontic Herakleia, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hêrakleids</i>, i. 94, 95, ii. 1 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Lydian dynasty of, iii. 222.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hêraklês</i>, i. 92 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of, on Pylos, i. 110;</li> - <li>and Alkêstis, i. 113;</li> - <li>overthrows Orchomenos, i. 133;</li> - <li>death of, i. 151;</li> - <li>and Hylas, i. 234;</li> - <li>and Laomedôn, i. 286;</li> - <li>Tyrian temple of, iii. 269.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hêraklês</i>, son of Alexander, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hêrê</i>, i. 6, 7, 10, 58; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Mykênæ, i. 165;</li> - <li>temple of, near Argos, burnt, vi. 451;</li> - <li>Lakinian, robe of, xi. 52.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Herippidas</i>, ix. 285, 326, 339.</li> -<li><i>Hermæ</i>, mutilation of, at Athens, vii. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 199 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hermeias</i> of Atarneus, xi. 441.</li> -<li><i>Hermes</i>, i. 10, 58 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hermionê</i>, i. 163.</li> -<li><i>Hermokratês</i>, at the congress at Gela, vii. 137; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Athenian armament, vii. 182;</li> - <li>recommendations of, after the battle near Olympieion, vii. 227;</li> - <li>speech of at Kamarina, vii. 229;</li> - <li>urges the Syracusans to attack the Athenians at sea, vii. 290;</li> - <li>postpones the Athenians’ retreat from Syracuse, vii. 330;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernês, vii. 390; viii. 98;</li> - <li>in the Ægean, x. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>banishment of, x. 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his return to Sicily, and death, x. 415 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hermokratean</i> party, x. 432; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>exiles, x. 438.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hermolaus</i>, <a href="#Page_221">xii. 221</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hermotybii</i> and Kalasiries, iii. 316.</li> -<li><i>Herodotus</i>, on Minôs, i. 228, 229; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on Helen and the Trojans, i. 308;</li> - <li>treatment of mythes by, i. 393 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his view of Lykurgus, ii. 343;</li> - <li>his story of Solon and Crœsus, iii. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>chronological mistakes of, iii. 154 <i>n.</i>, 198 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>chronological discrepancies of, respecting Kyaxarês, iii. 232 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>his description of Scythia, iii. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his account of Babylon, iii. 295 <i>seq.</i>, 297 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>distinction between what he professes to have seen and heard, iii. 309;</li> - <li>on the effects of despotism and democracy upon the Athenians, iv. 178;</li> - <li>and Ktêsias, on Cyrus, iv. 185;</li> - <li>chronology of his life and authorship, iv. 277 <i>n.</i>, v. 49 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>his narrative of Darius’s march into Scythia, iv. 265 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>does not mention Pythagoras in connection with the war between Sybaris and Kroton, iv. 416;</li> - <li>historical manner and conception of, v. 5, 11, <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>his estimate of the number of Xerxes’s army, v. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>doubts about the motives ascribed to Xerxes at Thermopylæ by, v. 87;</li> - <li>a proof of the accuracy of, v. 89 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>on the movements of the Persian fleet before the battle of Salamis, v. 132 <i>nn.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Heroes</i> appear with gods and men on mythes, i. 64; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greek, at Aulis, i. 293 <i>seq.</i>, 289;</li> - <li>Greek, analogy of Alexander to, <a href="#Page_70">xii. 70</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Heroic</i> race, i. 66, legends, i. 424.</li> -<li><i>Hesiod</i>, theogony of, i. 3, 16, 20, 74; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>family affairs of, i. 72;</li> - <li>Iapetids in, i. 73;</li> - <li>complaints of, against kings, ii. 73;</li> - <li>dark picture of Greece by, ii. 91.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hesiodic</i> mythes traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>“Works and Days”, i. 66 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_539">[p. 539]</span>philosophy, i. 367;</li> - <li>Greeks, ii. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>epic, ii. 119.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hesionê</i>, i. 286.</li> -<li><i>Hesperides</i>, dragon of, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Hesperides</i>, town of, iv. 32 <i>n.</i> 2, 42.</li> -<li><i>Hestia</i>, i. 6, 7, 58.</li> -<li><i>Hestiæa</i> on Ilium, i. 329.</li> -<li><i>Hetæræ</i>, vi. 100.</li> -<li><i>Hetæries</i>, at Athens, vi. 290, viii. 15.</li> -<li><i>Hexameter</i>, the ancient, i. 73; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>new metres superadded to, iv. 75.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hierax</i>, ix. 373.</li> -<li><i>Hiero of Syracuse</i>, v. 227 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hieromnêmôn</i>, ii. 246.</li> -<li><i>Hiketas</i>, xi. 128; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Syracusans, xi. 134;</li> - <li>message of, to Corinth and to Timoleon, xi. 143, 144;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Adranum, xi. 148;</li> - <li>and Magon, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>, 159;</li> - <li>flight of, from Syracuse to Leontini, xi. 161;</li> - <li>capitulation of, with Timoleon, xi. 170;</li> - <li>invites the Carthaginians to invade Sicily, xi. 171;</li> - <li>defeat, surrender, and death of, xi. 181, 182.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Himera</i>, iii. 367; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>battle of, v. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of, by Thêro, v. 228;</li> - <li>capture of, by Hannibal, x. 410 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of Agathokles at the, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hindoos</i>, rivers personified by, i. 342 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>their belief with regard to the small pox, i. 360 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>belief of, in fabulous stories, i. 430 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>expensiveness of marriage among, iii. 141 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>sentiment of, with regard to the discontinuance of sacrifices, <a href="#Footnote_100">xii. 43 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hindoo Koosh</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander reduces the country between the Indus and, <a href="#Page_224">xii. 224</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hindostan</i>, hoarding in, <a href="#Footnote_421">xii. 175 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hipparchus</i>, ii. 153 <i>n.</i>, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hipparinus</i>, son of Dionysius, xi. 130.</li> -<li><i>Hippeis</i>, Solonian, iii. 118.</li> -<li><i>Hippias</i>, of Elis, viii. 380 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hippias, Peisistratid</i>, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i>, 120 <i>seq.</i>, 281, 356 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Hippo</i>, iv. 385.</li> -<li><i>Hippodameia</i>, i. 159.</li> -<li><i>Hippodamus</i>, vi. 20.</li> -<li><i>Hippokleidês</i>, iii. 39.</li> -<li><i>Hippokratês the physician</i>, i. 373; viii. 426 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Hippokratês of Gela</i>, v. 213 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hippokratês, the Athenian general</i>, vi. 370 <i>seq.</i>, 379, 382 <i>seq.</i>, 388.</li> -<li><i>Hippon</i>, xi. 184.</li> -<li><i>Hipponikus</i>, iii. 102.</li> -<li><i>Hipponium</i>, capture of, xi. 17; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>re-establishment of, xi. 43.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hipponoidas</i>, vii. 85, 89.</li> -<li><i>Histiæus</i> and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 272; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Myrkinus, iv. 273, 277;</li> - <li>detention of, at Susa, iv. 277;</li> - <li>and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 299 <i>seq.</i>, 309.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Historians</i>, treatment of mythes by, i. 391 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Historical</i> proof, positive evidence indispensable to, i. 430; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>sense of modern times not to be applied to an unrecording age, i. 432;</li> - <li>evidence, the standard of, raised with regard to England, but not with regard to Greece, i. 485;</li> - <li>and legendary Greece compared, ii. 60 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Historicizing</i> innovations in the tale of Troy, i. 333; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of ancient mythes, i. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>applicable to all mythes, or none, i. 422.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>History</i>, uninteresting to early Greeks, i. 359; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of England, how conceived down to the seventeenth century, i. 482 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and legend, Grecian, blank between, ii. 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian first period of, from <small>B. C.</small> 776 to 560, ii. 270, 273;</li> - <li>Grecian, second period of, from <small>B. C.</small> 560 to 300, ii. 270 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>religious conception of, common to Greeks and Persians, v. 10.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Homer</i> and Hesiod, mythology of, i. 12; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>personality and poems of, ii. 127 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Homeric Zeus</i>, i. 12; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>hymns, i. 34, 37 <i>seq.</i>, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>legend of the birth of Hêraklês, i. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Pelops, i. 159;</li> - <li>gods, types of, i. 350;</li> - <li>age, mythical faith of, i. 359;</li> - <li>philosophy, i. 368;</li> - <li>account of the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, ii. 12;</li> - <li>Boulê and Agora, ii. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Greeks, social condition of, ii. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 107;</li> - <li>Greeks, unity, idea of, partially revived, ii. 162 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>epoch, right conception of, ii. 174;</li> - <li>mode of fighting, ii. 457;</li> - <li>geography, iii. 204.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Homêrids</i>, the poetical gens of, ii. 132.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_540">[p. 540]</span><i>Homicide</i>, purification for, i. 25, 26; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mode of dealing with, in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>tribunals for, at Athens, iii. 77;</li> - <li>Drake’s laws of, retained by Solon, iii. 134;</li> - <li>trial for and the senate of Areopagus, v. 368 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Homoioi</i>, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.</li> -<li><i>Hoplêtes</i>, iii. 51.</li> -<li><i>Hôræ</i>, the, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Horkos</i>, i. 7, 8.</li> -<li><i>Horse</i>, the wooden, of Troy, i. 302, 309.</li> -<li><i>Horsemen</i> at Athens, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 305.</li> -<li><i>Hospitality</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 84.</li> -<li><i>Human</i> sacrifices in Greece, i. 126 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Hyakinthia</i> and the Lacedæmonians, v. 153.</li> -<li><i>Hyakinthus</i>, i. 168.</li> -<li><i>Hyblæan Megara</i>, iii. 365.</li> -<li><i>Hydarnês</i>, v. 88.</li> -<li><i>Hydaspes</i>, Alexander at the, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander sails down the, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hydra</i>, the Lernæan, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Hydra</i>, sailors of, v. 51 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Hykkara</i>, capture of, vii. 216.</li> -<li><i>Hylas</i> and Hêraklês, i. 234.</li> -<li><i>Hylleis</i>, ii. 360.</li> -<li><i>Hyllus</i>, i. 94, 177.</li> -<li><i>Hymns</i>, Homeric, i. 34, 37 <i>seq.</i>, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at festival in honor of gods, i. 49.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Hypaspistæ</i>, <a href="#Page_61">xii. 61</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hyperbolus</i>, iv. 151, vii. 108 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 27.</li> -<li><i>Hyperides</i>, xi. 509, <a href="#Footnote_702">xii. 298 <i>n.</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_723">305 <i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hyperiôn</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Hypermênes</i>, x. 146.</li> -<li><i>Hypermnêstra</i>, i. 88.</li> -<li><i>Hyphasis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>.</li> -<li><i>Hypomeiones</i>, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.</li> -<li><i>Hyrkania</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_166">xii. 166</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">I.</li> -<li><i>Ialmenos</i> and Askalaphos, i. 130.</li> -<li><i>Iapetids</i> in Hesiod, i. 74.</li> -<li><i>Iapetos</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Iapygians</i>, iii. 392.</li> -<li><i>Iasus</i>, capture of, vii. 389.</li> -<li><i>Iberia</i> in Spain, iii. 275.</li> -<li><i>Iberians</i> and Dionysius, x. 510.</li> -<li><i>Ida</i> in Asia, iii. 195, 197.</li> -<li><i>Ida</i> in Crête, Zeus at, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Idanthyrsus</i>, iv. 267.</li> -<li><i>Idas</i>, i. 169, 171.</li> -<li><i>Idomenê</i>, Demosthenês at, vi. 306 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Idrieus</i>, xi. 437.</li> -<li><i>Ikarus</i>, i. 225.</li> -<li><i>Iliad</i> and the Trojan war, i. 297; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Odyssey, date, structure, and authorship of, ii. 118-209.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ilium</i>, i. 286, 334 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Illyria</i>, Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 24.</li> -<li><i>Illyrians</i>, different tribes of, iv. 1 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>retreat of Perdikkas and Brasidas before, vi. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of Philip over, xi. 214 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ilus</i>, i. 285, 286.</li> -<li><i>Imbros</i>, iv. 28, 278 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Imilkon</i> and Hannibal, invasion of Sicily by, x. 421 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Agrigentum, x. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Gela, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Motyê, x. 479, 490;</li> - <li>capture of Messênê by, 491 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Campanians of Ætna, x. 497;</li> - <li>before Syracuse, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>flight of, from Syracuse, x. 510;</li> - <li>miserable end of, x. 511.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Inachus</i>, i. 82.</li> -<li><i>Indus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_225">xii. 225</a> <i>seq.</i>, 233 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of, to that of the Tigris, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Industry</i>, manufacturing, at Athens, iii. 136 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Infantry</i> and oligarchy, iii. 31.</li> -<li><i>Inland</i> and maritime cities contrasted, ii. 225.</li> -<li><i>Inô</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Inscriptions</i>, ii. 41.</li> -<li><i>Interest</i> on loans, iii. 107 <i>seq.</i>, 159.</li> -<li><i>Interpreters</i>, Egyptian, iii. 327.</li> -<li><i>Io</i>, legend of, i. 84 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Iôn</i>, i. 198, 204.</li> -<li><i>Iônia</i>, emigrants to, ii. 24 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquest of, by Harpagus, iv. 202;</li> - <li>Mardonius’s deposition of despots in, iv. 312;</li> - <li>expedition of Astyochus to, vii. 382;</li> - <li>expedition of Thrasyllus to, viii. 129.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ionian</i>, the name a reproach, iii. 169.</li> -<li><i>Ionians</i>, ii. 12, 13; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_541">[p. 541]</span>and Darius’s bridge over the Danube, iv. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>abandonment of, by the Athenians, iv. 297;</li> - <li>at Ladê, iv. 301 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mykalê, v. 192 <i>seq.</i>, 197;</li> - <li>after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ionic</i> emigration, ii. 21, 24 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 172; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>tribes in Attica, iii. 50, 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>cities in Asia, iii. 172 <i>seq.</i>, 260;</li> - <li>and Italic Greeks, iii. 398;</li> - <li>revolt, iv. 285 <i>seq.</i>, 306 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>philosophers, iv. 378;</li> - <li>Sicilians and Athens, vii. 132;</li> - <li>alphabet and the Athenian laws, viii. 308.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Iphigeneia</i>, i. 293.</li> -<li><i>Iphiklos</i>, i. 110.</li> -<li><i>Iphikrates</i>, destruction of a Lacedæmonian <i>mora</i> by, ix. 327 <i>n.</i>, 341 <i>n.</i>, 348 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>military improvements and successes of, ix. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 353;</li> - <li>defeat of Anaxibius by, ix. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings of, between <small>B. C.</small> 387-378, x. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kotys, x. 106, 299, 369, 374;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 154 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timotheus, x. 149, 299, xi. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, to aid Sparta against Thebes, x. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Thrace and Macedonia, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>, 299;</li> - <li>in the Hellespont, xi. 224;</li> - <li>and Chares, xi. 224 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Iphikrates the Younger</i>, <a href="#Page_129">xii. 129</a>.</li> -<li><i>Ipsus</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>.</li> -<li><i>Iran</i>, territory of, iv. 184.</li> -<li><i>Irasa</i>, iv. 31.</li> -<li><i>Iris</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Iron race</i>, the, i. 66.</li> -<li><i>Isagoras</i>, iv. 126, 164 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ischagoras</i>, vi. 449.</li> -<li><i>Ischolaus</i>, x. 217.</li> -<li><i>Ischys</i>, i. 178.</li> -<li><i>Isidas</i>, x. 332.</li> -<li><i>Islands</i> in the Ægean, ii. 234.</li> -<li><i>Ismenias</i> in the north of Bœotia, ix. 301; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Leontiades, x. 59;</li> - <li>trial and execution of, x. 63.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ismenias</i> and Pelopidas, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>, 283, 285.</li> -<li><i>Isokratês</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 407 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the origin of Periœki, ii. 367;</li> - <li>panegyrical oration of, x. 44, 77;</li> - <li>the Plataic oration of, x. 163;</li> - <li>the Archidamus of, x. 228 <i>n.</i> 2, 229 <i>n.</i> 1, 291 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>his letter to Philip, xi. 282, 436.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Issêdones</i>, iii. 245.</li> -<li><i>Issus</i>, Alexander at, before the battle, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Darius at, before the battle, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li> - <li>battle of, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>inaction of Darius after the battle of, <a href="#Page_152">xii. 152</a>;</li> - <li>and its neighborhood, as connected with the battle, <a href="#Page_491">xii. 491</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Isthmian games</i>, i. 124, ii. 242, iv. 65 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Eleians excluded from, i. 140, ii. 306 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li><small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 344.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Istônê</i>, Korkyræan fugitives at, vi. 278, 313, 357 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Italia</i>, iii. 350.</li> -<li><i>Italian</i> Greeks, iii. 369, 392, 394 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 7 <i>seq.</i>, 133, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li> -<li><i>Italians</i>, iii. 369.</li> -<li><i>Italy and Sicily</i>, early languages and history of, iii. 354 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Italy</i>, the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Grecian colonies in, iii. 354, 360, 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>decline of Greek power in, after the fall of Sybaris, iv. 415;</li> - <li>Southern, affairs of, <small>B. C.</small> 382-369, xi. 43.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ithômê</i>, ii. 422, v. 316.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">J.</li> -<li><i>Jason</i>, i. 114 <i>seq.</i>, 237 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Jason of Pheræ</i>, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>, 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, 189 <i>seq.</i>, 195 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Jaxartes</i>, Alexander at the, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Jocasta</i>, i. 266 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Jurkæ</i>, iii. 245.</li> -<li><i>Jury-trial</i>, characteristics of, exhibited in the Athenian dikasteries, v. 385 <i>seq.</i></li> - -<li class="iix">K.</li> -<li><i>Kabala</i>, victory of Dionysius at, xi. 41.</li> -<li><i>Kabeirichus</i>, x. 85.</li> -<li><i>Kadmeia</i>, at Thebes, seizure of, by Phœbidas, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>surrender of, by the Lacedæmonians, x. 88 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kadmus</i>, i. 257 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kalais</i> and Zêtês, i. 199.</li> -<li><i>Kalasiries</i> and Hermotybii, iii. 316.</li> -<li><i>Kalauria</i>, i. 56; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Amphiktyony at, i. 133;</li> - <li>the Athenian allied armament at, x. 148;</li> - <li>death of Demosthenes at, <a href="#Page_327">xii. 327</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kalchas</i>, wanderings and death of, i. 313.</li> -<li><i>Kalê Aktê</i>, foundation of, vii. 125.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_542">[p. 542]</span><i>Kallias</i>, treaty of, v. 336 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kallias, son of Kalliades</i>, vi. 70, 72.</li> -<li><i>Kallias</i> at the congress at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 165.</li> -<li><i>Kallias of Chalkis</i>, xi. 341 <i>seq.</i>, 452.</li> -<li><i>Kallibius, the Lacedæmonian</i>, viii. 242; ix. 188.</li> -<li><i>Kallibius</i> of Tegea, x. 209.</li> -<li><i>Kalliklês</i>, in Plato, viii. 382 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kallikratidas</i>, viii. 160 <i>seq.</i>, 263.</li> -<li><i>Kallimachus</i>, the polemarch, iv. 341, 348.</li> -<li><i>Kallinus</i>, iv. 73, 77.</li> -<li><i>Kallipidæ</i>, iii. 239.</li> -<li><i>Kallippus</i>, xi. 123 <i>seq.</i>, 128 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kallirrhoe</i>, i. 7, 282.</li> -<li><i>Kallisthenês, the historian</i>, i. 410.</li> -<li><i>Kallisthenes, the general</i>, failure and condemnation of, x. 370, xi. 423.</li> -<li><i>Kallisthenes of Olynthus</i>, <a href="#Page_213">xii. 213</a>, 216 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kallistô</i>, i. 175.</li> -<li><i>Kallistratus</i>, x. 110, 164, <i>seq.</i>, 172, 288, xi. 266.</li> -<li><i>Kallixenus</i>, viii. 194 <i>seq.</i>, 203, 205.</li> -<li><i>Kalpê</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 148 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kalydônian</i> boar, i. 143, 146 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kamarina</i>, iii. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>restoration of, to independence, v. 237;</li> - <li>and the Athenians, vii. 194;</li> - <li>Athenian and Syracusan envoys at, vii. 229 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>neutral policy of, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 233;</li> - <li>evacuation of, x. 450;</li> - <li>and Timoleon, xi. 187.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kambyses</i>, iv. 47, 218 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kandaulês</i>, iii. 220.</li> -<li><i>Kannônus</i>, psephism of, viii. 197 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Kanôpic branch of the Nile</i>., opening of, to Greek traffic, iii. 327.</li> -<li><i>Kapaneus</i>. i. 273, 278.</li> -<li><i>Kappadokia</i> subdued by Alexander, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kardia</i>, Athenian fleet at, viii. 120; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>alliance of, with Philip, xi. 451;</li> - <li>Eumenes of, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Karduchians</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Karia</i>, resistance of, to Daurisês, iv. 294.</li> -<li><i>Karmania</i>, Alexander’s bacchanalian procession through, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li> -<li><i>Karneian</i> festival, ii. 306 <i>n.</i>, v. 78.</li> -<li><i>Karneius</i> Apollo, i. 49.</li> -<li><i>Karnus</i>, ii. 3.</li> -<li><i>Karpathus</i>, ii. 31.</li> -<li><i>Karystus</i>, iv. 331, v. 303.</li> -<li><i>Kassander</i>, Alexander’s treatment of, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>schemes of, on Antipater’s death, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>;</li> - <li>and Polysperchon, war between, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>;</li> - <li>gets possession of Athens, <a href="#Page_361">xii. 361</a>;</li> - <li>in Peloponnesus, <a href="#Page_365">xii. 365</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of Olympias by, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li> - <li>confederacy of, with Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>founds Kassandreia and restores Thebes, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>;</li> - <li>and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li> - <li>and the Ætolians, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>;</li> - <li>measures of Antigonus against, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> - <li>great power of, in Greece, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>compact of Polysperchon with, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</li> - <li>Ptolemy makes a truce with, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>;</li> - <li>success of Demetrius Poliorketes in Greece against, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li> - <li>truce of, with Demetrius Poliorketes, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kassandra</i>. i. 287.</li> -<li><i>Kastôr</i> and Pollux, i. 169 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Katabothra</i>, ii. 218.</li> -<li><i>Katana</i>, iii. 364; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Ætna, v. 236;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, vii. 194;</li> - <li>Nikias at, vii. 234;</li> - <li>conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;</li> - <li>Carthaginian naval victory near, x. 495;</li> - <li>Hiketas and Magon at, xi. 156.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Katônakophori</i>, iii. 35.</li> -<li><i>Katreus</i> and Althæmenês, i. 224.</li> -<li><i>Kaulonia</i>, iii. 384, xi. 14, 17; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Dikon of, xi. 28.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kaunus</i>, Antisthenês at, vii. 397.</li> -<li><i>Käystru-Pedion</i>, march of Cyrus from Keramôn-Agora to, ix. 17 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Kebalinus</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kekrops</i>, i. 195 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the second, i. 204.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kelænæ</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_101">xii. 101</a>.</li> -<li><i>Keleos</i>, i. 38 <i>seq.</i>, 196.</li> -<li><i>Keleustes</i>, vi. 200 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Kenchreæ</i>, Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 382.</li> -<li><i>Kentrites</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 99 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kephallênia</i>, iii. 410, vi. 135, 141.</li> -<li><i>Kephalus</i>, i. 195 <i>n.</i> 4, 198; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Dionysius at Syracuse, xi. 167.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kephisodotus</i>, x. 374, 377.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_543">[p. 543]</span><i>Kerasus</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 127.</li> -<li><i>Kersobleptes</i>, x. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Charidemus, x. 366, 378, 379;</li> - <li>intrigue of, against Athens, xi. 258;</li> - <li>and the peace and alliance between Athens and Philip, xi. 396 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Philip, xi. 443.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kertch</i>, tumuli near, <a href="#Page_487">xii. 487</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ketô</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Keyx</i> and Alcyone, i. 135.</li> -<li><i>Kilikia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Darius in, <a href="#Page_116">xii. 116</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kimon</i> and Themistoklês, v. 278, 280; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of Skyros by, v. 304, 304 <i>n.</i> 2.;</li> - <li>victories of, at the Eurymedon, v. 308;</li> - <li>trial and acquittal of, v. 312, 365;</li> - <li>and the Spartan application for aid against the Helots, v. 318, 365;</li> - <li>recall of, from ostracism, v. 329;</li> - <li>death of, v. 335, 340;</li> - <li>political party of, v. 361;</li> - <li>and Periklês, v. 329, 362 <i>seq.</i>, 371;</li> - <li>character of, v. 364;</li> - <li>ostracism of, v. 366.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kimonian</i> treaty, the so-called, v. 337 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kinadon</i>, conspiracy and character of, ix. 251 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>King</i>, the, in legendary Greece, ii. 61 <i>seq.</i>, 74 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the, in historical Greece, ii. 76;</li> - <li>English theory of a, iii. 13.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kings</i>, Egyptian, iii. 321, 330 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Kingship</i>, discontinuance of, in Greece generally, ii. 76, iii. 8; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kinyps</i> and Dorieus, iv. 36.</li> -<li><i>Kirrha</i>, iv. 60 <i>n.</i>, 61 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 468 <i>seq.</i>, 474.</li> -<li><i>Kirrhæans</i>, punishment of, iv. 62 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kissidas</i>, x. 265.</li> -<li><i>Klarus</i>, temple of Apollo at, iii. 185.</li> -<li><i>Klazomenæ</i>, iii. 188, vii. 372, 384, 391.</li> -<li><i>Kleander</i> of Gela, v. 207.</li> -<li><i>Kleander the Lacedæmonian</i>, ix. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 152, 154, 165, <a href="#Page_197">xii. 197</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kleandridas</i>, vi. 14.</li> -<li><i>Kleandridês</i>, v. 349.</li> -<li><i>Klearchus the Lacedæmonian</i>, at the Hellespont, viii. 96; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Byzantium, viii. 128;</li> - <li>and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 8, 22 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Menon’s soldiers, ix. 35;</li> - <li>and Ariæus, ix. 52;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernes, ix. 63, 70 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Klearchus of the Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_461">xii. 461</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Klearidas</i>, vi. 450, 470, 472, vii. 3.</li> -<li><i>Kleinas</i>, iii. 102.</li> -<li><i>Kleisthenês of Sikyôn</i>, i. 279, ii. 129, iii. 32 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleisthenês the Athenian</i>, revolution in Attic tribes by, iii. 63, 67; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the oracle at Delphi, iv. 121;</li> - <li>retirement and recall of, iv. 164, 165;</li> - <li>development of Athenian energy after, iv. 176;</li> - <li>changes in the constitution of, after the Persian war, v. 275.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kleïppidês</i>, vi. 224 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleitarchus</i>, xi. 450, 452.</li> -<li><i>Kleitus the Illyrian</i>, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleitus, Alexander’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_85">xii. 85</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleobulê</i>, mother of Demosthenes, xi. 263.</li> -<li><i>Kleobûlus</i> and Xenarês, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleokritus</i>, viii. 270.</li> -<li><i>Kleombrotus</i>, x. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 129, 136, 176 <i>seq.</i>, 180 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleomenês I.</i>, his expeditions to Athens, iv. 122, 164 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Aristagoras, iv. 287;</li> - <li>defeat of Argeians by, iv. 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of, without attacking Argos, iv. 321;</li> - <li>trial of, iv. 323;</li> - <li>and the Æginetans, iv. 325, 328;</li> - <li>and Demaratus, iv. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>violent proceedings and death of, v. 45.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kleomenês III.</i>, ii. 349, 350.</li> -<li><i>Kleomenês, Alexander’s satrap</i>, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Footnote_611">253 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kleon the Athenian</i>, first mention of, by Thucydidês, vi. 244; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>policy and character of, vi. 246, 480 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Mitylênê, vi. 249 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>political function of, vi. 290, 292;</li> - <li>and the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Pylus, vi. 336 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>warlike influence of, vi. 355, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Amphipolis, vi. 462 <i>seq.</i>, 467 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of Torônê by, vi. 463;</li> - <li>at Eion, vi. 463;</li> - <li>Thucydidês’s treatment of, vi. 479, 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Aristophanês, vi. 481 <i>seq.</i>, 485.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kleon, of Halikarnassus</i>, ix. 237, 300.</li> -<li><i>Kleônæ</i> and Argos, ii. 464, iv. 65 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Kleonikê</i> and Pausanias, v. 255.</li> -<li><i>Kleonymus</i>, <a href="#Page_448">xii. 448</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kleopatra, wife of Philip</i>, xi. 513 <i>seq.</i>, 518 <i>n.</i> 2, <a href="#Page_4">xii. 4</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_544">[p. 544]</span><i>Kleopatra, daughter of Philip</i>, xi. 514, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kleophon</i>, viii. 123.</li> -<li><i>Kleopus</i>, iii. 228.</li> -<li><i>Kleruchies, Athenian</i>, revival of <small>B. C.</small> 365, vi. 31 <i>n.</i>, x. 296 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kleruchs, Athenian</i>, in Chalkis, iv. 170; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Lesbos, vi. 257;</li> - <li>after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Klonas</i>, musical improvements of, iv. 75.</li> -<li><i>Klothô</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Klymenê</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Klytæmnêstra</i>, i. 162, 168.</li> -<li><i>Knêmus</i>, vi. 193 <i>seq.</i>, 202, 213.</li> -<li><i>Knidus</i>, settlement of, ii. 31; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>maritime contests near, <small>B. C.</small> 412 vii. 394;</li> - <li>Antisthenês and Astyochus at, vii. 397;</li> - <li>the battle of, ix. 283;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 312;</li> - <li>reverses of Sparta after the battle of, 317.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Knights at Athens</i>, viii. 305, ix. 183.</li> -<li><i>Knôpus</i>, iii. 187.</li> -<li><i>Kodrids</i>, i. 112.</li> -<li><i>Kodrus</i>, ii. 24; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>archons after, iii. 48.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kœnus</i>, <a href="#Page_194">xii. 194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kœos</i>, i. 5, 7.</li> -<li><i>Kœratadus</i>, viii. 134, iv. 160, 163.</li> -<li><i>Kôês</i>, iv. 270, 273, 285.</li> -<li><i>Kokalus</i>, i. 225 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kôlæus</i>, his voyage to Tartêssus, iii. 279.</li> -<li><i>Kôlakretæ</i>, iv. 137.</li> -<li><i>Kolchians</i> and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 112, 126.</li> -<li><i>Kolchis</i>, and the Argonautic expedition, i. 241, 255.</li> -<li><i>Kolônus</i>, Athenian assembly at, viii. 35.</li> -<li><i>Kolophôn</i>, iii. 184 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Konipodes</i>, iii. 35.</li> -<li><i>Konon</i> at Naupaktus, vii. 358; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Andros, viii. 151;</li> - <li>appointment of, to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159;</li> - <li>at Samos, 160;</li> - <li>at Mitylênê, viii. 166 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>escape of, from Ægospotami, viii. 219;</li> - <li>renewed activity of, ix. 255, 269;</li> - <li>at Rhodes, ix. 270;</li> - <li>visit of, to the Persian court, ix. 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Pharnabazus, ix. 281, 318, 321 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rebuilds the Long Walls of Athens, ix. 322;</li> - <li>large plans of, ix. 325;</li> - <li>sent as envoy to Tiribazus, ix. 359;</li> - <li>arrest of, ix. 361;</li> - <li>long absence of, from Athens, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kopaïs</i>, lake of, i. 132.</li> -<li><i>Korkyra</i> and the Argonauts, i. 243; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>early inhabitants of, iii. 402;</li> - <li>relations of, with Corinth, iii. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>relations of, with Epirus, iii. 405;</li> - <li>and Corinth, joint settlements of, iii. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>commerce of, iii. 409;</li> - <li>and Corinth, disputes between, vi. 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of the Epidamnian democracy to, vi. 52;</li> - <li>and Corinth, hostilities between, vi. 55, 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Corinth, decision of the Athenians between, vi. 62;</li> - <li>oligarchical violence at, vi. 270 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>vengeance of the victorious Demos at, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vi. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Nikostratus and Alkidas at, vi. 282;</li> - <li>revolutions at, contrasted with those at Athens, vi. 283;</li> - <li>distress at, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vi. 313;</li> - <li>expedition of Eurymedon and Sophoklês to, vi. 313 <i>seq.</i>, 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>muster of the Athenian armament at, vii. 180;</li> - <li>Demosthenês’s voyage from, to Sicily, vii. 301;</li> - <li>renewed troubles at, viii. 118;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian expedition against, x. 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of Iphikrates to, x. 149 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Kleonymus and Agathokles in, <a href="#Page_449">xii. 449</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Korkyræan</i> envoys, speech of, to the Athenian assembly, vi. 58 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>captives return home from Corinth, vi. 266 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oligarchical fugitives at Istônê, vi. 278, 313, 357.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Korkyræans</i>, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 66; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack Epidamnus, vi. 53;</li> - <li>remonstrate with the Corinthians and Peloponnesians, vi. 54;</li> - <li>seek the alliance of Athens, vi. 56 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Korôbius</i> and the foundation of Kyrênê, iv. 30.</li> -<li><i>Korôneia</i>, Athenian defeat at, v. 348; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Theban victory at, ix. 312 <i>seq.</i>, 317.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Korônis</i> and Asklêpius, i. 178.</li> -<li><i>Korynephori</i>, iii. 35.</li> -<li><i>Kôs</i>, settlement of, ii. 30; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Astyochus, vii. 397;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kossæi</i>, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kottas</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Kottyphus</i>, xi. 475, 479, 480.</li> -<li><i>Kotyôra</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 126 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kotys</i> and Iphikrates, x. 106, 299, 369, 373; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athens, x. 228 <i>seq.</i>, 372, 373;</li> - <li>and Timotheus, x. 301, 368;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_545">[p. 545]</span>and Miltokythes, x. 372;</li> - <li>capture of Sestos by, x. 373;</li> - <li>assassination of, x. 375.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kranaus</i>, i. 196.</li> -<li><i>Krannon</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>.</li> -<li><i>Kraterus</i> and Philôtas, <a href="#Page_192">xii. 192</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Antipater, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_336">xii. 336</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kratês</i>, comedy of, viii. 328.</li> -<li><i>Kratesippidas</i>, viii. 128, 138.</li> -<li><i>Kratinus</i>, viii. 327, 332 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Kreôn, king of Thêbes</i>, i. 117, 276.</li> -<li><i>Kreôn, archon at Athens</i>, iii. 48.</li> -<li><i>Kresphontês</i>, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 331 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Krêtan</i> settlements on the Gulf of Tarentum, i. 330; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Phrygian worship, iii. 215.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Krêtans</i> and Minôs, i. 229; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in the time of Homer, ii. 102;</li> - <li>and Xerxes, v. 66.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Krête</i>, migrations of Dorians to, ii. 30; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>early Dorians in, ii. 310;</li> - <li>Periœki in, ii. 364 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>Phalækus in, xi. 433.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Krêthêis</i> and Pêleus, i. 114.</li> -<li><i>Krêtheus</i>, descendants of, i. 113.</li> -<li><i>Kreüsa</i>, i. 198, 204.</li> -<li><i>Krimêsus</i>, Timoleon’s victory over the Carthaginians at the, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Krios</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Krissa</i>, iv. 59 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kritias</i> and Sokratês, vii. 36 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>return of, to Athens, viii. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Theramenês, viii. 237 <i>seq.</i>, 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, viii. 290.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Krius</i>, iv. 325, 328.</li> -<li><i>Krommyon</i>, capture of, ix. 335; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recovery of, ix. 353.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kromnus</i>, capture of Lacedæmonians at, x. 316 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kronium</i>, Dionysius at, xi. 41.</li> -<li><i>Kronos</i>, i. 5 <i>seq.</i>, 8.</li> -<li><i>Krotôn</i>, foundation, territory, and colonies of, iii. 376 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fall of, iii. 392;</li> - <li>maximum power of, iii. 394;</li> - <li>citizens and government of, iii. 399;</li> - <li>and Pythagoras, iv. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Sybaris, iv. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 22;</li> - <li>expedition from Syracuse to, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Krypteia</i>, ii. 378.</li> -<li><i>Kteatos</i> and Eurytos, i. 141.</li> -<li><i>Ktêsias</i> and Herodotus on Cyrus, iv. 185; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on Darius, iv. 264.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ktesiphon</i>, xi. 371, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kunaxa</i>, battle of, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kurêtes</i>, ceremonies of, i. 31.</li> -<li><i>Kyaxarês</i>, iii. 231, 254.</li> -<li><i>Kydonta</i>, vi. 203.</li> -<li><i>Kyknus</i>, i. 294.</li> -<li><i>Kylôn the Athenian</i>, attempted usurpation of, iii. 81 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kylôn of Krotôn</i>, iv. 409.</li> -<li><i>Kyllyrii</i> at Syracuse, v. 206.</li> -<li><i>Kymæans</i> and Pactyas, iv. 201.</li> -<li><i>Kymê</i>, iii. 190; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 153.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kynegeirus</i>, iv. 350.</li> -<li><i>Kynossêma</i>, battle of, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kynurians</i>, ii. 303; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Argolis, ii. 451.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kypselus</i>, iii. 40; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fall of the dynasty of, iii. 43.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kyrênê</i>, foundation of, iv. 29 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>situation, fertility and prosperity of, iv. 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Libyans, iv. 35 <i>seq.</i>, 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>second migration of Greeks to, iv. 41;</li> - <li>and Egypt, iv. 42;</li> - <li>reform of, by Demônax, iv. 43;</li> - <li>Periœki at, iv. 45;</li> - <li>third immigration to, iv. 46;</li> - <li>submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220;</li> - <li>history of, from about <small>B. C.</small> 450 to 306, <a href="#Page_428">xii. 428</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Ophellas, viceroy of, <a href="#Page_431">xii. 431</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Kythera</i>, capture of, by the Athenians, vi. 365 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Kytinium</i>, occupation of, by Philip, xi. 498.</li> -<li><i>Kyzikus</i> and the Argonauts, i. 234; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, viii. 112;</li> - <li>siege of, by Mindarus, viii. 120;</li> - <li>battle of, viii. 121.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">L.</li> -<li><i>Labdalum</i>, vii. 248, 269.</li> -<li><i>Lacedæmonian</i> envoys to Persia, <small>B. C.</small> 430, vi. 181; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>embassy to Athens about the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reinforcement to Brasidas in Chalkidikê, vi. 449;</li> - <li>envoys at the congress at Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 15;</li> - <li>envoys at Athens, about Panaktum and Pylus, vii. 29;</li> - <li>embassy to Athens, against the alliance of Athens with Argos, vii. 44 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>army, vii. 79, 81 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>assembly, speech of Alkibiadês in, vii. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet under Agesandridas, viii. 66, 71;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_546">[p. 546]</span>fleet victory of, near Eretria, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><i>mora</i>, destruction of a, by Iphikrates, ix. 350 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>auxiliaries to the Phokians at Thermopylæ, xi. 419, 421.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lacedæmonians</i> and Cyrus the Great, iv. 199; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of, upon Polykratês, iv. 243;</li> - <li>and Themistoklês, v. 149, 278, 280;</li> - <li>and Mardonius’s offer of peace to the Athenians, v. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invoke the aid of their allies against the Helots, v. 316;</li> - <li>dismiss their Athenian auxiliaries against the Helots, v. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, into Bœotia, <small>B. C.</small> 458, v. 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Tanagra, v. 328;</li> - <li>proceedings of, on Phormio’s victory over the Peloponnesian fleet near Rhium, vi. 202;</li> - <li>proceedings of, for the recovery of Pylus, vi. 319, 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>occupation of Sphakteria by, vi. 320, 347;</li> - <li>blockade of, in Sphakteria, vi. 324 <i>seq.</i>, 333 <i>seq.</i>, 342 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>offers of peace from, after the capture of Sphakteria, vi. 353;</li> - <li>assassination of Helots by, vi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 3;</li> - <li>liberate the Arcadian subjects of Mantinea, and plant Helots at Lepreum, vii. 21;</li> - <li>exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, vii. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>detachment of, to reinforce Epidaurus, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 70;</li> - <li>and their allies, invasions of Argos by, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>, 102;</li> - <li>Gylippus sent to Syracuse by, vii. 242;</li> - <li>fortification of Dekeleia by, vii. 288, 354;</li> - <li>and the Four Hundred, viii. 65;</li> - <li>recapture of Pylus by, viii. 131;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>repayment of, by the Athenians, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 305;</li> - <li>assassination of Alkibiadês demanded by, viii. 313;</li> - <li>the Cyreians under, ix. 170, 174, 208, 217, 318;</li> - <li>and Dorieus, ix. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Corinthians, conflicts between, <small>B. C.</small> 393, ix. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 56;</li> - <li>seizure of the Kadmeia at Thebes by, x. 60 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>trial and execution of Ismenias by, x. 64;</li> - <li>their surrender of the Kadmeia at Thebes, x. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Tegyra, x. 134;</li> - <li>expulsion of, from Bœotia, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li> - <li>at Kromnus, x. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 329, 335, 338, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Alexander, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lachês</i>, expedition to Sicily under, vii. 132.</li> -<li><i>Lachesis</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Laconia</i>, genealogy of, i. 168; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>population of, ii. 362;</li> - <li>gradual conquest of, ii. 417;</li> - <li>modern, ii. 418 <i>n.</i> 3, 454 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>invasions of, by Epaminondas, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>western, abstraction of, from Sparta, x. 226 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ladê</i>, combined Ionic fleet at, iv. 300 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>victory of Persian fleet at, iv. 304.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Laius</i> and Œdipus, i. 265.</li> -<li><i>Lakes</i> and marshes of Greece, ii. 219.</li> -<li><i>Lamachus</i>, vii. 148, 190 <i>seq.</i>, 256.</li> -<li><i>Lamia</i>, Antipater at, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Lamian</i> war, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> -<li><i>Lampsakus</i>, revolt of, viii. 94; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recovery of, by Strombichidês, viii. 96.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Language</i>, Greek, dialects of, ii. 239.</li> -<li><i>Lanikê</i>, <a href="#Page_208">xii. 208</a>.</li> -<li><i>Laocoôn</i>, i. 303.</li> -<li><i>Laomedôn</i>, i. 57, 285.</li> -<li><i>Laphystios</i>, Zeus, i. 127.</li> -<li><i>Laphystius</i> and Timoleon, xi. 192.</li> -<li><i>Larissa</i>, Asiatic, iii. 191 <i>n.</i> 1, 192.</li> -<li><i>Lash</i>, use of, by Xerxes, v. 24, 31.</li> -<li><i>Lasthenes</i> and Euthykrates, xi. 351, 352.</li> -<li><i>Latin</i>, Oscan, and Greek languages, iii. 354.</li> -<li><i>Latium</i>, emigration from Arcadia to, iii. 351 <i>n.</i> 3; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Latins</i>, Œnotrians and Epirots, relationship of, iii. 351.</li> -<li><i>Latona</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Laurium</i>, mines of, v. 55 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Laws</i>, authority of, in historical Athens, ii. 81; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Solon, iii. 131 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Zaleukus, iii. 382;</li> - <li>and psephisms, distinction between, v. 373;</li> - <li>enactment and repeal of, at Athens, v. 373 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Layard’s</i> “Nineveh and its Remains”, iii. 305.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_547">[p. 547]</span><i>Learchus</i> and Eryxô, iv. 43.</li> -<li><i>Lebedos</i>, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 383.</li> -<li><i>Lechæum</i>, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 345 <i>n.</i> 1, 348.</li> -<li><i>Leda</i>, and Tyndareus, i. 168 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Legend</i> of Dêmêtêr, i. 39 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of the Delphian oracle, i. 45;</li> - <li>of Pandôra, i. 75 <i>n.</i> 4, 76;</li> - <li>of Io, i. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Hêraklês, i. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Argonatic, i. 234 <i>n.</i> 3, 245 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Troy, i. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of the Minyæ from Lemnos, ii. 27;</li> - <li>and history, Grecian, blank between, ii. 31 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Legendary</i> Greece, social state of, ii. 57-118; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>poems of Greece, value of, ii. 55 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Legends</i>, mystic, i. 32 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Apollo, i. 45 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Greece, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into series, i. 105;</li> - <li>of Mêdea and Jasôn, i. 118 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>change of feeling with regard to, i. 186;</li> - <li>Attic, i. 191;</li> - <li>ancient, deeply rooted in the faith of the Greeks, i. 217, 348;</li> - <li>of Thebes, i. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>divine, allegorized, heroic historicized, i. 424;</li> - <li>of saints, i. 469 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Asia Minor, iii. 227.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lekythus</i>, capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 425.</li> -<li><i>Leleges</i>, ii. 264.</li> -<li><i>Lelex</i>, i. 172.</li> -<li><i>Lemnos</i> and the Argonauts, i. 233; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>early condition of, iv. 28;</li> - <li>conquest of, by Otanês, iv. 278;</li> - <li>Miltiadês at, iv. 279 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lending</i> houses, iii. 162.</li> -<li><i>Leokrates</i>, xi. 504.</li> -<li><i>Leon</i> and Diomedon, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>; viii. 28.</li> -<li><i>Leon the Spartan</i>, viii. 20, 94.</li> -<li><i>Leon</i>, mission of, to Persia, x. 278, 280.</li> -<li><i>Leonidas</i> at Thermopylæ, v. 76 <i>seq.</i>, 89 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Leonnatus</i>, <a href="#Page_317">xii. 317</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> -<li><i>Leontiades</i>, the oligarchy under, x. 29 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conspiracy of, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Sparta, x. 62;</li> - <li>Thebes under, x. 79, 80;</li> - <li>conspiracy against, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, x. 86.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Leontini</i>, iii. 364; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>intestine dissention at, vii. 140;</li> - <li>Demos at, apply to Athens, vii. 142, 143;</li> - <li>Dionysius at, <small>B. C.</small> 396, x. 442, 468, 492;</li> - <li>the mercenaries of Dionysius at, xi. 2;</li> - <li>Philistus at, xi. 99;</li> - <li>Dion at, xi. 106, 108, 109;</li> - <li>Hiketas at, xi. 160, 170;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 182.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Leosthenes the admiral</i>, x. 370.</li> -<li><i>Leosthenes the general</i>, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Leotychides the Prokleid</i>, ii. 430; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>chosen king of Sparta, iv. 326;</li> - <li>and Æginetan hostages, iv. 328, v. 46;</li> - <li>at Mykalê, v. 193;</li> - <li>banishment of, v. 259.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Leotychides, son of Agis II.</i>, ix. 242, 244.</li> -<li><i>Lepreum</i> and Elis, ii. 440, vii. 18; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Brasidean Helots at, vii. 21.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Leptines, brother of Dionysius</i>, x. 489, 491, 495, xi. 13, 33, 42.</li> -<li><i>Leptines the Athenian</i>, xi. 272.</li> -<li><i>Leptines, general of Agathokles</i>, <a href="#Page_434">xii. 434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> -<li><i>Lesbians</i>, their application to Sparta, vi. 76.</li> -<li><i>Lesbos</i>, early history of, iii. 193 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li> - <li>Athenian kleruchs in, vi. 257;</li> - <li>application from, to Agis, vii. 365;</li> - <li>expedition of the Chians against, vii. 382 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Thrasyllus at, viii. 102;</li> - <li>Kallikratidas in, viii. 166;</li> - <li>Thrasybulus in, ix. 166;</li> - <li>Memnon in, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li> - <li>recovery of, by Macedonian admirals, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lethe</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Letô</i>, i. 6, 10.</li> -<li><i>Leukas</i>, iii. 404 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Leukon</i> of Bosporus, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a>.</li> -<li><i>Leukothea</i>, the temple of, i. 242.</li> -<li><i>Leuktra</i>, the battle of, x. 176 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>treatment of Spartans defeated at, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>extension of Theban power after the battle of, x. 193;</li> - <li>proceedings in Peloponnesus after the battle of, x. 198, 242;</li> - <li>position of Sparta after the battle of, x. 201;</li> - <li>proceedings in Arcadia after the battle of, x. 204 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings and views of Epaminondas after the battle of, x. 213 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Libya</i>, first voyages of Greeks to, iv. 29; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>nomads of, iv. 38 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of Kambyses against, iv. 220.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Libyans</i> and Greeks at Kyrênê, iv. 39 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 510.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Liby-Phœnicians</i>, x. 332.</li> -<li><i>Lichas</i> and bones of Orestes, ii. 447; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_548">[p. 548]</span>and the Olympic festival, iv. 72 <i>n.</i> 2, vii. 53 <i>n.</i>, 59;</li> - <li>mission of to Milêtus, vii. 397, 398, viii. 98.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lilybæum</i>, defeat of Dionysius near, xi. 45.</li> -<li><i>Limos</i>, i. 7, 10, <i>n.</i> 6.</li> -<li><i>Lion</i>, the Nemean, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Lissus</i>, foundation of, xi. 24.</li> -<li><i>Livy</i>, his opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked the Romans, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the character of Alexander, <a href="#Footnote_639">xii. 265 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lixus</i> and Tingis, iii. 273 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Loans</i> on interest, iii. 109, 159.</li> -<li><i>Localities</i>, epical, i. 245.</li> -<li><i>Lochages</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li> -<li><i>Lochus</i>, Spartan, ii. 458 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Macedonian, <a href="#Page_60">xii. 60</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Logographers</i> and ancient mythes, i. 377, 390 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Lokri, Epizephrian</i>, early history of, iii. 379 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 476, xi. 17, 21, 23;</li> - <li>Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 105, 132 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lokrian</i> coast opposite Eubœa, Athenian ravage of, vi. 136.</li> -<li><i>Lokrians</i>, ii. 287; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Ozolian, ii. 290;</li> - <li>Italian, iii. 380 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 172 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>of Opus and Leonidas, v. 76;</li> - <li>and Phokians, xi. 251, 253;</li> - <li>of Amphissa, xi. 469.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lokris</i> and Athens, v. 331.</li> -<li><i>Long Walls</i> at Megara, v. 324; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Athens, v. 325 <i>seq.</i>, 327, 331, vi. 20, viii. 231, ix. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Corinth, ix. 340 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lucanians</i>, xi. 9 <i>seq.</i>, 132.</li> -<li><i>Lucretius</i> and ancient mythes, i. 430 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Lydia</i>, early history of, iii. 220 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Lydian</i> music and instruments, iii. 212, 219; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>monarchy, iii. 262, iv. 191 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lydians</i>, iii. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 219, iv. 198.</li> -<li><i>Lykæus</i>, Zeus, i. 174.</li> -<li><i>Lykambes</i> and Archilochus, iv. 81.</li> -<li><i>Lykaôn</i> and his fifty sons, i. 173 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Lykia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li> -<li><i>Lykidas</i>, the Athenian senator, v. 155.</li> -<li><i>Lykomedes</i>, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>, 281, 288.</li> -<li><i>Lykophrôn, son of Periander</i>, iii. 42.</li> -<li><i>Lykophrôn, despot of Pheræ</i>, xi. 261, 292, 294.</li> -<li><i>Lykurgus the Spartan</i>, laws and discipline of, ii. 337-349, 381-421.</li> -<li><i>Lykurgus the Athenian</i>, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> -<li><i>Lykus</i>, i. 204; and Dirkê, i. 263.</li> -<li><i>Lynkeus</i> and Idas, i. 172.</li> -<li><i>Lyre</i>, Hermes the inventor of, i. 59.</li> -<li><i>Lyric poetry</i>, Greek, ii. 136, iv. 73, 93.</li> -<li><i>Lysander</i>, appointments of, as admiral, viii. 138 <i>n.</i>, 212; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>character and influence of, viii. 139, ix. 309;</li> - <li>and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 140 <i>seq.</i>, 214, 215;</li> - <li>factions organized by, in the Asiatic cities, viii. 143;</li> - <li>at Ephesus, viii. 152, 212;</li> - <li>victory of, at Notium, viii. 153;</li> - <li>superseded by Kallikratidas, viii. 162;</li> - <li>revolution at Milêtus by the partisans of, viii. 213;</li> - <li>operations of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of, at Ægospotami, viii. 217 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>proceedings of, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 222;</li> - <li>at Athens, viii. 226 <i>seq.</i>, 237;</li> - <li>conquest of Samos by, viii. 238;</li> - <li>triumphant return of, to Sparta, viii. 238;</li> - <li>ascendency and arrogance of, after the capture of Athens, viii. 261, ix. 204, 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition to, at Sparta, viii. 262, ix. 204;</li> - <li>contrasted with Kallikratidas, viii. 263;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Thrasybulus, viii. 274;</li> - <li>dekarchies established by, ix. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 197;</li> - <li>contrasted with Brasidas, ix. 195;</li> - <li>recall and temporary expatriation of, ix. 205;</li> - <li>introduction of gold and silver to Sparta by, ix. 230 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>intrigues of, to make himself king, ix. 237, 239 <i>seq.</i>, 300;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 242 <i>seq.</i>, 257, 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Bœotian war, ix. 292, 295;</li> - <li>death of, ix. 296.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lysias</i>, seizure of, by the Thirty at Athens, viii. 248; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>speech of, against Phormisius’s disfranchising proposition, viii. 294;</li> - <li>proposed citizenship of, viii. 309;</li> - <li>oration of, against Ergoklês, ix. 367;</li> - <li>oration of, at Olympia, <small>B. C.</small> 384, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>panegyrical oration of, xi. 29 <i>seq.</i>, 35 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Lysikles</i>, vi. 232.</li> -<li><i>Lysikles, general at Chæoroneia</i>, xi. 502.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_549">[p. 549]</span><i>Lysimachus</i>, confederacy of, with Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus, against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>and Amastris, <a href="#Page_468">xii. 468</a>;</li> - <li>and Arsinoê, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>;</li> - <li>and the Pentapolis on the south-west coast of the Euxine, <a href="#Page_472">xii. 472</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">M.</li> -<li><i>Macedonia</i>, Mardonius in, iv. 313; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Perdikkas and Brasidas in, vi. 449, 453 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>increasing power of, from <small>B. C.</small> 414, x. 44;</li> - <li>and Athens, contrasted, x. 47;</li> - <li>kings of, after Archelaus, x. 48;</li> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 248, 249;</li> - <li>Iphikrates in, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timotheus in, x. 300;</li> - <li>government of, xi. 210 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>military condition of, under Philip, xi. 282 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_55">xii. 55</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and conquered Greece, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> - <li>and the Greeks, on Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_9">xii. 9</a>;</li> - <li>Antipater, viceroy of, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li>and Sparta, war between, <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian confederacy against, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_313">xii. 313</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Kassander in, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li> - <li>Demetrius Poliorketes acquires the crown of, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Macedonian</i> dynasty, iv. 12, 13; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>envoys at Athens, xi. 387, 390, 398;</li> - <li>phalanx, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_59">xii. 59</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li> - <li>interventions in Greece, <small>B. C.</small> 336-335, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>pike, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>troops, <a href="#Page_61">xii. 61</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>officers of Alexander’s army in Asia, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li> - <li>fleet, master of the Ægean, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>;</li> - <li>soldiers of Alexander, mutiny of, <a href="#Page_242">xii. 242</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Macedonians</i>, ii. 233, iv. 1 <i>n.</i>, 8 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquered by Megabazus, iv. 276;</li> - <li>poverty and rudeness of, xi. 283;</li> - <li>military aptitude of, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li> - <li>small loss of, at the battle of the Granikus, <a href="#Page_86">xii. 86</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Machaôn</i> and Podaleirius, i. 180.</li> -<li><i>Mæandrius</i>, iv. 245 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mæonians</i> and Lydians, iii. 219.</li> -<li><i>Magians</i>, massacre of, after the assassination of Smerdis, iv. 225.</li> -<li><i>Magistrates</i> of early Athens, v. 352 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenian, from the time of Periklês, v. 355, 357, 366 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Magna Græcia</i>, iii. 399.</li> -<li><i>Magnesia</i>, iii. 179, 192; Xerxes’s fleet near, v. 84 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the Pagasæan Gulf, xi. 304 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Magnetes</i>, Thessalian and Asiatic, ii. 285.</li> -<li><i>Magon</i>, off Katana, x. 495; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>near Abakæna, xi. 6;</li> - <li>at Agyrium, xi. 7;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 41.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Magon</i> and Hiketas, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>death of, xi. 171.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Maia</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Makrônes</i> and the Ten Thousand, ix. 112.</li> -<li><i>Malians</i>, ii. 282.</li> -<li><i>Malli</i>, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mallus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mamerkus</i> and Timoleon, xi. 180 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Manetho</i> and the Sothiac period, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mania</i>, sub-satrap of Æolis, ix. 214 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mantinea</i> and Tegea, ii. 442 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 452, vii. 14; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Sparta, ii. 444, vii. 20, 94, x. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Argos, vii. 19;</li> - <li>congress at, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>battle of, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of Agesipolis to, x. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the river Ophis, x. 36 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>re-establishment of, x. 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of Agesilaus against, x. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>muster of Peloponnesian enemies to Thebes at, x. 329;</li> - <li>attempted surprise of, by the cavalry of Epaminondas, x. 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>battle of, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 357;</li> - <li>peace concluded after the battle of, x. 350.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mantineans</i> and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 322 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>opposition of to Theban intervention, x. 326.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mantinico-Tegeatic</i> plain, x. 338.</li> -<li><i>Mantitheus</i> and Aphepsion, vii. 200 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mantô</i>, iii. 184.</li> -<li><i>Marakanda</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Marathon</i>, battle of, iv. 342-360.</li> -<li><i>Marathus</i> surrenders to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mardi</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mardonius</i>, in Ionia, iv. 313; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Thrace and Macedonia, iv. 315;</li> - <li>fleet of, destroyed near Mount Athos, iv. 314;</li> - <li>urges Xerxes to invade Greece, v. 3 <i>seq.</i>, 7;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_550">[p. 550]</span>advice of, to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;</li> - <li>forces left with, in Thessaly, v. 141;</li> - <li>and Medizing Greeks, after Xerxes’s retreat, v. 148;</li> - <li>in Bœotia, v. 149, 158 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>offers of peace to Athens by, v. 150 <i>seq.</i>, 154;</li> - <li>at Athens, v. 154;</li> - <li>and his Phokiôn contingent, v. 161;</li> - <li>on the Asôpus, v. 167;</li> - <li>at Platæa, v. 169 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Marine</i>, military, unfavorable to oligarchy, iii. 31.</li> -<li><i>Maritime</i> and inland cities contrasted, ii. 225.</li> -<li><i>Marpessa</i> and Idas, i. 172.</li> -<li><i>Marriage</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 83; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>among the Spartans, ii. 386;</li> - <li>among the Hindoos, iii. 141 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Marshes</i> and lakes of Greece, ii. 219.</li> -<li><i>Marsyas</i>, iii. 213, 213 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Masistes</i>, v. 199.</li> -<li><i>Masistius</i>, v. 164.</li> -<li><i>Maskames</i>, v. 295.</li> -<li><i>Massagetæ</i>, iii. 245.</li> -<li><i>Massalia</i>, iii. 280, 348, 400 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_453">xii. 453</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mausôlus</i> and the Social War, xi. 222.</li> -<li><i>Mazæus</i> at Thapsakus, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at the battle of Arbela, <a href="#Page_164">xii. 164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of Babylon by, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>;</li> - <li>appointed satrap of Babylon by Alexander, <a href="#Page_169">xii. 169</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mazares</i>, iv. 200 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Medea</i> and the Argonauts, i. 237 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Medes</i>, early history of, iii. 224 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Persians, iv. 183, 224 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Media</i>, the wall of, iii. 304 <i>n.</i> 2, ix. 63, 65 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Darius a fugitive in, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Medius</i>, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a>.</li> -<li><i>Medus</i>, i. 205 <i>n.</i> 4, 242.</li> -<li><i>Medusa</i>, i. 7, 90.</li> -<li><i>Megabates</i>, iv. 283, 284.</li> -<li><i>Megabazus</i>, iv. 275, 276.</li> -<li><i>Megabyzus</i>, v. 333.</li> -<li><i>Megaklês</i>, iii. 37 <i>n.</i>, 38, 82.</li> -<li><i>Megalêpolis</i>, capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>.</li> -<li><i>Megalopolis</i>, foundation of, ii. 448, x. 224 <i>seq.</i>, 233 <i>n.</i> 6; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the centre of the Pan-Arcadian confederacy, x. 232;</li> - <li>disputes at, x. 358;</li> - <li>and Sparta, xi. 198, 263, 290, 300 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Megapenthes</i> and Perseus, i. 90.</li> -<li><i>Megara</i>, early history of, iii. 2, 44 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Corinth and Sikyôn, analogy of, iii. 47;</li> - <li>and Athens, iii. 90 <i>seq.</i>, v. 321, 348, 351 <i>n.</i>, 352, vi. 76, 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Long Walls at, v. 322;</li> - <li>Brasidas at, vi. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolution at, vi. 378 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philippizing faction at, xi. 449.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Megara in Sicily</i>, iii. 365, v. 215.</li> -<li><i>Megarian Sicily</i>, iii. 365.</li> -<li><i>Megarians</i> under Pausanias, and Persian cavalry under Masistius, v. 164; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;</li> - <li>refuse to join Argos, vii. 16;</li> - <li>recovery of Nisea by, viii. 131.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Megarid</i>, Athenian ravage of, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137.</li> -<li><i>Meidias of Skepsis</i>, ix. 213 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Meidias the Athenian</i>, xi. 343, 343 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Meilaniôn</i> and Atalanta, i. 149.</li> -<li><i>Meilichios</i>, meaning of, ix. 171 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Melampus</i>, i. 33, 109, 398, v. 89.</li> -<li><i>Melannippus</i> and Tydeus, i. 274, 279.</li> -<li><i>Melanthus</i>, ii. 23.</li> -<li><i>Meleager</i>, legend of, i. 143 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Meleagrides</i>, i. 145.</li> -<li><i>Melesippus</i>, vi. 126.</li> -<li><i>Melian</i> nymphs, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Melissus</i>, vi. 28, viii. 341, 343.</li> -<li><i>Melkarth</i>, temple of, iii. 269.</li> -<li><i>Melon</i>, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>, 88.</li> -<li><i>Melos</i>, settlement of, ii. 28; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition against, under Nikias, vi. 295;</li> - <li>capture of, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Antisthenês at, vii. 396.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Memnôn, son of Tithônus</i>, i. 298.</li> -<li><i>Memnôn the Rhodian</i>, operations of, between Alexander’s accession and landing in Asia, <a href="#Page_49">xii. 49</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Mentor, xii., 75;</li> - <li>advice of, on Alexander’s landing in Asia, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>;</li> - <li>made commander-in-chief of the Persians, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li> - <li>at Halikarnassus, <a href="#Page_95">xii. 95</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his progress with the Persian fleet, and death, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>change in the plan of Darius after his death, <a href="#Page_107">xii. 107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Memphis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>.</li> -<li><i>Men</i>, races of, in “Works and Days”, i. 64 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mende</i>, and Athens, vi. 441 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Menedæus</i>, and the Ambrakiots, vi. 305 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_551">[p. 551]</span><i>Menekleidas</i> and Epaminondas, x. 268, 305 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Menekles</i>, viii. 203.</li> -<li><i>Menelaus</i>, i. 162 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 269 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> -<li><i>Menestheus</i>, i. 312, ii. 22.</li> -<li><i>Menœkeus</i>, i. 274.</li> -<li><i>Menœtius</i>, i. 6, 8.</li> -<li><i>Menon the Thessalian</i>, ix. 30, 71.</li> -<li><i>Menon the Athenian</i>, x. 373.</li> -<li><i>Mentor the Rhodian</i>, xi. 439 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mercenary</i> soldiers, multiplication of, in Greece after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 281 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mermnads</i>, Lydian dynasty of, iii. 221.</li> -<li><i>Meroe</i>, connection of, with Egyptian institutions, iii. 313.</li> -<li><i>Messapians</i>, iii. 391; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Tarentines, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Messene</i>, foundation of, ii. 422, iii. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>foundation of, by Epaminondas, x. 225, 233 <i>n.</i> 6, 261;</li> - <li>and Sparta, x. 290, 350, xi. 198, 263, 290.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Messene, in Sicily</i>, chorus sent to Rhegium from, iv. 53 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>re-colonization of, by Anaxilaus, v. 213;</li> - <li>Laches at, vii. 134;</li> - <li>Athenian fleet near, vii. 136;</li> - <li>Alkibiades at, vii. 193;</li> - <li>Nikias at, vii. 223;</li> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 3;</li> - <li>Imilkon at, x. 492 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timoleon, xi. 158.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Messenia</i>, Dorian settlements in, ii. 8, 311.</li> -<li><i>Messenian</i> genealogy, i. 172; wars, ii. 421-438; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>victor proclaimed at Olympia, <small>B. C.</small> 368, x. 262.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Messenians</i> and Spartans, early proceedings of, ii. 328; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expelled by Sparta, ix. 229, xi. 3;</li> - <li>plan of Epaminondas for the restoration of, x. 214.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Messenians in Sicily</i>, defeated by Naxians and Sikels, vii. 135.</li> -<li><i>Metaneira</i>, i. 38.</li> -<li><i>Metapontium</i>, iii. 386.</li> -<li><i>Methana</i>, Athenian Garrion at, vi. 451.</li> -<li><i>Methône</i>, iv. 23; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Philip at, xi. 260.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Methône in Peloponnesus</i>, Athenian assault upon, vi. 134.</li> -<li><i>Methymna</i>, vi. 222, 225; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Kallikratidas at, viii. 164.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Metics</i>, and the Thirty at Athens, viii. 247.</li> -<li><i>Metis</i> and Zeus, daughter of, i. 9.</li> -<li><i>Metrodorus</i>, i. 419, 444 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Metropolis</i>, relation of a Grecian, to its colonies, vi. 60 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Midas</i>, iii. 209, 217.</li> -<li><i>Middle ages</i>, monarchy in, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mikythus</i>, v. 230, 231, 238.</li> -<li><i>Milesian</i> colonies in the Troad, i. 339.</li> -<li><i>Milesians</i> and Lichas, viii. 98; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Kallikratidas, viii. 164.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Miletus</i>, early history of, iii. 176 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Alyattês, iii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Crœsus, iii. 258;</li> - <li>sieges of, by the Persians, iv. 290, 305;</li> - <li>Histiæus of, iv. 273 <i>seq.</i>, 277, 280, 284, 298 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Phrynichus’s tragedy on the capture of, iv. 309;</li> - <li>exiles from, at Zanklê, v. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Samos, dispute between, vi. 26;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375, 385, 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Tissaphernes at, vii. 376, 399;</li> - <li>Lichas at, vii. 399;</li> - <li>Peloponnesian fleet at, viii. 25, 94, 95 <i>seq.</i>, 99;</li> - <li>revolution at, by the partisans of Lysander, viii. 213;</li> - <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Military</i> array of legendary and historical Greece, ii. 106 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>divisions not distinct from civil in any Grecian cities but Sparta, ii. 456;</li> - <li>force of early oligarchies, iii. 31;</li> - <li>order, Egyptian, iii. 316;</li> - <li>arrangements, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Miltas</i>, xi. 88.</li> -<li><i>Miltiades the First</i>, iv. 117.</li> -<li><i>Miltiades the Second</i>, iv. 119; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 271, 274 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>his retirement from the Chersonese, iv. 274;</li> - <li>capture of Lemnos and Imbros by, iv. 278;</li> - <li>escape of, from Persian pursuit, iv. 307;</li> - <li>adventures and character of, iv. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>elected general, 490 <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 341;</li> - <li>and the battle of Marathon, iv. 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, against Paros, iv. 363;</li> - <li>disgrace, punishment, and death of, iv. 365 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Milto</i>, ix. 47.</li> -<li><i>Miltokythes</i>, x. 372, 378.</li> -<li><i>Milton</i> on the early series of British kings, i. 484; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his treatment of British fabulous history, i. 487.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mimnermus</i>, iv. 82.</li> -<li><i>Mindarus</i>, supersedes Astyochus, viii. 98; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_552">[p. 552]</span>deceived by Tissaphernês, viii. 99;</li> - <li>removal of, from Milêtus to Chios, viii. 181;</li> - <li>eludes Thrasyllus and reaches the Hellespont, viii. 102, 103 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Hellespont, viii. 109;</li> - <li>Peloponnesian fleet summoned from Eubœa by, viii. 111;</li> - <li>siege of Kyzikus by, viii. 121;</li> - <li>death of, viii. 121.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mineral</i> productions of Greece, ii. 229.</li> -<li><i>Minôa</i>, capture of, by Nikias, vi. 285.</li> -<li><i>Minôs</i>, i. 219 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Minôtaur</i>, the, i. 220 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Minyæ</i>, i. 130, ii. 26 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Minyas</i>, i. 128 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Miraculous</i> legends, varied interpretation of, i. 472 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Mistake</i> of ascribing to an unrecording age the historical sense of modern times, i. 432.</li> -<li><i>Mitford</i>, his view of the anti-monarchical sentiment of Greece, iii. 12 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mithridates the Persian</i>, ix. 87 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mithridates of Pontus</i>, <a href="#Page_463">xii. 463</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mithrines</i>, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mitylenæan</i> envoys, speech of, to the Peloponnesians at Olympia, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>prisoners sent to Athens by Pachês, vi. 243, 255.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mityleneans</i> at Sigeium, i. 339.</li> -<li><i>Mitylênê</i>, iii. 193; political dissensions and poets of, iii. 198; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, vi. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>blockade of, by Pachês, vi. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Athenian assembly, vi. 244, 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>loss and recovery of, by Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 383, 384;</li> - <li>Kallikratidas at, viii. 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>removal of Kallikratidas from, viii. 170;</li> - <li>Eteonikus at, viii. 170, 174, 189;</li> - <li>blockade of, by Memnon, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of, by Chares, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mnassippus</i>, expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 142 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mnêmosynê</i>, i. 5, 10.</li> -<li><i>Mnesiphilus</i>, v. 122.</li> -<li><i>Mœræ</i>, and Crœsus, iv. 194 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mœris</i>, lake of, iii. 322 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Molionids</i>, the, i. 140.</li> -<li><i>Molossian</i> kingdom of Epirus, <a href="#Page_395">xii. 395</a>.</li> -<li><i>Molossians</i>, iii. 413 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Molossus</i>, i. 189.</li> -<li><i>Mômus</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Monarchy</i>, in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>aversion to, in Greece, after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 176.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Money</i>, coined, not known to Homeric or Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>coined, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 320.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Money-lending</i> at Florence in the middle ages, iii. 109 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Jewish law, iii. 111 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and ancient philosophers, iii. 113.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Money-standard</i>, Solon’s debasement of, iii. 100; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>honestly maintained at Athens after Solon, iii. 114.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Monsters</i>, offspring of the gods, i. 11.</li> -<li><i>Monstrous</i> natures associated with the gods, i. 1.</li> -<li><i>Monts de Piété</i>, iii. 162.</li> -<li><i>Monuments</i> of the Argonautic expedition, i. 241 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Moon</i>, eclipse of, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 315; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>eclipse of, <small>B. C.</small> 331, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mopsus</i>, iii. 184.</li> -<li><i>Mora</i>, Spartan, ii. 458 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>destruction of a Spartan, by Iphikrates, ix. 351 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Moral</i> and social feeling in legendary Greece, ii. 79.</li> -<li><i>Moralizing</i> Greek poets, iv. 91 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mosynæki</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 128.</li> -<li><i>Mothakes</i>, ii. 418.</li> -<li><i>Motyê</i>, capture of, by Dionysius, x. 485 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recapture of, by Imilkon, x. 490.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Motyum</i>, Duketius at, vii. 123.</li> -<li><i>Mountainous</i> systems of Greece, ii. 212 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Müller</i> on Sparta as the Dorian type, ii. 342.</li> -<li><i>Multitude</i>, sentiment of a, compared with that of individuals, ix. 279.</li> -<li><i>Munychia</i> and Peiræus, Themistoklês’ wall round, v. 249; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Menyllus in, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li> - <li>Nikanor in, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Muse</i>, inspiration and authority of the, i. 355.</li> -<li><i>Muses</i>, the, i. 10.</li> -<li><i>Music</i>, ethical effect of old Grecian, ii. 433; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greek, improvements in, about the middle of the seventh century <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 77;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_553">[p. 553]</span>comprehensive meaning of, among the ancient Greeks, viii. 349.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Musical</i> modes of the Greeks, iii. 212.</li> -<li><i>Musicians</i>, Greek, in the seventh century <small>B. C.</small>, iv. 76 <i>n.</i></li> -<li>Μῦθος, i. 356, 432 <i>n.</i>, 458.</li> -<li><i>Mutilated</i> Grecian captives at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_173">xii. 173</a>.</li> -<li><i>Mutilation</i> of dead bodies in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 92; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Bessus, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mutiny</i> at Athens immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 93.</li> -<li><i>Mygdonia</i>, iii. 210.</li> -<li><i>Mykalê</i>, Pan-Ionic festival at, iii. 177; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the battle of, v. 191 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mykalêssus</i>, massacre at, vii. 357 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Myknæ</i>, i. 90 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Myriandrus</i>, Alexander’s march from Kilikia to, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander’s return from, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Myrkinus</i>, iv. 273, 296.</li> -<li><i>Myrmidons</i>, origin of, i. 184.</li> -<li><i>Myrôn</i>, iii. 32.</li> -<li><i>Myrônidês</i>, v. 323, 331.</li> -<li><i>Myrtilus</i>, i. 159.</li> -<li><i>Mysia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Mysians</i>, iii. 196, 205 <i>seq.</i>, 209.</li> -<li><i>Mysteries</i>, principal Pan-Hellenic, i. 28, 38, 41, 43, v. 209 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and mythes, i. 496.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mystic</i> legends, connection of, with Egypt, i. 32; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>legends, contrast of, with Homeric hymns, i. 34;</li> - <li>brotherhoods, iii. 87.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mythe</i> of Pandôra and Prometheus, now used in “Works and Days”, i. 71; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>meaning of the word, i. 356.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mythes</i>, how to be told, i. 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Hesiodic, traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15;</li> - <li>Grecian, origin of, i. 4, 52, 61 <i>seq.</i>, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of the gods, discrepancies in, i. 53 <i>n.</i>, 54;</li> - <li>contain gods, heroes and men, i. 64;</li> - <li>formed the entire mental stock of the early Greeks, i. 340, 359;</li> - <li>difficulty of regarding them in the same light as the ancients did, i. 341;</li> - <li>Grecian, adapted to the personifying and patriotic tendencies of the Greeks, i. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Grecian, beauty of, i. 351;</li> - <li>Grecian, how to understand properly, i. 351 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>how regarded by superior men in the age of Thucydides, i. 375;</li> - <li>accommodated to a more advanced age, i. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of, by poets and logographers, i. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of, by historians, i. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>historicised, i. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of, by philosophers, i. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>allegorized, i. 419 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>semi-historical interpretation of, i. 433;</li> - <li>allegorical theory of, i. 436;</li> - <li>connection of, with mysteries, i, 436;</li> - <li>supposed ancient meaning of, i. 438;</li> - <li>Plato on, i. 441 <i>seq.</i>, 420;</li> - <li>recapitulation of remarks on, i. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>familiarity of the Greeks with, i. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>bearing of, on Grecian art, i. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>German, i. 363;</li> - <li>Grecian, proper treatment of, i. 487 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic, iii. 221.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mythical</i> world, opening of, i. 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>sentiment in “Works and Days”, i. 68 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>geography, i. 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>faith in the Homeric age, i. 357;</li> - <li>genealogies, i. 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>age, gods and men undistinguishable in, i. 449;</li> - <li>events, relics of, i. 457;</li> - <li>account of the alliance between the Hêrakleids and Dorians, ii. 2;</li> - <li>races of Greece, ii. 19.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mythology</i>, Grecian, sources of our information on, i. 106; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>German, Celtic, and Grecian, i. 462, 463;</li> - <li>Grecian, how it would have been affected by the introduction of Christianity, <small>B. C.</small> 500, i. 467.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Mythopæic</i> faculty, stimulus to, i. 351; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>age, the, i. 361;</li> - <li>tendencies, by what causes enfeebled, i. 361 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>tendencies in modern Europe, i. 469 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Myûs</i>, iii. 172.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">N.</li> -<li><i>Napoleon</i>, analogy between his relation to the confederation of the Rhine, and that of Alexander to the Greeks, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nature</i>, first regarded as impersonal, i. 368.</li> -<li><i>Naukraries</i>, iii. 52, 65.</li> -<li><i>Naukratis</i>, iii. 327, 335 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Naupaktus</i>, origin of the name, ii. 3; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Pharmio’s victory near, vi. 206 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Eurylochus’s attack upon, vi. 301;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_554">[p. 554]</span>Demosthenês at, vi. 301;</li> - <li>naval battle at, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Nausinikus</i>, census in the archonship of, x. 115 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Naval</i> attack, Athenian, vi. 63.</li> -<li><i>Naxians</i> and Sikels, defeat of Messenians by, vii. 135.</li> -<li><i>Naxos</i>, early power of, iii. 165; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of Aristagoras against, iv. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Datis at, iv. 330;</li> - <li>revolt and reconquest of, v. 307.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Naxos in Sicily</i>, iii. 363, vii. 193, x. 468.</li> -<li><i>Nearchus</i>, voyages of, <a href="#Page_233">xii. 233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nebuchadnezzar</i>, iii. 333.</li> -<li><i>Necklaces</i> of Eriphylê and Helen, i. 287 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nectanebus</i>, xi. 440.</li> -<li><i>Negative</i> side of Grecian philosophy, viii. 345.</li> -<li><i>Neileus</i>, or <i>Nêleus</i>, i. 109, ii. 24, iii. 173.</li> -<li><i>Nekôs</i>, iii. 329 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nektanebis</i>, x. 362, 366.</li> -<li><i>Nêleids</i> down to Kodrus, i. 111.</li> -<li><i>Nêleus</i> and Pelias, i. 107 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nemean</i> lion, the, i. 7; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>games, ii. 461, iv. 65 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Nemesis</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Neobulê</i> and Archilochus, iv. 81.</li> -<li><i>Neon the Cyreian</i>, ix. 136 <i>seq.</i>, 147.</li> -<li><i>Neon the Corinthian</i>, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Neoptolemus, son of Achilles</i>, i. 188, 300, 305.</li> -<li><i>Neoptolemus the actor</i>, xi. 373.</li> -<li><i>Nephelê</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nereas</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Nereids</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Nessus</i>, the centaur, i. 150.</li> -<li><i>Nestor</i>, i. 110.</li> -<li><i>Niebelungen</i> Lied, i. 479.</li> -<li><i>Nikæa</i> on the Hydaspes, <a href="#Page_229">xii. 229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nikanor</i>, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nikias</i>, at Minôa, vi. 285; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>position and character of, vi. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kleon, vi. 287 <i>seq.</i>, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mêlos, vi. 295;</li> - <li>in the Corinthian territory, vi. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mendê and Skiônê, vi. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>peace of, vi. 490 <i>seq.</i> vii. 1 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Spartans taken at Sphakteria, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy of, to Sparta, vii. 44;</li> - <li>and Alkibiadês, vii. 104 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 158;</li> - <li>appointed commander of the Sicilian expedition, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 148;</li> - <li>speeches and influence of, on the Sicilian expedition, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 148 <i>seq.</i>, 155, 159;</li> - <li>his plan of action in Sicily, vii. 191;</li> - <li>dilatory proceedings of, in Sicily, vii. 219, 225, 258 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>stratagem of, for approaching Syracuse, vii. 221;</li> - <li>at the battle near the Olympeion at Syracuse, vii. 220;</li> - <li>measures of, after his victory near the Olympeion at Syracuse, vii. 223;</li> - <li>at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 223;</li> - <li>forbearance of the Athenians towards, vii. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Katana, vii. 234;</li> - <li>in Sicily in the spring of <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 243;</li> - <li>his neglect in not preventing Gylippus’s approach to Sicily and Syracuse, vii. 263 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fortification of Cape Plenimyrium by, vii. 270;</li> - <li>at Epipolæ, vii. 272;</li> - <li>despatch of, to Athens for reinforcements, vii. 275 <i>seq.</i>, 281 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition of, to Demosthenês’s proposals for leaving Syracuse, vii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>consent of, to retreat from Syracuse, vii. 313;</li> - <li>exhortations of, before the final defeat of the Athenians in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 321 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Demosthenês, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 330;</li> - <li>exhortations of, to the Athenians on their retreat from Syracuse, vii. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and his division, surrender of, to Gylippus, vii. 343 <i>seq.</i>, 347 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and Demosthenês, treatment of, by their Syracusan conquerors, vii. 346;</li> - <li>disgrace of, at Athens after his death, vii. 348;</li> - <li>opinion of Thucydidês about, vii. 349;</li> - <li>opinion and mistake of the Athenians about, vii. 351 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Nikodromus</i>, v. 47.</li> -<li><i>Nikoklês</i>, x. 26.</li> -<li><i>Nikomachus the Athenian</i>, viii. 307 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nikomachus the Macedonian</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nikostratus</i>, vi. 271 <i>seq.</i>, 440 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nikoteles</i>, x. 466.</li> -<li><i>Nile</i>, the, iii. 309.</li> -<li><i>Nineveh</i>, or <i>Ninus</i>, siege of, iii. 233; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, iii. 255;</li> - <li>and Babylon, iii. 290;</li> - <li>site of, iii. 294 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and its remains, iii. 305.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_555">[p. 555]</span><i>Nine Ways</i>, nine defeats of the Athenians at the, x. 302 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Ninon</i> and Kylon, iv. 409.</li> -<li><i>Niobê</i>, i. 158.</li> -<li><i>Nisæa</i>, alleged capture of, by Peisistratus, iii. 154 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>connected with Megara by “Long Walls”, v. 324;</li> - <li>surrender of, to the Athenians, vi. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recovery of, by the Megarians, viii. 131.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Nisus</i>, i. 205, 221.</li> -<li><i>Nobles</i>, Athenian, early violence of, iv. 152.</li> -<li><i>Nomads</i>, Libyan, iv. 35 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Nomios</i> Apollo, i. 61.</li> -<li><i>Nomophylakes</i>, v. 371.</li> -<li><i>Nomothetæ</i>, iii. 123, 125, v. 372, viii. 296.</li> -<li><i>Non-Amphiktyonic</i> races, ii. 270.</li> -<li><i>Non-Hellenic</i> practices, ii. 256.</li> -<li><i>Non-Olympiads</i>, ii. 435.</li> -<li><i>Notium</i>, iii. 183; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Pachês at, vi. 242;</li> - <li>recolonized from Athens, vi. 243;</li> - <li>battle of, viii. 153.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Notus</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Numidia</i>, Agathokles and the Carthaginians in, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nymphæum</i>, xi. 264, <i>n.</i> 1, <a href="#Page_480">xii. 480</a>.</li> -<li><i>Nymphs</i>, i. 5, 7.</li> -<li><i>Nypsius</i>, xi. 107, 109, 111.</li> -<li><i>Nyx</i>, i. 4, 6.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">O.</li> -<li><i>Oarus</i>, fortresses near, iv. 266.</li> -<li><i>Oath</i> of mutual harmony at Athens, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 225.</li> -<li><i>Obæ</i> ar Obês, ii. 361.</li> -<li><i>Ocean</i>, ancient belief about, iii. 286 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Oceanic</i> nymphs, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Oceanus</i>, i. 5, 6, 8.</li> -<li><i>Ochus</i>, x. 367, xi. 437 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Odeon</i>, building of, vi. 31.</li> -<li><i>Odes</i> at festivals in honor of gods, i. 52.</li> -<li><i>Odin</i> and other gods degraded into men, i. 466.</li> -<li><i>Odrysian</i> kings, vi. 215 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Odysseus</i>, i. 290; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Palamêdês, i. 294;</li> - <li>and Ajax, i. 299;</li> - <li>steals away the Palladium, i. 302;</li> - <li>return of, from Troy, i. 309;</li> - <li>final adventures and death of, i. 314 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the agora in the second book of the Iliad, ii. 70 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Odyssey</i> and Iliad, date, structure, authorship and character of, ii. 118-209.</li> -<li><i>Œchalia</i>, capture of, i. 151.</li> -<li><i>Œdipus</i>, i. 265 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Œneus</i> and his offspring, i. 143 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Œnoê</i>, vi. 127, viii. 83, ix. 353.</li> -<li><i>Œnomaus</i> and Pelops, i. 158.</li> -<li><i>Œnônê</i>, i. 301 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Œnophyta</i>, Athenian victory at, v. 331.</li> -<li><i>Œnotria</i>, iii. 350 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Œnotrians</i>, iii. 351, 375, 393.</li> -<li><i>Œta</i>, path over Mount, v. 78.</li> -<li><i>Œtæi</i>, ii. 213.</li> -<li><i>Office</i>, admissibility of Athenians citizens to, iv. 113.</li> -<li><i>Ogygês</i>, i. 194.</li> -<li><i>Okypetê</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Olbia</i>, <a href="#Page_474">xii. 474</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Oligarchical</i> government, change from monarchical to, in Greece, iii. 15 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>party at Athens, v. 365, viii. 235 <i>seq.</i>, 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Greeks, corruption of, vii. 401;</li> - <li>conspiracy at Samos, viii. 6 <i>seq.</i>, 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conspiracy at Athens, viii. 15, 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exiles, return of, to Athens, viii. 232.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Oligarchies</i> in Greece, iii. 17, 29, 30, 31.</li> -<li><i>Oligarchy</i>, conflict of, with despotism, iii. 28; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>vote of the Athenian assembly in favor of, viii. 14;</li> - <li>establishment of, in Athenian allied cities, viii. 34;</li> - <li>of the Four Hundred, viii. 36 <i>seq.</i>, 45 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 75, 88 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olive trees</i>, sacred, near Athens, iii. 135 <i>n.</i> 2, vi. 267 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Olpæ</i>, Demosthenes’s victory at, vi. 303 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Olympia</i>, Agesipolis, and the oracle at, ix. 356; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Lysias at, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>panegyrical oration of Isokrates at, x. 77;</li> - <li>occupation of, by the Arcadians, x. 315, 322;</li> - <li>topography of, x. 319 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>plunder of, by the Arcadians, x. 322 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olympias</i>, xi. 262, 512, 516, 519; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Antipater, <a href="#Page_68">xii. 68</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Footnote_617">256 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li> - <li>intrigues of, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>;</li> - <li>return of, from Epirus to Macedonia, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li> - <li>Epirus governed by, <a href="#Footnote_922">xii. 395 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olympic</i> games, and Aëthlius, i. 100; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>origin of, i. 140;</li> - <li>presidency of, ii. 10, 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_556">[p. 556]</span>nature and importance of, ii. 241, 242;</li> - <li>the early point of union between Spartans, Messenians, and Eleians, ii. 334;</li> - <li>and the Delian festival, iv. 54;</li> - <li>celebrity, history and duration of, iv. 55 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>interference of, with the defence of Thermopylæ, v. 77;</li> - <li>and the Karneia, v. 77 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>conversation of Xerxes on, v. 113;</li> - <li>of the 90th Olympiad, vii. 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>celebration of, by the Arcadians and Pisatans, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>legation of Dionysius to, xi. 28 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olympieion</i> near Syracuse, battle of, vii. 219 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Olympus</i>, ii. 211.</li> -<li><i>Olympus, the Phrygian</i>, iii. 213 <i>n.</i>, iv. 75.</li> -<li><i>Olynthiac</i>, the earliest, of Demosthenês, xi. 327 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the second, of Demosthenês, xi. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the third, of Demosthenês, xi. 335 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olynthiacs</i> of Demosthenês, order of, xi. 358 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Olynthian</i> confederacy, x. 50 <i>seq.</i>, 68, 381, xi. 324; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>war, xi. 325-363.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Olynthus</i>, iv. 24; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture and re-population of, by Artabazus, v. 149;</li> - <li>increase of, by Perdikkas, vi. 69;</li> - <li>expedition of Eudamidas against, x. 58;</li> - <li>Teleutias at, x. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Agesipolis at, x. 67;</li> - <li>submission of, to Sparta, x. 68;</li> - <li>alliance of, rejected by the Athenians, xi. 236;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Philip, xi. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>secedes from the alliance of Philip, and makes peace with Athens, xi. 319;</li> - <li>hostility of Philip to, xi. 320;</li> - <li>Philip’s half-brothers flee to, xi. 321;</li> - <li>intrigues of Philip in, xi. 321;</li> - <li>attack of Philip upon, xi. 325, 381;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Athens, xi. 326;</li> - <li>renewed application of, to Athens, against Philip, xi. 331;</li> - <li>assistance from Athens to, <small>B. C.</small> 350, xi. 334;</li> - <li>three expeditions from Athens to, <small>B. C.</small> 349-348, xi. 334 <i>n.</i>, 349;</li> - <li>expedition of Athenians to, <small>B. C.</small> 349, xi. 346, 347;</li> - <li>capture of, by Philip, xi. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364, 365, 372.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Oneirus</i>, i. 7, ii. 185.</li> -<li><i>Oneium</i>, Mount, Epaminondas at, x. 254.</li> -<li><i>Onesilus</i>, iv. 292 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Onomakles</i>, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Onamakritus</i>, v. 3.</li> -<li><i>Onomarchus</i>, and the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 255; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>successes of, 256, 293;</li> - <li>at Chæroneia, xi. 257;</li> - <li>power of the Phokians under, xi. 261;</li> - <li>aid to Lykophron by, xi. 293;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 294.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ophellas</i>, <a href="#Page_428">xii. 428</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Ophis</i>, the, x. 36.</li> -<li><i>Opici</i>, iii. 353.</li> -<li><i>Opis</i>, Alexander’s voyage to, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>.</li> -<li><i>Oracle at Delphi</i>, legend of, i. 41; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Krêtans, i. 226 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 43;</li> - <li>answers of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 60 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Oracles</i>, consultation and authority of, among the Greeks, ii. 255; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Bœotia consulted by Mardonius, v. 149.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Orations</i>, funeral, of Periklês, vi. 31, 144 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Orchomenians</i>, i. 313.</li> -<li><i>Orchomenus</i>, ante-historical, i. 130 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Thêbes, i. 135, v. 159 <i>n.</i> 4, x. 194.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Orchomenus</i>, early historical, ii. 273; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capitulation of, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 75;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Thebes to Sparta, ix. 293;</li> - <li>and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 209, 210;</li> - <li>destruction of, x. 311.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Oreithyia</i>, i. 199.</li> -<li><i>Orestês</i>, i. 163 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Agamemnôn transferred to Sparta, i. 165.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Orestês</i>, bones of, ii. 447.</li> -<li><i>Oreus</i>, xi. 449, 452.</li> -<li><i>Orgies</i>, post-Homeric, i. 27.</li> -<li><i>Orœtês</i>, iv. 226, 245.</li> -<li><i>Orontês the Persian nobleman</i>, ix. 36, 40 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Orontês</i>, the Persian satrap, x. 22, 24.</li> -<li><i>Orôpus</i>, vi. 383 <i>n.</i> 2, viii. 25, x. 286.</li> -<li><i>Orphans</i> in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 91.</li> -<li><i>Orpheotelestæ</i>, iii. 87.</li> -<li><i>Orpheus</i>, i. 21, 22.</li> -<li><i>Orphic</i> Theogony, i. 16 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>egg, i. 18;</li> - <li>life, the, i. 23;</li> - <li>brotherhood, i. 34.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Orsines</i>, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li> -<li><i>Orthagoridæ</i>, iii. 33 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Orthros</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Ortygês</i>, iii. 187.</li> -<li><i>Ortygia</i>, iii. 363; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fortification and occupation of, by Dionysius, x. 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_557">[p. 557]</span>Dionysius besieged in, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>blockade of, by Dion, xi. 95, 98, 114;</li> - <li>sallies of Nypsius from, xi. 107, 109, 111;</li> - <li>Dion’s entry into, xi. 117;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>advantage of, to Timoleon, xi. 155;</li> - <li>siege of, by Hiketas and Magon, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timoleon’s demolition of the Dionysian works in, xi. 165;</li> - <li>Timoleon erects courts of justice in, xi. 165.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Oscan</i>, Latin and Greek languages, iii. 354.</li> -<li><i>Oscans</i>, iii. 353.</li> -<li><i>Ossa</i> and Pelion, ii. 214.</li> -<li><i>Ostracism</i>, similarity of, to Solon’s condemnation of neutrality in sedition, iii. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 108 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Hyperbolus, iv. 151, vii. 101 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>of Kimon, v. 366;</li> - <li>of Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 19;</li> - <li>projected contention of, between Nikias and Alkibiadês, vii. 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Syracuse, vii. 122.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Otanês</i>, iv. 223, 249 <i>seq.</i>, 277.</li> -<li><i>Othryadês</i>, ii. 449.</li> -<li><i>Othrys</i>, ii. 213 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Otos</i> and Ephialtês, i. 136.</li> -<li><i>Ovid</i> at Tomi, <a href="#Footnote_1111">xii. 474 <i>n.</i></a></li> -<li><i>Oxus</i> crossed by Alexander, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a>.</li> -<li><i>Oxylus</i>, i. 153, ii. 4, 9.</li> -<li><i>Oxythemis Korônæus</i>, ii. 332 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">P.</li> -<li><i>Pachês</i>, at Mitylênê, vi. 226, 237 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Notium, vi. 242;</li> - <li>pursues the fleet of Alkidas to Patmos, vi. 241;</li> - <li>sends Mitylenæan prisoners to Athens, vi. 243;</li> - <li>crimes and death of, vi. 258.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pæonians</i>, iv. 15; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquest of, by Megabazus, iv. 276;</li> - <li>victory of Philip over, xi. 214.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pagasæ</i>, conquest of, by Philip, xi. 295; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>importance of the Gulf of, to Philip, xi. 303.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pagondas</i>, vi. 384 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Paktyas, the Lydian</i>, iv. 200 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Palæmon</i> and Inô, i. 124.</li> -<li><i>Palæphatus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 415 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Palamêdês</i>, i. 294.</li> -<li><i>Palikê</i>, foundation of, vii. 123.</li> -<li><i>Palladium</i>, capture of, i. 302.</li> -<li><i>Pallakopas</i>, <a href="#Page_250">xii. 250</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pallas</i>, i. 6, 8.</li> -<li><i>Pallas, son of Pandiôn</i>, i. 205.</li> -<li><i>Pallênê</i>, i. 318, iv. 24.</li> -<li><i>Palus Mæotis</i>, tribes east of, iii. 242.</li> -<li><i>Pammenes</i>, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359, xi. 257, 299.</li> -<li><i>Pamphyli</i>, Hylleis, and Dymanes, ii. 360.</li> -<li><i>Pamphylia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li> -<li><i>Panaktum</i>, vii. 24, 29.</li> -<li><i>Pan-Arcadian Ten Thousand</i>, x. 232, 322.</li> -<li><i>Pan-Arcadian union</i>, x. 208 <i>seq.</i>, 321 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pandiôn</i>, i. 196.</li> -<li><i>Pandiôn, son of Phineus</i>, i. 199.</li> -<li><i>Pandiôn II.</i>, i. 204.</li> -<li><i>Pandôra</i>, i. 71, 76 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pan-Hellenic</i> proceeding, the earliest approach to, iv. 50; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>feeling, growth of, between <small>B. C.</small> 776-560, iv. 51;</li> - <li>character of the four great games, iv. 67;</li> - <li>congress at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>patriotism of the Athenians on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 62;</li> - <li>union under Sparta after the repulse of Xerxes, v. 260;</li> - <li>schemes and sentiment of Periklês, vi. 18;</li> - <li>pretences of Alexander, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pan-Ionic</i> festival and Amphiktyony in Asia, iii. 177.</li> -<li><i>Panoptês</i>, Argos, i. 84.</li> -<li><i>Pantaleôn</i>, ii. 434.</li> -<li><i>Pantikapæum</i>, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pantitês</i>, story of, v. 94 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Paphlagonia</i>, submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li> -<li><i>Paphlagonians</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 144.</li> -<li><i>Paragraphê</i>, viii. 299.</li> -<li><i>Parali</i>, at Samos, viii. 29.</li> -<li><i>Paralus</i>, arrival of, at Athens from Samos, viii. 30.</li> -<li><i>Paranomôn</i>, Graphê, v. 375 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 36.</li> -<li><i>Parasang</i>, length of, ix. 14 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Paris</i>, i. 286 <i>seq.</i>, 301.</li> -<li><i>Parisades I.</i>, <a href="#Page_482">xii. 482</a>.</li> -<li><i>Parmenidês</i>, viii. 343, 344 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Parmenio</i>, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 388, 389, 398, 401; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>operations of, in Asia Minor against Memnon, <a href="#Page_49">xii. 49</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_558">[p. 558]</span>debate of, with Alexander at Milêtus, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li> - <li>captures Damascus, <a href="#Page_128">xii. 128</a>;</li> - <li>at the battle of Arbela, <a href="#Page_158">xii. 158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> - <li>invested with the chief command at Ekbatana, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>;</li> - <li>family of, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a>;</li> - <li>alleged conspiracy and assassination of, <a href="#Page_196">xii. 196</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Paropamisadæ</i>, subjugation of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>.</li> -<li><i>Paros</i>, Theramenês at, viii. 118.</li> -<li><i>Partheniæ</i>, iii. 387.</li> -<li><i>Parthenon</i>, vi. 21, 22; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>records of offerings in, xi. 249 <i>n.</i>, 252 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Parthia</i>, Darius pursued by Alexander into, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Partition of lands</i> ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 380, 393 <i>seq.</i>, 401 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proposed by Agis, iii. 399, 401.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Parysatis, wife of Darius Nothus</i>, ix. 61, 72.</li> -<li><i>Parysatis, daughter of Darius Nothus</i>, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pasimêlus</i>, ix. 331 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pasion</i>, and Xenias, ix. 28.</li> -<li><i>Pasiphaë</i> and the Minôtaur, i. 220.</li> -<li><i>Pasippidas</i>, banishment of, viii. 128.</li> -<li><i>Patizeithês</i>, conspiracy of, iv. 223.</li> -<li><i>Patrokleidês</i>, amnesty proposed by, viii. 224.</li> -<li><i>Patroklus</i>, treatment of, in the Iliad, ii. 177.</li> -<li><i>Patronymic</i> names of demes, iii. 63 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Patrôus</i> Apollo, i. 50.</li> -<li><i>Pattala</i>, <a href="#Footnote_562">xii. 235 <i>n.</i> 4</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pausanias, the historian</i>, on the Achæans, i. 104; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his view of mythes, i. 414;</li> - <li>his history of the Bœotians between the siege of Troy and the Return of the Hêrakleids, ii. 16;</li> - <li>his account of the Messenian wars, ii. 425 <i>seq.</i>, 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on Iphikrates at Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 238 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pausanias, the Spartan regent</i>, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 165; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Platæa, v. 168 <i>seq.</i>, 177 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>misconduct of, after the battle of Platæa, v. 178 <i>seq.</i>, 181;</li> - <li>conduct of, after losing the command of the Greeks, v. 269;</li> - <li>detection and death of, v. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Themistoklês, v. 273, 282.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pausanias the Spartan king</i>, and Lysander, viii. 262; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his expedition to Attica, viii. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his attack upon Peiræus, viii. 276;</li> - <li>his pacification between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at Peiræus, viii. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Bœotia, ix. 295 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>condemnation of, ix. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the democratical leaders of Mantinea, x. 37.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pausanias the Macedonian</i>, x. 249, xi. 515 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pedaritus</i>, vii. 399, 391, viii. 19.</li> -<li><i>Pedieis</i>, iii. 93.</li> -<li><i>Pedigrees</i>, mythical, connect <i>gentes</i>, i. 193.</li> -<li><i>Pegasus</i>, i. 4, 122.</li> -<li><i>Peiræum</i>, Athenian victory near, vii. 369; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat of the Athenian fleet near, vii. 381;</li> - <li>capture of, by Agesilaus, ix. 343, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peiræus</i>, fortification of, by Themistoklês, v. 249 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athens, Long Walls between, v. 324 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 229, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>improvements at, under Periklês, vi. 20;</li> - <li>departure of the armament for Sicily from, vii. 181;</li> - <li>walls built at, by the Four Hundred, viii. 63;</li> - <li>approach of the Lacedæmonian fleet under Agesandridas to, viii. 66, 71;</li> - <li>Thrasybulus at, viii. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;</li> - <li>attack of Teleutias on, ix. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attempt of Sphodrias to surprise, x. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>seizure of, by Nikanor, <a href="#Page_346">xii. 346</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peisander</i>, and the mutilation of the Hermæ, vii. 200; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, viii. 8, 12, 13 <i>seq.</i>, 21, 26, 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>statements respecting, viii. 32 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>punishment of, viii. 88.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peisander, the Lacedæmonian admiral</i>, ix. 274, 283.</li> -<li><i>Peisistratids</i>, and Thucydidês iv. 112 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fall of the dynasty of, iv. 122;</li> - <li>with Xerxes in Athens, v. 115 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peisistratus</i>, iii. 153 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 102 <i>seq.</i>, 117.</li> -<li><i>Peithias, the Korkyræan</i>, vi. 268 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pelasgi</i>, ii. 261 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Italy, iii. 351;</li> - <li>of Lemnos and Imbros, iv. 277.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pelasgikon</i>, oracle about the, vi. 129 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Pelasgus</i>, i. 173.</li> -<li><i>Pêleus</i>, i. 114, 187 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pelias</i>, i. 108 <i>seq.</i>, 114 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_559">[p. 559]</span><i>Pelion</i> and Ossa, ii. 214.</li> -<li><i>Pella</i>, embassies from Grecian states at, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 404 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>under Philip, <a href="#Page_66">xii. 66</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pellênê</i>, i. 318; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Phlius, x. 271.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pelopidas</i>, escape of, to Athens, x. 61; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conspiracy of, against the philo-Laconian rulers at Thebes, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>slaughter of Leontiades by, x. 86;</li> - <li>and Epaminondas, x. 121;</li> - <li>victory of, at Tegyra, x. 134;</li> - <li>in Thessaly, x. 249, 263, 283 <i>seq.</i>, 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Philip, x. 249 <i>n.</i> 2, 264;</li> - <li>and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, x. 308.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pelopidas</i>, i. 153 <i>seq.</i>, 160.</li> -<li><i>Peloponnesian</i> war, its injurious effects upon the Athenian empire, vi. 46; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>war, commencement of, vi. 103-153;</li> - <li>fleet, Phormio’s victories over, vi. 196 <i>seq.</i>, 203 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>war, agreement of the Peloponnesian confederacy at the commencement of, vii. 19 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>allies, synod of, at Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li> - <li>fleet of under Theramenês, vii. 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Rhodes, vii. 400 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 94;</li> - <li>fleet, return of, from Rhodes to Milêtus, viii. 25;</li> - <li>fleet discontent in, Milêtus, viii. 95, 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet, capture of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;</li> - <li>fleet, pay of, by Cyrus, viii. 143;</li> - <li>confederacy, assembly of, at Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 228;</li> - <li>confederacy, Athens at the head of, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 201;</li> - <li>allies of Sparta after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peloponnesians</i>, immigrant, ii. 303; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conduct of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li> - <li>and Mardonius’s approach, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 247;</li> - <li>five years’ truce of, with Athens, v. 334;</li> - <li>position and views of, in commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 113, 124 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invasions of Attica, by, under Archidamus, vi. 126 <i>seq.</i>, 154;</li> - <li>slaughter of neutral prisoners by, vi. 182;</li> - <li>and Ambrakiots attack Akarnania, vi. 194 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of revolted Mitylenæans to, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Ætolians attack Naupaktus, vi. 301;</li> - <li>and Tissaphernês, vii. 387, 395 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 4, 21 <i>seq.</i>, 113 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Kynossêma, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Abydos, viii. 117;</li> - <li>aid of Pharnabazus to, viii. 126;</li> - <li>letters of Philip to, xi. 492.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Peloponnesus</i>, eponym of, i. 154; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>invasion and division of, by the Hêrakleids, ii. 4;</li> - <li>mythical tide of the Dorians to, ii. 6;</li> - <li>extension of Pindus through, ii. 212;</li> - <li>distribution of, about <small>B. C.</small> 450, ii. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>difference between the distribution, <small>B. C.</small> 450 and 776, ii. 302;</li> - <li>population of, which was believed to be indigenous, ii. 303;</li> - <li>southern inhabitants of, before the Dorian invasion, ii. 337;</li> - <li>events in, during the first twenty years of the Athenian hegemony, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>voyage of Tolmidês round, v. 331;</li> - <li>ravages of, by the Athenians, vi. 135, 164;</li> - <li>political relations in, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 23;</li> - <li>expedition of Alkibiadês into the interior of, vii. 63;</li> - <li>expedition of Konon and Pharnabazus to, ix. 322;</li> - <li>circumnavigation of, by Timotheus, x. 132;</li> - <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 198, 242;</li> - <li>expedition of Epaminondas to, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 254 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>, 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>visits of Dion to, xi. 61;</li> - <li>disunion of, <small>B. C.</small> 360-359, xi. 199;</li> - <li>affairs of, <small>B. C.</small> 354-352, xi. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>war in, <small>B. C.</small> 352-351, xi. 299;</li> - <li>intervention of Philip in, after <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 443;</li> - <li>expedition of Philip to, xi. 511;</li> - <li>Kassander and Polysperchon in, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li> - <li>Kassander and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, in, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pelops</i>, i. 154 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pelusium</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>.</li> -<li><i>Penal</i> procedure at Athens, iv. 366 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Penestæ</i>, Thessalian, ii. 279 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pentakosiomedimni</i>, iii. 117.</li> -<li><i>Pentapolis</i> on the south-west coast of the Euxine, <a href="#Page_458">xii. 458</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pentekontêrs</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li> -<li><i>Pentekostys</i>, i. 458.</li> -<li><i>Penthesileia</i>, ii. 209, 298.</li> -<li><i>Pentheus</i> and Agavê, i. 262 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Perdikkas I.</i>, iv. 17.</li> -<li><i>Perdikkas II.</i>, relations and proceedings of, towards Athens, vi. 67 <i>seq.</i>, 71, 141, 370, 448 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 96, 104; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Sitalkês, xi. 217, 220;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_560">[p. 560]</span>application of, to Sparta, vi. 398;</li> - <li>and Brasidas, relations between, vi. 369, 448, 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>joins Sparta and Argos, vii. 96;</li> - <li>death of, x. 46.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Perdikkas, brother of Philip</i>, x. 300, 301, 370, 382, xi. 205 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Perdikkas, Alexander’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_256">xii. 256</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pergamum</i>, i. 286 <i>n.</i> 5, 324.</li> -<li><i>Pergamus</i>, custom in the temple of Asklêpius at, i. 301 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> -<li><i>Pergamus in Mysia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Periander, the Corinthian despot</i>, power and character of, iii. 41 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Perikles</i>, difference between the democracy after, and the constitution of Kleisthenês, iv. 148; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>effect of, on constitutional morality, iv. 163;</li> - <li>at the battle of Tanagra, v. 328;</li> - <li>expeditions of, to Sikyon and Akarnania, v. 332;</li> - <li>policy of, <small>B. C.</small> 450, v. 342;</li> - <li>reconquest of Eubœa by, v. 349;</li> - <li>and Ephialtês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kimon, v. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>public life and character of, v. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Ephialtês, judicial reform of, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>, 366 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>real nature of the constitutional changes effected by, v. 367 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>commencement of the ascendancy of, v. 370;</li> - <li>and Kimon, compromise between, v. 329, 371;</li> - <li>his conception of the relation between Athens and her allies, vi. 4;</li> - <li>and Athenian kleruchs by, vi. 10;</li> - <li>and Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic schemes and sentiment of, vi. 18;</li> - <li>city-improvements at Athens under, vi. 20 <i>seq.</i>, 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sculpture at Athens under, vi. 22;</li> - <li>attempt of, to convene a Grecian congress at Athens, vi. 25;</li> - <li>Sophoklês, etc., Athenian armament under, vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>funeral orations of, vi. 31, 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>demand of the Spartans for his banishment, vi. 97, 105;</li> - <li>indirect attacks of his political opponents upon, vi. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his family relations, and connection with Aspasia, vi. 101, 102;</li> - <li>charge of peculation against, vi. 103 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>stories of his having caused the Peloponnesian war, vi. 104 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>speech of, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the ravages of Attica by Archidamus, vi. 128 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>last speech of, <a href="#Page_165">xii. 165</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accusation and punishment of, vi. 168 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>old age and death of, vi. 170 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>life and character of, vi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>new class of politicians at Athens after, vi. 171 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Nikias compared, vi. 287.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Perriklymenos</i>, i. 112 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Perinthus</i>, iv. 27; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athens, viii. 126, xi. 461;</li> - <li>siege of, by Philip, xi. 454, 458.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Periœki</i>, ii. 364 <i>seq.</i>, 369, 371 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Libyan, iv. 40, 42, 45.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pêrô</i>, Bias and Melampus, i. 110 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Perseid</i> dynasty, i. 91.</li> -<li><i>Persephonê</i>, i. 10; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mysteries of, v. 208 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Persepolis</i>, Alexander’s march from Susa to, <a href="#Page_170">xii. 170</a> <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander’s return from India to, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Persês</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Perseus</i>, exploits of, i. 89 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Persia</i>, application of Athens for alliance with, iv. 165; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>state of, on the formation of the confederacy of Delos, v. 267;</li> - <li>treatment of Themistoklês in, v. 284 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>operations of Athens and the Delian confederacy against, v. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, treaty between, <small>B. C.</small> 450, v. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic Greeks not tributary to, between <small>B. C.</small> 477-412, v. 337 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>surrender of the Asiatic Greeks by Sparta to, ix. 205;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 158;</li> - <li>applications of Sparta and Athens to, x. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hostility of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;</li> - <li>unavailing efforts of, to reconquer Egypt, x. 13;</li> - <li>and Evagoras, x. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Spartan project against, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks, x. 44;</li> - <li>application of Thebes to, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy from Athens to, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 293;</li> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 360, 366;</li> - <li>alarm at Athens about, <small>B. C.</small> 354, xi. 285;</li> - <li>projected invasion of, by Philip, xi. 511 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>correspondence of Demosthenes with, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accumulation of royal treasures in, <a href="#Footnote_421">xii. 175 <i>n.</i> 3</a>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_561">[p. 561]</span>roads in, <a href="#Footnote_430">xii. 180 <i>n.</i></a></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Persian</i> version of the legend of Io, i. 86; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>noblemen, conspiracy of, against the false Smerdis, iv. 223 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>empire, organization of, by Darius Hystaspês, iv. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoys to Macedonia, iv. 276;</li> - <li>armament against Cyprus, iv. 292;</li> - <li>force against Milêtus, iv. 299;</li> - <li>fleet at Ladê, iv. 304;</li> - <li>fleet and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 307;</li> - <li>armament under Datis, iv. 329 <i>seq.</i>, 345;</li> - <li>fleet before the battle of Salamis, v. 85 <i>seq.</i>, 99 <i>seq.</i>, 113, 119, 125, 127 <i>nn.</i>;</li> - <li>army, march of, from Thermopylæ to Attica, v. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Salamis, v. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet after the battle of Salamis, v. 137, 147;</li> - <li>army under Mardonius, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Mykalê, v. 191;</li> - <li>army at Mykalê, v. 193;</li> - <li>army, after the defeat at Mykalê, v. 198;</li> - <li>war effect of, upon Athenian political sentiment, v. 274;</li> - <li>kings, from Xerxes to Artaxerxes Mnemon, vi. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>cavalry, and the retreating Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 89 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>empire, distribution of, into satrapies and subsatrapies, ix. 209;</li> - <li>preparations for maritime war against Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 397, ix. 255, 268;</li> - <li>king, Thebans obtain money from, xi. 302;</li> - <li>forces in Phrygia on Alexander’s landing, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>Gates, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li> - <li>fleet and armies, hopes raised in Greece by, <small>B. C.</small> 334-331, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Persians</i>, condition of, at the rise of Cyrus the Great, iv. 187; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquests of, under Cyrus the Great, iv. 209, 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the first who visited Greece, iv. 257 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conquest of Thrace by, under Darius Hystaspês, iv. 273;</li> - <li>successes of, against the revolted coast of Asia Minor, iv. 289;</li> - <li>attempts of, to disunite the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;</li> - <li>narrow escape of Miltiadês from, iv. 307;</li> - <li>cruelties of, at Milêtus, iv. 308;</li> - <li>attempted revolt of Thasos from, iv. 314;</li> - <li>at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>after the battle of Marathon, iv. 351, 352;</li> - <li>change of Grecian feeling towards, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 355;</li> - <li>their religious conception of history, v. 10;</li> - <li>at Thermopylæ, v. 83, 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Psyttaleia, v. 128, 136;</li> - <li>at Salamis, v. 131 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Platæa, v. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Mykalê, v. 197;</li> - <li>between Xerxes and Darius Codomannus, v. 241;</li> - <li>necessity of Grecian activity against, after the battles of Platæa and Mykalê, v. 296;</li> - <li>mutilation inflicted by, ix. 9;</li> - <li>heralds from, to the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 52;</li> - <li>impotence and timidity of, ix. 75;</li> - <li>imprudence of, in letting Alexander cross the Hellespont, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_80">xii. 80</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>incorporation of, in the Macedonian phalanx, <a href="#Page_251">xii. 251</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Persis</i>, subjugation of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_177">xii. 177</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander’s return from India to, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Personages</i>, quasi-human, in Grecian mythology, i. 342 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Personal</i> ascendency of the king in legendary Greece, ii. 61; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>feeling towards the gods, the king, or individuals in legendary Greece, ii. 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sympathies the earliest form of social existence, ii. 84.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Personalities</i>, great predominance of, in Grecian legend, ii. 74.</li> -<li><i>Personality</i> of divine agents in mythes, i. 2.</li> -<li><i>Personification</i>, tendency of the ancient Greeks to, i. 342 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of the heavenly bodies by Boiocalus, the German chief, i. 345 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pestilence</i> and suffering at Athens after the Kylonian massacre, iii. 84.</li> -<li><i>Petalism</i> at Syracuse, iv. 163, vii. 122.</li> -<li><i>Peuke</i>, <a href="#Page_23">xii. 23</a>, <a href="#Footnote_61">25 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> -<li><i>Peukestes</i>, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pezetæri</i>, <a href="#Page_59">xii. 59</a>.</li> -<li><i>Phæax</i>, expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 143.</li> -<li><i>Phalækus</i> succeeds to the command of the Phokians, xi. 301; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>decline of the Phokians under, xi. 374, 418;</li> - <li>opposition to, in Phokis, xi. 375;</li> - <li>opposition of, to aid from Athens to Thermopylæ, xi. 376;</li> - <li>position of, at Thermopylæ, xi. 375, 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>death of, xi. 434.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_562">[p. 562]</span><i>Phalanthus</i>, œkist of Tarentum, iii. 387 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Phalanx</i>, Macedonian, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> -<li><i>Phalaris</i>, iv. 378, v. 204.</li> -<li><i>Phalerium</i>, Xerxes at, v. 118.</li> -<li><i>Phalinus</i>, ix. 52.</li> -<li><i>Phanes</i>, and Zeus, i. 18.</li> -<li><i>Phanosthenes</i>, viii. 159.</li> -<li><i>Pharakidas</i>, x. 504 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pharax</i>, ix. 270, 271 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Pharax the officer of Dionysius</i>, xi. 115, 116, 133.</li> -<li><i>Pharis</i>, conquest of, ii. 420.</li> -<li><i>Pharnabazus</i> and Tissaphernês, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Derkyllidas, viii. 94;</li> - <li>and Athens, viii. 114, 125;</li> - <li>Athenian victory over, viii. 130;</li> - <li>convention of, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;</li> - <li>and Alkibiades, viii. 133, 311 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Greek envoys, viii. 135, 137;</li> - <li>after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 311;</li> - <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 154, 166;</li> - <li>and Lysander, ix. 204;</li> - <li>and the subsatrapy of Æolis, ix. 210 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 269, 279 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Konon, ix. 283, 322, 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Abydos, ix. 324;</li> - <li>and the anti-Spartan allies at Corinth, ix. 327;</li> - <li>and the Syracusans, x. 386;</li> - <li>anti-Macedonian efforts of, <a href="#Page_127">xii. 127</a>;</li> - <li>capture of, with his force, at Chios, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pharsalus</i>, Polydamas of, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Halus, xi. 411.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phaselis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_100">xii. 100</a>.</li> -<li><i>Phayllus</i>, xi. 293, 297 <i>seq.</i>, 301.</li> -<li><i>Pheidias</i>, vi. 23, 102.</li> -<li><i>Pheidôn the Temenid</i>, ii. 314; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>claims and projects of, as representative of Hêraklês, ii. 316;</li> - <li>and the Olympic games, ii. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>coinage and scale of, ii. 318 <i>seq.</i>, 323 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>various descriptions of, ii. 320.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pheidôn, one of the Thirty</i>, viii. 271, 293.</li> -<li><i>Phenicia</i>, ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable, ii. 262 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>situation and cities of, iii. 267;</li> - <li>reconquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438, 440 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>Alexander in, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phenician</i> version of the legend of Io, i. 86; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>colonies, iii. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 114;</li> - <li>towns, surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phenicians</i> in Homeric times, ii. 103 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>historical, iii. 204, 289, 303, 308, 342 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Persians, subjugation of Cyprus by, iv. 293;</li> - <li>and Persians at Milêtus, iv. 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Persians, reconquest of Asiatic Greeks by, iv. 307;</li> - <li>and the cutting through Athos, v. 24;</li> - <li>and Greeks in Sicily, v. 207;</li> - <li>in Cyprus, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pheræ, Jason of</i>, x. 138 <i>seq.</i>, x. 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, 189 <i>seq.</i>, 195 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pheræ, Alexander of</i>, x. 248, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>despots of, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip and the despots of, xi. 261, 292, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip takes the oath of alliance with Athens at, xi. 417;</li> - <li>Alexander of, and Pelopidas, 256, 277 <i>seq.</i>, 297, 301 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alexander of, subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hostilities of Alexander of, against Athens, x. 369.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pherekydes</i>, i. 390, iv. 390.</li> -<li><i>Phretime</i>, iv. 45 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Philæus</i>, eponym of an Attic dême, i. 189.</li> -<li><i>Philaidæ</i>, origin of, i. 189.</li> -<li><i>Philip of Macedon</i>, detained as a hostage at Thebes, x. 249 <i>n.</i> 1, 263, xi. 207 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>accession of, x. 382, xi. 212 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>as subordinate governor in Macedonia, xi. 207, 208;</li> - <li>position of, on the death of Perdikkas, xi. 209;</li> - <li>capture of Amphipolis by, xi. 232 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his alliance with Olynthus and hostilities against Athens, xi. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of Pydna and Potidæa by, xi. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>increased power of, <small>B. C.</small> 358-356, xi. 239;</li> - <li>marriage of, with Olympias, xi. 240;</li> - <li>intrigue of, with Kersobleptes against Athens, xi. 158;</li> - <li>his activity, and conquest of Methônê, xi. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the despots of Pheræ, xi. 261, 292 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>development of Macedonian military force under, xi. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Onomarchus, xi. 293;</li> - <li>conquest of Pheræ and Pagasæ by, xi. 295;</li> - <li>checked at Thermopylæ by the Athenians, xi. 296;</li> - <li>power and attitude of, <small>B. C.</small> 352-351, xi. 322;</li> - <li>naval power and operations of, <small>B. C.</small> 351, xi. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Thrace, <small>B. C.</small> 351, xi. 301;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_563">[p. 563]</span>hostility of, to Olynthus, <small>B. C.</small> 351-350, xi. 320;</li> - <li>flight of his half-brothers to Olynthus, xi. 321;</li> - <li>intrigues of, in Olynthus, xi. 322;</li> - <li>destruction of the Olynthian confederacy by, xi. 324, 325, 331, 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to Olynthus against, xi. 334;</li> - <li>intrigues of, in Eubœa, xi. 339;</li> - <li>and Athens, overtures for peace between, <small>B. C.</small> 348, xi. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Thebans invoke the aid of, against the Phokians, xi. 375;</li> - <li>and Thermopylæ, xi. 377, 407, 410, 416, 421, 424;</li> - <li>embassies from Athens to, xi. 375 <i>seq.</i>, 401 <i>seq.</i>, 422;</li> - <li>envoys to Athens from, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;</li> - <li>synod of allies at Athens about, xi. 388;</li> - <li>peace and alliance between Athens, and, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>, 409, 429 <i>seq.</i>, 442, 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fabrications of Æschines and Philokrates about, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Thrace, xi. 402, 404, 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>letter of, taken by Æschines to Athens, xi. 410, 416;</li> - <li>surrender of Phokis to, xi. 421;</li> - <li>declared sympathy of, with the Thebans, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 421;</li> - <li>visit of Æschines to, in Phokis, xi. 423;</li> - <li>admitted into the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 425;</li> - <li>ascendancy of, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>named president of the Pythian festival, xi. 428;</li> - <li>position of, after the Sacred War, xi. 434;</li> - <li>letter of Isokrates to, xi. 436;</li> - <li>movements of, after <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>warnings of Demosthenês against, after <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 444;</li> - <li>mission of Python from, to Athens, xi. 446;</li> - <li>and Athens, dispute between about Halonnesus, xi. 448 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kardia, xi. 450;</li> - <li>and Athens, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont, xi. 450;</li> - <li>at Perinthus and the Chersonese, xi. 454, 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, declaration of war between, xi. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>makes peace with Byzantium, Chios, and other islands, attacks the Scythians, and is defeated by the Triballi, xi. 461;</li> - <li>and the Amphissians, xi. 480 <i>seq.</i>, 497;</li> - <li>re-fortification of Elateia by, xi. 482, 484 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Thebes for aid in attacking the Athenians, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>, 489;</li> - <li>alliance of Athens and Thebes against, xi. 490 <i>seq.</i>, 593 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>letters of, to the Peloponnesians for aid, xi. 492;</li> - <li>victory of, at Chæroneia, xi. 497 <i>seq.</i>, 505;</li> - <li>military organization of, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_56">xii. 56</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Athenians, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>honorary votes at Athens in favor of, xi. 509;</li> - <li>expedition of, into Peloponnesus, xi. 510;</li> - <li>at the congress at Corinth, xi. 511;</li> - <li>preparations of, for the invasion of Persia, xi. 512;</li> - <li>repudiates Olympias, and marries Kleopatra, xi. 512;</li> - <li>and Alexander, dissensions between, xi. 513;</li> - <li>assassination of, xi. 514 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_6">xii. 6</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character of, xi. 519 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>discord in the family of, <a href="#Page_4">xii. 4</a>;</li> - <li>military condition of Macedonia before, <a href="#Page_55">xii. 55</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Philip Aridæus</i>, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> -<li><i>Philippi</i>, foundation of, xi. 241.</li> -<li><i>Philippics</i> of Demosthenes, xi. 309 <i>seq.</i>, 445, 451.</li> -<li><i>Philippizing</i> factions in Megara and Eubœa, xi. 448.</li> -<li><i>Philippus, the Theban polemarch</i>, x. 82, 85.</li> -<li><i>Philippus, Alexander’s physician</i>, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>.</li> -<li><i>Philiskus</i>, x. 261.</li> -<li><i>Philistides</i>, xi. 449, 452.</li> -<li><i>Philistus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 410; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>banishment of, xi. 33;</li> - <li>recall of, xi. 67;</li> - <li>intrigues of, against Plato and Dion, xi. 76;</li> - <li>tries to intercept Dion in the Gulf of Tarentum, xi. 89;</li> - <li>at Leontini, xi. 99;</li> - <li>defeat and death of, xi. 100.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Philokrates</i>, motion of, to allow Philip to send envoys to Athens, xi. 371; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>motion of, to send envoys to Philip, xi. 379;</li> - <li>motion of, for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>, 416;</li> - <li>fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412;</li> - <li>impeachment and condemnation of, xi. 433.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Philoktetes</i>, i. 301, 310.</li> -<li><i>Philolaus</i> and Dioklês, ii. 297.</li> -<li><i>Philomela</i>, i. 196 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Philomelus</i>, xi. 245; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>seizes the temple at Delphi, xi. 248;</li> - <li>and Archidamus, xi. 247;</li> - <li>and the Pythia at Delphi, xi. 250;</li> - <li>successful battles of, with the Lokrians, xi. 251;</li> - <li>defeat and death of, xi. 255;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_564">[p. 564]</span>takes part of the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 252.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Philonomus</i> and the Spartan Dorians, ii. 327.</li> -<li><i>Philosophers</i>, mythes allegorized by, i. 418 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Philosophy</i>, Homeric and Hesiodic, i. 368; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Ionic, i. 372 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>ethical and social among the Greeks, iv. 76.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Philotas</i>, alleged conspiracy, and execution of, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Footnote_472">197 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li> -<li><i>Philoxenus</i> and Dionysius, xi. 26.</li> -<li><i>Phineus</i>, i. 199, 235.</li> -<li><i>Phlegyæ</i>, the, i. 128.</li> -<li><i>Phlius</i>, return of philo-Laconian exiles to, x. 42; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>intervention of Sparta with, x. 70;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Agesilaus, x. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>fidelity of, to Sparta, x. 257, 270;</li> - <li>invasion of, by Euphron, x. 270;</li> - <li>and Pellênê, x. 271;</li> - <li>assistance of Chares to, x. 272;</li> - <li>and Thebes, x. 290 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phœbe</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Phœbidas</i>, at Thebes, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>, 62, 63, 128.</li> -<li><i>Phœnissæ</i> of Phrynichus, v. 138 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Phœnix</i>, i. 257.</li> -<li><i>Phôkæa</i>, foundation of, iii. 188; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>surrender of, to Harpagus, iv. 203;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 152.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phôkæan</i> colonies at Atalia and Elea, iv. 206.</li> -<li><i>Phôkæans</i>, exploring voyages of, iii. 281; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>effects of their exploring voyages upon Grecian knowledge and fancy, iii. 282;</li> - <li>emigration of, iv. 205 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phokian</i> defensive wall at Thermopylæ, ii. 283; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>townships, ravage of, by Xerxes’s army, v. 114.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phokians</i>, ii. 288; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>application of Leonidas to, v. 76;</li> - <li>at Leuktra, x. 181, 182;</li> - <li>and the presidency of the temple at Delphi, xi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Thebans strive to form a confederacy against, xi. 251;</li> - <li>take the treasures of the temple at Delphi, xi. 252, 255, 297, 374;</li> - <li>war of, with the Lokrians, Thebans, and Thessalians, xi. 254;</li> - <li>under Onomarchus, xi. 261, 293;</li> - <li>under Phayllus, xi. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>under Phalækus, xi. 374, 418;</li> - <li>Thebans invoke the aid of Philip against, xi. 375;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens, xi. 376;</li> - <li>exclusion of, from the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens, xi. 396 <i>seq.</i>, 411;</li> - <li>envoys from, to Philip, xi. 404, 406;</li> - <li>motion of Philokrates about, xi. 416;</li> - <li>at Thermopylæ, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of, after their surrender to Philip, xi. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restoration of, by the Thebans and Athenians, xi. 493.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phokion</i>, first exploits of, x. 131; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>character and policy of, xi. 273 <i>seq.</i>, 308, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Eubœa, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i>, 452;</li> - <li>at Megara, xi. 449;</li> - <li>in the Propontis, xi. 460;</li> - <li>and Alexander’s demand that the anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens should be surrendered, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> - <li>and Demades, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li> - <li>at Athens under Antipater, <a href="#Page_324">xii. 324</a>;</li> - <li>and Nikanor, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, 346 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_348">xii. 348</a>;</li> - <li>condemnation and death of, <a href="#Page_349">xii. 349</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>altered sentiment of the Athenians towards, after his death, <a href="#Page_357">xii. 357</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phokis</i>, acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>loss of, by Athens, v. 348;</li> - <li>invasion of, by the Thebans, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 136;</li> - <li>accusation of Thebes against, before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li> - <li>resistance of, to the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip in, xi. 421, 482, 492 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phôkus</i>, i. 185.</li> -<li><i>Phokylidês</i>, iv. 92.</li> -<li><i>Phorkys</i> and Kêtô, progeny of, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Phormio</i> at Potidæa, vi. 74; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Amphilochian Argos, vi. 121;</li> - <li>at Naupaktus, vi. 180;</li> - <li>his victories over the Peloponnesian fleet, vi. 199 <i>seq.</i>, 206 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Akarnania, vi. 213;</li> - <li>his later history, vi. 277 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phormisius</i>, disfranchising proposition of, viii. 294.</li> -<li><i>Phorôneus</i>, i. 82, 83.</li> -<li><i>Phraortês</i>, iii. 228.</li> -<li><i>Phratries</i>, iii. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 63; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and gentes, non-members of, iii. 133.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrikônis</i>, iii. 192.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_565">[p. 565]</span><i>Phrygia</i>, Persian forces in, on Alexander’s landing, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrygian</i> influence on the religion of the Greeks, i. 26, 28; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>music and worship, iii. 213 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrygians</i> and Trojans, i. 335; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Thracians, iii. 210, 213;</li> - <li>ethnical affinities and early distribution of, iii. 209 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrynichus the tragedian</i>, his capture of Milêtus, iv. 309; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his Phœnissæ, v. 138, <i>n.</i> 1.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrynichus the commander</i>, at Milêtus, vii. 388; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Amorgês, vii. 389 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>and Alkibiadês, viii. 10 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>deposition of, viii. 15;</li> - <li>and the Four Hundred, viii. 11, 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assassination of, viii. 66, 85, <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>decree respecting the memory of, viii. 85.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phrynon</i>, xi. 370.</li> -<li><i>Phryxus</i> and Hellê, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Phthiôtis</i> and Deukalion, i. 96.</li> -<li>Φύσις, first use of, in the sense of <i>nature</i>, i. 368.</li> -<li><i>Phyê-Athênê</i>, iv. 104.</li> -<li><i>Phylarch</i>, Athenian, ii. 461.</li> -<li><i>Phylê</i>, occupation of, by Thrasybulus, viii. 265.</li> -<li><i>Phyllidas</i> and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at Thebes, x. 81 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Physical</i> astronomy thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>science, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 368.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Phytalids</i>, their tale of Dêmêtêr, i. 44.</li> -<li><i>Phyton</i>, xi. 18 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pierians</i>, original seat of, iv. 14.</li> -<li><i>Piété, Monts de</i>, iii. 162.</li> -<li>Πῖλοι of the Lacedæmonians in Sphakteria, vi. 344 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Pinarus</i>, Alexander and Darius on the, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pindar</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 378 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pindus</i>, ii. 211 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Piracy</i> in early Greece, ii. 90, 113.</li> -<li><i>Pisa</i> and Ellis, relations of, ii. 439.</li> -<li><i>Pisatans</i> and the Olympic games, ii. 318, 434, ix. 228, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Eloians, ii. 434, 439.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pisatic</i> sovereignty of Pelops, i. 157.</li> -<li><i>Pisidia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pissuthnes</i>, vi. 26, 28, ix. 8.</li> -<li><i>Pitane</i>, iii. 190.</li> -<li><i>Pittakus</i>, power and merit of, iii. 198 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Plague at Athens</i>, vi. 154 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>revival of, vi. 293.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Platæa</i>, and Thebes, disputes between, iv. 166; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athens, first connection of, iv. 165;</li> - <li>battle of, v. 164 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revelation of the victory of, at Mykalê the same day, v. 194;</li> - <li>night-surprise of, by the Thebans, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>siege of, by Archidamus, vi. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of, to the Lacedæmonians, vi. 264 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restoration of, by Sparta, x. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of, by the Thebans, x. 159 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Platæans</i> at Marathon, iv. 248.</li> -<li><i>Plato</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 441; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the return of the Hêrakleids, ii. 6;</li> - <li>on homicide, ii. 96 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>his Republic and the Lykurgean institutions, ii. 390;</li> - <li>and the Sophists, viii. 345-399;</li> - <li>and Xenophon, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 403 <i>seq.</i>, 444 <i>n.</i>, 450 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>his extension and improvement of the formal logic founded by Sokratês, viii. 429;</li> - <li>purpose of his dialogues, viii. 453;</li> - <li>incorrect assertions in the Menexenus of, ix. 360 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>the letters of, x. 435 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>and Dionysius the Elder, xi. 38, 60;</li> - <li>and Dion, xi. 39, 57 <i>seq.</i>, 69, 84;</li> - <li>and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 52, 69-80;</li> - <li>Dion, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>statements and advice of, on the condition of Syracuse, xi. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the kings of Macedonia, xi. 206.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Plausible fiction</i>, i. 435, ii. 51.</li> -<li><i>Pleistoanax</i>, v. 349, 429 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Plemmyrium</i>, vii. 270, 290 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Plutarch</i> and Lykurgus, ii. 337, 343, 403 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on the ephor Epitadeus, ii. 405;</li> - <li>and Herodotus, iv. 202 <i>n.</i>, v. 6 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>on Periklês, vi. 172.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Plutarch of Eretria</i>, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Plyntêria</i>, viii. 144.</li> -<li><i>Podaleirus</i> and Machaôn, i. 180.</li> -<li><i>Podarkês</i>, birth of, i. 110.</li> -<li><i>Poems</i>, lost epic, ii. 120; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>epic, recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_566">[p. 566]</span><i>Poetry</i>, Greek, transition of, from the mythical past to the positive present, i. 349; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>epic, ii. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>epic, Homeric and Hesiodic, ii. 118;</li> - <li>didactic and mystic hexameter, ii. 119;</li> - <li>lyric and choric, intended for the ear, ii. 137;</li> - <li>Greek, advances of, within a century and a half after Terpander, iv. 77.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Poets</i> inspired by the Muse, i. 355; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>iambic, elegiac, and lyric, predominance of the present in, i. 363;</li> - <li>and logographers, their treatment of mythes, i. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>early, chronological evidence of, ii. 45 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>epic, and their probable dates, ii. 122;</li> - <li>cyclic, ii. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>gnomic or moralizing, iv. 91 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Polemarch</i>, Athenian, iii. 74.</li> -<li><i>Polemarchs</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li> -<li><i>Polemarchus</i>, viii. 248.</li> -<li><i>Political clubs</i> at Athens, viii. 15.</li> -<li><i>Politicians</i>, new class of, at Athens, after Periklês, vi. 245 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pollis</i>, defeat of, by Chabrias, x. 130.</li> -<li><i>Pollux</i> and Castor, i. 171 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Polyarchus</i>, xi. 154.</li> -<li><i>Polybiades</i>, x. 68.</li> -<li><i>Polybius</i>, his transformation of mythes to history, i. 412; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>perplexing statement of, respecting the war between Sybaris and Kroton, iv. 416;</li> - <li>the Greece of, <a href="#Page_318">xii. 318</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Polychares</i>, and Euæphnus, ii. 426.</li> -<li><i>Polydamas of Pharsalus</i>, x. 137 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Polydamas the Macedonian</i>, <a href="#Page_197">xii. 197</a>.</li> -<li><i>Polydamidas</i>, at Mendê, vi. 440 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Polykrates of Samos</i>, iv. 241 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Polykrates the Sophist</i>, harangue of, on the accusation against Sokratês, viii. 478 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Polynikes</i>, i. 267, 269 <i>seq.</i>, 273, 280.</li> -<li><i>Polyphron</i>, x. 248.</li> -<li><i>Polysperchon</i>, appointed by Antipater as his successor, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>plans of, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a>;</li> - <li>edict of, at Pella, <a href="#Page_343">xii. 343</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Phokion and Agnonides heard before, <a href="#Page_351">xii. 351</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kassander, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</li> - <li>flight of, Ætalia, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Polystratus</i>, one of the Four Hundred, viii. 68 <i>n.</i> 1, 69 <i>n.</i>, 78, 88.</li> -<li><i>Polyxena</i>, death of, i. 305.</li> -<li><i>Polyzelus</i> and Hiero, v. 228.</li> -<li><i>Pompey</i> in Colchis, i. 243.</li> -<li><i>Pontic Greeks</i>, <a href="#Page_458">xii. 458</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_460">xii. 460</a>-471.</li> -<li><i>Pontus</i> and Gæa, children of, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Popular belief</i> in ancient mythes, i. 424, 427.</li> -<li><i>Porus</i>, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Poseidôn</i>, i. 6, 9, 56; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>prominence of, in Æolid legends, i. 110;</li> - <li>Erechtheus, i. 192, 193;</li> - <li>and Athênê, i. 195;</li> - <li>and Laomedôn, i. 285.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Positive</i> evidence indispensable to historical proof, i. 429.</li> -<li><i>Positive</i> tendencies of the Greek mind in the time of Herodotus, iv. 105 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Post-Homeric</i> poems on the Trojan war, i. 297.</li> -<li><i>Potidæa</i> and Artabazus, v. 149; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>relations of, with Corinth and Athens, vi. 67;</li> - <li>designs of Perdikkas and the Corinthians upon, vi. 68;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, vi. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Athenian victory near, vi. 73;</li> - <li>blockade of, by the Athenians, vi. 74, 140, 164, 182;</li> - <li>Brasidas’s attempt upon, vi. 150;</li> - <li>capture of, by Philip and the Olynthians, xi. 238.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Prasiæ</i>, expedition of Pythodôrus to, vii. 285.</li> -<li><i>Praxitas</i>, ix. 327 <i>n.</i> 1, 333 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Priam</i>, i. 285, 292 <i>n.</i> 5, 304.</li> -<li><i>Priene</i>, iii. 172, 178, vi. 26.</li> -<li><i>Priests</i>, Egyptian, iii. 314.</li> -<li><i>Primitive</i> and historical Greece, ii. 57-118.</li> -<li><i>Private property</i>, rights of, at Athens, viii. 304.</li> -<li><i>Probability</i> alone not sufficient for historical proof, i. 429.</li> -<li><i>Pro-Bouleutic Senate</i>, Solon’s, iii. 121.</li> -<li><i>Probûli</i>, board of, vii. 362.</li> -<li><i>Prodikus</i>, viii. 370, 380 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Prœtos</i> and his daughters, i. 88 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Proknê</i>, i. 197 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Prokris</i>, i. 198.</li> -<li><i>Promêtheus</i>, i. 6; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Zeus, i. 63, 76, 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Pandora, i. 75;</li> - <li>and Epimêtheus, i. 75;</li> - <li>Æschylus’s, i. 382 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Property</i>, rights of, at Athens, iii. 106, 114 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Prophecies</i>, Sibylline, i. 338.</li> -<li><i>Propontis</i>, Phokion in, xi. 460.</li> -<li><i>Propylæa</i>, building of, vi. 21, 23 <i>n.</i> 4.</li> -<li><i>Prose writing</i> among the Greeks, iv. 97.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_567">[p. 567]</span><i>Protagoras</i>, viii. 376, 379 <i>seq.</i>, 389 <i>seq.</i>, 392 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Protesilaus</i>, i. 290, v. 201.</li> -<li><i>Prothoüs</i>, x. 176.</li> -<li><i>Proxenus of Tegea</i>, x. 209.</li> -<li><i>Prytaneium</i>, Solon’s regulations about, iii. 143.</li> -<li><i>Prytanes</i>, iv. 138.</li> -<li><i>Prytanies</i>, iv. 138.</li> -<li><i>Prytanis</i>, <a href="#Page_485">xii. 485</a>.</li> -<li><i>Psammenitus</i>, iv. 219.</li> -<li><i>Psammetichus I.</i>, iii. 325 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Psammetichus</i> and Tamos, x. 13.</li> -<li><i>Psammis</i>, iii. 333.</li> -<li><i>Psephism</i>, Demophantus’s democratical, viii. 81.</li> -<li><i>Psephisms</i> and laws, distinction between, v. 373.</li> -<li><i>Psyttaleia</i>, Persian troops in, v. 128, 136.</li> -<li><i>Ptolemy of Alôrus</i>, x. 249, 250; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Pelopidas, x. 263;</li> - <li>assassination of, x. 300.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ptolemy of Egypt</i>, attack of Perdikkas on, <a href="#Page_335">xii. 335</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus and Seleukus against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>proclamations of, to the Greeks, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>;</li> - <li>Lysimachus and Kassander, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>in Greece, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus</i>, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>.</li> -<li><i>Public speaking</i>, its early origin and intellectual effects, ii. 77 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Punjab</i>, Alexander’s conquests in the, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Purification</i> for homicide, i. 25, 26.</li> -<li><i>Pydna</i>, siege of, by Archestratus, vi. 70; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>siege of, by Archelaus, viii. 118;</li> - <li>and Philip, xi. 236, 237.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pylæ</i>, in Babylonia, ix. 36 <i>n.</i> 2., 43 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Pylagoræ</i>, ii. 247.</li> -<li><i>Pylians</i>, ii. 12, 335.</li> -<li><i>Pylus</i>, attack of Hêraklês on, i. 110; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>long independence of, ii. 331 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>occupation and fortification of, by the Athenians, vi. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>armistice concluded at, vi. 324, 332;</li> - <li>Kleon’s expedition to, vi. 365 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>cession of, demanded by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 29;</li> - <li>helots brought back to, by the Athenians, vii. 70;</li> - <li>recapture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 131.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pyramids</i>, Egyptian, iii. 321.</li> -<li><i>Pyrrha</i> and Deukaliôn, i. 96.</li> -<li><i>Pyrrho</i> and Sokratês, viii. 489 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Pyrrhus, son of Achilles</i>, i. 188.</li> -<li><i>Pyrrhus, king of Epirus</i>, and Antipater, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pythagoras, the philosopher</i>, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 390-411, 416.</li> -<li><i>Pythagoras, the Ephesian despot</i>, iii. 182.</li> -<li><i>Pythagorean order</i>, iv. 395, 403 <i>seq.</i>, 416.</li> -<li><i>Pythagoreans</i>, logical distinction of genera and species unknown to, viii. 427 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Plato, and Dion, xi. 57 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Pytheas</i>, <a href="#Page_457">xii. 457</a>.</li> -<li><i>Pythia</i>, the, at Delphi, and Philomelus, xi. 250.</li> -<li><i>Pythian Apollo</i>, i. 47.</li> -<li><i>Pythian games</i>, ii. 240, 243, iv. 58, 63 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 65, x. 137 <i>n.</i> 1, 195, xi. 428.</li> -<li><i>Pythius, the Phrygian</i>, v. 27.</li> -<li><i>Pythodôrus</i>, vii. 133, 139, 285.</li> -<li><i>Python</i>, mission of, to Athens, xi. 446.</li> -<li><i>Pythonikus</i>, vii. 175, 197.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">Q.</li> -<li><i>Quadriremes</i>, x. 479.</li> -<li><i>Quinqueremes</i>, v. 47 <i>n.</i> 2, x. 479.</li> - -<li class="iix">R.</li> -<li><i>Races</i> of men in “Works and Days”, i. 64 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Religious</i> ceremonies a source of mythes, i. 62, 63, 451 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>views paramount in the Homeric age, i. 357;</li> - <li>views, opposition of, to scientific, among the Greeks, i. 358, 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>festivals, Grecian, iv. 53, 67 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 353;</li> - <li>associations, effect of, on early Grecian art, iv. 99.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Reply</i> to criticisms on the first two volumes of this history, i. 408 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Rhadamanthus</i> and Minôs, i. 219.</li> -<li><i>Rhapsodes</i>, ii. 129, 137 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Rhea</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Rhegians</i> and Tarentines, expedition of, against the Iapygians, v. 238.</li> -<li><i>Rhegium</i>, iii. 383; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the chorus sent from Messênê to, iv. 53 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>and Athens, vii. 128 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>the Athenian fleet near, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vii. 134;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_568">[p. 568]</span>progress of the Athenian armament for Sicily to, vii. 181;</li> - <li>discouragement of the Athenians at, vii. 190;</li> - <li>relations of, with Dionysius, <small>B. C.</small> 399, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Dionysius, xi. 5, 71, 11, 16 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 133;</li> - <li>Timoleon at, xi. 144 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Rhetoric</i>, v. 402, viii. 335, 339, 346 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Rhetors</i> and sophists, v. 402 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Rhetra</i>, the primitive constitutional, ii. 344 <i>n.</i> 2, 345 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Rhetræ</i>, the Three Lykurgean, ii. 355 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Rhienus</i> and the second Messenian war, ii. 430.</li> -<li><i>Rhium</i>, Phormio in the Gulf at, vi. 196 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Rhodes</i>, founder of, ii. 30; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>dikasteries at, v. 384 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and the Olympic games, vii. 52 <i>n.</i> 4;</li> - <li>the Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 399, 400 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 94, ix. 368, 373;</li> - <li>Dorieus at, viii. 116;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Sparta, ix. 271;</li> - <li>revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>siege of, by Demetrius Poliorketes, <a href="#Page_381">xii. 381</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Rhodians</i> and the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 504.</li> -<li><i>Rhodôpis</i>, iii. 337 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Rhœkus</i> of Samos, iv. 100.</li> -<li><i>Rhœsakes</i>, <a href="#Page_84">xii. 84</a>.</li> -<li><i>Rites</i>, post-Homeric, i. 27, 28; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ecstatic, i. 30 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Rivers</i>, mythical personages identified with, i. 342 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Greece, ii. 217.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Robbery</i>, violent, how regarded in Greece and Europe, ii. 111 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Romances</i> of chivalry, i. 475, ii. 156 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Roman kings</i>, authority of, ii. 68 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Roman law</i> of debtor and creditor, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Romans</i>, respect of, for Illium, i. 327; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>belief of, with regard to earthquakesi. 400 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>dislike of, to paijudicial pleading, viii. 361 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>embassy from, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a> <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>Livy’s opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked the, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Rome</i>, reduction of the rate of interest at, iii. 112 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>debasement of coin at, iii. 114;</li> - <li>new tables at, iii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>law of debtor and creditor at, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>political associations at, viii, 16 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and Carthage, treaties between, x. 392 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Roxana</i>, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">S.</li> -<li><i>Sacred games</i>, Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>objects, Greek view of material connection with, iii. 84 <i>n.</i> 1., 260.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sacred War</i>, the first, iv. 63 <i>seq.</i>, v. 346; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the second, xi. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 374, 421 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>position of Philip after the second, xi. 434;</li> - <li>the third, xi. 467.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sacrifices</i>, i. 62; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>human, in Greece, i. 126 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sacrilege</i>, French legislation upon, vii. 212 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Sadyattês</i>, iii. 253.</li> -<li><i>Saga</i>, the, Ampère on, i. 357 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Sage</i>, a universal manifestation of the human mind, i. 461.</li> -<li><i>Sagen-poesie</i>, applied as a standard to the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 162.</li> -<li><i>Sagra</i>, date of the battle at, iv. 411 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Saints</i>, legends of, i. 469 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sakadas</i>, iv. 89.</li> -<li><i>Salæthus</i>, vi. 237 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Salamis</i>, the serpent of, i. 186; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>war between Athens and Megara about, iii. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>retreat of the Greek fleet from Artemisium to, v. 102, 107;</li> - <li>the battle of, v. 104-147;</li> - <li>Persian and Greek fleets after the battle of, v. 147;</li> - <li>migration of Athenians to, on Mardonius’s approach, v. 154;</li> - <li>seizure of prisoners at, by the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, viii. 267.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Salamis in Cyprus</i>, i. 189, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Salmoneus</i>, i. 108.</li> -<li><i>Samian exiles</i>, application of, to Sparta, iv. 242; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of, on Siphnos, iv. 244;</li> - <li>at Zanklê, v. 211.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Samians</i> and Athenians, contrast between, iv. 247; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>slaughter of, by Otanês, iv. 249;</li> - <li>at Ladê, iv. 304;</li> - <li>migration of, to Sicily, iv. 305;</li> - <li>transfer of the fund of the confederacy from Delos to Athens proposed by, v. 343;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_569">[p. 569]</span>application of, to Sparta for aid against Athens, vi. 29.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Samnites</i>, xi. 8.</li> -<li><i>Samos</i>, foundation of, iii. 173; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>condition of, on the accession of Darius Hystaspês, iv. 240;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonians and Polykratês at, iv. 243;</li> - <li>Persian armament under Datis at, iv. 329;</li> - <li>Persian fleet at, after the battle of Salamis, v. 147, 192;</li> - <li>Greek fleet moves to the rescue of, from the Persians, v. 192;</li> - <li>an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li> - <li>revolt of, from the Athenians, vi. 25 <i>seq.</i>, 29;</li> - <li>and Milêtus, dispute between, about Priênê, vi. 26;</li> - <li>Athenian armament against, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc., vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>blockaded, vi. 28;</li> - <li>government of, after its capture by Periklês, vi. 30;</li> - <li>democratical revolution at, vii. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>powerful Athenian fleet at, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 386;</li> - <li>oligarchical conspiracy at, viii. 7 <i>seq.</i>, 25 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44, 52 <i>seq.</i>, 55;</li> - <li>Athenian democracy reconstituted at, viii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the Athenian democracy at, and Alkibiadês, viii. 49 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>eagerness of the Athenian democracy at, to sail to Peiræus, viii. 52, 54;</li> - <li>envoys from Argosto the Athenian Demos at, viii. 57;</li> - <li>Athenian democracy at, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, viii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Strombichidês’s arrival at, from the Hellespont, viii. 96;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês’s return from Aspendus to, viii. 115;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês sails from, to the Hellespont, viii. 116;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 155;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês leaves Antiochus in command at, viii. 153;</li> - <li>dissatisfaction of the armament at, with Alkibiadês, viii. 154;</li> - <li>Konon at, viii. 160;</li> - <li>Lysander at, viii. 223, 237;</li> - <li>conquest of, by Timotheus, x. 294, 297 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Samothracians</i>, exploit of, at Salamis, v. 135.</li> -<li><i>Sangala</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>.</li> -<li><i>Sapphô</i>, i. 363, iv. 90 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sardinia</i>, proposition of Bias for a Pan-Ionic emigration to, iv. 207.</li> -<li><i>Sardis</i>, iii. 220; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Cyrus, iv. 192;</li> - <li>march of Aristagoras to, and burning of, iv. 290;</li> - <li>march of Xerxes to, and collection of his forces at, v. 14;</li> - <li>march of Xerxes from, v. 27;</li> - <li>retirement of the Persian army to, after their defeat at Mykalê, v. 198;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês’s imprisonment at, and escape from, viii. 119, 120;</li> - <li>forces of Cyrus the Younger collected at, ix. 8;</li> - <li>march of Cyrus the Younger from, to Kunaxa, ix. 11 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of Agesilaus near, ix. 267;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sarissa</i>, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sarmatians</i>, iii. 243.</li> -<li><i>Sarpêdôn</i>, i. 219.</li> -<li><i>Sataspes</i>, iii. 285, 288 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Satrapies</i> of Darius Hystaspes, iv. 235 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Satraps</i> under Darius Hystaspes, discontents of, iv. 226 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Alexander, <a href="#Page_239">xii. 239</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Satyrus of Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_564">xii. 564</a>.</li> -<li><i>Satyrus I.</i> of Bosporus, xi. 264 <i>n.</i> 1, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a>.</li> -<li><i>Satyrus the actor</i>, xi. 270, 364.</li> -<li><i>Satyrus II.</i> of Bosporus, <a href="#Page_484">xii. 484</a>.</li> -<li><i>Saxo Grammaticus</i> and Snorro Sturleson contrasted with Pherekydes and Hellanikus, i. 468.</li> -<li><i>Scales</i> Æginæan and Euboic, ii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 325; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Æginæan, Euboic and Attic, iii. 171.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Scandinavian</i> mythical genealogies, i. 465 <i>n.</i> 3; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Teutonic epic, i. 479 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Scardus</i>, ii. 212.</li> -<li><i>Science</i>, physical, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 367.</li> -<li><i>Scientific</i> views, opposition of, to religions, among the Greeks, i. 359-370 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Scission</i> between the superior men and the multitude among the Greeks, i. 375.</li> -<li><i>Sculpture</i> at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 22.</li> -<li><i>Scurrility</i> at festivals, iv. 80 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Scylla</i>, i. 1, 221.</li> -<li><i>Scythia</i>, iii. 235; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Darius’s invasion of, iv. 263 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Scythians</i>, iii. 233 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_475">xii. 475</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>invasion of Asia Minor and Upper Asia by, iii. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>strong impression produced by, upon Herodotus’s imagination, iv. 268;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_570">[p. 570]</span>attack of Philip on, xi. 462;</li> - <li>and Alexander, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Secession</i> of the mythical races of Greece, ii. 19.</li> -<li><i>Seisachtheia</i>, or debtors’ relief-law of Solon, iii. 99 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Selene</i>, i. 6, 346 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Seleukus</i>, alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li> - <li>and the Pontic Hêrakleia, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Selinuntines</i>, defeat of, by the Egestæans and Carthaginians, x. 404.</li> -<li><i>Selinus</i>, iii. 367; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Egesta, vii. 145, x. 401, 404;</li> - <li>application of, to Syracuse, x. 404;</li> - <li>capture of, by Hannibal, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>abandonment of, by the rest of Sicily, x. 408;</li> - <li>Hermokrates at, x. 417.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Selli</i>, ii. 268.</li> -<li><i>Selymbria</i>, viii. 126, 133, xi. 455 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Selymbris</i>, iv. 27.</li> -<li><i>Semele</i>, i. 259.</li> -<li><i>Semi-historical</i> interpretation of ancient mythes, i. 433.</li> -<li><i>Senate</i> and Agora subordinate in legendary, paramount in historical Greece, ii. 76; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Spartan, ii. 345, 357;</li> - <li>of Areopagus, iii. 73;</li> - <li>powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;</li> - <li>of Four Hundred, Solon’s, iii. 121;</li> - <li>of Five Hundred, iv. 137;</li> - <li>at Athens, expulsion of, by the Four Hundred, viii. 39.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Senators</i>, addition to the oath of Athenian, viii. 298.</li> -<li><i>Sentiment</i>, mingled ethical and mythical, in “Works and Days”, i. 69 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sepias Akte</i>, Xerxes’s fleet at, v. 83 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Servitude</i>, temporary, of the gods, i. 57, 113 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Sestos</i>, capture of, <small>B. C.</small> 479, v. 202 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>escape of the Athenian squadron from, to Elæus, viii. 105;</li> - <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 320;</li> - <li>capture of, by Kotys, x. 373;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, x. 379 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>conquest of, by Chares, xi. 257.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Seuthes</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 154, 169 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Seven chiefs</i> against Thebes, the, i. 274.</li> -<li><i>Seven wise men</i> of Greece, iv. 95 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sibyl</i>, the Erythræan, i. 28.</li> -<li><i>Sibylline</i> prophecies, i. 28, 338.</li> -<li><i>Sicilian</i> Greeks, prosperity of, between <small>B. C.</small> 735 and 485, iii. 367 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greeks, peculiarity of their monetary and statical scale, iii. 369;</li> - <li>comedy, iii. 373;</li> - <li>Greeks, early governments of, v. 206;</li> - <li>Greeks, and Phenicians, v. 207;</li> - <li>cities, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vii. 127, 131;</li> - <li>and Italian Dorians, aid expected from, by Sparta, vii. 129;</li> - <li>cities, general peace between, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vii. 138;</li> - <li>aid to Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 295.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sicily</i>, Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 276; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ante-Hellenic population of, iii. 350, 361, 372;</li> - <li>and Italy, early languages and history of, iii. 354 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Italy, date of earliest Grecian colony in, iii. 356;</li> - <li>rapid multiplication of Grecian colonies in, after <small>B. C.</small> 735, iii. 360;</li> - <li>the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361;</li> - <li>spot where the Greeks first landed in, iii. 361;</li> - <li>Megarian, iii. 365;</li> - <li>subcolonies from, iii. 366;</li> - <li>Sikel or Sikan caverns in, iii. 368 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>mixed population of, iii. 369;</li> - <li>difference between Greeks in, and those in Greece Proper, iii. 372;</li> - <li>despots in, about <small>B. C.</small> 500, v. 204;</li> - <li>Carthaginian invasion of, <small>B. C.</small> 480, v. 220;</li> - <li>expulsion of despots from, <small>B. C.</small> 465, v. 233;</li> - <li>after the expulsion of the despots, <small>B. C.</small> 465, v. 234, 236 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 118;</li> - <li>return of Duketius to, vii. 122;</li> - <li>intellectual movement in, between <small>B. C.</small> 461-416, vii. 127;</li> - <li>relations of, to Athens and Sparta, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vii. 129;</li> - <li>Dorians attack the Ionians in, about <small>B. C.</small> 427, vii. 131;</li> - <li>Ionic cities in, solicit aid from Athens, against the Dorians, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vii. 132;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vii. 133;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B. C.</small> 425, vii. 133;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B. C.</small> 422, vii. 142;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 148-162, 179-191, 217-278;</li> - <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 279-287, 288-353;</li> - <li>effect of the Athenian disaster in, upon all Greeks, vii. 363;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_571">[p. 571]</span>intervention of Carthage in, <small>B. C.</small> 410, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invasion of, by Hannibal, <small>B. C.</small> 409, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>abandonment of Selinus by the Hellenic cities of, <small>B. C.</small> 409, x. 408;</li> - <li>Hannibal’s return from, <small>B. C.</small> 409, x. 415;</li> - <li>return of Hermokrates to, x. 415;</li> - <li>invasion of, by Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>southern, depressed condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 405, x. 457;</li> - <li>expedition of Dionysius against the Carthaginians in, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>frequency of pestilence among the Carthaginians in, xi. 1;</li> - <li>Dionysius’s conquests in the interior of, <small>B. C.</small> 394, xi. 4;</li> - <li>condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 353-344, xi. 130;</li> - <li>voyage of Timoleon to, xi. 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>invasion of, by the Carthaginians, <small>B. C.</small> 340, xi. 170;</li> - <li>Timoleon in, xi. 170-195;</li> - <li>expedition to, under Giskon, xi. 180;</li> - <li>Agathokles in, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>ceases to be under Hellenic agency after Agathokles, <a href="#Page_451">xii. 451</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sidon</i>, iii. 265; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>conquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sidus</i>, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Siege of Troy</i>, i. 284-306.</li> -<li><i>Sigeium</i>, Mitylenæan at, i. 339; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Peisistratus, iv. 117.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sikans</i>, iii. 349, 351 <i>n.</i> 3, 369.</li> -<li><i>Sikel</i> prince, Duketius, iii. 374.</li> -<li><i>Sikels</i>, iii. 349; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Italy, iii. 351, 375;</li> - <li>migration of, from Italy to Sicily, iii. 353 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>in Sicily, iii. 367, x. 494, xi. 5, 6.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sikinnus</i>, v. 126, 140, 313 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Sikyôn</i>, origin of, i. 120 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>early condition of, iii. 4;</li> - <li>despots at, iii. 32 <i>seq.</i>, 38;</li> - <li>classes of people at, iii. 35;</li> - <li>names of Dorion and non-Dorion tribes at, iii. 34, 37;</li> - <li>Corinth, and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;</li> - <li>Athenian attacks upon, v. 332;</li> - <li>Spartan and Argeian expedition against, vii. 97;</li> - <li>desertion of, from Sparta to Thebes, x. 257;</li> - <li>intestine dissensions at, <small>B. C.</small> 367-366, x. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Euphron at, x. 269 <i>seq.</i>, 272, 273.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Silanus the prophet</i>, ix. 40, 133 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Silphium</i>, iv. 33.</li> -<li><i>Silver race</i>, the, i. 65.</li> -<li><i>Simon</i>, i. 304.</li> -<li><i>Simonidês of Keôs</i>, epigram of, on the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 104; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mediation of, between Hiero and Thero, v. 227.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Simonidês of Amorgus</i>, poetry of, i. 463, iv. 73, 82.</li> -<li><i>Sinôpe</i> and the Amazons, i. 212 <i>n.</i> 3; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>date of the foundation of, iii. 249 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>Perikles’s expedition to, vi. 10;</li> - <li>and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i>, 144;</li> - <li>long independence of, <a href="#Page_459">xii. 459</a>;</li> - <li>envoys from with Darius, <a href="#Page_459">xii. 459</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Siphnus</i>, iii. 166; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attack of Samian exiles on, iv. 244.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sirens</i>, the, i. 1.</li> -<li><i>Siris</i>, or Herakleia, iii. 384.</li> -<li><i>Sisygambis</i>, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li> -<li><i>Sisyphus</i>, i. 118 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sitalkes</i>, vi. 141, 215 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sithonia</i>, iv. 24, 25.</li> -<li><i>Sittake</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 65.</li> -<li><i>Skalds</i>, Icelandic, songs of, ii. 150 <i>n.</i> 2, ii. 157 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Skedasus</i>, x. 178.</li> -<li><i>Skepsis</i>, Derkyllidas at, ix. 213.</li> -<li><i>Skillus</i>, Xenophon at, ix. 176 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Skiône</i>, revolt of, from Athens to Brasidas, vi. 435 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>dispute about, after the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 437;</li> - <li>blockade of, by the Athenians, <small>B. C.</small> 423, vi. 442;</li> - <li>capture of, by the Athenians, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 22.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Skiritæ</i>, vii. 80, 84, x. 233.</li> -<li><i>Skylax</i>, iv. 237, 283, x. 227 <i>n.</i> 6.</li> -<li><i>Skyllêtium</i>, iii. 384.</li> -<li><i>Skyros</i>, conquest of, by Kimon, v. 303.</li> -<li><i>Skytalism</i> at Argos, x. 200 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Skythês</i> of Zanklê, v. 211 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Skythini</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 110.</li> -<li><i>Slavery</i> of debtors in Attica before Solon, iii. 94.</li> -<li><i>Slaves</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 97 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Smerdis</i>, iv. 221 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sminthian Apollo</i>, i. 50, 337.</li> -<li><i>Smyrna</i>, iii. 182, 189.</li> -<li><i>Social War</i>, xi. 220, 231.</li> -<li><i>Socratic philosophers</i>, their unjust condemnation of rhapsodes, ii. 139.</li> -<li><i>Socratici viri</i>, viii. 403 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_572">[p. 572]</span><i>Sogdian rock</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>.</li> -<li><i>Sogdiana</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_202">xii. 202</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> -<li><i>Sôkratês</i>, his treatment of the discrepancy between scientific and religious views, i. 370; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>treatment of, by the Athenians, i. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alleged impiety of, attacked by Aristophanês, i. 401 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and the sophists, v. 404, vii. 35 <i>n.</i> 2; viii. 387 <i>n.</i>, 400, 441 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>at the battle of Delium, vi. 396;</li> - <li>and Alkibiadês, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kritias, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Athenian assembly, on the generals at Arginusæ, vii. 200;</li> - <li>and the Thirty, viii. 244, 257;</li> - <li>and Parmenidês, viii. 346 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>dislike of, to teaching for pay, viii. 342;</li> - <li>life, character, philosophy, teaching, and death of, viii. 400-496.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Solemnities</i> and games, i. 106.</li> -<li><i>Soli</i> in Cyprus, iii. 148.</li> -<li><i>Sollium</i>, Athenian capture of, vi. 135.</li> -<li><i>Soloeis</i>, Cape, iii. 272 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Solon</i> and the Iliad, ii. 152 <i>n.</i> 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>civil condition of Attica before, iii. 48;</li> - <li>life, character, laws, and constitution of, iii. 88-159.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sophokles</i>, his Œdipus, i. 270; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 379 <i>seq.</i>, 385;</li> - <li>Periklês, etc., Athenian armament under, against Samos, vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>number of tragedies by, viii. 319 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>Æschylus and Euripidês, viii. 332;</li> - <li>and Herodotus, viii. 323 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sophokles</i> and Eurymedon, expeditions of, to Sicily and Korkyra, vi. 313 <i>seq.</i>, 357 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 133, 136, 139.</li> -<li><i>Sôsis</i>, xi. 104.</li> -<li><i>Sosistratus</i>, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li> -<li><i>Sothiac period</i> and Manetho, iii. 340 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sparta</i> and Mykênæ, i. 165 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 311, 326 <i>seq.</i>, 360;</li> - <li>and the disunion of Greek towns, ii. 259;</li> - <li>not strictly a city, ii. 261;</li> - <li>inferior to Argos and neighboring Dorians, <small>B. C.</small> 776, ii. 307, 312;</li> - <li>first historical view of, ii. 323;</li> - <li>not the perfect Dorian type, ii. 341;</li> - <li>pair of kings at, ii. 349;</li> - <li>classification of the population at, ii. 348 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>syssitia and public training at, ii. 380 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>partition of lands at, ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 393-415;</li> - <li>progressive increase of, ii. 417;</li> - <li>and Lepreum, ii. 440;</li> - <li>Argos, and Arcadia, relations of, ii. 443 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and Mantinea, ii. 444;</li> - <li>and Arcadia, ii. 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Tegea, ii. 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>bones of Orestês taken to, ii. 447;</li> - <li>acquisitions of, towards Argos, ii. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>extensive possessions and power of by, <small>B. C.</small> 540, ii. 453 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>military institutions of, ii. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>recognized superiority of, ii. 461, iv. 242, 318;</li> - <li>peculiar government of, iii. 6;</li> - <li>alleged intervention of, with the Nemean and Isthmian games, iv. 66 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>exclusive character of her festivals, iv. 69;</li> - <li>musical and poetical tendencies at, iv. 83 <i>seq.</i>, 86 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>choric training at, iv. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first appearance of, as head of Peloponnesian allies, iv. 169, 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>preparations at, for attacking Athens, after the failure of Kleomenês, iv. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Crœsus, iv. 190;</li> - <li>and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 199, iv. 207, 208;</li> - <li>and Samian exiles, iv. 242;</li> - <li>and Aristagoras, iv. 287 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 317;</li> - <li>appeal of Athenians to, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;</li> - <li>war of, against Argos, <small>B. C.</small> 496-5, iv. 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;</li> - <li>Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>leaves Athens undefended against Mardonius, v. 153 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>headship of the allied Greeks transferred from, to Athens, v. 261 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, first open separation between, v. 263, 265 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li> - <li>secret promise of, to the Thasians, to invade Attica, v. 312;</li> - <li>restores the supremacy of Thebes in Bœotia, v. 313, 331;</li> - <li>and the rest of Peloponnesus, between <small>B. C.</small> 477-457, v. 314;</li> - <li>earthquake and revolt of Helots at, <small>B. C.</small> 464, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Athenian auxiliaries to, against the Helots, v. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Athenians renounce the alliance of, <small>B. C.</small> 464, v. 319;</li> - <li>and Athens, five years’ truce between, v. 334;</li> - <li>and Delphi, <small>B. C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li> - <li>and Athens, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_573">[p. 573]</span>application of Samians to, vi. 29;</li> - <li>imperial, compared with imperial Athens, vi. 39, ix. 187 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and her subject-allies, vi. 41;</li> - <li>and Athens, confederacies of, vi. 46;</li> - <li>promise of, to the Potidæans, to invade Attica, vi. 69;</li> - <li>application of the Lesbians to, vi. 76;</li> - <li>assembly at, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 78 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>relations of, with her allies, vi. 79;</li> - <li>congress of allies at, <small>B. C.</small> 432, vi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>requisitions addressed to Athens by, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>efforts of, to raise a naval force on commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 125;</li> - <li>and the Mitylenæans, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>despatches from Artaxerxes to, vi. 360 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens one year’s truce between, <small>B. C.</small> 423, vi. 437 <i>seq.</i>, 453, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 2, 9;</li> - <li>and Argos, uncertain relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 3;</li> - <li>and Athens, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 5;</li> - <li>revolt of Elis from, vii. 17 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>congress at, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 24;</li> - <li>and Bœotia, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 26;</li> - <li>and Argos, fifty years’ peace between, vii. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy of Nikias to, vii. 44;</li> - <li>and Athens, relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 419, vii. 70;</li> - <li>and the battle of Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 86;</li> - <li>and Argos, peace and alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>submission of Mantinea to, vii. 95;</li> - <li>and Athens, relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 416, vii. 103;</li> - <li>and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vii. 129;</li> - <li>aid expected from the Sicilian Dorians by, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vii. 130;</li> - <li>embassy from Syracuse and Corinth to, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês at, vii. 236 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 2;</li> - <li>and Athens, violation of the peace between, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 285;</li> - <li>resolution of, to fortify Dekeleia and send a force to Syracuse, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 286;</li> - <li>application from Chios to, vii. 365;</li> - <li>embassy from Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus to, vii. 366;</li> - <li>embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 63, 84;</li> - <li>proposals of peace from, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 410, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alleged proposals of peace from, to Athens, after the battle of Argenusæ, viii. 210;</li> - <li>first proposals of Athens to, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 226;</li> - <li>embassies of Theramenês to, viii. 227, 228;</li> - <li>assembly of the Peloponnesian confederacy at, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 228;</li> - <li>terms of peace granted to Athens by, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 229;</li> - <li>triumphant return of Lysander to, viii. 238;</li> - <li>and her allies, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259;</li> - <li>oppressive dominion of after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 260;</li> - <li>opposition to Lysander at, viii. 262;</li> - <li>pacification by, between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at Peiræus, viii. 278;</li> - <li>empire of, contrasted with her promises of liberty, ix. 191 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>change in the language and plans of, towards the close of the Peloponnesian war, ix. 194;</li> - <li>and the Thirty at Athens, ix. 197;</li> - <li>opportunity lost by, for organizing a stable confederacy throughout Greece, ix. 199 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alienation of the allies of, after the battle of Ægospotami, ix. 223 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Elis, war between, ix. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>refuses to restore the Olympic presidency to the Pisatans, ix. 229;</li> - <li>expels the Messenians from Peloponnesus, ix. 229;</li> - <li>introduction of gold and silver to, by Lysander, ix. 230 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in <small>B. C.</small> 432 and after <small>B. C.</small> 404, contrast between, ix. 232;</li> - <li>position of kings at, ix. 238 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conspiracy of Kinadon at, ix. 247 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Persian preparations for maritime war against, <small>B. C.</small> 397, ix. 255, 270;</li> - <li>revolt of Rhodes from, ix. 271;</li> - <li>relations of, with her neighbors and allies, after the accession of Agesilaus, ix. 284;</li> - <li>and Hêrakleia Trachynia, ix. 285, 302;</li> - <li>and Timokrates, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thebes, war between, <small>B. C.</small> 395, ix. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance of Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos against, ix. 301;</li> - <li>proceedings of, against Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos, ix. 303, 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_574">[p. 574]</span>consequences of the battles of Corinth, Knidus, and Korôneia to, ix. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hostility of, to partial land confederacies in Greece, ix. 361;</li> - <li>congress at, on the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 9 <i>seq.</i>, 28;</li> - <li>applications of, for Persian aid, x. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Persia after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;</li> - <li>and Grecian autonomy, x. 11 <i>seq.</i>, 28;</li> - <li>miso-Theban proceedings of, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restores Platæa, x. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>oppressive conduct of towards Mantinea, <small>B. C.</small> 386, x. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mischievous influence of, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 40 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>naval competition of Athens with, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 57, 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the surprise of Thebes by Phœbidas, x. 61 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Phlius, x. 70;</li> - <li>ascendency and unpopularity of, <small>B. C.</small> 379, x. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Xenophon on the conduct of, between <small>B. C.</small> 387-379, x. 77;</li> - <li>effect of the revolution at Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 379, on, x. 93;</li> - <li>trial of Sphodrias at, x. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>war declared by Athens against, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 102;</li> - <li>separate peace of Athens with, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 137, 141;</li> - <li>and Polydamas, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>decline of the power of, between <small>B. C.</small> 382-374, x. 140;</li> - <li>discouragement of, by her defeat at Korkyra and by earthquakes, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 157;</li> - <li>disposition of Athens to peace with, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 158, 165;</li> - <li>general peace settled at, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 165 <i>seq.</i>, 174, 198;</li> - <li>effect of the news of the defeat at Leuktra on, x. 186;</li> - <li>and Athens, difference between in passive endurance and active energy, x. 188;</li> - <li>reinforcements from, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;</li> - <li>treatment of defeated citizens on their return from Leuktra, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thebes, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 199 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>position of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 201;</li> - <li>and the Amphiktyonic assembly, x. 202 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 242;</li> - <li>feeling against Agesilaus at, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 207;</li> - <li>hostile approaches of Epaminondas to, x. 218 <i>seq.</i>, 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>abstraction of Western Laconia from, x. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens for aid against Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, alliance between, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 253;</li> - <li>reinforcement from Syracuse in aid of, x. 258;</li> - <li>peace of her allies with Thebes, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance of Elis and Achaia with, <small>B. C.</small> 365, x. 313;</li> - <li>and Dionysius, x. 457, 505, xi. 22;</li> - <li>degradation of, <small>B. C.</small> 360-359, xi. 197 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>countenance of the Phokians by, <small>B. C.</small> 353, xi. 262;</li> - <li>plans of, against Megalopolis and Messênê, <small>B. C.</small> 353, ix. 263, 290;</li> - <li>decline in military readiness among the Peloponnesian allies of, after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280;</li> - <li>ineffectual campaign of, against Megalopolis, xi. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoys from, to Philip, xi. 405, 409;</li> - <li>envoys from, with Darius, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>;</li> - <li>anti-Macedonian policy of, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Spartan</i> kings, ii. 11, 76, 353 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>senate, assembly, and ephors, ii. 349 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>popular assembly, ii. 357;</li> - <li>constitution, ii. 359 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>government, secrecy of, ii. 378;</li> - <li>discipline, ii. 381 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>women, ii. 383 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>law and practice of succession, erroneous suppositions about, ii. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>arbitration of the dispute between Athens and Megan about Salamis, iii. 92;</li> - <li>expeditions against Hippias, iv. 122;</li> - <li>empire, commencement of, ix. 181, 184 <i>seq.</i>, 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>empire, Theopompus on, ix. 195 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>allies at the battle of Leuktra, x. 182.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Spartans</i>, and Pheidôn, ii. 318; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Messenians, early proceedings of, ii. 329;</li> - <li>local distinctions among, ii. 361;</li> - <li>the class of, ii. 361 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Helots, ii. 373 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>marriage among, ii. 385; their ignorance of letters, ii. 390 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>musical susceptibilities of, ii. 433;</li> - <li>and the second Messenian war, ii. 434, 437;</li> - <li>careful training of, when other states had none, ii. 455;</li> - <li>and the battle of Marathon, iv. 342, 358;</li> - <li>unwillingness of, to postpone or neglect festivals, v. 77;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_575">[p. 575]</span>at Platæa, v. 157, 166 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the continental Ionians after the battle of Mykalê, v. 193;</li> - <li>and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>favorable answer of the oracle at Delphi to, on war with Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 432, vi. 91;</li> - <li>final answer of the Athenians to, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 106;</li> - <li>their desire for peace, to regain the captives from Sphakteria, vi. 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thebans, at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 317;</li> - <li>project of, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks, x. 44;</li> - <li>miso-Theban impulse of, <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 175;</li> - <li>confidence and defeat of, at Leuktra, x. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>retirement of, from Bœotia after the battle of Leuktra, x. 190;</li> - <li>refusal of, to acknowledge the independence of Messênê, x. 290, 350;</li> - <li>and Dion, xi. 61.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sparti</i>, i. 259, 261.</li> -<li><i>Spartokidæ</i>, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Speaking</i>, public, its early origin and intellectual effects, ii. 77 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Sperthiês</i> and Bulis, vi. 182 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Speusippus</i>, indictment of, by Leogoras, vii. 206 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Sphakteria</i>, locality of, vi. 314; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>occupation of, by the Lacedæmonians, vi. 320, 346;</li> - <li>blockade of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 324, 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian embassy to Athens for the release of the prisoners in, vi. 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Demosthenês’s application for reinforcements to attack, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>condition of, on the attack by Demosthenês and Kleon, vi. 340;</li> - <li>victory of Demosthenês and Kleon over Lacedæmonians in, vi. 341 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>arrival of prisoners from, at Athens, vi. 351;</li> - <li>restoration of prisoners taken at, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>disfranchisement of restored prisoners from, vii. 22.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sphendaleis</i>, Attic deme of, v. 158 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Sphinx</i>, the, i. 7, 266.</li> -<li><i>Spodrias</i>, attempt of, to surprise Peiræus, x. 98 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Spitamenes</i>, <a href="#Page_207">xii. 207</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> -<li><i>Spithridates</i>, and the Lacedæmonians, ix. 260, 274 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Stables</i>, the Augean, i. 139.</li> -<li><i>Stageira</i>, iv. 25.</li> -<li><i>Standard</i> of historical evidence raised with regard to England, but not with regard to Greece, i. 484.</li> -<li><i>Stasippus</i>, x. 209.</li> -<li><i>Statira</i>, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> -<li><i>Statues</i>, Greek, identified with the beings they represented, i. 460.</li> -<li><i>Stenyklêrus</i>, Dorians of, ii. 328.</li> -<li><i>Steropês</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Stesichorus, the lyric poet</i>, and Helen, i. 307 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>dialect of, iv. 78 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Stesiklês</i>, x. 144, 147 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Sthenelaïdas</i>, the ephor, vi. 90 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Story</i> of striking off the overtopping ears of corn, iii. 24 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Strabo</i> on the Amazons, i. 214; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his version of the Argonautic expedition, i. 255;</li> - <li>on Old and New Ilium, i. 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his transformation of mythes to history, i. 413.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Strangers</i>, supplication of, ii. 79 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Stratêgi</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 136; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>enlarged functions of Athenian, after the Persian war, v. 276.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Stratolas</i>, x. 320.</li> -<li><i>Stratus</i>, attack of Peloponnesians, Ambrakiots and Epirots upon, <small>B. C.</small> 429, vi. 194.</li> -<li><i>Strelitzes</i>, suppression of the revolt of, by Peter the Great, iv. 232 <i>n.</i> 3.</li> -<li><i>Strombichidês</i>, pursuit of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês by, vii. 371; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374, 390, 392;</li> - <li>removal of, from Chios to the Hellespont, viii. 94;</li> - <li>arrival of, at Samos, from the Hellespont, viii. 95;</li> - <li>and other Athenian democrats, imprisonment of, viii. 236;</li> - <li>trial and execution of, viii. 240 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Strophê</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li> -<li><i>Struthas</i>, victory of, over Thimbron, ix. 362.</li> -<li><i>Strymôn</i>, Greek settlements east of, in Thrace, iv. 25; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Xerxes’s bridges across the, v. 25.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Styx</i>, i. 7, 8.</li> -<li><i>Styx</i>, rocks near, ii. 301 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Subterranean</i>, course of rivers in Greece, ii. 219.</li> -<li><i>Succession</i>, Solon’s laws of, iii. 139.</li> -<li><i>Suli</i>, iii. 418.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_576">[p. 576]</span><i>Suppliants</i>, reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.</li> -<li><i>Supplication</i> of strangers, ii. 79 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Susa</i>, sum found in by Alexander the Great, iv. 236 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Pharnabazus conveys Greek escorts towards, viii. 135;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander’s march from, to Persepolis, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Susia</i>, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>.</li> -<li><i>Susian Gates</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>.</li> -<li><i>Syagrus</i>, reply of, to Gelôn, i. 167.</li> -<li><i>Sybaris</i>, foundation, territory and colonies of, iii. 376 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fall of, iii. 392, 399, iv. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>maximum power of, iii. 394 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Krotôn, war between, iv. 412.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Sybarites</i>, character of, iii. 394 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat of, by the Krotoniates, iv. 413;</li> - <li>descendants of, at Thurii, vi. 13.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>“Sybaritic tales”</i>, iii. 394.</li> -<li><i>Syennesis of Kilikia</i>, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.</li> -<li><i>Sylosôn</i>, iv. 248 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Symmories</i> at Athens, x. 117 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>speech of Demosthenês on the, xi. 285 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Symplêgades</i>, the, i. 235.</li> -<li><i>Syntagma</i>, Macedonian, <a href="#Page_60">xii. 60</a>.</li> -<li><i>Syracusan</i> assembly, on the approaching Athenian expedition, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 183 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ships, improvements in, to suit the narrow harbor, vii. 297;</li> - <li>squadron under Hermokrates against Athens in the Ægean, x. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>generals at Agrigentum, complaints against, x. 427, 431;</li> - <li>generals at Agrigentum, speech of Dionysius against, x. 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>horsemen, mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 451 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>soldiers mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 462 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Syracusans</i>, confidence and proceedings of, after the capture of Plemmyrium, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 293 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athenians, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 294, 299 <i>seq.</i>, 316 <i>seq.</i>, 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>defeat of the Athenian night attack upon Epipolæ by, vii. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>their blockade of the Athenians in the harbor, vii. 318;</li> - <li>captured by Thrasyllus, viii. 129;</li> - <li>delay of, in aiding Selinus, <small>B. C.</small> 409, x. 404, 408;</li> - <li>improvement in Dionysius’s behavior towards, <small>B. C.</small> 399, x. 473;</li> - <li>victory of, over the Carthaginians in the great Harbor, x. 501;</li> - <li>negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with Dion and the, xi. 96;</li> - <li>defeat of Dionysius the Younger, by Dion and the, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application from, to Dion at Leontini, xi. 108;</li> - <li>gratitude of, to Dion, xi. 112;</li> - <li>opposition of, to Dion as dictator, xi. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Hiketas and Corinth, <small>B. C.</small> 344, x. 134 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timoleon, application of, to Corinth, xi. 167.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Syracuse</i>, foundation of, iii. 363; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>petalism or ostracism at, iv. 162;</li> - <li>inferior to Agrigentum and Gela, before <small>B. C.</small> 500, v. 204;</li> - <li>in <small>B. C.</small> 500, v. 205;</li> - <li>increased population and power of, under Gelo, v. 214 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>prisoners awarded to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;</li> - <li>topography of, <small>B. C.</small> 465, v. 235 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>fall of the Gelonian dynasty at, v. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Gelonian citizens of, v. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reaction against despotism at, after the fall of the Gelonian dynasty, v. 240;</li> - <li>political dissensions and failure of ostracism at, vii. 122;</li> - <li>foreign exploits of, <small>B. C.</small> 452, vii. 123;</li> - <li>Duketius at, vii. 124;</li> - <li>and Agrigentum, hostilities between, <small>B. C.</small> 446, vii. 125;</li> - <li>conquests and ambitious schemes of, <small>B. C.</small> 440, vii. 126;</li> - <li>incredulity and contempt at, as to the Athenian armament for Sicily, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 182;</li> - <li>quiescence of the democracy at, vii. 183 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>preparations at, on the approach of the Athenian armament at, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 190;</li> - <li>empty display of the Athenian armament at, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 194;</li> - <li>increased confidence at, through Nikias’s inaction, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 218;</li> - <li>landing of Nikias and his forces in the Great Harbor of, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 219;</li> - <li>defensive measures of, after the battle near the Olympieion, vii. 228;</li> - <li>embassy from, to Corinth and Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 415, vii. 235;</li> - <li>local condition and fortifications of, in the spring of <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 244;</li> - <li>localities outside the walls of, vii. 245;</li> - <li>possibilities of the siege of, <small>B. C.</small> 415 and 414, vii. 245;</li> - <li>siege of, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>battle near, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_577">[p. 577]</span>entrance of the Athenian fleet into the Great Harbor at, <small>B. C.</small> 414, vii. 256;</li> - <li>approach of Gylippus to, vii. 262 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>arrival of Gylippus and Gongylus at, vii. 265;</li> - <li>expedition to, under Demosthenês <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 289;</li> - <li>Athenian victory in the harbor of, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 291;</li> - <li>defeat of a Sicilian reinforcement to, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 295;</li> - <li>disadvantages of the Athenian fleet in the harbor of, vii. 296;</li> - <li>arrival of Demosthenês at, vii. 301, 303;</li> - <li>philo-Athenians at, during the siege, vii. 311 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>increase of force and confidence in, after the night attack upon Epipolæ, vii. 314;</li> - <li>postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by an eclipse of the moon, vii. 315;</li> - <li>number and variety of forces engaged at, vii. 318;</li> - <li>postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by Hermokratês, vii. 330;</li> - <li>retreat of the Athenians from, vii. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>number and treatment of Athenian prisoners at, vii. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>topography of, and the operations during the Athenian siege, vii. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rally of Athens during the year after the disaster at, viii. 1;</li> - <li>reinforcement from, in aid of Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 368, x. 258;</li> - <li>after the destruction of the Athenian armament, x. 383, 389 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the quarrel between Selinus and Egesta, <small>B. C.</small> 410, x. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>embassy from, to Hannibal, at Selinus, x. 409;</li> - <li>aid from, to Himera, against Hannibal, x. 410, 411;</li> - <li>attempts of Hermokrates to enter, x. 416 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first appearance of Dionysius at, x. 420;</li> - <li>discord at, <small>B. C.</small> 407, x. 421;</li> - <li>reinforcement from, to Agrigentum, x. 426;</li> - <li>movement of the Hermokratean party at, to raise Dionysius to power, x. 432;</li> - <li>Dionysius one of the generals at, 434 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of the Hermokratean exiles to, x. 436;</li> - <li>return of Dionysius from Gela, to, <small>B. C.</small> 405, x. 429;</li> - <li>establishment of Dionysius as despot at, x. 444 <i>seq.</i>, 454;</li> - <li>re-distribution of property at, by Dionysius, x. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>locality of, x. 470;</li> - <li>additional fortifications at, by Dionysius, x. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plunder of Carthaginians at, by permission of Dionysius, x. 482;</li> - <li>provisions of Dionysius for the defence of, against the Carthaginians, <small>B. C.</small> 396, x. 494;</li> - <li>retreat of Dionysius from, to Katana, <small>B. C.</small> 395, x. 497;</li> - <li>siege of, by Imilkon, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Carthaginians before, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>, 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exultation at, over the burning of the Carthaginian fleet at Daskon, x. 509;</li> - <li>new constructions and improvements by Dionysius at, xi. 39;</li> - <li>feeling at, towards Dionysius the Younger and Dion, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 86;</li> - <li>Dion’s march from Herakleia to, xi. 90;</li> - <li>Timokrates, governor of, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Dion’s entries into, <small>B. C.</small> 357 and <small>B. C.</small> 356, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>, 110;</li> - <li>flight of Dionysius the Younger from, to Lokri, xi. 104;</li> - <li>rescue of, by Dion, xi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>condition of, <small>B. C.</small> 353-344, xi. 129 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>return of Dionysius the Younger to, xi. 132;</li> - <li>first arrival of Timoleon at, xi. 149;</li> - <li>return of Timoleon from Adranum to, xi. 158;</li> - <li>flight of Magon from, xi. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timoleon’s temptations and conduct on becoming master of, xi. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timoleon’s recall of exiles to, xi. 166;</li> - <li>desolate condition of, on coming into the hands of Timoleon, xi. 166, 167;</li> - <li>efforts of Corinth to reconstitute, xi. 167, 168;</li> - <li>influx of colonists to, on the invitation of Corinth and Timoleon, xi. 169;</li> - <li>Timoleon marches from, against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Timoleon lays down his power at, xi. 185;</li> - <li>great influence of Timoleon at, after his resignation, xi. 186, 193;</li> - <li>residence of Timoleon at, xi. 190;</li> - <li>Timoleon in the public assembly of, xi. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the constitution established by Timoleon at, exchanged for a democracy, <a href="#Page_393">xii. 393</a>;</li> - <li>expedition from, to Krotôn, about <small>B. C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>;</li> - <li>revolutions at, about <small>B. C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_399">xii. 399</a>, 400;</li> - <li>massacre at, by Agathokles in collusion with Hamilkar, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Agathokles constituted despot of, <a href="#Page_402">xii. 402</a>;</li> - <li>Hamilkar’s unsuccessful attempt to take, <a href="#Page_422">xii. 422</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_578">[p. 578]</span>barbarities of Agathokles at, after his African expedition, <a href="#Page_446">xii. 446</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Syrians</i>, not distinguished from Assyrians in Greek authors, iii. 290 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Syrphax</i>, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>.</li> -<li><i>Syssitia</i>, or public mess at Sparta, ii. 381.</li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">T.</li> -<li><i>Tachos</i>, x. 361 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Tagus</i>, Thessalian, ii. 281.</li> -<li><i>Talôs</i>, i. 240.</li> -<li><i>Tamos</i>, x. 13.</li> -<li><i>Tamynæ</i>, Phokion’s victory at, xi. 341; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Demosthenes reproached for his absence from the battle of, xi. 344.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tanagra</i>, battle of, v. 328; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>reconciliation of leaders and parties at Athens, after the battle of, v. 329.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tantalus</i>, i. 157.</li> -<li><i>Taochi</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 109 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Taphians</i> in Homer’s time, ii. 102.</li> -<li><i>Taranto</i>, fishery at, iii. 389 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Tarentines</i> and Rhegians, expedition of, against the Iapygians, v. 238; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Mesapians, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tarentum</i>, foundation of cities in the Gulf of, i. 230; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greek settlements on the Gulf of, iii. 384;</li> - <li>foundation and position of, iii. 387 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tarsus</i>, origin of, i. 85 <i>n.</i>, iii. 277; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_112">xii. 112</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tartarus</i>, i. 4, 8, 9.</li> -<li><i>Tartessus</i>, iii. 274; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>not visited by Greeks before <small>B. C.</small> 630, iii. 277;</li> - <li>Kôlæus’s voyage to, iii. 278.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tauri</i> in the Crimea, iii. 245.</li> -<li><i>Tauromenium</i>, iii. 362; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>commencement of, x. 493;</li> - <li>repulse of Dionysius at, xi. 5;</li> - <li>capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 8;</li> - <li>Timoleon at, xi. 146.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Taurus</i>, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Taurus, Mount</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li> -<li><i>Taxiarch</i>, ii. 460.</li> -<li><i>Taxila</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a>.</li> -<li><i>Tearless Battle</i>, the, x. 265 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Tegea</i> and Mantinea, ii. 443 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 452, vii. 13; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Sparta, ii. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>bones of Orestês taken from, ii. 448;</li> - <li>refusal of, to join Argos, <small>B. C.</small> 421, vii. 19;</li> - <li>plans of the Argeian allies against, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 76;</li> - <li>march of Agis to the relief of, <small>B. C.</small> 418, vii. 77;</li> - <li>revolution at, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 209;</li> - <li>seizure of Arcadians at, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Epaminondas at, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 329, 330, 333, 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of Epaminondas from, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 333 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tegyra</i>, victory of Pelopidas at, x. 134.</li> -<li><i>Teian</i> inscriptions, iii. 186 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Telamôn</i>, i. 189 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Telegonus</i>, i. 315.</li> -<li><i>Têlekus</i>, conquests of, ii. 421; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>death of, ii. 425.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Teleontes</i>, iii. 51.</li> -<li><i>Têlephus</i>, i. 177, 292.</li> -<li><i>Teleutius</i> and Agesilaus, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of Lechæum by, ix. 339 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 364, 368;</li> - <li>at Ægina, ix. 373, 376;</li> - <li>attack of, on the Peiræus, ix. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Olynthus, x. 65 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Têlinês</i>, iv. 106 <i>n.</i>, v. 208 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Telys, of Sybaris</i>, iv. 412 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Temenion</i> and Solygeius, ii. 309.</li> -<li><i>Temenus</i>, Kresphontês, and Aristodêmus, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Kresphontês, family of, lowest in the series of subjects for heroic drama, ii. 10.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Temnos</i>, situation of, iii. 191 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Tempe</i>, remarks of Herodotus on the legend of, i. 400; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Delphian procession to, ii. 275 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>Grecian army sent to defend, against Xerxes, v. 68;</li> - <li>abandonment of the defence of, against Xerxes, v. 69 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Temple of Eleusis</i> built by order of Dêmêtêr, i. 40.</li> -<li><i>Tenedos</i>, continental settlements of, iii. 195; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>recovery of, by Macedonian admiralty, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ten</i>, appointment of the, at Athens, viii. 271; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>measures of the, at Athens, viii. 272;</li> - <li>peace between the, at Athens, and Thrasybulus, viii. 279 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treatment of the, at Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 293.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ten generals</i> appointed to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159.</li> -<li><i>Tennes</i>, the Sidonian prince, xi. 438.</li> -<li><i>Ten Thousand Greeks</i>, position and circumstances of, ix. 11; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_579">[p. 579]</span>commencement of their retreat, ix. 52;</li> - <li>Persian heralds to, on commencing their retreat, ix. 52;</li> - <li>negotiations and convention of Tissaphernes with, ix. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>quarrel of, with Ariæus, ix. 63;</li> - <li>retreating march of, under Tissaphernes, ix. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Tigris, ix. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Greater Zab, ix. 69;</li> - <li>summoned by Ariæus to surrender, ix. 76;</li> - <li>distress of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 76;</li> - <li>new generals appointed by, ix. 80;</li> - <li>great ascendency of Xenophon over, ix. 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>crossing of the Great Zab by, ix. 88;</li> - <li>harassing attacks of the Persian cavalry on, ix. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>retreat of, along the Tigris, ix. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Karduchians, ix. 96 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Armenia, ix. 102 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Chalybes, ix. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Taochi, ix. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Skythine, ix. 110;</li> - <li>first sight of the Euxine by, ix. 111;</li> - <li>and the Makrônes, ix. 112;</li> - <li>and the Kolchians, ix. 112, 127;</li> - <li>at Trapezus, ix. 113, 124 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>geography of the retreat of, ix. 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>feelings of the Greeks on the Euxine towards, ix. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>leave Trapezus, ix. 127;</li> - <li>at Kerasus, ix. 127;</li> - <li>march of, to Kotyôra, ix. 128;</li> - <li>at Kotyôra, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Paphlagonians, ix. 144;</li> - <li>sail to Sinopê, ix. 144;</li> - <li>at Herakleia, ix. 146;</li> - <li>at Kalpê, ix. 147;</li> - <li>and Kleander, ix. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 164;</li> - <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 163;</li> - <li>and Seuthes, ix. 154, 165 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>after leaving Byzantium, ix. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Aristarchus, ix. 164 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 168, 173, 206, 214;</li> - <li>in Mysia, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Xenophon’s farewell of, ix. 175;</li> - <li>effects of their retreat on the Greek mind, ix. 179 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Ten Thousand</i>, the Pan-Arcadian, x. 232.</li> -<li><i>Teôs</i>, foundation of, iii. 185; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>inscriptions of, iii. 186 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>emigration from, on the conquest of Harpagus, iv. 203;</li> - <li>loss of, to Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 412, vii. 383;</li> - <li>capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 154.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tereus</i>, i. 196.</li> -<li><i>Terpander</i>, ii. 141; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>musical improvements of, iv. 75.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tethys</i>, i. 5, 6.</li> -<li><i>Teukrians</i>, the, i. 335; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Mysians, ethnical affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Teukrus</i>, i. 189.</li> -<li><i>Teukrus, the metic</i>, vii. 195, 197, 205 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Teuthrania</i> mistaken by the Greeks for Troy, i. 292.</li> -<li><i>Teutonic and Scandinavian epic</i>, its analogy with the Grecian, i. 479 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>points of distinction between the Grecian and, i. 481.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thais</i> and the burning of the palace of Persepolis, <a href="#Footnote_424">xii. 176 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li> -<li><i>Thales</i>, Xenophanês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>predictions ascribed to, ii. 116;</li> - <li>alleged prediction of an eclipse of the sun by, iii. 231 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>suggestion of, respecting the twelve Ionic cities in Asia, iii. 259;</li> - <li>philosophy and celebrity of, iv. 381 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thaletas</i>, iv. 83, 86.</li> -<li><i>Thamyris</i>, analogy between the story of, and that of Marsyas, iii. 214.</li> -<li><i>Thanatos</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Thapsakus</i>, Cyrus the Younger end his forces at, ix. 29 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alexander crosses the Euphrates at, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thasos</i>, island of, iv. 25; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>attempted revolt of, from the Persians, iv. 313;</li> - <li>contribution levied by Xerxes on, v. 42;</li> - <li>revolt of, from the confederacy of Delos, v. 310;</li> - <li>blockade and conquest of, <small>B. C.</small> 464-463, v. 312;</li> - <li>application of, to Sparta, for aid against Athens, v. 312;</li> - <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, viii. 127;</li> - <li>reduction of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 144;</li> - <li>slaughter at, by Lysander, viii. 222.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thaumas</i>, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Theagenes of Rhegium</i>, the first to allegorize mythical narratives, v. i. 418.</li> -<li><i>Theagenes, despot of Megara</i>, iii. 44.</li> -<li><i>Theagenes of Thasus</i>, statue of, 17, v. <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Theatre</i>, Athenian, accessibility of, to the poorest citizens, viii. 320.</li> -<li><i>Thebaïd</i> of Antimachus, i. 268.</li> -<li><i>Thebaïs</i>, the Cyclic, i. 268; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>ascribed to Homer, ii. 129.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theban</i> contingent of Leonidas, doubts about, v. 91, 95; - <ul class="IX"> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_580">[p. 580]</span>leaders put to death after the battle of Platæa, v. 187;</li> - <li>prisoners in the night-surprise at Platæa, slaughter of, vi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>military column, depth of, vi. 386, 390;</li> - <li>band of Three Hundred, vi. 387;</li> - <li>exiles at Athens, x. 61, 80 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thebans</i> and Æginetans, i. 184; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>against the seven chiefs, i. 273;</li> - <li>application of, to Ægina, for assistance against Athens, iv. 172;</li> - <li>and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 76;</li> - <li>defeated by the Athenians at Platæa, v. 179;</li> - <li>night-surprise of Platæa by, <small>B. C.</small> 431, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of, in the night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 116 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>captured in the night-surprise of Platæa, slaughter of, vi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition of, to peace with Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 404, viii. 229 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>humiliation of Agesilaus by, ix. 256;</li> - <li>application of, to Athens for aid against Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 395, ix. 291 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the battle of Corinth, ix. 306 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Spartans at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 315;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;</li> - <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from Bœotia by, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li> - <li>invasion of Phokis by, <small>B. C.</small> 374, x. 136;</li> - <li>discouragement and victory of, at Leuktra, x. 177 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and allies, invasion of Laconia by, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>displeasure of, with Epaminondas, <small>B. C.</small> 367, x. 268;</li> - <li>expeditions of, to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283, 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>destruction of Orchomenus by, x. 311;</li> - <li>under Pammenes, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359;</li> - <li>extinction of free cities in Bœotia by, xi. 201;</li> - <li>exertions of, to raise a confederacy against the Phokians, <small>B. C.</small> 356, ix. 251;</li> - <li>Lokrians and Thessalians, war of, against the Phokians, <small>B. C.</small> 355, xi. 254;</li> - <li>assistance under Pammenes sent by, to Artabazus, xi. 257, 299;</li> - <li>assistance of, to Megalopolis against Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 352-351, xi. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>obtain money from the Persian king, <small>B. C.</small> 350-349, xi. 302;</li> - <li>invoke the aid of Philip to put down the Phokians, xi. 375;</li> - <li>Philip declares his sympathy with, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 421;</li> - <li>invited by Philip to assist in an attack upon Attica, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athenians, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 494 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of, against Alexander, <a href="#Page_29">xii. 29</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thêbê</i>, xi. 204 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thebes</i> and Orchomenos, i. 135; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>legends of, i. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>how founded by Kadmus, i. 258;</li> - <li>five principal families at, i. 259;</li> - <li>foundation of, by Amphiôn, i. 263;</li> - <li>poems on the sieges of, i. 266;</li> - <li>sieges of, i. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the seven chiefs against, i. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>repulse of the seven chiefs against, i. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the seven chiefs against death of all but Adrastus, i. 276;</li> - <li>the seven chiefs against, burial of the fallen, i. 277;</li> - <li>second siege of, i. 279, 280;</li> - <li>early legislation of, ii. 297;</li> - <li>and Platæa, disputes between, iv. 166;</li> - <li>summoned to give up its leaders after the battle of Platæa, v. 186;</li> - <li>discredit of, for its <i>Medism</i>, v. 314;</li> - <li>supremacy of, in Bœotia restored by Sparta, v. 314, 327;</li> - <li>mastery of Athens over, <small>B. C.</small> 456, v. 331;</li> - <li>reinforcements from, in support of the night-surprise at Platæa, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>hard treatment of Thespiæ by, <small>B. C.</small> 423, vi. 452;</li> - <li>altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li> - <li>and Sparta, war between, <small>B. C.</small> 395, ix. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>revolt of Orchomenos from, to Sparta, ix. 293;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Athens, Corinth, and Argos, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li> - <li>increased importance of, <small>B. C.</small> 395, ix. 301;</li> - <li>alarm at, and proposals of peace from, on the Lacedæmonian capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, ix. 341;</li> - <li>envoys from, to Agesilaus, ix. 347, 352;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 12;</li> - <li>proceedings of Sparta against, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>seizure of the Kadmeia at, by Phœbidas, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>government of, <small>B. C.</small> 382, x. 59 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>under Leontiades and other philo-Laconian oligarchs, x. 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 378, x. 102;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_581">[p. 581]</span>state of, after the revolution of, <small>B. C.</small> 379, x. 119;</li> - <li>the Sacred Band at, x. 120;</li> - <li>expeditions of Agesilaus against, <small>B. C.</small> 378 and 377, x. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>displeasure of Athens against, <small>B. C.</small> 474, x. 134, 158;</li> - <li>dealings of, with Platæa and Thespiæ, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>exclusion of, from the peace of <small>B. C.</small> 371, x. 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>increased power of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 193;</li> - <li>and Sparta, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 199 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>influence of, in Thessaly, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li> - <li>alienation of the Arcadians from, <small>B. C.</small> 368, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>assassination of Euphron at, x. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>application of, to Persia, <small>B. C.</small> 367, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Persian rescript in favor of, x. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>protest of the Arcadians against the headship of, x. 281;</li> - <li>peace of Corinth, Epidaurus an Phlius with, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>opposition of the Mantineans and other Arcadians to, <small>B. C.</small> 362, x. 326;</li> - <li>power of, <small>B. C.</small> 360-359, xi. 200 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip at, xi. 207 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Eubœa rescued from, by Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 358, xi. 217 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>accusation of, against Sparta before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li> - <li>accusation of, against Phokis before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li> - <li>the Phokians countenanced by Athens and Sparta as rivals of, xi. 262;</li> - <li>envoys to Philip from, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 405, 408;</li> - <li>and Athens, unfriendly relations between, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 484;</li> - <li>mission of Demosthenês to, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 486 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Athens, alliance of, against Philip, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 490;</li> - <li>severity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;</li> - <li>march of Alexander from Thrace to, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>;</li> - <li>capture and destruction of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_37">xii. 37</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>restored by Kassander, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thebes in Egypt</i>, iii. 312.</li> -<li><i>Theft</i>, laws of, at Athens, iii. 142.</li> -<li><i>Theia</i>, i. 5.</li> -<li><i>Themis</i>, i. 5, 10.</li> -<li><i>Themistoklês</i>, character of, iv. 337 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Aristeidês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;</li> - <li>change of Athens from a land-power to a sea-power proposed by, v. 52;</li> - <li>long-sighted views of, in creating a navy at Athens, v. 53, 293 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and the Laurian mines, v. 54;</li> - <li>his explanation of the answer of the Delphian oracle on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 61;</li> - <li>prevails upon the Greeks to stay and fight at Artemisium, v. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>inscribed invitations of, to the Ionians under Xerxes, v. 102;</li> - <li>activity and resource of, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 110;</li> - <li>opposes the removal of the Greek fleet from Salamis to the isthmus of Corinth, v. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Eurybiadês at Salamis, v. 123 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Adeimantus of Corinth, at Salamis, v. 122, 125;</li> - <li>his message to Xerxes before the battle of Salamis, v. 126;</li> - <li>his message to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;</li> - <li>levies fines on the Cyclades, v. 141;</li> - <li>honors rendered to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;</li> - <li>alleged proposal of, to burn all the Grecian ships except the Athenian, v. 203 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>stratagem of, respecting the fortification of Athens, v. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plans of, for the naval aggrandizement of Athens, v. 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>persuades the Athenians to build twenty new triremes annually, v. 252;</li> - <li>and Pausanias, v. 273, 282;</li> - <li>opponents and corruption of, after the Persian war, v. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timokreon, v. 278;</li> - <li>first accusation of treason against, v. 280;</li> - <li>two accusations of treason against, v. 280 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>ostracism of, v. 281, 282 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>second accusation of treason against, v. 382;</li> - <li>flight and adventures of, on charge of <i>Medism</i>, v. 283 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Admêtus, v. 283;</li> - <li>and Artaxerxes Longimanus, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in Persia, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>rewards and death of, v. 287 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theodôrus of Samos</i>, iv. 98 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Theodôrus the Syracusan</i>, speech of, against Dionysius, x. 501 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Theognis</i>, iii. 44, iv. 92.</li> -<li><i>Theogony</i> of the Greeks not a cosmogony, i. 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>of Hesiod, i. 3;</li> - <li>Orphic, i. 17 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Hesiodic and Orphic, compared, i. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Hesiodic legend of Pandôra in, i. 75.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_582">[p. 582]</span><i>Theoklês</i>, the founder of Naxos, in Sicily, iii. 361; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>expels the Sikels from Leontini and Katana, iii. 363.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theology</i>, triple, of the pagan world, i. 439.</li> -<li><i>Theophrastus</i>, the phytologist, i. 360 <i>n.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 412.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theopompus, the Spartan king</i>, ii. 424 <i>nn.</i></li> -<li><i>Theopompus, the historian</i>, on the Spartan empire, ix. 195 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Theôric Board</i> at Athens, creation of, ix. 379.</li> -<li><i>Theôric Fund</i>, allusions of Demosthenês to, xi. 334, 338; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>motion of Apollodorus about, xi. 348;</li> - <li>not appropriated to war purposes till just before the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 353;</li> - <li>true character of, xi. 353 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>attempt of the Athenian property-classes to evade direct taxation by recourse to, xi. 357;</li> - <li>application of, to military purposes, xi. 492.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theôrikon</i>, viii. 321.</li> -<li><i>Theôrs</i>, ii. 243.</li> -<li><i>Thêra</i>, ii. 27; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>foundation of Kyrênê from, iv. 29 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theramenês</i>, Peloponnesian fleet under, vii. 388; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>statement of, respecting the Four Hundred, viii. 13 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>expedition of, to the Hellespont, viii. 118;</li> - <li>accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 181 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>probable conduct of, at Arginusæ, viii. 185 <i>seq.</i>, 187 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>first embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 227;</li> - <li>second embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 228;</li> - <li>and the executions by the Thirty, viii. 241, 242, 245;</li> - <li>and Kritias, dissentient views of, viii. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 249;</li> - <li>exasperation of the majority of the Thirty against, viii. 249;</li> - <li>denunciation of, by Kritias in the senate, viii. 249;</li> - <li>reply of, to Kritins’s denunciation in the senate, viii. 251;</li> - <li>condemnation and death of, vii. 253 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Theramenês</i> the Athenian, viii. 19; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his opposition to the Four Hundred, viii. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his impeachment of the embassy of the Four Hundred to Sparta, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Therimachus</i>, ix. 366.</li> -<li><i>Therma</i>, Xerxes’s movements from, to Thermopylæ, v. 83; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Archestratus, vi. 70.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thermaic Gulf</i>, original occupants on, iv. 13.</li> -<li><i>Thermopylæ</i>, Greeks north of, in the first two centuries, ii. 274; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Phokian defensive wall at, ii. 283;</li> - <li>resolution of Greeks to defend against Xerxes, v. 71;</li> - <li>the pass of, v. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>path over Mount Œta avoiding, v. 73;</li> - <li>movements of Xerxes from Therma to, v. 83;</li> - <li>impressions of Xerxes about the defenders at, v. 86;</li> - <li>repeated Persian attacks upon, repulsed, v. 87;</li> - <li>debate among the defenders of, when the Persians approached their rear, v. 89;</li> - <li>manœuvres ascribed to Xerxes respecting the dead at, v. 103;</li> - <li>numbers slain at, on both sides, v. 103;</li> - <li>inscriptions commemorative of the battle at, v. 104;</li> - <li>effect of the battle of, on the Greeks and Xerxes, v. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conduct of the Peloponnesians after the battle of, v. 106;</li> - <li>hopeless situation of the Athenians after the battle of, v. 106;</li> - <li>Onomarchus at, xi. 256;</li> - <li>Philip checked at, by the Athenians, xi. 296;</li> - <li>position of Phalækus at, <small>B. C.</small> 347-346, xi. 374, 418;</li> - <li>application of the Phokians to Athens for aid against Philip at, <small>B. C.</small> 347, xi. 376;</li> - <li>importance of, to Philip and Athens, <small>B. C.</small> 347, xi. 378;</li> - <li>march of Philip to, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 407 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plans of Philip against, <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 410;</li> - <li>letters of Philip inviting the Athenians to join him at, xi. 417;</li> - <li>Phokians at, <small>B. C.</small> 347-346, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>surrender of, to Philip, xi. 421;</li> - <li>professions of Philip after his conquest of, xi. 424;</li> - <li>special meeting of the Amphiktyous at, <small>B. C.</small> 339, xi. 479.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thermus</i>, ii. 291.</li> -<li><i>Thêro of Agrigentum</i> and Gelo, v. 220 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Hiero, v. 228;</li> - <li>severe treatment of Himeræans by, v. 228;</li> - <li>death of, v. 230.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thersander</i>, the Orchomenian, at the Theban banquet to Mardonius, v. 160.</li> -<li><i>Thersitês</i>, i. 298, ii. 70 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Therseium</i> at Athens, v. 306.</li> -<li><i>Thêseus</i>, i. 169, 207 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and the Minôtaur, i. 223;</li> - <li>obtains burial for the fallen chiefs against Thêbes, i. 277;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_583">[p. 583]</span>the political reforms of, ii. 21;</li> - <li>and Menestheus, ii. 22;</li> - <li>restoration of the sons of, to his kingdom, ii. 23;</li> - <li>consolidation of Attica by, iii. 69;</li> - <li>bones of, conveyed to Athens, v. 304.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thesmoi</i>, iii. 76.</li> -<li><i>Thesmophoria</i>, festival of, i. 44.</li> -<li><i>Thesmothetæ</i>, iii. 74.</li> -<li><i>Thespiæ</i>, hard treatment of, by Thebes, <small>B. C.</small> 423, vi. 452; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>severity of Thebes towards, <small>B. C.</small> 372, x. 162.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thespian</i> contingent of Leonidas, v. 91.</li> -<li><i>Thespians</i>, distress of, caused by Xerxes’s invasion, v. 91 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at the battle of Leuktra, x. 180;</li> - <li>expulsion of, from Bœotia, after the buds of Leuktra, x. 195.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thespis</i> and Solon, story of, iii. 146.</li> -<li><i>Thesprotians</i>, iii. 414 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thessalian</i> cities, disorderly confederacy of, ii. 282; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Athenian cavalry, skirmishes of, with Archidamus, vi. 134;</li> - <li>cavalry sent home by Alexander, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thessalians</i>, migration of, from Thesprôtis to Thessaly, ii. 14; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>non-Hellenic character of, ii. 15;</li> - <li>and their dependants in the first two centuries, ii. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>character and condition of, ii. 276 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 67, 69;</li> - <li>alliance of, with Athens and Argos, about <small>B. C.</small> 461, v. 320;</li> - <li>Thebans, and Lokrians, war of, with the Phokians, <small>B. C.</small> 355, xi. 254.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thessalus</i>, son of Kimon, impeachment of Alkibiadês by, vii. 210.</li> -<li><i>Thessaly</i>, affinities of, with Bœotia, ii. 17; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>quadruple division of, ii. 281;</li> - <li>power of, when united, ii. 283;</li> - <li>Athenian march against, <small>B. C.</small> 454, v. 382;</li> - <li>Brasidas’s march through, to Thrace, vi. 399 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Lacedæmonian reinforcements to Brasidas prevented from passing through, vi. 449;</li> - <li>state of, <small>B. C.</small> 370, x. 248;</li> - <li>influence of Thebes in, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li> - <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B. C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li> - <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B. C.</small> 368, x. 263;</li> - <li>expeditions of Pelopidas to, x. 264 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>mission of Pelopidas to, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 282;</li> - <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B. C.</small> 363, x. 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>despots of, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>first expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ, xi. 261, 292, 295 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>second expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ, xi. 292;</li> - <li>victory of Leosthenes over Antipater in, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thêtes</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 100; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>in Attica immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 94 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mutiny of, iii. 97.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thetis</i> and Pêleus, i. 187.</li> -<li><i>Thimbron</i>, expedition of, to Asia, ix. 208; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat and death of, ix. 362, <a href="#Page_429">xii. 429</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thirlwall’s</i> opinion on the partition of land ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 401 <i>seq.</i>, 404, 407 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thirty at Athens</i>, nomination of, viii. 236; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>proceedings of, viii. 239 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>executions by, viii. 240 <i>seq.</i>, 243 <i>seq.</i>, 247 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>discord among, viii. 243;</li> - <li>three thousand hoplites nominated by, viii. 246;</li> - <li>disarming of hoplites by, viii. 247;</li> - <li>murders and spoliations by, viii. 247, 256;</li> - <li>tyranny of, after the death of Theramenês, viii. 256;</li> - <li>intellectual teaching forbidden by, viii. 257;</li> - <li>and Sokratês, viii. 258;</li> - <li>growing insecurity of, viii. 259;</li> - <li>disgust in Greece at the enormities of, viii. 262;</li> - <li>repulse and defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Phylê, viii. 265;</li> - <li>seizure and execution of prisoners at Eleusis and Salamis by, viii. 267;</li> - <li>defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Peiræus, viii. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>deposition of, viii. 271;</li> - <li>reaction against, on the arrival of king Pausanias, viii. 275;</li> - <li>flight of the survivors of the, viii. 280;</li> - <li>treatment of, <small>B. C.</small> 403, viii. 292;</li> - <li>oppression and suffering of Athens under the, ix. 185;</li> - <li>Athens rescued from the, ix. 185;</li> - <li>the knights or horsemen supporters of the, ix. 186;</li> - <li>Athens under the, a specimen of the Spartan empire, ix. 187;</li> - <li>compared with the Lysandrian Dekarchies, ix. 188;</li> - <li>and Kallibius, ix. 188;</li> - <li>put down by the Athenians themselves, ix. 198.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thorax</i> and Xenophon, ix. 134 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thrace</i>, Chalkidic colonies in, iv. 22 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Greek settlements east of the Strymôn in, iv. 25;</li> - <li>conquest of, by the Persians under Darius, iv. 273;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_584">[p. 584]</span>and Macedonia, march of Mardonius into, iv. 373;</li> - <li>contributions levied by Xerxes on towns in, v. 41;</li> - <li>Brasidas’s expedition to, vi. 370, 397 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>war continued in, the one year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 438;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês and Thrasybulus in, <small>B. C.</small> 407, viii. 144;</li> - <li>Iphikrates in, between <small>B. C.</small> 387-378, x. 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Iphikrates in, <small>B. C.</small> 368-365, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Philip in, <small>B. C.</small> 351, xi. 306, and <small>B. C.</small> 346, xi. 402, 404, and <small>B. C.</small> 342-341, xi. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alexander’s expedition into, <a href="#Page_22">xii. 22</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of Alexander from, to Thebes, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thracian</i> influence upon Greece, i. 31; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>race in the north of Asia Minor, iii. 207;</li> - <li>Chersonesus, iv. 27;</li> - <li>subject-allies of Athens not oppressed by her, vi. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>mercenaries under Diitrephês, vii. 356 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thracians</i> in the time of Herodotus and Thucydides, ii. 88; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Phrygians, affinities between, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i>, 212;</li> - <li>affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>numbers and abode of, iv. 15;</li> - <li>general character of, iv. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Asiatic characteristics of, iv. 17;</li> - <li>venality of, vi. 217 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thrasius</i>, xi. 173, 180.</li> -<li><i>Thrasybulus of Syracuse</i>, v. 232 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thrasybulus, the Athenian</i>, speech of, at Samos, viii. 47; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>efforts of, at Samoa, in favor of Alkibiadês, viii. 50;</li> - <li>in Thrace, viii. 144;</li> - <li>accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 182 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>flight of, from Attica, viii. 242;</li> - <li>occupation of Phylê, and repulse and defeat of the Thirty by, viii. 265;</li> - <li>occupation of Peiræus by, viii. 268;</li> - <li>victory of, over the Thirty at Peiræus, viii. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>increasing strength of, at Peiræus, vii. 273;</li> - <li>straitened condition of, in Peiræus, viii. 274;</li> - <li>at Peiræus, king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;</li> - <li>and the Ten at Athens, peace between, viii. 277;</li> - <li>and the exiles, restoration of, to Athens, viii. 279;</li> - <li>assistance of, to Evander and others, viii. 306 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>honorary reward to, viii. 309;</li> - <li>aid to the Thebans by, ix. 295;</li> - <li>acquisitions of, in the Hellespont and Bosporus, ix. 366;</li> - <li>victory of, in Lesbos, ix. 367;</li> - <li>death and character of, ix. 367.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thrasydæus</i>, v. 226; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>cruel government, defeat, and death of, v. 228, ix. 223, 226.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thrasyklês</i> and Strombichidês, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374.</li> -<li><i>Thrasyllus</i>, vii. 73, 74; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>at Samos, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 46, 48;</li> - <li>at Lesbos, viii. 101;</li> - <li>eluded by Mindarus, viii. 102;</li> - <li>at Elæus, viii. 109;</li> - <li>repulse of Agis by, viii. 128;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Ionia, viii. 129;</li> - <li>and Alkibiadês, at the Hellespont, viii. 130.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thrasylochus</i> and Demosthenês, xi. 268 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Thrasymachus</i>, rhetorical precepts of, viii. 370; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>doctrine of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 390 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Three thousand</i>, nominated the Thirty at Athens, viii. 246.</li> -<li><i>Thucydidês</i>, altered intellectual and ethical standard in the age of, i. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 391, 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his version of the Trojan war, i. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on the dwellings of the earliest Greeks, ii. 109;</li> - <li>his date for the return of the Herakleids, ii. 13;</li> - <li>silence of, on the treaty between Athens and Persia, v. 336;</li> - <li>descent of, vi. 12 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>various persons named, vi. 28 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>his division of the year, vi. 114 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>his judgment respecting Periklês, vi. 173, 176;</li> - <li>first mention of Kleon by, vi. 244;</li> - <li>reflections of, on the Korkyræan massacre, <small>B. C.</small> 427, vi. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>structure of his history, vi. 309 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>judgment of, on Kleon’s success at Pylus, vi. 347 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on Kythêra, vi. 364 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and the capitulation of Amphipolis to Brasidas, vi. 409, 410, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>banishment of, vi. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>on Kleon’s views and motives in desiring war, <small>B. C.</small> 422, vi. 456 <i>seq.</i>, 459;</li> - <li>passages of, on the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 405 <i>nn.</i>, 466 <i>n.</i>, 468 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>feelings of, towards Brasidas and Kleon, vi. 474;</li> - <li>treatment of Kleon by, vi. 474, 477 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>dialogue set forth by, between the Athenian envoys and Executive Council of Mêlos, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>, 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_585">[p. 585]</span>his favorable judgment of the Athenians at the restoration of the democracy, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>study of, by Demosthenes, xi. 269.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thucydides, son of Melesias</i>, v. 342; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>rivalry of, with Periklês, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>ostracised, vi. 19;</li> - <li>history of, after his ostracism, vi. 28 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thurians</i>, defeat of, by the Lucanians, xi. 13.</li> -<li><i>Thurii</i>, foundation of, vi. 13 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>few Athenian settlers at, vi. 15;</li> - <li>revolution at, <small>B. C.</small> 413, x. 384.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thyania</i>, surprise of, by the Phliasians and Chares, x. 272.</li> -<li><i>Thyestean banquet</i>, the, i. 162.</li> -<li><i>Thyestes</i>, i. 161 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thymochares</i>, defeat of, near Eretria, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Thymodes</i>, <a href="#Page_116">xii. 116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -<li><i>Thynians</i>, iii. 207.</li> -<li><i>Thyrea</i>, conquest of, ii. 449; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Nikias, <small>B. C.</small> 424, vi. 366;</li> - <li>stipulation about, between Sparta and Argos, <small>B. C.</small> 420, vii. 27.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Thyssagetæ</i>, iii. 244.</li> -<li><i>Tigris</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 64 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>retreat of the Ten Thousand along the, ix. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>forded by Alexander, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>;</li> - <li>voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of the Indus to that of the, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> - <li>Alexander’s voyage up the, to Opis, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tilphusios Apollo</i>, origin of the name, i. 48.</li> -<li><i>Timæus’s</i> treatment of mythes, i. 410.</li> -<li><i>Timagoras</i>, his mission to Persia, and execution, x. 278, 280, 280 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Timandra</i>, i. 168.</li> -<li><i>Timarchus</i>, decree of, xi. 368, 369 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Timasion</i>, and Xenophon, ix. 134 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Time</i>, Grecian computation of, ii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Timegenidas</i>, death of, v. 187.</li> -<li><i>Timocracy</i> of Solon, iii. 120 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Timokrates, the Rhodian</i>, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Timokrates, of Syracuse</i>, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Timokreon</i> and Themistoklês, v. 279.</li> -<li><i>Timolaus</i>, speech of, ix. 304.</li> -<li><i>Timoleon</i>, appointment of, to aid Syracuse, xi. 136, 142; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>life and character of, before <small>B. C.</small> 344, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Timophanes, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>preparations of, for his expedition to Syracuse, xi. 143;</li> - <li>voyage of, from Corinth to Sicily, xi. 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>message from Hiketas to, xi. 144;</li> - <li>at Rhegium, xi. 144 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Tauromenium, xi. 146;</li> - <li>at Adranum, xi. 148, 156;</li> - <li>first arrival of, at Syracuse, xi. 149;</li> - <li>surrender of Ortygia to, xi. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>reinforcement from Corinth to, xi. 152, 155, 157;</li> - <li>admiration excited by the successes of, xi. 152, 162;</li> - <li>advantage of Ortygia to, xi. 155;</li> - <li>return of, from Adranum to Syracuse, xi. 158;</li> - <li>Messênê declares in favor of, xi. 158;</li> - <li>capture of Epipolæ by, xi. 160;</li> - <li>favor of the gods towards, xi. 161, 179, 181;</li> - <li>ascribes his successes to the gods, xi. 163;</li> - <li>temptations and conduct of, on becoming master of Syracuse, xi. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>demolition of the Dionysian stronghold in Ortygia by, xi. 165;</li> - <li>erection of courts of justice at Syracuse by, xi. 166;</li> - <li>recall of exiles to Syracuse, by, xi. 166;</li> - <li>capitulation of Hiketas with, at Leontini, xi. 170;</li> - <li>puts down the despots in Sicily, xi. 170, 180 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, from Syracuse against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Thrasius, xi. 172, 180;</li> - <li>victory of, over the Carthaginians at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Mamerkus, xi. 180 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>partial defeats of his troops, xi. 180;</li> - <li>victory of, over Hiketas at the Damurias, xi. 181;</li> - <li>surrender of Leontini and Hiketas to, xi. 182;</li> - <li>peace of, with the Carthaginians, xi. 182;</li> - <li>capture of Messênê and Hippon by, xi. 184;</li> - <li>lays down his power at Syracuse, xi. 185;</li> - <li>great influence of, after his resignation at Syracuse, xi. 186, 193;</li> - <li>and the immigration of new Greek settlers into Sicily, xi. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>residence of, at Syracuse, xi. 190;</li> - <li>in the public assembly at Syracuse, xi. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>uncorrupted moderation and public spirit of, xi. 192;</li> - <li>freedom and prosperity in Sicily, introduced by, xi. 193;</li> - <li>death and obsequies of, xi. 194;</li> - <li>and Dion, contrast between, xi. 196 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_586">[p. 586]</span>the constitution established at Syracuse by, exchanged for an oligarchy, <a href="#Page_393">xii. 393</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Timomachus</i> in the Hellespont, x. 373.</li> -<li><i>Timophanes</i> and Timoleon, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Timotheus, son of Konon</i>, x. 110; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>circumnavigation of Peloponnesus by, x. 132;</li> - <li>at Zakynthus, x. 141;</li> - <li>appointment of, to aid Korkyra, <small>B. C.</small> 373, x. 144;</li> - <li>delay of, in aiding Korkyra, x. 146 <i>seq.</i>, 147 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>and Iphikrates, x. 149, 288, 299 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>trial and acquittal of, x. 153 <i>seq.</i>, 154 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>expedition of, to Asia Minor, <small>B. C.</small> 366, x. 252, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Charidemus, x. 299, 300;</li> - <li>successes of, in Macedonia and Chalkidikê, <small>B. C.</small> 365-364, x. 300;</li> - <li>failure of, at Amphipolis, <small>B. C.</small> 364, x. 301;</li> - <li>and Kotys, x. 302;</li> - <li>in the Chersonese, <small>B. C.</small> 363, x. 302, 306, 368;</li> - <li>in the Hellespont, <small>B. C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li> - <li>accusation of, by Chares, xi. 226 <i>seq.</i>, 228 <i>n.</i> 4;</li> - <li>arrogance and unpopularity of, xi. 227;</li> - <li>exile and death of, xi. 229.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Timotheus, of the Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_465">xii. 465</a>.</li> -<li><i>Tiribazus</i> and The Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 99, 102; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>embassy of Antalkidas, Konon, and others to, ix. 359 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Antalkidas at, Susa, ix. 383;</li> - <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385;</li> - <li>and Orontes, x. 22, 23.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tisamenus, son of Orestes</i>, ii. 4, 7, 8 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Tisamenus, the Athenian</i>, decree of, viii. 295.</li> -<li><i>Tisiphonus</i>, despot at Pheræ, xi. 205.</li> -<li><i>Tissaphernes</i> and Pharnabazus, embassy from, to Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 413, vii. 366; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Chalkideus, treaty between, vii. 376;</li> - <li>first treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 376;</li> - <li>payment of the Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 389;</li> - <li>and Astyochus, treaty between, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>second treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Lichas, at Milêtus, vii. 398;</li> - <li>double-dealing and intrigues of, with the Peloponnesian fleet, vii. 398, 400 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>escape and advice of Alkibiades, to, viii. 3 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the Greeks, Alkibiadês acts as interpreter between, viii. 5;</li> - <li>reduction of pay to the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 5;</li> - <li>third treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, viii. 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>envoy from, to Sparta, <small>B. C.</small> 411, viii. 98;</li> - <li>false promises of, to Mindarus, viii. 99;</li> - <li>and the Phenician fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 111;</li> - <li>and the Peloponnesians at the Hellespont, viii. 110 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>Alkibiadês arrested by, viii. 120;</li> - <li>charge of, against Cyrus the Younger, ix. 7;</li> - <li>negotiations and convention of, with the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>retreating march of the Ten Thousand under, ix. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>treachery of, towards Klearchus and other Greeks, ix. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>plan of, against the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 75;</li> - <li>attack of, on the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 90;</li> - <li>and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 206;</li> - <li>and Derkyllidas, ix. 209, 219 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 261, 267;</li> - <li>death of, ix. 268.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Titanides</i>, the, i. 4.</li> -<li><i>Titans</i>, the, i. 4, 5, 8; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the Orphic, i. 17.</li> - </ul></li> -<li>Τίθεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, meaning of, vi. 114 <i>n.</i> 3, 356 <i>n.</i> 2, 373 <i>n.</i>, 385 <i>n.</i> 2, 387 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Tithraustes</i> supersedes Tissaphernes, and opens negotiations with Agesilaus, ix. 268; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>sends an envoy to Greece against Sparta, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>victory of Chares and Artabazus over, xi. 231.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tolmidês</i>, voyage of, round Peloponnesus, v. 333; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>defeat and death of, v. 348.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tomi</i>, legendary origin of the name, i. 238 <i>n.</i> 3, <a href="#Page_473">xii. 473</a>.</li> -<li><i>Topographical</i> impossibilities in the legend of Troy no obstacles to its reception, i. 332; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>criticisms inapplicable to the legend of Troy, i. 333.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Torgium</i>, victory of Agathokles over Deinokrates at, <a href="#Page_447">xii. 447</a>.</li> -<li><i>Torônê</i>, surprise and capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 422; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Kleon, vi. 462.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Torrhêbia</i>, iii. 223.</li> -<li><i>Torture</i>, use of, to elicit truth, vii. 201 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Town-occupations</i>, encouragement to, at Athens, iii. 136.</li> -<li><i>Towns</i>, fortification of, in early Greece, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_587">[p. 587]</span><i>Trades</i>, Grecian deities of, i. 342.</li> -<li><i>Tradition, Greek</i>, matter of, uncertified, i. 433; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fictitious matter in, does not imply fraud, i. 434.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Træzen</i>, removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108.</li> -<li><i>Tragedies</i>, lost, of Promêtheus, i. 78 <i>n.</i> 2.</li> -<li><i>Tragedy</i>, Athenian, growth of, viii. 318; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Athenian, abundant production of, viii. 319;</li> - <li>Athenians, effect of, on the public mind, viii. 321;</li> - <li>Grecian, ethical sentiment in, viii. 336.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Trapezus</i>, legendary origin of, i. 175; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>date of the foundation of, iii. 252 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>the Ten Thousand at, xi. 111, 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>departure of the Ten Thousand from, ix. 127.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Trench</i> of Artaxerxes from the Euphrates to the wall of Media, ix. 40, 42 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Triballi</i>, defeat of Philip by, xi. 462; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>victory of Alexander over, <a href="#Page_23">xii. 23</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tribes</i> and demes of Kleisthenês, iv. 132 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Tribute</i> of the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 5 <i>n.</i> 1, 6 <i>n.</i> 1.</li> -<li><i>Trierarchic</i> reform of Demosthenês, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Trinakria</i>, town of, vii. 125.</li> -<li><i>Triphylia</i>, Minyæ in, ii. 27; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Elis, ii. 442, x. 260, 313.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Triphylians</i>, ii. 303.</li> -<li><i>Triple</i> theology of the pagan world, i. 439; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>partition of past time by Varro, i. 488.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tripolis</i>, iii. 268.</li> -<li><i>Trireme</i>, equipment of a, vi. 200 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Tritantæchmês</i>, exclamation of, on the Greeks and the Olympic games, v. 113.</li> -<li><i>Tritôn</i> and the Argonauts, i. 239.</li> -<li><i>Tritônis</i>, Lake, iv. 35 <i>n.</i> 1; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>prophecies about, iv. 39.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Trittyes</i>, iii. 52, 67 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Trôad</i>, the, i. 334.</li> -<li><i>Trôas Alexandreia</i>, i. 328.</li> -<li><i>Trôas historical</i>, and the Teukrians, i. 334.</li> -<li><i>Trojan war</i>, Thucydidês’s version of, i. 405 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the date of, ii. 38, 54.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Trojans</i>, allies of, i. 293; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>new allies of, i. 298;</li> - <li>and Phrygians, i. 335.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Trophonius</i> and Agamêdês, i. 130.</li> -<li><i>Trôs</i>, i. 285.</li> -<li><i>Troy</i>, legend of, i. 284-340.</li> -<li><i>Tunês</i>, capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>mutiny in the army of Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_426">xii. 426</a>;</li> - <li>Archagathus blocked up by the Carthaginians at, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>the Carthaginians over Agathokles near, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li> - <li>nocturnal panic in the Carthaginian camp near, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li> - <li>Agathokles deserts his army at, and they capitulate, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Turpin</i>, chronicle of, i. 475.</li> -<li><i>Tychê</i>, near Syracuse, vii. 245.</li> -<li><i>Tydeus</i>, i. 152, 271.</li> -<li><i>Tyndareus</i>, and Lêda, i. 168 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Tyndarion</i>, vii. 121.</li> -<li><i>Tyndaris</i>, foundation of, xi. 4.</li> -<li><i>Types</i>, manifold, of the Homeric gods, i. 349.</li> -<li><i>Typhaôn</i> and Echidna, offspring of, i. 7.</li> -<li><i>Typhôeus</i>, i. 9.</li> -<li><i>Tyre</i>, iii. 266 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>siege and subjugation of, by Nebuchadnezzar, iii. 332;</li> - <li>and Carthage, amicable relations between, iii. 348;</li> - <li>siege and capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_132">xii. 132</a> <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Tyrô</i>, different accounts of, i. 107.</li> -<li><i>Tyrrhenians</i>, O. Müller’s view of the origin of, iii. 180.</li> -<li><i>Tyrtæus</i> and the first Messenian war, ii. 422, 424, 427; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>efficiency of, in the second Messenian war, ii. 431 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>poetry of, iv. 82;</li> - <li>age and metres of, iv. 78.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">U.</li> -<li><i>Uranos</i>, i. 4, 5.</li> -<li><i>Usury</i> and the Jewish law, iii. 111 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Utica</i>, iii. 271; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_437">xii. 437</a>.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Uxii</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_170">xii. 170</a>.</li> - -<li class="iix">V.</li> -<li><i>Varro’s</i> triple division of pagan theology, i. 439; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his triple partition of past time, i. 488.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Veneti</i>, the, i. 319.</li> -<li><i>Villagers</i> regarded as inferiors by Hellens, ii. 259, 263.</li> -<li><i>Villages</i> numerous in early Greece, ii. 261.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_588">[p. 588]</span><i>Volsunga Saga</i>, i. 479.</li> - -<li class="iix">W.</li> -<li><i>War</i>, the first sacred, iv. 62 <i>seq.</i>, v. 346; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>the social, xi. 220, 231;</li> - <li>the second sacred, xi. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 374, 421 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the third sacred. xi. 468.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Wise men</i> of Greece, seven, iv. 94 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Wolf’s</i> Prolegomena to Homer, ii. 142; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>his theory on the composition of the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 150 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Women</i>, Solon’s laws respecting, iii. 140.</li> -<li><i>Wooden horse</i> of Troy, the, i. 303, 309.</li> -<li><i>“Works and Days”</i>, races of men in, i. 64 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>differs from the Theogony and Homer, i. 66;</li> - <li>mingled ethical and mythical sentiment in, i. 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>the earliest didactic poem, i. 69;</li> - <li>personal feeling pervading, i. 71;</li> - <li>probable age of, i. 72;</li> - <li>legend of Pandôra in, i. 76;</li> - <li>general feeling of the poet in, i. 77;</li> - <li>on women, i. 77.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Writing</i>, unknown to Homeric and Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>few traces of, long after the Homeric age, ii. 142;</li> - <li>among the Greeks, iv. 97.</li> - </ul></li> -</ul> - -<ul class="IX"> -<li class="iix">X.</li> -<li><i>Xanthippus</i> and Miltiadês, iv. 357, 365.</li> -<li><i>Xanthippus son of Periklês</i>, vi. 100.</li> -<li><i>Xenarês</i> and Kleobulus, the anti-Athenian ephors, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Xenias</i> and Pasion, desertion of Cyrus by, ix. 28.</li> -<li><i>Xenodokus</i>, <a href="#Page_425">xii. 425</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> -<li><i>Xenokrates</i>, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_323">xii. 323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li> -<li><i>Xenophanes</i>, his condemnation of ancient legends, i. 397; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Thalês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 418;</li> - <li>philosophy and school of, iv. 387 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Xenophôn</i>, his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 410; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>on Spartan women, ii. 388, 389 <i>n.</i> 1;</li> - <li>his Cyropædia, iii. 229 <i>n.</i> 2; iv. 183;</li> - <li>his version of Cyrus’s capture of Babylon, iv. 213 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>on the dikasteries, vi. 42, 46 <i>n.</i> 2;</li> - <li>and Plato, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 409 <i>seq.</i>, 448 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>the preceptorial and positive exhortation of Sokrates exhibited by, viii. 450;</li> - <li>remarks of, on the accusation against Sokrates, viii. 473;</li> - <li>on the condemnation of Sokrates, viii. 482;</li> - <li>and his joining of the Cyreian army, ix. 12;</li> - <li>length of the parasang in, ix. 14 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>dream of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 77;</li> - <li>address of, to the captains of the Ten Thousand, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 78;</li> - <li>chosen a general of the Ten Thousand, ix. 80;</li> - <li>first speech of, to the Ten Thousand, after being chosen a general, ix. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>great ascendancy acquired by, over the Ten Thousand, ix. 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Cheirisophus, ix. 92, 96, 106, 107;</li> - <li>prowess of, against the Persians, ix. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>in the mountains of the Karduchians, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>propositions of, to the Ten Thousand at Trapezus, ix. 125;</li> - <li>his idea of founding a new city on the Euxine, ix. 132 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>charges against, and speeches of, at Kotyôra, ix. 139 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>offered the sole command of the Ten Thousand, ix. 195;</li> - <li>at Herakleia and Kalpê, ix. 146 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Kleander, ix. 153, 155;</li> - <li>at Byzantium, ix. 154;</li> - <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 164, 165 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>takes leave of the Ten Thousand, ix. 164;</li> - <li>rejoins the Ten Thousand, ix. 165;</li> - <li>and Aristarchus, ix. 166;</li> - <li>and Seuthes, ix. 154, 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>his poverty and sacrifice to Zeus Meilichios, ix. 171 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>at Pergamus in Mysia, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>takes his second farewell of the Ten Thousand, ix. 174;</li> - <li>and the Cyreian army under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 174, 208, 314, 317;</li> - <li>banishment of, by the Athenians, ix. 174, 175 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>at Skillus, ix. 176 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>later life of, ix. 177;</li> - <li>and Deinarchus, ix. 178 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>on the conduct of Sparta between <small>B. C.</small> 387-379, x. 77;</li> - <li>partiality of, to Sparta in his Hellenica, x. 230 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_589">[p. 589]</span>on the results of the battle of Mantinea, x. 350.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Xerxes</i>, chosen as successor to Darius, v. 2; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>instigated to the invasion of Greece, v. 3;</li> - <li>resolves to invade Greece, v. 4;</li> - <li>deliberation and dreams of, respecting the invasion of Greece, v. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>vast preparations of, for the invasion of Greece, v. 13 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, to Sardis, and collection of his forces there, v. 14;</li> - <li>throws two bridges across the Hellespont, v. 15;</li> - <li>wrath of, on the destruction of his bridges across the Hellespont, v. 16;</li> - <li>punishment of the Hellespont by, v. 16 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>second bridges of, over the Hellespont, v. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>ship-canal of, across the isthmus of Mount Athos, v. 22 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>bridges of, across the Strymôn, v. 25;</li> - <li>demands of, sent to Greece before his invasion, v. 25, 56;</li> - <li>and the mare which brought forth a hare, v. 25 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, from Sardis, v. 25;</li> - <li>and Pythius, the Phrygian, v. 27;</li> - <li>march of, to Abydos, v. 28;</li> - <li>respect shown to Ilium by, v. 29;</li> - <li>crossing of the Hellespont by, v. 29 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>march of, to Doriskus, v. 31;</li> - <li>review and muster of the forces of, at Doriskus, v. 31, 40;</li> - <li>numbering of the army of, at Doriskus, v. 33;</li> - <li>number of the army of, v. 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>conversations of, with Demaratus, v. 40, 86, 96;</li> - <li>march of, from Doriskus along Thrace, v. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>crosses the Strymôn and marches to Akanthus, v. 43;</li> - <li>march of, to Therma, v. 44;</li> - <li>favorable prospects of, on reaching the boundary of Hellas, v. 44;</li> - <li>preparations of, known beforehand in Greece, v. 56;</li> - <li>heralds of, obtain submission from many Grecian cities, v. 57;</li> - <li>alarm and mistrust in Greece on the invasion of, v. 59;</li> - <li>unwillingness or inability of northern Greeks to resist, v. 64;</li> - <li>inability of Gelon to join in resisting the invasion of, v. 67;</li> - <li>the Thessalians and the invasion of, v. 67;</li> - <li>Grecian army sent to defend Tempê against, v. 68;</li> - <li>abandonment of the defence of Tempê against, v. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>submission of northern Greeks to, after the retreat from Tempê, v. 69;</li> - <li>engagement of confederate Greeks against, such as joined, v. 70;</li> - <li>first encounter of the fleet of, with that of the Greeks, v. 79;</li> - <li>movements of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82;</li> - <li>movements of the fleet of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>destruction of the fleet of, by storm at Magnesia, v. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>delay of, with his land force near Trachis, v. 86 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>impressions of, about the defenders at Thermopylæ, v. 87;</li> - <li>at Thermopylæ, doubts about the motives ascribed by Herodotus to, v. 87;</li> - <li>the mountain-path avoiding Thermopylæ revealed to, v. 88;</li> - <li>impressions of, after the combat with Leonidas, v. 95;</li> - <li>Demaratus’s advice to, after the death of Leonidas, v. 96;</li> - <li>manœuvres ascribed to, respecting the dead at Thermopylæ, v. 103;</li> - <li>losses of, repaired after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 105;</li> - <li>abandonment of Attica on the approach of, v. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>occupation of Attica and Athens by, v. 111;</li> - <li>conversation of, with Arcadians, on the Olympic games, v. 113;</li> - <li>detachment of, against Delphi, v. 114;</li> - <li>capture of the Acropolis at Athens by, v. 116 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>number of the fleet of, at Salamis, v. 118 <i>n.</i> 3;</li> - <li>reviews his fleet at Phalêrum, and calls a council of war, v. 119;</li> - <li>resolution of, to fight at Salamis, v. 119;</li> - <li>Themistoklês’s message to, before the battle of Salamis, v. 127;</li> - <li>surrounds the Greeks at Salamis, v. 128 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and the fleets at Salamis, position of, v. 131;</li> - <li>story of three nephews of, at Salamis, v. 132 <i>n.</i>;</li> - <li>fears of, after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;</li> - <li>resolves to go back to Asia after the battle of Salamis, v. 139 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>sends his fleet to Asia after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;</li> - <li>Mardonius’s proposal to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 140;</li> - <li>Themistoklês’s message to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 141;</li> - <li>retreating march of, to the Hellespont, v. 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>and Artayktês, v. 202;</li> - <li>causes of the repulse of, from Greece, v. 240;</li> - <li>comparison between the invasion of, and that of Alexander, v. 241;</li> - <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_590">[p. 590]</span>death of, ix. 2.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Xuthus</i>, i. 99 <i>seq.</i>, 103; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>and Kreüsa, i. 204.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li class="iix">Z.</li> -<li><i>Zab, the Great</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 69 <i>seq.</i>; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>crossed by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 88.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Zagreus</i>, i. 18, 19 <i>n.</i></li> -<li><i>Zakynthus</i>, iii. 410; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Timotheus at, x. 141;</li> - <li>forces of Dion mustered at, xi. 84, 87;</li> - <li>Dion’s voyage from, to Herakleia, xi. 88.</li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Zaleukus</i>, iii. 382.</li> -<li><i>Zalmoxis</i>, i. 448.</li> -<li><i>Zanklê</i>, iii. 365; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>fate of, v. 211 <i>seq.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Zariaspa</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>.</li> -<li><i>Zêlos</i>, i. 8.</li> -<li><i>Zeno of Elea</i>, viii. 341, 344, 345.</li> -<li><i>Zephyrus</i>, i. 6.</li> -<li><i>Zêtês</i> and Kalais, i. 199.</li> -<li><i>Zethus</i> and Amphiôn, Homeric legend of, i. 257, 263 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Zeugitæ</i>, iii. 118; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Boeckh’s opinion on the pecuniary qualification of, iii. 119 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Zeus</i>, i. 3, 7, 8 <i>seq.</i>, 12; - <ul class="IX"> - <li>Homeric, i. 13;</li> - <li>account of, in the Orphic Theogony, i. 18;</li> - <li>mythical character, names, and functions, i. 61 <i>seq.</i>;</li> - <li>origin of the numerous mythes of, i. 62;</li> - <li>and Promêtheus, i. 63, 75;</li> - <li>and Danaê, i. 90;</li> - <li>and Alkmênê, i. 93;</li> - <li>and Ægina, i. 184;</li> - <li>and Eurôpa, i. 257;</li> - <li>and Ganymêdês, i. 285;</li> - <li>in the fourth book of the Iliad different from Zeus in the first and eighth, ii. 190;</li> - <li>fluctuation of Greek opinion on the supremacy of, iv. 196 <i>n.</i></li> - </ul></li> -<li><i>Zeus Ammon</i>, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, <a href="#Page_147">xii. 147</a>.</li> -<li><i>Zeus Laphystios</i>, i. 127.</li> -<li><i>Zeus Lykæus</i>, i. 174.</li> -<li><i>Zeus Meilichios</i>, Xenophon’s sacrifice to, ix. 171 <i>seq.</i></li> -<li><i>Zopyrus</i>, iv. 231.</li> -</ul> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_1">[1]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. c. 5, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_2"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_2">[2]</a></span> Æschines cont. Timarch. p. 167.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_3"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_3">[3]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_4"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_4">[4]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 9. Justin says that -Alexander was the companion of his father during part of the war in -Thrace (ix. 1).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_5"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_5">[5]</a></span> Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 513.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_6"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_6">[6]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 10. Arrian, iii. 6, -8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_7"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_7">[7]</a></span> See the third chapter of Plutarch’s -life of Demetrius Poliorkêtês; which presents a vivid description -of the feelings prevalent between members of regal families in -those ages. Demetrius, coming home from the chase with his hunting -javelins in his hand, goes up to his father Antigonus, salutes him, -and sits down by his side without disarming. This is extolled as -an unparalleled proof of the confidence and affection subsisting -between the father and the son. In the families of all the other -Diadochi (says Plutarch) murders of sons, mothers, and wives, -were frequent—murders of brothers were even common, assumed to be -precautions necessary for security. Οὕτως ἄρα πάντη δυσκωνοίνητον ἡ -ἀρχὴ καὶ μεστὸν ἀπιστίας καὶ δυσνοίας, ὥστε ἀγάλλεσθαι τὸν μέγιστον -τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων καὶ πρεσβύτατον, ὅτι μὴ φοβεῖται τὸν υἱὸν, -ἀλλὰ προσίεται τὴν λόγχην ἔχοντα τοῦ σώματος πλήσιον. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ -καὶ μόνος, ὡς εἰπεῖν, <span class="gesperrt">ὁ οἶκος οὗτος</span> -ἐπὶ πλείστας διαδοχὰς τῶν τοιούτων κακῶν ἐκαθάρευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ -<span class="gesperrt">εἷς μόνος</span> τῶν ἀπ᾽ Ἀντιγόνου Φίλιππος -ἀνεῖλεν υἱόν. <span class="gesperrt">Αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι σχεδὸν ἁπᾶσαι</span> -διαδοχαὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἔχουσι παίδων, πολλῶν δὲ μητέρων φόνους καὶ -γυναικῶν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀδελφοὺς ἀναιρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ γεωμέτραι τὰ -αἰτήματα λαμβάνουσιν, οὕτω <span class="gesperrt">συνεχωρεῖτο κοινόν -τι νομιζόμενον αἴτημα καὶ βασιλικὸν</span> ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας.</p> - -<p>Compare Tacitus, Histor. v. 8, about the family feuds of the -kings of Judæa; and Xenoph. Hieron. iii. 8.</p> - -<p>In noticing the Antigonid family as a favorable exception, we -must confine our assertion to the first century of that family. The -bloody tragedy of Perseus and Demetrius shortly preceded the ruin of -the empire.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_8"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_8">[8]</a></span> Arrian, i. 25, 2; Justin, xi. 2. -See Vol. XI. p. 517.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_9"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_9">[9]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandrum, -Fragm. ap. Photium, cod. 92. p. 220; Plutarch, De Fortunâ Alex. Magn. -p. 327. πᾶσα δὲ ὕπουλος ἦν ἡ Μακεδονία (after the death of Philip) -πρὸς Ἀμύνταν ἀποβλέπουσα καὶ τοὺς Ἀερόπου παῖδας.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_10"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_10">[10]</a></span> Diod. xvii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_11"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_11">[11]</a></span> Arrian, i. 25, 2; Curtius, vii. -1, 6. Alexander son of Aëropus was son-in-law of Antipater. The case -of this Alexander—and of Olympias—afforded a certain basis to those -who said (Curtius, vi. 43) that Alexander had dealt favorably with -the accomplices of Pausanias.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_12"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_12">[12]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 10-27; Diodor. -xvii. 51; Justin, xi. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_13"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_13">[13]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_14"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_14">[14]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 17. vi. 10, 24. -Arrian mentioned this Amyntas son of Perdikkas (as well as the fact -of his having been put to death by Alexander before the Asiatic -expedition), in the lost work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον—see Photius Cod. -92. p. 220. But Arrian, in his account of Alexander’s expedition, -<i>does not mention</i> the fact; which shows that his silence is not to -be assumed as a conclusive reason for discrediting allegations of -others.</p> - -<p>Compare Polyænus, v. 60; and Plutarch, Fort. Alex. Magn. p. 327. -</p> - -<p>It was during this expedition into Thrace and Illyria, about -eight months after his accession, that Alexander promised to give his -sister Kynna in marriage to Langarus prince of the Agrianes (Arrian, -Exp. Al. M. i. 5, 7). Langarus died of sickness soon after; so that -this marriage never took place. But when the promise was made, Kynna -must have been a widow. Her husband Amyntas must therefore have been -put to death during the first months of Alexander’s reign.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_15"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_15">[15]</a></span> See my last preceding volume, -Chap. xc. p. 518; Diod. xvii. 2; Curtius, vii. 1, 6; Justin, ix. 7 -xi. 2. xii. 6; Plutarch, Alexand. 10; Pausanias, viii. 7, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_16"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_16">[16]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17 10; Plutarch, Alex. -20, Curtius, iii. 28, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_17"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_17">[17]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 42, 20. Compare with -this custom, a passage in the Ajax of Sophokles, v. 725.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_18"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_18">[18]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. c. 29. -p. 469. c. 78 p. 608; Plutarch, Demosth. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_19"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_19">[19]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 547. c. -50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_20"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_20">[20]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_21"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_21">[21]</a></span> We gather this from Æschines adv. -Ktesiph. p. 551. c. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_22"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_22">[22]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 5) mentions this -communication of Demosthenes to Attalus; which, however, I cannot -but think improbable. Probably Charidemus was the organ of the -communications.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_23"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_23">[23]</a></span> This letter from Darius is -distinctly alluded to, and even a sentence cited from it, by Æschines -adv. Ktesiph. p. 633, 634. c. 88. We know that Darius wrote in very -different language not long afterwards, near the time when Alexander -crossed into Asia (Arrian, ii. 14, 11). The first letter must have -been sent shortly after Philip’s death, when Darius was publicly -boasting of having procured the deed, and before he had yet learnt to -fear Alexander. Compare Diodor. xvii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_24"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_24">[24]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_25"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_25">[25]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 3) says that -the Thebans passed a vote to expel the Macedonian garrison in the -Kadmeia. But I have little hesitation in rejecting this statement. -We may be sure that the presence of the Macedonian garrison was -connected with the predominance in the city of a party favorable to -Macedonia. In the ensuing year, when the resistance really occurred, -this was done by the anti-Macedonian party, who then got back from -exile.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_26"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_26">[26]</a></span> Demadis Fragment. ὑπὲρ τῆς -δωδεκαετίας, p. 180.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_27"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_27">[27]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_28"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_28">[28]</a></span> Plutarch, Reipub. Ger. Præcept. -p. 804.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_29"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_29">[29]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 564. -c. 50; Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 57; Diodor. xvii. 4; Plutarch, -Demosth. c. 23 (Plutarch confounds the proceedings of this year -with those of the succeeding year). Demades, in the fragment of his -oration remaining to us, makes no allusion to this proceeding of -Demosthenes.</p> - -<p>The decree, naming Demosthenes among the envoys, is likely -enough to have been passed chiefly by the votes of his enemies. It -was always open to an Athenian citizen to accept or decline such an -appointment.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_30"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_30">[30]</a></span> Several years afterwards, Demades -himself was put to death by Antipater, to whom he had been sent as -envoy from Athens (Diodor. xviii. 48).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_31"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_31">[31]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 2. αἰτεῖν παρ᾽ -αὐτῶν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας στρατείας, ἥντινα Φιλίππῳ ἤδη -ἔδοσαν· καὶ αἰτήσαντα λαβεῖν παρὰ πάντων, πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, etc. -</p> - -<p>Arrian speaks as if this request had been addressed only to the -Greeks <i>within</i> Peloponnesus; moreover he mentions no assembly at -Corinth, which is noticed (though with some confusion) by Diodorus, -Justin, and Plutarch. Cities out of Peloponnesus, as well as within -it, must have been included; unless we suppose that the resolution of -the Amphiktyonic assembly, which had been previously passed, was held -to comprehend all the extra-Peloponnesian cities, which seems not -probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_32"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_32">[32]</a></span> Demosthenes (or -Pseudo-Demosthenes), Orat. xvii. De Fœdere Alexandrino, p. 213, 214. -ἐπιτάττει ἡ συνθήκη εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ, ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ αὐτονόμους -τοὺς Ἕλληνας.—Ἐστὶ γὰρ γεγραμμένον, ἐάν τινες τὰς πολιτείας τὰς -παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις οὔσας, ὅτε τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὤμνυσαν, -καταλύσωσι, πολεμίους εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_33"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_33">[33]</a></span> Demosthen. Orat. de Fœdere Alex. -p. 213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_34"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_34">[34]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_35"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_35">[35]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 217. ἔστι γὰρ -δήπου ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, τὴν θάλατταν πλεῖν τοὺς μετέχοντας τῆς -εἰρήνης, καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν αὐτοὺς μηδὲ κατάγειν πλοῖον μηδενὸς -τούτων· ἐὰν δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῇ, πολέμιον εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς -εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_36"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_36">[36]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 218, 219. -Böhnecke, in his instructive comments on this convention (Forschungen -auf dem Gebiete der Attischen Redner, p. 623), has treated the -prohibition here mentioned as if it were one specially binding the -Macedonians not to sail with armed ships into the Peiræus. This -undoubtedly is the particular case on which the orator insists; but -I conceive it to have been only a particular case under a general -prohibitory rule.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_37"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_37">[37]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1, 7; ii. 2, 4. -Demosth. de Fœd. Alex, p. 213. Tenedos, Mitylênê, Antissa, and Eresus, -can hardly have been members of the convention when first sworn.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_38"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_38">[38]</a></span> Demosth. Orat. de Fœd. -Alex. p. 215. ἐστὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἐπιμελεῖσθαι <span -class="gesperrt">τοὺς συνεδρεύοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ κοινῇ φυλακῇ -τεταγμένους</span>, ὅπως ἐν ταῖς κοινωνούσαις πόλεσι μὴ γίγνωνται -θάνατοι μηδὲ φυγαὶ παρὰ τοὺς κειμένους ταῖς πόλεσι νόμους.... Οἱ δὲ -τοσοῦτον δέουσι τούτων τι κωλύειν, ὥστε καὶ συγκατασκευάζουσιν, etc. -(p. 216).</p> - -<p>The persons designated by οἱ δὲ, and denounced throughout this -oration generally, are, Alexander or the Macedonian officers and -soldiers.</p> - -<p>A passage in Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14, leads to the -supposition, that a standing Macedonian force was kept at Corinth, -occupying the Isthmus. The Thebans, however, declared against -Macedonia (in August or September 335 <small>B. C.</small>), -and proceeding to besiege the Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia, -sent envoys to entreat aid from the Arcadians. “These envoys (says -Deinarchus) got with difficulty by sea to the Arcadians”—οἳ κατὰ -θάλασσαν <span class="gesperrt">μόλις</span> ἀφίκοντο πρὸς ἐκείνους. -Whence should this difficulty arise, except from a Macedonian -occupation of Corinth?</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_39"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_39">[39]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10. παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ -δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. After the death of Darius, Alexander pronounced -that the Grecian mercenaries who had been serving with that prince, -were highly criminal for having contravened the general vote of the -Greeks (παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τὰ Ἑλλήνων), except such as had taken service -before that vote was passed, and except the Sinopeans, whom Alexander -considered as subjects of Persia and not partakers τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν -Ἑλλήνων (Arrian, iii. 23, 15; iii. 24, 8, 9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_40"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_40">[40]</a></span> This is the oration περὶ τῶν -πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον συνθηκῶν already more than once alluded to above. -Though standing among the Demosthenic works, it is supposed by -Libanius as well as by most modern critics not to be the production -of Demosthenes—upon internal grounds of style, which are certainly -forcible. Libanius says that it bears much resemblance to the style -of Hyperides. At any rate, there seems no reason to doubt that it is -a genuine oration of one of the contemporary orators. I agree with -Böhnecke (Forschungen, p. 629) in thinking that it must have been -delivered a few months after the convention with Alexander, before -the taking of Thebes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_41"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_41">[41]</a></span> Demosthenes (or Pseudo-Demosth.), -Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 216. Οὕτω μὲν τοίνυν ῥᾳδίως τὰ ὅπλα ἐπήνεγκε -ὁ Μακεδὼν, ὥστε οὐδὲ κατέθετο πώποτε, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νῦν περιέρχεται -καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_42"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_42">[42]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 214, 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_43"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_43">[43]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) -Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 212, 214, 215, 220, where the orator speaks -of Alexander as the τύραννος of Greece.</p> - -<p>The orator argues (p. 213) that the Macedonians had recognized -despotism as contrary to the convention, in so far as to expel the -despots from the towns of Antissa and Eresus in Lesbos. But probably -these despots were in correspondence with the Persians on the -opposite mainland, or with Memnon.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_44"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_44">[44]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 215. τοὺς δ᾽ -ἰδίους ὑμᾶς νόμους ἀναγκάζουσι λύειν, τοὺς μὲν κεκριμένους ἐν -τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀφιέντες, ἕτερα δὲ παμπλήθη τοιαῦτα βιαζόμενοι -παρανομεῖν....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_45"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_45">[45]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) -Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 217. εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ὑπεροψίας ἦλθον, ὥστε εἰς -Τένεδον ἅπαντα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου πλοῖα κατήγαγον, καὶ σκευωρούμενοι -περὶ αὐτὰ οὐ πρότερον ἀφεῖσαν, πρὶν ὑμεῖς ἐψηφίσασθε τριήρεις ἕκατον -πληροῦν καὶ καθέλκειν εὐθὺς τότε—ὃ παρ᾽ ἐλάχιστον ἐποίησεν αὐτοὺς -ἀφαιρεθῆναι δικαίως τὴν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἡγεμονίαν.... p. 218. Ἕως γὰρ -ἂν ἐξῇ τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ μόνοις ἀναμφισβητήτως εἶναι κυρίοις (the -Athenians), τοῖς γε κατὰ γῆν πρὸς τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ δυνάμει ἐστὶ προβολὰς -ἑτέρας ἰσχυροτέρας εὑρέσθαι, etc.</p> - -<p>We know that Alexander caused a squadron of ships to sail round -to and up the Danube from Byzantium (Arrian, i. 3, 3), to meet him -after his march by land from the southern coast of Thrace. It is not -improbable that the Athenian vessels detained may have come loaded -with a supply of corn, and that the detention of the corn-ships may -have been intended to facilitate this operation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_46"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_46">[46]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) -Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_47"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_47">[47]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 211. οἶμαι γὰρ -οὐδὲν οὕτω τοῖς δημοκρατουμένοις πρέπειν, ὡς περὶ τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ -δίκαιον σπουδάζειν.</p> - -<p>I give here the main sense, without binding myself to the exact -phrases.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_48"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_48">[48]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 213. καὶ γὰρ ἔτι -προσγέγραπται ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, πολέμιον εἶναι, τὸν ἐκεῖνα ἅπερ -Ἀλέξανδρος ποιοῦντα, ἁπᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης κοινωνοῦσι, καὶ τὴν χώραν -αὐτοῦ, καὶ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἅπαντας. Compare p. 214 init.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_49"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_49">[49]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 217. οὐδεὶς -ὑμῖν ἐγκαλέσει ποτε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὡς ἄρα παρέβητέ τι τῶν κοινῇ -ὁμολογηθέντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριν ἕξουσιν ὅτι μόνοι ἐξηλέγξατε τοὺς ταῦτα -ποιοῦντας, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_50"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_50">[50]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 214. νυνὶ δ᾽, ὅτ᾽ -εἰς ταὐτὸ δίκαιον ἅμα καὶ ὁ καιρὸς καὶ τὸ σύμφερον συνδεδράμηκεν, -ἄλλον ἄρα τινὰ χρόνον ἀναμενεῖτε τῆς ἰδίας ἐλευθερίας ἅμα καὶ τῆς τῶν -ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἀντιλαβέσθαι;</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_51"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_51">[51]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 220. εἰ ἄρα ποτὲ -δεῖ παύσασθαι αἰσχρῶς ἑτέροις ἀκολουθοῦντας, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ ἀναμνησθῆναι -μηδεμιᾶς φιλοτιμίας τῶν ἐξ ἀρχαιοτάτου καὶ πλείστου καὶ μάλιστα -πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἡμῖν ὑπαρχουσῶν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_52"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_52">[52]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) -Orat. De Fœdere Alex. ἐὰν οὖν κελεύητε, γράψω, καθάπερ αἱ συνθῆκαι -κελεύουσι, πολεμεῖν τοῖς παραβεβηκόσιν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_53"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_53">[53]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_54"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_54">[54]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634; -Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 11-19, p. 9-14. It is Æschines who states -that the 300 talents were sent to the Athenian people, and refused by -them.</p> - -<p>Three years later, after the battle of Issus, Alexander in his -letter to Darius accuses that prince of having sent both letters -and money into Greece, for the purpose of exciting war against him. -Alexander states that the Lacedæmonians accepted the money, but that -all the other Grecian cities refused it (Arrian, ii. 14, 9). There is -no reason to doubt these facts; but I find nothing identifying the -precise point of time to which Alexander alludes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_55"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_55">[55]</a></span> Strabo speaks of the Thracian -ἔθνη as twenty-two in number, capable of sending out 200,000 foot, -and 15,000 horses (Strabo, vii. Fragm. Vatic. 48).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_56"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_56">[56]</a></span> Strabo, vii. p. 331 (Fragm.); -Arrian, i. 1, 6; Appian, Bell. Civil. iv. 87, 105, 106. Appian gives -(iv. 103) a good general description of the almost impassable and -trackless country to the north and north-east of Philippi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_57"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_57">[57]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 12, 17. The precise -locality of that steep road whereby Alexander crossed the Balkan, -cannot be determined. Baron von Moltke, in his account of the Russian -campaign in Bulgaria (1828-1829), gives an enumeration of four roads, -passable by an army, crossing this chain from north to south (see -chap. i. of that work). But whether Alexander passed by any one of -these four, or by some other road still more to the west, we cannot -tell.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_58"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_58">[58]</a></span> Arrian, i. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_59"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_59">[59]</a></span> Strabo, vii. p. 303.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_60"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_60">[60]</a></span> Arrian, i. 4, 2-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_61"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_61">[61]</a></span> Neither the point where Alexander -crossed the Danube,—nor the situation of the island called Peukê,—nor -the identity of the river Lyginus—nor the part of Mount Hæmus which -Alexander forced his way over—can be determined. The data given by -Arrian are too brief and too meagre to make out with assurance any -part of his march after he crossed the Nestus. The facts reported by -the historian represent only a small portion of what Alexander really -did in this expedition.</p> - -<p>It seems clear, however, that the main purpose of Alexander -was to attack and humble the Triballi. Their locality is known -generally as the region where the modern Servia joins Bulgaria. -They reached eastward (in the times of Thucydides, ii. 96) as far -as the river Oskius or Isker, which crosses the chain of Hæmus from -south to north, passes by the modern city of Sophia, and falls into -the Danube. Now Alexander, in order to conduct his army from the -eastern bank of the river Nestus, near its mouth, to the country of -the Triballi, would naturally pass through Philippopolis, which city -appears to have been founded by his father Philip, and therefore -probably had a regular road of communication to the maritime regions. -(See Stephanus Byz. v. Φιλιππόπολις.) Alexander would cross Mount -Hæmus, then, somewhere north-west of Philippopolis. We read in the -year 376 <small>B. C.</small> (Diodor. xv. 36) of an invasion of -Abdêra by the Triballi; which shows that there was a road, not unfit -for an army, from their territory to the eastern side of the mouth -of the river Nestus, where Abdêra was situated. This was the road -which Alexander is likely to have followed. But he must probably have -made a considerable circuit to the eastward; for the route which Paul -Lucas describes himself as having taken direct from Philippopolis to -Drama, can hardly have been fit for an army.</p> - -<p>The river Lyginus may perhaps be the modern Isker, but this -is not certain. The Island called Peukê is still more perplexing. -Strabo speaks of it as if it were near the mouth of the Danube -(vii. p. 301-305). But it seems impossible that either the range of -the Triballi, or the march of Alexander, can have extended so far -eastward. Since Strabo (as well as Arrian) copied Alexander’s march -from Ptolemy, whose authority is very good, we are compelled to -suppose that there was a second island called Peukê higher up the -river.</p> - -<p>The Geography of Thrace is so little known, that we cannot wonder -at our inability to identify these places. We are acquainted, and -that but imperfectly, with the two high roads, both starting from -Byzantium or Constantinople. 1. The one (called the King’s Road, from -having been in part the march of Xerxes in his invasion of Greece, -Livy, xxxix. 27; Herodot. vii. 115) crossing the Hebrus and the -Nestus, touching the northern coast of the Ægean Sea at Neapolis, a -little south of Philippi, then crossing the Strymon at Amphipolis, -and stretching through Pella across Inner Macedonia and Illyria to -Dyrrachium (the Via Egnatia). 2. The other, taking a more northerly -course, passing along the upper valley of the Hebrus from Adrianople -to Philippopolis, then through Sardicia (Sophia) and Naissus (Nisch), -to the Danube near Belgrade; being the high road now followed from -Constantinople to Belgrade.</p> - -<p>But apart from these two roads, scarcely anything whatever is -known of the country. Especially the mountainous region of Rhodopê, -bounded on the west by the Strymon, on the north and east by the -Hebrus, and on the south by the Ægean, is a Terra Incognita, except -the few Grecian colonies on the coast. Very few travellers have -passed along, or described the southern or King’s Road, while the -region in the interior, apart from the high road, was absolutely -unexplored until the visit of M. Viquesnel in 1847, under scientific -mission from the French government. The brief, but interesting -account, composed by M. Viquesnel, of this rugged and impracticable -district, is contained in the “Archives des Missions Scientifiques -et Litteraires”, for 1850, published at Paris. Unfortunately, the -map intended to accompany that account has not yet been prepared; -but the published data, as far as they go, have been employed by -Kiepert in constructing his recent map of Turkey in Europe; the best -map of these regions now existing, though still very imperfect. -The Illustrations (Erläuterungen) annexed by Kiepert to his map of -Turkey, show the defective data on which the chartography of this -country is founded. Until the survey of M. Viquesnel, the higher -part of the course of the Strymon, and nearly all the course of the -Nestus, may be said to have been wholly unknown.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_62"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_62">[62]</a></span> Arrian, i. 4, 5; Strabo, vii. p. -301.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_63"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_63">[63]</a></span> For the situation of Pelion, -compare Livy, xxxi. 33, 34, and the remarks of Colonel Leake, Travels -in Northern Greece, vol. iii. ch. 28. p. 310-324.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_64"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_64">[64]</a></span> Assuming Alexander to have been -in the Territory of the Triballi, the modern Servia, he would in this -march follow mainly the road which is now frequented between Belgrade -and Bitolia; through the plain of Kossovo, Pristina, Katschanik -(rounding on the north-eastern side the Ljubatrin, the north-eastern -promontory terminating the chain of Skardus), Uschkub, Kuprili, along -the higher course of the Axius or Vardar, until the point where the -Erigon or Tscherna joins that river below Kuprili. Here he would be -among the Pæonians and Agrianes, on the east—and the Dardani and -Autariatæ, seemingly on the north and west. If he then followed the -course of the Erigon, he would pass through the portions of Macedonia -then called Deuripia and Pelagonia: he would go between the ridges of -the mountains, through which the Erigon breaks, called Nidje on the -south, and Babuna on the north. He would pass afterwards to Florina, -and not to Bitolia.</p> - -<p>See Kiepert’s map of these regions—a portion of his recent map of -Turkey in Europe—and Griesbach’s description of the general track.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_65"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_65">[65]</a></span> Arrian, i. 5, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_66"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_66">[66]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 3-18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_67"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_67">[67]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 19-22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_68"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_68">[68]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_69"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_69">[69]</a></span> Ælian, V. H. xii. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_70"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_70">[70]</a></span> Demades, ὑπὲρ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, -s. 14. Θηβαῖοι δὲ μέγιστον εἶχον δεσμὸν τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων φρουρὰν, -ὑφ᾽ ἧς οὐ μόνον τὰς χεῖρας συνεδέθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν παῤῥησίαν -ἀφῄρηντο....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_71"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_71">[71]</a></span> The Thebans, in setting -forth their complaints to the Arcadians, stated—ὅτι οὐ τὴν πρὸς -τοὺς Ἕλληνας φιλίαν Θηβαῖοι διαλῦσαι βουλόμενοι, τοῖς πράγμασιν -ἐπανέστησαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐναντίον τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐδὲν πράξοντες, <span -class="gesperrt">ἀλλὰ τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐν τῇ πόλει -γινόμενα φέρειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενοι, οὐδὲ τὴν δούλειαν ὑπομένειν, οὐδὲ -τὰς ὕβρεις ὁρᾷν τὰς εἰς τὰ ἐλεύθερα σώματα γινομένας</span>.</p> - -<p>See Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, s. 13, the speech of Cleadas, -Justin, xi. 4; and (Deinarchus cont. Demosth. s. 20) compare Livy, -xxxix. 27—about the working of the Macedonian garrison at Maroncia, -in the time of Philip son of Demetrius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_72"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_72">[72]</a></span> Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, -Fragm. ad fin.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_73"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_73">[73]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 3. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ -πολὺς ὁ λόγος (of the death of Alexander) καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν ἐφοίτα, ὅτι -τε χρόνον ἀπῆν οὐκ ὀλίγον καὶ ὅτι οὐδεμία ἀγγελία παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῖκτο, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_74"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_74">[74]</a></span> Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, ad -fin. ἡνίκα Δημοσθένης καὶ Λυκοῦργος τῷ μὲν λόγῳ παραταττόμενοι τοὺς -Μακεδόνας ἐνίκων ἐν Τριβάλλοις, μόνον δ᾽ οὐχ ὁρατὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος -νεκρὸν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον προέθηκαν ... ἐμὲ δὲ στυγνὸν καὶ περίλυπον -ἔφασκον εἶναι μὴ συνευδοκοῦντα, etc.</p> - -<p>Justin, xi. 2. “Demosthenem oratorem, qui Macedonum deletas omnes -cum rege copias à Triballis affirmaverit, producto in concionem -auctore, qui in eo praelio, in quo rex ceciderit, se quoque -vulneratum diceret.”</p> - -<p>Compare Tacitus, Histor. i. 34. “Vix dum egresso Pisone, occisum -in castris Othonem, vagus primum et incertus rumor, mox, ut <i>in -magnis mendaciis, interfuisse se quidam, et vidisse affirmabant</i>, -credulà famâ inter gaudentes et incuriosos.... Obvius in palatio -Julius Atticus, speculator, cruentum gladium ostentans, occisum <i>à -se</i> Othonem exclamavit.”</p> - -<p>It is stated that Alexander was really wounded in the head by a -stone, in the action with the Illyrians (Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. p. -327).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_75"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_75">[75]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 1: compare -Deinarchus cont. Demosthenes, s. 75. p. 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_76"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_76">[76]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 3-17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_77"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_77">[77]</a></span> Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 11. See -Volume X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 81 of this History.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_78"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_78">[78]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_79"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_79">[79]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_80"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_80">[80]</a></span> Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14. -s. 19. καὶ Ἀρκάδων ἡκόντων εἰς εσθμὸν, καὶ τὴν μὲν παρὰ Ἀντιπάτρου -πρεσβείαν ἄπρακτον ἀποστειλάντων, etc.</p> - -<p>In the vote passed by the people of Athens some years afterwards, -awarding a statue and other honors to Demosthenes, these proceedings -in Peloponnesus are enumerated among his titles to public -gratitude—καὶ ὡς ἐκώλυσε Πελοποννησίους ἐπὶ Θήβας Ἀλεξάνδρῳ βοηθῆσαι, -χρήματα δοὺς καὶ αὐτὸς πρεσβεύσας, etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X. Orator. p. -850).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_81"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_81">[81]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 2; Æschines adv. -Ktesiphont. p. 634.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_82"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_82">[82]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634; -Deinarch. adv. Demosth. p. 15, 16. s. 19-22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_83"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_83">[83]</a></span> See Herod. viii. 143. Demosthenes -in his orations frequently insists on the different rank and position -of Athens, as compared with those of the smaller Grecian states—and -of the higher and more arduous obligations consequent thereupon. This -is one grand point of distinction between his policy and that of -Phokion. See a striking passage in the speech De Coronâ, p. 245. s. -77; and Orat. De Republ. Ordinand. p. 176. s. 37.</p> - -<p>Isokrates holds the same language touching the obligations of -Sparta,—in the speech which he puts into the mouth of Archidamus. -“No one will quarrel with Epidaurians and Phliasians, for looking -only how they can get through and keep themselves in being. But for -Lacedæmonians, it is impossible to aim simply at preservation and -nothing beyond—by any means, whatever they may be. If we cannot -preserve ourselves with honor, we ought to prefer a glorious death.” -(Isokrates, Orat. vi. Archid. s. 106.)</p> - -<p>The backward and narrow policy, which Isokrates here proclaims as -fit for Epidaurus and Phlius, but not for Sparta—is precisely what -Phokion always recommended for Athens, even while Philip’s power was -yet nascent and unsettled.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_84"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_84">[84]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_85"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_85">[85]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7. 6. See, respecting -this region, Colonel Leake’s Travels in Northern Greece, ch. vi. p. -300-304; ch. xxviii. p. 303-305, etc.; and for Alexander’s line of -march, <a href="#Map">the map</a> at the end of the volume.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_86"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_86">[86]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 9) incorrectly -says that Alexander came back unexpectedly from <i>Thrace</i>. Had this -been the fact, he would have come by Pella.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_87"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_87">[87]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9; Plutarch. -Alexand. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_88"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_88">[88]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_89"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_89">[89]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_90"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_90">[90]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_91"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_91">[91]</a></span> The attack of Perdikkas was -represented by Ptolemy, from whom Arrian copies (i. 8, 1), not -only as being the first and only attack made by the Macedonian -army on Thebes, but also as made by Perdikkas <i>without orders from -Alexander</i>, who was forced to support it in order to preserve -Perdikkas from being overwhelmed by the Thebans. According to Ptolemy -and Arrian, therefore, the storming of Thebes took place both without -the orders, and against the wishes, of Alexander; the capture -moreover was effected rapidly with little trouble to the besieging -army (ἡ ἅλωσις δι᾽ ὀλίγου τε καὶ <span class="gesperrt">οὐ ξὺν πόνῳ -τῶν ἑλόντων</span> ξυνενεχθεῖσα, Arr. i. 9, 9): the bloodshed and -pillage was committed by the vindictive sentiment of the Bœotian -allies.</p> - -<p>Diodorus had before him a very different account. He affirms that -Alexander both combined and ordered the assault—that the Thebans -behaved like bold and desperate men, resisting obstinately and for -a long time—that the slaughter afterwards was committed by the -general body of the assailants; the Bœotian allies being doubtless -conspicuous among them. Diodorus gives this account at some length, -and with his customary rhetorical amplifications. Plutarch and Justin -are more brief; but coincide in the same general view, and not in -that of Arrian. Polyænus again (iv. 3 12) gives something different -from all.</p> - -<p>To me it appears that the narrative of Diodorus is (in its basis, -and striking off rhetorical amplifications) more credible than that -of Arrian. Admitting the attack made by Perdikkas, I conceive it to -have been a portion of the general plan of Alexander. I cannot think -it probable that Perdikkas attacked without orders, or that Thebes -was captured with little resistance. It was captured by <i>one</i> assault -(Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524), but by an assault well-combined and -stoutly contested—not by one begun without preparation or order, -and successful after hardly any resistance. Alexander, after having -offered what he thought liberal terms, was not the man to shrink -from carrying his point by force; nor would the Thebans have refused -those terms, unless their minds had been made up for strenuous and -desperate defence, without hope of ultimate success.</p> - -<p>What authority Diodorus followed, we do not know. He may have -followed Kleitarchus, a contemporary and an Æolian, who must have had -good means of information respecting such an event as the capture -of Thebes (see Geier, Alexandri M. Historiarum Scriptores ætate -suppares, Leips. 1844, p. 6-152; and Vossius, De Historicis Græcis. -i. x. p. 90, ed. Westermann). I have due respect for the authority -of Ptolemy, but I cannot go along with Geier and other critics -who set aside all other witnesses, even contemporary, respecting -Alexander, as worthy of little credit, unless where such witnesses -are confirmed by Ptolemy or Aristobulus. We must remember that -Ptolemy did not compose his book until after he became king of Egypt, -in 306 <small>B. C.</small>; nor indeed until after the battle -of Ipsus in 301, according to Geier (p. 1); at least twenty-nine -years after the sack of Thebes. Moreover, Ptolemy was not ashamed -of what Geier calls (p. 11) the “pious fraud” of announcing, that -two speaking serpents conducted the army of Alexander to the holy -precinct of Zeus Ammon (Arrian, iii. 3). Lastly, it will be found -that the depositions which are found in other historians, but not in -Ptolemy and Aristobulus, relate principally to matters discreditable -to Alexander. That Ptolemy and Aristobulus <i>omitted</i>, is in my -judgment far more probable, than that other historians <i>invented</i>. -Admiring biographers would easily excuse themselves for refusing to -proclaim to the world such acts as the massacre of the Branchidæ, or -the dragging of the wounded Batiz at Gaza.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_92"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_92">[92]</a></span> Arrian, i. 8; Diodor. xvii. 12, -13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_93"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_93">[93]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 14) and Plutarch -(Alexand. 11) agree in giving the totals of 6000 and 30,000.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_94"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_94">[94]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9; Diodor. xvii. -14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_95"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_95">[95]</a></span> Justin, xi. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_96"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_96">[96]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 14; Justin, -xi. 4: “pretium non ex ementium commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio -extenditur.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_97"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_97">[97]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9, 13. Τοῖς δὲ -μετασχοῦσι τοῦ ἔργου ξυμμάχοις, οἷς δὴ καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν Ἀλέξανδρος τὰ -κατὰ τὰς Θήβας διαθεῖναι, ἔδοξε, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_98"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_98">[98]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9, 10. He informs us -(i. 9, 12) that there were many previous portents which foreshadowed -this ruin: Diodorus (xvii. 10) on the contrary, enumerates many -previous signs, all tending to encourage the Thebans.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_99"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_99">[99]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 11. ἡ μὲν πόλις -ἥλω καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσδοκήσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς -Ἕλληνας πάθει τηλικούτῳ ἐκπλαγέντας καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν, ἄλλως -δὲ καὶ καλλωπισαμένου χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασιν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_100"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_100">[100]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 13. To -illustrate farther the feeling of the Greeks, respecting the wrath -of the gods arising from the discontinuance of worship where it had -been long continued—I transcribe a passage from Colonel Sleeman’s -work respecting the Hindoos, whose religious feelings are on so many -points analogous to those of the Hellênes:—</p> - -<p>“Human sacrifices were certainly offered in the city of Saugor -during the whole Mahratta government, up to the year 1800—when they -were put a stop to by the local governor, Assa Sahib, a very humane -man. I once heard a learned Brahmin priest say, that he thought -the decline of his (Assa Sahib’s) family and government arose from -this innovation. ‘There is (said he) no sin in not offering human -sacrifices to the gods, where none have been offered; <i>but where the -gods have been accustomed to them, they are very naturally annoyed -when the rite is abolished, and visit the place and the people with -all kinds of calamity</i>.’ The priest did not seem to think that there -was anything singular in this mode of reasoning: perhaps three -Brahmin priests out of four would have reasoned in the same manner.” -(Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. i. -ch. xv. p. 130).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_101"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_101">[101]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 13: compare -Justin, xi. 4; and Isokrates ad Philipp. (Or. v. s. 35), where he -recommends Thebes to Philip on the ground of pre-eminent worship -towards Herakles.</p> - -<p>It deserves notice, that while Alexander himself repented of the -destruction of Thebes, the macedonizing orator at Athens describes -it as a just, though deplorable penalty, brought by the Thebans upon -themselves by reckless insanity of conduct (Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -524).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_102"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_102">[102]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_103"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_103">[103]</a></span> The name of Diotimus is -mentioned by Arrian (i. 10, 6), but not by Plutarch; who names Demon -instead of him (Plutarch, Demosth. c. 23) and Kallisthenes instead of -Hyperides. We know nothing about Diotimus, except that Demosthenes -(De Coronâ, p. 264) alludes to him along with Charidemus, as having -received an expression of gratitude from the people, in requital for -a present of shields which he had made. He is mentioned also, along -with Charidemus and others, in the third of the Demosthenic epistles, -p. 1482.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_104"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_104">[104]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 6; Plutarch, -Vit. X. Orat. p. 847. ἐξῄτει αὐτὸν (Demosthenes) ἀπειλὼν εἰ μὴ -δοίησαν. Diodor. xvii. 15; Plutarch, Demosth. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_105"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_105">[105]</a></span> Livy; ix. 18. “(Alexander), -adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fractâ Macedonum armis, cernente -tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, concionari libere ausi -sint homines,—id quod ex monumentis orationum patet”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_106"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_106">[106]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 9-17; -Diodor. xvii. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_107"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_107">[107]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 15. Ὁ δὲ δῆμος -τοῦτον μὲν (Phokion) τοῖς θορύβοις ἐξέβαλε, προσάντως ἀκούων τοὺς -λόγους.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_108"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_108">[108]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 8; Diodor. xvii. -15; Plutarch, Phokion, 17; Justin, xi. 4; Deinarchus cont. Demosth. -p. 26.</p> - -<p>Arrian states that the visit of Demades with nine other Athenian -envoys to Alexander, occurred <i>prior</i> to the demand of Alexander -for the extradition of the ten citizens. He (Arrian) affirms that -immediately on hearing the capture of Thebes, the Athenians passed a -vote, on the motion of Demades, to send ten envoys, for the purpose -of expressing satisfaction that Alexander had come home safely from -the Illyrians, and that he had punished the Thebans for their revolt. -Alexander (according to Arrian) received this mission courteously, -but replied by sending a letter to the Athenian people, insisting on -the surrender of the ten citizens.</p> - -<p>Now both Diodorus and Plutarch represent the mission of Demades -as <i>posterior</i> to the demand made by Alexander for the ten citizens; -and that it was intended to meet and deprecate that demand.</p> - -<p>In my judgment, Arrian’s tale is the less credible of the two. I -think it highly improbable that the Athenians would by public vote -express satisfaction that Alexander had punished the Thebans for -their revolt. If the macedonizing party at Athens was strong enough -to carry so ignominious a vote, they would also have been strong -enough to carry the subsequent proposition of Phokion—that the ten -citizens demanded should be surrendered. The fact, that the Athenians -afforded willing shelter to the Theban fugitives, is a farther reason -for disbelieving this alleged vote.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_109"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_109">[109]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 17; -Plutarch, Alexand. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_110"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_110">[110]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_111"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_111">[111]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_112"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_112">[112]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_113"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_113">[113]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10; i. -29, 9, about the Grecian prisoners taken at the victory of the -Granikus—ὅσους δὲ αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβε, τούτους δὲ δήσας ἐν -πέδαις, εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπέπεμψεν ἐργάζεσθαι, ὅτι παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ -δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, Ἕλληνες ὄντες, ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι ὑπὲρ τῶν -βαρβάρων ἐμάχοντο. Also iii. 23, 15, about the Grecian soldiers -serving with the Persians, and made prisoners in Hyrkania—Ἀδικεῖν γὰρ -μεγάλα (said Alexander) τοὺς στρατευομένους ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι παρὰ -τοῖς βαρβάροις παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τῶν Ἑλλήνων.</p> - -<p>Toward the end of October 1812, near Moscow, General -Winzingerode, a German officer in the Russian service,—with his -aide-de-camp a native Russian, Narishkin,—became prisoner of the -French. He was brought to Napoleon—“At the sight of that German -general, all the secret resentments of Napoleon took fire. ‘Who are -you (he exclaimed)? a man without a country! When I was at war with -the Austrians, I found you in their ranks. Austria has become my -ally, and you have entered into the Russian service. You have been -one of the warmest instigators of the present war. Nevertheless, you -are a native of the Confederation of the Rhine: <i>you are my subject</i>. -You are not an ordinary enemy: you are a rebel: I have a right to -bring you to trial. <i>Gens d’armes</i>, seize this man!’ Then addressing -the aide-de-camp of Winzingerode, Napoleon said, ‘As for you, Count -Narishkin, I have nothing to reproach you with: you are a Russian, -you are doing your duty.’” (Ségur’s account of the Campaign in -Russia, book ix. ch. vi. p. 132.)</p> - -<p>Napoleon did not realize these threats against Winzingerode; but -his language expresses just the same sentiment as that of Alexander -towards the captive Greeks.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_114"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_114">[114]</a></span> Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 14 Ὅλως -μὲν γὰρ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ δύναμις καὶ ἀρχὴ <span class="gesperrt">ἐν μὲν -προσθήκῃ μερίς</span> ἐστὶ τις οὐ σμικρὰ, οἷον ὑπῆρξέ ποθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐπὶ -Τιμοθέου πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους ... αὐτὴ δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἀσθενὴς καὶ πολλῶν -κακῶν ἐστὶ μεστὴ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_115"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_115">[115]</a></span> Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123, -124: compare Olynth. ii. p. 22. I give here the substance of what is -said by the orator, not strictly adhering to his words.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_116"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_116">[116]</a></span> Isokrates, in several of his -discourses, notes the gradual increase of these mercenaries—men -without regular means of subsistence, or fixed residence, or civic -obligations. Or. iv. (Panegyr.) s. 195; Or. v. (Philippus), s. -112-142; Or. viii. (De Pace), s. 31-56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_117"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_117">[117]</a></span> Xenoph. Magist. Equit. ix. -4. Οἶδα δ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ ἱππικὸν ἀρξάμενον εὐδοκιμεῖν, -ἐπεὶ ξένους ἱππέας προσέλαβον· καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι πανταχοῦ τὰ -ξενικὰ ὁρῶ εὐδοκιμοῦντα.</p> - -<p>Compare Demosth. Philippic. i. p. 46; Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 4, -14; Isokrates, Orat. vii. (Areopagit.), s. 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_118"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_118">[118]</a></span> For an explanation of the -improved arming of peltasts introduced by Iphikrates, see Vol. IX. -Ch. lxxv. p. 335 of this History. Respecting these improvements, -the statements both of Diodorus (xv. 44) and of Nepos are obscure. -MM. Rüstow and Köchly (in their valuable work, Geschichte des -Griechischen Kriegswesens, Aarau, 1852, B. ii. p. 164) have -interpreted the statements in a sense to which I cannot subscribe. -They think that Iphikrates altered not only the arming of peltasts, -but also that of hoplites; a supposition, which I see nothing to -justify.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_119"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_119">[119]</a></span> Besides the many scattered -remarks in the Anabasis, the Cyropædia is full of discussion and -criticism on military phænomena. It is remarkable to what an extent -Xenophon had present to his mind all the exigencies of war, and the -different ways of meeting them. See as an example, Cyropæd. vi. 2; -ii. 1.</p> - -<p>The work on sieges, by Æneas (Poliorketica), is certainly -anterior to the military improvements of Philip of Macedon: -probably about the beginning of his reign. See the preface to it -by Rüstow and Köchly, p. 8, in their edition of Die Griechischen -Kriegs-schriftsteller, Leips. 1853. In this work, allusion is made to -several others, now lost, by the same author—Παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος, -Ποριστικὴ Βίβλος, Στρατοπεδευτικὴ, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_120"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_120">[120]</a></span> See the striking speech -addressed by Alexander to the discontented Macedonian soldiers, a few -months before his death, at Opis or Susa (Arrian, vii).</p> - -<p>... Φίλιππος γὰρ παραλαβὼν ὑμᾶς πλανήτας καὶ ἀπόρους, ἐν -διφθέραις τοὺς πολλοὺς νέμοντας ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη πρόβατα κατὰ ὄλιγα, καὶ -ὑπὲρ τούτων κακῶς μαχομένους Ἰλλυριοῖς τε καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς καὶ τοῖς -ὁμόροις Θρᾳξὶ, χλαμύδας μὲν ὑμῖν ἀντὶ τῶν διφθερῶν φορεῖν ἔδωκε, -κατήγαγε δὲ ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν ἐς τὰ πεδία, ἀξιομάχους καταστήσας τοῖς -προσχώροις τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς μὴ χωρίων ἔτι ὀχυρότητι πιστεύοντας -μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ οἰκείᾳ ἀρετῇ σώζεσθαι....</p> - -<p>In the version of the same speech given by Curtius (x. 10, -23), we find, “Modo sub Philippo seminudis, amicula ex purpurâ -sordent, aurum et argentum oculi ferre non possunt: lignea enim vasa -desiderant, et ex cratibus scuta rubiginemque gladiorum”, etc.</p> - -<p>Compare the description given by Thucydides, iv. 124, of the army -of Brasidas and Perdikkas, where the Macedonian foot are described as -ἄλλος ὅμιλος τῶν βαρβάρων πολύς.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_121"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_121">[121]</a></span> Herodot. viii. 137.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_122"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_122">[122]</a></span> Thucyd. ii. 100; Xenoph. -Hellen. v. 2, 40-42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_123"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_123">[123]</a></span> Respecting the length of the -pike of the Macedonian phalanx, see <a href="#App_92">Appendix</a> to -this Chapter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_124"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_124">[124]</a></span> The impression of admiration, -and even terror, with which the Roman general Paulus Emilius was -seized, on first seeing the Macedonian phalanx in battle array at -Pydna—has been recorded by Polybius (Polybius, Fragm. xxix. 6, 11; -Livy, xliv. 40).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_125"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_125">[125]</a></span> Harpokration and Photius, -v. Πεζέταιροι, Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 23; Arrian, iv. 23, 1. τῶν -πεζεταίρων καλουμένων τὰς Τάξεις, and ii. 23, 2, etc.</p> - -<p>Since we know from Demosthenes that the pezetæri date from the -time of Philip, it is probable that the passage of Anaximenes (as -cited by Harpokration and Photius) which refers them to Alexander, -has ascribed to the son what really belongs to the father. The term -ἑταῖροι, in reference to the kings of Macedonia, first appears in -Plutarch, Pelopidas, 27, in reference to Ptolemy, before the time -of Philip; see Otto Abel, Makedonien vor König Philip, p. 129 (the -passage of Ælian referred to by him seems of little moment). The term -Companions or Comrades had under Philip a meaning purely military, -designating foreigners as well as Macedonians serving in his army: -see Theopompus, Frag. 249. The term, originally applied only to a -select few, was by degrees extended to the corps generally.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_126"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_126">[126]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 3; iii. 16, 19; -Diodor. xvii. 57. Compare the note of Schmieder on the above passage -of Arrian; also Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen, p. 95, -96, and the elaborate note of Mützel on Curtius, v. 2, 3. p. 400.</p> - -<p>The passage of Arrian (his description of Alexander’s army -arrayed at the Granikus) is confused, and seems erroneous in some -words of the text; yet it may be held to justify the supposition of -six Taxeis of pezetæri in Alexander’s phalanx on that day. There seem -also to be six Taxeis at Arbêla (iii. 11, 16).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_127"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_127">[127]</a></span> Arrian. Tactic. c. 10; Ælian. -Tactic. c. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_128"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_128">[128]</a></span> Curtius, v. 2, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_129"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_129">[129]</a></span> This is to be seen in the -arrangement made by Alexander a short time before his death, when -he incorporated Macedonian and Persian soldiers in the same lochus; -the normal depth of sixteen was retained; all the front ranks or -privileged men being Macedonians. The Macedonians were much hurt at -seeing their native regimental array shared with Asiatics (Arrian, -vii. 11, 5; vii. 23, 4-8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_130"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_130">[130]</a></span> The proper meaning of -ὑπασπισταὶ, as guards or personal attendants on the prince, appears -in Arrian, i. 5, 3; vii. 8, 6.</p> - -<p>Neoptolemus, as ἀρχιυπασπιστὴς to Alexander, carried the shield -and lance of the latter, on formal occasions (Plutarch, Eumenes, -1).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_131"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_131">[131]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 3, 4; ii. 20, -5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_132"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_132">[132]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 11; v. 23, -11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_133"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_133">[133]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 5; ii. 23, 6; -iii. 18, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_134"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_134">[134]</a></span> Droysen and Schmieder give the -number of hypaspists in Alexander’s army at Issus, as 6000. That this -opinion rests on no sufficient evidence, has been shown by Mützel (ad -Curtium, v. 2, 3. p. 399). But that the number of hypaspists left by -Philip at his death was 6000 seems not improbable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_135"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_135">[135]</a></span> See Arrian, v. 14, 1; v. 16, 4; -Curtius, vi. 9, 22. “Equitatui, optimæ exercitûs parti”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_136"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_136">[136]</a></span> We are told that Philip, after -his expedition against the Scythians about three years before his -death, exacted and sent into Macedonia 20,000 chosen mares, in order -to improve the breed of Macedonian horses. The regal haras were -in the neighborhood of Pella (Justin, ix. 2; Strabo, xvi. p. 752, -in which passage of Strabo, <i>the details</i> apply to the <i>haras</i> of -Seleukus Nikator at Apameia, not to that of Philip at Pella).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_137"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_137">[137]</a></span> Arrian, i. 2, 8, 9 (where we -also find mentioned τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἄνωθεν Μακεδονίας ἱππέας), i. 12, 12; -ii. 9, 6; iii. 11, 12.</p> - -<p>About the ἱππεῖς σαρισσόφοροι, see i. 13, 1.</p> - -<p>It is possible that there may have been sixteen squadrons of -heavy cavalry, and eight squadrons of the Sarissophori,—each squadron -from 180 to 250 men—as Rüstow and Köchly conceive (p. 243). But there -is no sufficient evidence to prove it; nor can I think it safe to -assume, as they do, that Alexander carried over with him to Asia -<i>just half</i> of the Macedonian entire force.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_138"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_138">[138]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 11, 11; iii. 13, -1; iii. 18, 8. In the first of these passages, we have ἴλαι βασιλικαὶ -in the plural (iii. 11, 12). It seems too that the different ἴλαι -alternated with each other in the foremost position, or ἡγεμονία for -particular days (Arrian, i. 14, 9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_139"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_139">[139]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_140"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_140">[140]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13, 1. Ἐκ Φιλίππου -ἦν ἤδη καθεστηκὸς, τῶν ἐν τέλει Μακεδόνων τοὺς παῖδας, ὅσοι ἐς -ἡλικίαν ἐμειρακίσαντο, καταλέγεσθαι ἐς θεραπείαν τοῦ βασιλέως. Τὰ -δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν τοῦ σώματος διακονεῖσθαι βασιλεῖ, καὶ -κοιμώμενον φυλάσσειν, τούτοις ἐπετέτραπτο· καὶ ὁπότε ἐξελαύνοι -βασιλεὺς, τοὺς ἵππους παρὰ τῶν ἱπποκόμων δεχόμενοι ἐκεῖνοι προσῆγον, -καὶ ἀνέβαλον οὗτοι βασιλέα τὸν Περσικὸν τρόπον, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θήρᾳ -φιλοτιμίας βασιλεῖ κοινωνοὶ ἦσαν, etc.</p> - -<p>Curtius, viii. 6. 1. “Mos erat principibus Macedonum adultos -liberos regibus tradere, ad munia haud multum servilibus ministeriis -abhorrentia. Excubabant servatis noctium vicibus proximi foribus -ejus ædis, in quâ rex aquiescebat. Per hos pellices introducebantur, -alio aditu quam quem armati obsidebant. Iidem acceptos ab agasonibus -equos, quum rex ascensurus esset, admovebant; comitabanturque et -venantem, et in præliis, omnibus artibus studiorum liberalium -exculti. Præcipuus honor habebatur, quod licebat sedentibus vesci -cum rege. Castigandi eos verberibus nullius potestas præter ipsum -erat. Hæc cohors velut seminarium ducum præfectorumque apud Macedonas -fuit: hinc habuere posteri reges, quorum stirpibus post multas ætates -Romani opes ademerunt.” Compare Curtius, v. 6, 42; and Ælian, V. H. -xiv. 49.</p> - -<p>This information is interesting, as an illustration of Macedonian -manners and customs, which are very little known to us. In the last -hours of the Macedonian monarchy, after the defeat at Pydna (168 -<small>B. C.</small>), the <i>pueri regii</i> followed the defeated -king Perseus to the sanctuary at Samothrace, and never quitted him -until the moment when he surrendered himself to the Romans (Livy, -xlv. 5).</p> - -<p>As an illustration of the scourging, applied as a punishment to -these young Macedonians of rank, see the case of Dekamnichus, handed -over by king Archelaus to Euripides, to be flogged (Aristotle, Polit. -v. 8, 13).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_141"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_141">[141]</a></span> Curtius, v. 6, 42; Diodor. -xvii. 65.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_142"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_142">[142]</a></span> We read this about the youthful -Philippus, brother of Lysimachus (Curtius, viii. 2, 36).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_143"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_143">[143]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_144"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_144">[144]</a></span> Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. -247.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_145"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_145">[145]</a></span> Livy. xlii. 51; xliv. 46, -also the comparison in Strabo, xvi. p. 752, between the military -establishments of Seleukus Nikator at Apameia in Syria, and those of -Philip at Pella in Macedonia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_146"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_146">[146]</a></span> Justin, xi. 6. About the -debt of 500 talents left by Philip, see the words of Alexander, -Arrian, vii. 9, 10. Diodorus affirms (xvi. 8) that Philip’s annual -return from the gold mines was 1000 talents; a total not much to be -trusted.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_147"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_147">[147]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_148"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_148">[148]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_149"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_149">[149]</a></span> Justin, xi. 5. “Proficiscens -ad Persicum bellum, omnes novercæ suæ cognatos, quos Philippus -in excelsiorem dignitatis locum provehens imperiis præfecerat, -interfecit. Sed nec suis, qui apti regno videbantur, pepercit; ne qua -materia seditionis procul se agente in Macedoniâ remaneret.” Compare -also xii. 6, where the Pausanias mentioned as having been put to -death by Alexander is not the assassin of Philip. Pausanias was a -common Macedonian name (see Diodor. xvi. 93).</p> - -<p>I see no reason for distrusting the general fact here asserted by -Justin. We know from Arrian (who mentioned the fact incidentally in -his work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον, though he says nothing about it in his -account of the expedition of Alexander—see Photius, Cod. 92. p. 220) -that Alexander put to death, in the early period of his reign, his -first cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas. Much less would he scruple -to kill the friends or relatives of Kleopatra. Neither Alexander -nor Antipater would account such proceeding anything else than a -reasonable measure of prudential policy. By the Macedonian common -law, when a man was found guilty of treason, all his relatives were -condemned to die along with him (Curtius, vi. 11, 20).</p> - -<p>Plutarch (De Fortunâ Alex. Magn. p. 342) has a general allusion -to these precautionary executions ordered by Alexander. Fortune -(he says) imposed upon Alexander δεινὴν πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους -καὶ συγγενεῖς διὰ φόνου καὶ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀμύνης, -ἀτερπέστατον τέλος ἔχουσαν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_150"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_150">[150]</a></span> Kassander commanded a corps of -Thracians and Pæonians: Iollas and Philippus were attached to the -king’s person (Arrian, vii. 27, 2; Justin, xii. 14; Diodor. xvii. -17).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_151"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_151">[151]</a></span> Justin, xvi. 1, 14. -“Antipatrum—amariorem semper ministrum regni, quam ipsos reges, -fuisse”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_152"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_152">[152]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 25-39; -Arrian, vii. 12, 12. He was wont to say, that his mother exacted from -him a heavy house-rent for his domicile of ten months.</p> - -<p>Kleopatra also (sister of Alexander and daughter of Olympias) -exercised considerable influence in the government. Dionysius, despot -of the Pontic Herakleia, maintained himself against opposition in his -government, during Alexander’s life, mainly by paying assiduous court -to her (Memnon. Heracl. c. 4. ap. Photium, Cod. 224).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_153"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_153">[153]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_154"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_154">[154]</a></span> The Athenians furnished twenty -ships of war. Diodor. xvii. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_155"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_155">[155]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11; Plutarch, -Alexand. 15; Justin, xi. 5. The ceremony of running round the column -of Achilles still subsisted in the time of Plutarch—ἀλειψάμενος -λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, <span -class="gesperrt">ὥσπερ ἔθος ἔστιν</span>, etc. Philostratus, five -centuries after Alexander, conveys a vivid picture of the numerous -legendary and religious associations connected with the plain of -Troy and with the tomb of Protesilaus at Elæus, and of the many -rites and ceremonies performed there even in his time (Philostrat. -Heroica, xix. 14, 15. p. 742, ed. Olearius—δρόμοις δ᾽ ἐῤῥυθμισμένοις -συνηλάλαζον, ἀνακαλοῦντες τὸν Ἀχιλλέα, etc., and the pages preceding -and following).</p> - -<p>Dikæarchus (Fragm. 19, ed. Didot. ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 603) -had treated in a special work about the sacrifices offered to -Athênê at Ilium (Περὶ τῆς ἐν Ἰλίῳ θυσίας) by Alexander, and by many -others before him; by Xerxes (Herodot. vii. 43), who offered up -1000 oxen—by Mindarus (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1, 4), etc. In describing -the proceedings of Alexander at Ilium, Dikæarchus appears he have -dwelt much on the warm sympathy which that prince exhibited for the -affection between Achilles and Patroklus: which sympathy Dikæarchus -illustrated by characterizing Alexander as φιλόπαις ἐκμανῶς, and -by recounting his public admiration for the eunuch Bagôas: compare -Curtius, x. i. 25—about Bagôas.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_156"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_156">[156]</a></span> Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. ii. -p. 334. Βριθὺς ὁπλιτοπάλας, δαΐος ἀντιπάλοις—ταύτην ἔχων τέχνην -προγονικὴν ἀπ᾽ Αἰακιδῶν, etc.</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i0">Ἄλκην μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκεν Ὀλύμπιος Αἰακίδησι,</p> -<p class="i0">Νοῦν δ᾽ Ἀμυθαονίδαις, πλοῦτον δ᾽ ἔπορ᾽ Ἀτρεΐδῃσιν.</p> -<p class="ir">(Hesiod. Fragment. 223, ed. Marktscheffel.)</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="ti0 mt1">Like Achilles, Alexander was distinguished for -swiftness of foot (Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. i. p. 331).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_157"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_157">[157]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 17. Plutarch -(Alexand. 15) says that the highest numbers which he had read of, -were,—43,000 infantry with 5000 cavalry: the lowest numbers, 30,000 -infantry with 4000 cavalry (assuming the correction of Sintenis, -τετρακισχιλίους in place of πεντακισχιλίους, to be well founded, as -it probably is—compare Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327).</p> - -<p>According to Plutarch (Fort. Al. M. p. 327), both Ptolemy and -Aristobulus stated the number of infantry to be 30,000; but Ptolemy -gave the cavalry as 5000, Aristobulus, as only 4000. Nevertheless, -Arrian—who professes to follow mainly Ptolemy and Aristobulus, -whenever they agree—states the number of infantry as “not much more -than 30,000; the cavalry as more than 5000” (Exp. Al. i. 11, 4). -Anaximenes alleged 43,000 infantry, with 5500 cavalry. Kallisthenes -(ap. Polybium. xii. 19) stated 40,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry. -Justin (xi. 6) gives 32,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry.</p> - -<p>My statement in the text follows Diodorus, who stands -distinguished, by recounting not merely the total, but the component -items besides. In regard to the total of infantry, he agrees with -Ptolemy and Aristobulus: as to cavalry, his statement is a mean -between the two.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_158"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_158">[158]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_159"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_159">[159]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 10—the speech -which he puts in the mouth of Alexander himself—and Curtius, x. 2, -24.</p> - -<p>Onesikritus stated that Alexander owed at this time a debt of 200 -talents (Plutarch, Alex. 15).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_160"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_160">[160]</a></span> Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. -327; Justin, xi. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_161"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_161">[161]</a></span> Arrian, i. 13, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_162"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_162">[162]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 6; Arrian, -Indica, 18; Justin, xv. 3-4. Porphyry (Fragm. ap. Syncellum, Frag. -Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p. 695-698) speaks of Lysimachus as a -Thessalian from Kranon; but this must be a mistake: compare Justin, -xv. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_163"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_163">[163]</a></span> Neoptolemus belonged, like -Alexander himself, to the Æakid gens (Arrian, ii. 27, 9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_164"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_164">[164]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, c. 1; -Cornelius Nepos, Eumen. c. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_165"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_165">[165]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, -Eum. 2, 3, 8, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_166"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_166">[166]</a></span> Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 19, -respecting Philip—οὐ μόνον οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος, οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν -τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ βαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν εἰπεῖν, <span -class="gesperrt">ἀλλ᾽ ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος</span>, ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἀνδράποδον -σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρότερον πρίασθαι.</p> - -<p>Compare this with the exclamations of the Macedonian soldiers -(called Argyraspides) against their distinguished chief Eumenes, -calling him Χεῤῥονησίτης ὄλεθρος (Plutarch, Eumenes, 18).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_167"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_167">[167]</a></span> See, in reference to these -incidents, my last preceding volume, Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 441 -<i>seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_168"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_168">[168]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 52; Curtius, vi. -4, 25; vi. 5, 2. Curtius mentions also Manapis, another Persian -exile, who had fled from Ochus to Philip.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_169"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_169">[169]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 52. About the -strength of the fortress of Athens, see Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 2, 11; -Diodor. xiii. 64. It had been held in defiance of the Persians, even -before the time of Hermeias—Isokrates. Compare also Isokrates, Or. -iv. (Panegyr.) s. 167.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_170"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_170">[170]</a></span> Letter of Alexander, addressed -to Darius after the battle of Issus, apud Arrian, ii. 14, 7. Other -troops sent by the Persians into Thrace (besides those despatched to -the relief of Perinthus), are here alluded to.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_171"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_171">[171]</a></span> Demosthenes, Philippic. iv. p. -139, 140; Epistola Philippi apud Demosthen. p. 160.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_172"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_172">[172]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 5; Justin, x. 3; -Curtius, x. 5, 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_173"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_173">[173]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_174"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_174">[174]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_175"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_175">[175]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_176"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_176">[176]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_177"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_177">[177]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7: compare -Arrian, i. 17, 9. ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν τὴν Μέμνονος ἔπεμψεν—which doubtless -means this region, conquered by Mentor from Hermeias of Atarneus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_178"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_178">[178]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7; Polyænus, v. -34, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_179"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_179">[179]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7. We read also -of military operations near Magnesia between Parmenio and Memnon -(Polyænus, v. 34, 4).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_180"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_180">[180]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 18, 19; Arrian, -i. 12, 14; i. 16, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_181"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_181">[181]</a></span> Arrian, i. 12, 16; i. 13, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_182"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_182">[182]</a></span> Compare the policy recommended -by Memnon, as set forth in Arrian (i. 12, 16), and in Diodorus (xvii. -18). The superiority of Diodorus is here incontestable. He proclaims -distinctly both the defensive and the offensive side of Memnon’s -policy; which, when taken together, form a scheme of operations no -less effective than prudent. But Arrian omits all notice of the -offensive policy, and mentions only the defensive—the retreat and -destruction of the country; which, if adopted alone, could hardly -have been reckoned upon for success, in starving out Alexander, and -might reasonably be called in question by the Persian generals. -Moreover, we should form but a poor idea of Memnon’s ability, if in -this emergency he neglected to avail himself of the irresistible -Persian fleet.</p> - -<p>I notice the rather this point of superiority of Diodorus, -because recent critics have manifested a tendency to place too -exclusive a confidence in Arrian, and to discredit almost all -allegations respecting Alexander except such as Arrian either -certifies or countenances. Arrian is a very valuable historian; he -has the merit of giving us plain narrative without rhetoric, which -contrasts favorably both with Diodorus and with Curtius; but he must -not be set up as the only trustworthy witness.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_183"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_183">[183]</a></span> Arrian, i. 12, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_184"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_184">[184]</a></span> Xenophon, Hellenic. iv. 1, -33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_185"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_185">[185]</a></span> Strabo, xiii. p. 602. The -rivers Skamander, Æsepus, and Granikus, all rise from the same -height, called Kotylus. This comes from Demetrius, a native of -Skepsis.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_186"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_186">[186]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 18, 19. Οἱ -βάρβαροι, τὴν ὑπώρειαν κατειλημμένοι, etc. “prima congressio in -campis Adrastiis fuit.” Justin, xi. 6: compare Strabo, xiii. p. 587, -588.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_187"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_187">[187]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 3. The text -of Arrian is not clear. The name of Kraterus occurs twice. Various -explanations are proposed. The words ἔστε ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον τῆς ξυμπάσης -τάξεως seem to prove that there were three τάξεις of the phalanx -(Kraterus, Meleager, and Philippus) included in the left half of -the army—and three others (Perdikkas, Kœnus, and Amyntas) in the -right half; while the words ἐπὶ δὲ, ἡ Κρατέρου τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου -appear wrongly inserted. There is no good reason for admitting two -distinguished officers, each named Kraterus. The name of Philippus -and his τάξις is repeated twice; once in counting from the right of -the τάξεις,—once again in counting from the left.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_188"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_188">[188]</a></span> Plutarch states that Alexander -struck into the river with thirteen squadrons (ἴλαι) of cavalry. -Whether this total includes all then present in the field, or only -the Companion-cavalry—we cannot determine (Plutarch, Alex. 16).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_189"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_189">[189]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_190"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_190">[190]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 8. Χρόνον μὲν δὴ -ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατεύματα, ἐπ᾽ ἀκροῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐφεστῶτες, ὑπὸ τοῦ τὸ -μέλλον ὀκνεῖν ἡσυχίαν ἦγον· καὶ σιγὴ ἦν πολλὴ ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_191"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_191">[191]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 9. τοὺς -προδρόμους ἱππέας mean the same cavalry as those who are called (in -14, 2) σαρισσοφόρους ἱππέας, under Amyntas son of Arrhibæus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_192"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_192">[192]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 10. Αὐτὸς δὲ -(Alexander) ἄγων τὸ δέξιον κέρας ... ἐμβαίνει ἐς τὸν πόρον, λοξὴν ἀεὶ -παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν, ᾗ παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ἐκβαίνοντι αὐτῷ -οἱ Πέρσαι κατὰ κέρας προσπίπτοιεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς, ὡς ἀνυστὸν, τῇ -φάλαγγι προσμίξῃ αὐτοῖς.</p> - -<p>Apparently, this passage λοξὴν ἀεὶ παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν, ᾗ -παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα is to be interpreted by the phrase which follows -describing the purpose to be accomplished.</p> - -<p>I cannot think that the words imply a movement <i>in échelon</i>, as -Rüstow and Köchly contend (Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens, -p. 271)—nor a crossing of the river against the stream, to break the -force of the current, as is the opinion of others.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_193"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_193">[193]</a></span> Arrian, i. 15, 5. Καὶ περὶ -αὐτὸν (Alexander himself) ξυνειστήκει μάχη καρτερὰ, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ -ἄλλαι ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις τῶν τάξεων τοῖς Μακεδόσι διέβαινον οὐ χαλεπῶς ἤδη. -</p> - -<p>These words deserve attention, because they show how incomplete -Arrian’s description of the battle had before been. Dwelling almost -exclusively upon the personal presence and achievements of Alexander, -he had said little even about the right half of the army, and nothing -at all about the left half of it under Parmenio. We discover from -these words that <i>all</i> the τάξεις of the phalanx (not only the three -in Alexander’s half, but also the three in Parmenio’s half) passed -the river nearly at the same time, and for the most part, with little -or no resistance.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_194"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_194">[194]</a></span> Arrian, i. 15, 6-12; Diodor. -xvi. 20; Plutarch, Alex. 16. These authors differ in the details. I -follow Arrian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_195"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_195">[195]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_196"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_196">[196]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 1. Plutarch -says that the infantry, on seeing the cavalry routed, demanded -to capitulate on terms with Alexander; but this seems hardly -probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_197"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_197">[197]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 4; Diodor. xvii. -21. Diodorus says that on the part of the Persians more than 10,000 -foot were killed, with 2000 cavalry; and that more than 20,000 men -were made prisoners.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_198"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_198">[198]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 5, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_199"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_199">[199]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 7, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_200"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_200">[200]</a></span> Arrian, in describing another -battle, considers that the proportion of twelve to one, between -wounded and killed, is above what could have been expected (v. 24, -8). Rüstow and Köchly (p. 273) state that in modern battles, the -ordinary proportion of wounded to killed is from 8:1 to 10:1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_201"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_201">[201]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 8; Plutarch, -Alexand. 16. Aristobulus (apud Plutarch. <i>l. c.</i>) said that -there were slain, among the companions of Alexander (τῶν περὶ τὸν -Ἀλέξανδρον) thirty-four persons, of whom nine were infantry. This -coincides with Arrian’s statement about the twenty-five companions of -the cavalry, slain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_202"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_202">[202]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_203"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_203">[203]</a></span> Arrian usually calls the battle -of the Granikus an ἱππομαχία (i. 17, 10 and elsewhere).</p> - -<p>The battle was fought in the Attic month Thargelion: probably the -beginning of May (Plutarch, Camillus, 19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_204"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_204">[204]</a></span> Æschylus, Pers. 950 <i>seqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_205"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_205">[205]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 1, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_206"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_206">[206]</a></span> About the almost impregnable -fortifications and position of Sardis, see Polybius, vii. 15-18; -Herod. i. 84. It held out for nearly two years against Antiochus III. -(<small>B. C.</small> 216), and was taken at last only by the -extreme carelessness of the defenders; even then, the citadel was -still held.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_207"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_207">[207]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 106, 107.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_208"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_208">[208]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 5-9; Diodor. -xvii. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_209"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_209">[209]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 12. Respecting -these commotions at Ephesus, which had preceded the expedition of -Alexander, we have no information: nor are we told who Heropythus was -or under what circumstances he had liberated Ephesus. It would have -been interesting to know these facts, as illustrating the condition -of the Asiatic Greeks previous to Alexander’s invasion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_210"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_210">[210]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 10-13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_211"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_211">[211]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 5, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_212"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_212">[212]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 10-13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_213"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_213">[213]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_214"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_214">[214]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_215"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_215">[215]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 9-15; i. 20, -2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_216"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_216">[216]</a></span> Arrian, i. 19; Diodor. xvii. -22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_217"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_217">[217]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 1-4; Diodor. -xvii. 22. At the same time, the statement of Diodorus can hardly be -correct (xvii. 24), that Alexander sent his battering engines from -Miletus to Halikarnassus by sea. This would only have exposed them -to be captured by the Persian fleet. We shall see that Alexander -reorganized his entire fleet during the ensuing year.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_218"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_218">[218]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 11, 12; Diodor. -xvii. 24; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_219"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_219">[219]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_220"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_220">[220]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 5. ξύμπαντα -ταῦτα Μέμνων τε αὐτὸς παρὼν ἐκ πολλοῦ παρεσκευάκει, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_221"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_221">[221]</a></span> Compare Arrian, i. 21, 7, 8; -Diodor. xvii. 25, 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_222"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_222">[222]</a></span> Both Arrian, (i. 21, 5) and -Diodorus (xvii. 25) mention this proceeding of the two soldiers of -Perdikkas, though Diodorus says that it occurred at night, which -cannot well be true.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_223"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_223">[223]</a></span> Arrian, i. 21, 7-12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_224"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_224">[224]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_225"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_225">[225]</a></span> The last desperate struggle -of the besieged, is what stands described in i. 22 of Arrian, and -in xvii. 26, 27 of Diodorus; though the two descriptions are very -different. Arrian does not name Ephialtes at Halikarnassus. He -follows the Macedonian authors, Ptolemy and Aristobulus; who probably -dwelt only on Memnon and the Persians as their real enemies, treating -the Greeks in general as a portion of the hostile force. On the -other hand, Diodorus and Curtius appear to have followed, in great -part, Grecian authors; in whose view eminent Athenian exiles, like -Ephialtes and Charidemus, counted for much more.</p> - -<p>The fact here mentioned by Diodorus, that Ephialtes drove -back the young Macedonian guard, and that the battle was restored -only by the extraordinary efforts of the old guard—is one of much -interest, which I see no reason for mistrusting, though Arrian says -nothing about it. Curtius (v. 2; viii. 1) makes allusion to it on -a subsequent occasion, naming Atharrias: the part of his work in -which it ought to have been narrated, is lost. On this, as on other -occasions, Arrian slurs over the partial reverses, obstructions, and -losses, of Alexander’s career. His authorities probably did so before -him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_226"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_226">[226]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 27; Curtius, -v. 1. viii. 2. ... οἱ γὰρ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Μακεδόνων, διὰ μὲν τὴν -ἡλικίαν ἀπολελυμένοι τῶν κινδύνων, συνεστρατευμένοι δὲ Φιλίππῳ ... -τοῖς μὲν φυγομαχοῦσι νεωτέροις πικρῶς ὠνείδισαν τὴν ἀνανδρίαν, αὐτοὶ -δὲ συναθροισθέντες καὶ συνασπίσαντες, ὑπέστησαν τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἤδη -νενικηκέναι....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_227"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_227">[227]</a></span> Arrian, i. 22, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_228"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_228">[228]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 3, 4; Diodor. -xvii. 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_229"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_229">[229]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 11; Diodor. -xvii. 7; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_230"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_230">[230]</a></span> Arrian, i. 24, 6-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_231"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_231">[231]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_232"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_232">[232]</a></span> Arrian, i. 24, 11; Plutarch, -Alexand. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_233"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_233">[233]</a></span> Arrian, i. 26, 4. οὐκ ἄνευ τοῦ -θείου, ὡς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξηγοῦντο, etc. Strabo, xiv. p. -666; Curtius, v. 3, 22.</p> - -<p>Plutarch’s words (Alexand. 17) must be taken to mean that -Alexander did not boast so much of this special favor from the gods, -as some of his panegyrists boasted for him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_234"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_234">[234]</a></span> Arrian, i. 27, 1-8</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_235"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_235">[235]</a></span> Curtius. iii. 1, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_236"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_236">[236]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 1-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_237"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_237">[237]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 3; Curtius, iii. 2, -17; Plutarch, Alex. 18; Justin, xi. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_238"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_238">[238]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_239"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_239">[239]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1, 4-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_240"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_240">[240]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_241"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_241">[241]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 2, 6; Curtius, iii. -3, 19; iii. 4, 8. “Nondum enim Memnonem vitâ excessisse cognoverat -(Alexander)—satis gnarus, cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo -moveretur.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_242"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_242">[242]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_243"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_243">[243]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 30, 31. Diodorus -represents the Persian king as having begun to issue letters of -convocation for the troops, <i>after</i> he heard the death of Memnon; -which cannot be true. The letters must have been sent out before.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_244"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_244">[244]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_245"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_245">[245]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 56—and the -colloquy between Xerxes and Demaratus, vii. 103, 104—where the -language put by Herodotus into the mouth of Xerxes is natural and -instructive. On the other hand, the superior penetration of Cyrus -the younger expresses supreme contempt for the military inefficiency -of an Asiatic multitude—Xenophon, Anabas. i. 7, 4. Compare the blunt -language of the Arcadian Antiochus—Xen. Hellen. vii. i. 38; and -Cyropæd. viii. 8, 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_246"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_246">[246]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 2, 10-20; Diodor. -xvii. 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_247"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_247">[247]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 2, 1; ii. 13, 3. -Curtius, iii. 3, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_248"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_248">[248]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_249"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_249">[249]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 2; Curtius, iii. -1, 22; Plutarch, Alex. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_250"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_250">[250]</a></span> Respecting this pass, see Vol. -IX. Ch. lxix. p. 20 of the present History. There are now two passes -over Taurus, from Erekli on the north side of the mountain—one, -the easternmost descending upon Adana in Kilikia—the other, the -westernmost, upon Tarsus. In the war (1832) between the Turks and -Ibrahim Pacha, the Turkish commander left the westernmost pass -undefended, so that Ibrahim Pacha passed from Tarsus along it without -opposition. The Turkish troops occupied the easternmost pass, but -defended themselves badly, so that the passage was forced by the -Egyptians (Histoire de la Guerre de Mehemed Ali, par Cadalvène et -Barrault, p. 243).</p> - -<p>Alexander crossed Taurus by the easternmost of the two passes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_251"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_251">[251]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. i. 2. 21; -Diodor. xiv. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_252"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_252">[252]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 4, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_253"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_253">[253]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 4, 11. -“Contemplatus locorum situm (Alexander), non alias dicitur magis -admiratus esse felicitatem suam”, etc.</p> - -<p>See Plutarch, Demetrius, 47, where Agathokles (son of Lysimachus) -holds the line of Taurus against Demetrius Poliorkêtes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_254"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_254">[254]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 3-8; Curtius, -iii. 4. Curtius ascribes to Arsames the intention of executing what -had been recommended by Memnon before the battle of Granikus—to -desolate the country in order to check Alexander’s advance. But this -can hardly be the right interpretation of the proceeding. Arrian’s -account seems more reasonable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_255"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_255">[255]</a></span> When Hephæstion died of fever -at Ekbatana, nine years afterwards, Alexander caused the physician -who had attended him to be crucified (Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Arrian, -vii. 14).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_256"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_256">[256]</a></span> This interesting anecdote is -recounted, with more or less of rhetoric and amplification, in all -the historians—Arrian, ii. 4; Diodor. xvii. 31; Plutarch, Alexand. -19; Curtius, iii. 5; Justin, xi. 8.</p> - -<p>It is one mark of the difference produced in the character of -Alexander, by superhuman successes continued for four years—to -contrast the generous confidence which he displayed towards -Philippus, with his cruel prejudgment and torture of Philôtas four -years afterwards.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_257"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_257">[257]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 5, 1; Diodor. xvii. -32; Curtius, iii. 7, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_258"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_258">[258]</a></span> Cyrus the younger was five days -in marching from Tarsus to Issus, and one day more from Issus to the -gates of Kilikia and Syria.—Xenoph. Anab. i. 4, 1; Vol. IX. Chap. -lxix. p. 27 of this history.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_259"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_259">[259]</a></span> Arrian, ii, 5, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_260"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_260">[260]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_261"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_261">[261]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 3, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_262"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_262">[262]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 7, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_263"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_263">[263]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 7, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_264"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_264">[264]</a></span> From Æschines (cont. -Ktesiphont. p. 552) it seems that Demosthenes, and the -anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens, received letters at this moment -written in high spirits, intimating that Alexander was “caught and -pinned up” in Kilikia. Demosthenes (if we may believe Æschines) went -about showing these letters, and boasting of the good news which was -at hand. Josephus (Ant. Jud. xi. 8, 3) also reports the confident -anticipations of Persian success, entertained by Sanballat at -Samaria, as well as by all the Asiatics around.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_265"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_265">[265]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 6; Curtius, iii. 8, -2; Diodor. xvii. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_266"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_266">[266]</a></span> Cicero, Epist. ad Famil. xv. -4. See the instructive commentary of Mützel ad Curtium, iii. 8, p. -103, 104. I have given in an <a href="#App_98">Appendix to this -Volume</a>, some explanatory comments on the ground near Issus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_267"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_267">[267]</a></span> Plutarch (Alexand. 20) states -this general fact correctly; but he is mistaken in saying that the -two armies missed one another in the night, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_268"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_268">[268]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7, 2; Curtius, iii. -8, 14. I have mentioned, a few pages back, that about a fortnight -before, Alexander had sent Parmenio forward from Tarsus to secure -the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, while he himself marched backward to -Soli and Anchilaus. He and Parmenio must have been separated at this -time by a distance, not less than eight days of ordinary march. If -during this interval, Darius had arrived at Issus, he would have been -just between them, and would have cut them off one from the other. -It was Alexander’s good luck that so grave an embarrassment did not -occur.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_269"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_269">[269]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_270"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_270">[270]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7; Curtius, iii. -10; Diodor. xvii. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_271"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_271">[271]</a></span> Kallisthenes called the -distance 100 stadia (ap. Polyb. xii. 19). This seems likely to be -under the truth.</p> - -<p>Polybius criticises severely the description given by -Kallisthenes of the march of Alexander. Not having before us the -words of Kallisthenes himself, we are hardly in a condition to -appreciate the goodness of the criticism; which in some points is -certainly overstrained.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_272"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_272">[272]</a></span> Kallisthenes ap. Polybium, xii. -17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_273"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_273">[273]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 8, 4-13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_274"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_274">[274]</a></span> Compare Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. -xii. 17.; and Arrian, ii. 8, 8. Considering how narrow the space was, -such numerous bodies as these 30,000 horse and 20,000 foot must have -found little facility in moving. Kallisthenes did not notice them, as -far as we can collect from Polybius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_275"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_275">[275]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 8, 9. Τοσούτους γὰρ -<span class="gesperrt">ἐπὶ φάλαγγος ἁπλῆς</span> ἐδέχετο τὸ χωρίον, -ἵνα ἐτάσσοντο.</p> - -<p>The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know -the exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth -of sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4000 men would -stand in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces; and therefore 80,000 -men in a breadth of twenty stadia (see the calculation of Rüstow -and Köchly, p. 280, about the Macedonian line). Assuming a depth of -twenty-six, 6500 men would stand in the stadium, and therefore 90,000 -in a total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that given by Kallisthenes. -But there must have been intervals left, greater or less, we know not -how many; the covering detachments, which had been thrown out before -the river Pinarus, must have found some means of passing through to -the rear, when recalled.</p> - -<p>Mr. Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the -sea varies between one mile and a half (English) and three miles. The -fourteen stadia of Kallisthenes are equivalent to nearly one English -mile and three-quarters.</p> - -<p>Neither in ancient nor in modern times have Oriental armies ever -been trained, by native officers, to regularity of march or array—see -Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, ch. xxiii. vol. ii. p. 498; Volney, Travels -in Egypt and Syria, vol. i. p. 124.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_276"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_276">[276]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 10, 2. Kallisthenes -appears to have reckoned the mercenaries composing the Persian -phalanx at 30,000—and the cavalry at 30,000. He does not seem to have -taken account of the Kardakes. Yet Polybius in his criticism tries to -make out that there was not room for an array of even 60,000; while -Arrian enumerates 90,000 hoplites, not including cavalry (Polyb. xii. -18).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_277"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_277">[277]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 9; Kallisthenes ap. -Polyb. xii. 17. The slackness of this Persian corps on the flank, and -the ease with which Alexander drove them back—a material point in -reference to the battle—are noticed by Curtius, iii. 9, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_278"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_278">[278]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 6. εὐθὺς, ὡς -εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος, ξὺν τοῖς πρώτοις ἔφευγε, etc.</p> - -<p>This simple statement of Arrian is far more credible than the -highly wrought details given by Diodorus (xvii. 34) and Curtius -(iii. 11, 9) about a direct charge of Alexander upon the chariot of -Darius, and a murderous combat immediately round that chariot, in -which the horses became wounded and unmanageable, so as to be on the -point of overturning it. Chares even went so far as to affirm that -Alexander had come into personal conflict with Darius, from whom he -had received his wound in the thigh (Plutarch, Alex. 20). Plutarch -had seen the letter addressed by Alexander to Antipater, simply -intimating that he had received a slight wound in the thigh.</p> - -<p>In respect to this point, as to so many others, Diodorus and -Curtius have copied the same authority.</p> - -<p>Kallisthenes (ap. Polyb. xii. 22) stated that Alexander had laid -his plan of attack with a view to bear upon the person of Darius, -which is not improbable (compare Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 22), and was in -fact realized, since the first successful charge of the Macedonians -came so near to Darius as to alarm him for the safety of his own -person. To the question put by Polybius—How did Alexander know in -what part of the army Darius was?—we may reply, that the chariot and -person of Darius would doubtless be conspicuous: moreover the Persian -kings were habitually in the centre—and Cyrus the younger, at the -battle of Kunaxa, directed the attack to be made exactly against the -person of his brother Artaxerxes.</p> - -<p>After the battle of Kunaxa, Artaxerxes assumed to himself the -honor of having slain Cyrus with his own hand, and put to death those -who had really done the deed, because they boasted of it (Plutarch, -Artax. 16).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_279"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_279">[279]</a></span> This is the supposition of Mr. -Williams, and it appears to me probable though Mr. Ainsworth calls -it in question, in consequence of the difficulties of the ground -southward of Myriandrus towards the sea. [See Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay -on the Cilician and Syrian Gates, Journal of the Geograph. Society, -1838, p. 194]. These Greeks, being merely fugitives with arms in -their hands—with neither cavalry nor baggage—could make their way -over very difficult ground.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_280"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_280">[280]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 3; Curtius, -iii. 11, 13. Kallisthenes stated the same thing as Arrian—that this -Persian cavalry had crossed the Pinarus, and charged the Thessalians -with bravery. Polybius censures him for it, as if he had affirmed -something false and absurd (xii. 18). This shows that the criticisms -of Polybius are not to be accepted without reserve. He reasons as if -the Macedonian phalanx <i>could</i> not cross the Pinarus—converting a -difficulty into an impossibility (xii. 22).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_281"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_281">[281]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Curtius, iii. -11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_282"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_282">[282]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 11; Kallisthenes -ap. Polyb. xii 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_283"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_283">[283]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. -Curtius (ii. 11, 27) says that the Macedonians lost thirty-two foot -and one hundred and fifty horse, killed; with 504 men wounded;—Justin -states, 130 foot, and 150 horse (xi. 9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_284"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_284">[284]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 8—from Ptolemy -and Aristobulus. Compare Diodor. xvii. 36; Curtius, iii. 11, 24; iii. -12, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_285"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_285">[285]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 22. ἐγὼ γὰρ -(Alexander) οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ -βεβουλευμένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς -προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_286"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_286">[286]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 2, 3; Diodor. -xvii. 48. Curtius says that these Greeks got away by by-paths across -the mountains (Amanus)—which may be true (Curtius, iii. 11, 19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_287"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_287">[287]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 1; Curtius, -iii. 12, 27; Diodor. xvii. 40. The “Aræ Alexandri, in radicibus -Amani”, are mentioned by Cicero (ad Famil. xv. 4) When commanding in -Kilikia he encamped there with his army four days.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_288"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_288">[288]</a></span> See this faith put forward -in the speech of Xerxes—Herodot. vii. 48; compare the speech of -Achæmenes, vii. 236.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_289"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_289">[289]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 10, 2. καὶ ταύτῃ -ὡς δῆλος ἐγένετο (Darius) τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένος -(a remarkable expression borrowed from Thucydides, iv. 34). Compare -Arrian, ii. 6, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_290"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_290">[290]</a></span> Immediately before the battle -of Kunaxa, Cyrus the younger was asked by some of the Grecian -Officers, whether he thought that his brother Artaxerxes (who had -as yet made no resistance) would fight—“To be sure he will (was the -reply) if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I -shall not obtain the crown without fighting!” Personal cowardice, -in a king of Persia at the head of his army, seemed inconceivable -(Xenoph. Anab. i. 7, 9)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_291"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_291">[291]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 5, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_292"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_292">[292]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 4-8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_293"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_293">[293]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_294"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_294">[294]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, -iv. 5, 11. Curtius seems to mention this vote later, but it must -evidently have been passed at the first Isthmian festival after the -battle of Issus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_295"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_295">[295]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 13; Curtius, -iii. 13. The words of Arrian (ii. 15, 1)—ὀπίσω κομίσαντα ἐς -Δαμασκὸν—confirm the statement of Curtius, that this treasure was -captured by Parmenio, not in the town, but in the hands of fugitives -who were conveying it away from the town.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_296"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_296">[296]</a></span> A fragment of the letter from -Parmenio to Alexander is preserved, giving a detailed list of the -articles of booty (Athenæus, xiii. p. 607).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_297"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_297">[297]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 15, 5; Curtius, -iii. 13, 13-16. There is some discrepancy between the two (compare -Arrian, iii. 24, 7) as to the names of the Lacedæmonian envoys.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_298"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_298">[298]</a></span> See above, in the History, Vol. -X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 108; Vol. X. Ch. lxxix. p. 251; and Æschines, Fals. -Leg. p. 263. c. 13.</p> - -<p>Alexander himself had consented to be adopted by Ada princess of -Karia as her son (Arrian, i. 23, 12).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_299"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_299">[299]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 11; ii. 15, -8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_300"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_300">[300]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 45.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_301"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_301">[301]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 15, 8; ii. 20, 1. -Curtius, iv. 1, 6-16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_302"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_302">[302]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14; Curtius, iv. -i. 10; Diodor. xvii. 39. I give the substance of this correspondence -from Arrian. Both Curtius and Diodorus represent Darius as offering -great sums of money and large cessions of territory, in exchange for -the restitution of the captives. Arrian says nothing of the kind.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_303"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_303">[303]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_304"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_304">[304]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 1, 20-25; Justin, -xi. 10. Diodorus (xvii. 47) tells the story as if it had occurred at -Tyre, and not at Sidon; which is highly improbable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_305"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_305">[305]</a></span> Arrian. iii 15, 9. ὡς ἐγνωκότων -Τυρίων πράσσειν, ὅ,τι ἂν ἐπαγγέλλῃ Ἀλέξανδρος. Compare Curtius, iv. -2, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_306"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_306">[306]</a></span> Curtius (<i>ut suprà</i>) adds -these motives: Arrian asserts nothing beyond the simple request. The -statement of Curtius represents what is likely to have been the real -fact and real feeling of Alexander.</p> - -<p>It is certainly true that Curtius overloads his narrative with -rhetorical and dramatic amplification; but it is not less true that -Arrian falls into the opposite extreme—squeezing out <i>his</i> narrative -until little is left beyond the dry skeleton.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_307"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_307">[307]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_308"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_308">[308]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 4; Justin, -xi. 10. This item, both prudent and probable, in the reply of the -Tyrians, is not noticed by Arrian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_309"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_309">[309]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 11. τοὺς μὲν -πρέσβεις πρὸς ὀργὴν ὀπίσω ἀπέπεμψεν, etc. Curtius, iv. 2, 5. “Non -tenuit iram, cujus alioqui potens non erat”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_310"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_310">[310]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 40. Οἱ -δὲ Τύριοι, βουλομένου τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ Τυρίῳ θῦσαι, -προπετέστερον διεκώλυσαν αὐτὸν τῆς εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσόδου.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_311"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_311">[311]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_312"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_312">[312]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 24, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_313"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_313">[313]</a></span> This is the view expressed -by Alexander himself, in his address to the army, inviting them to -undertake the siege of Tyre (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_314"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_314">[314]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 12. Curtius -says (iv. 2, 2), “Tyros facilius <i>societatem</i> Alexandri acceptura -videbatur, quam <i>imperium</i>.” This is representing the pretensions of -the Tyrians as greater than the fact warrants. They did not refuse -the <i>imperium</i> of Alexander, though they declined compliance with one -extreme demand.</p> - -<p>Ptolemy I. (son of Lagus) afterwards made himself master of -Jerusalem, by entering the town on the Sabbath, under pretence of -offering sacrifice (Josephus, Antiq. Jud. xii. 1).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_315"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_315">[315]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 7, 8. The site -of Tyre at the present day presents nothing in the least conformable -to the description of Alexander’s time.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_316"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_316">[316]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 18, 3; ii. 21, 4; -ii. 22, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_317"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_317">[317]</a></span> Azemilchus was with -Autophradates when Alexander declared hostility against Tyre (Arrian, -ii. 15, 10); he was in Tyre when it was captured (Arrian, ii. 24, -8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_318"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_318">[318]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 10; Arrian, ii. -24, 8; Diodor. xvli. 40, 41. Curtius (iv. 2, 15) says that Alexander -sent envoys to the Tyrians to invite them to peace; that the Tyrians -not only refused the propositions, but put the deputies to death, -contrary to the law of nations. Arrian mentions nothing about this -sending of deputies, which he would hardly have omitted to do had -he found it stated in his authorities, since it tends to justify -the proceedings of Alexander. Moreover it is not conformable to -Alexander’s temperament, after what had passed between him and the -Tyrians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_319"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_319">[319]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 18, 19; Diodor. -xvii. 42; Curtius, iv. 3, 6, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_320"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_320">[320]</a></span> Arrian. ii. 20, 1-4; Curtius, -iv. 2, 14. It evinces how strongly Arrian looks at everything from -Alexander’s point of view, when we find him telling us, that that -monarch <i>forgave</i> the Phenicians and Cyprians for their adherence and -past service in the Persian fleet, considering that they had acted -under compulsion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_321"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_321">[321]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 15. In the siege -of Tyre (four centuries earlier) by the Assyrian monarch Salmaneser, -Sidon and other Phenician towns had lent their ships to the besieger -(Menander apud Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ix. 14, 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_322"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_322">[322]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 5; Plutarch, -Alexander, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_323"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_323">[323]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 9-16; Curtius, -iv. 3, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_324"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_324">[324]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 23, 24; Curtius, -iv. 4, 11; Diodor. xvii. 46.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_325"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_325">[325]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 4, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_326"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_326">[326]</a></span> This is mentioned both by -Curtius (iv. 4, 17) and by Diodorus (xvii. 46). It is not mentioned -by Arrian, and perhaps may not have found a place in Ptolemy or -Aristobulus; but I see no ground for disbelieving it.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_327"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_327">[327]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 24, 9; Diodorus, -xvii. 46.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_328"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_328">[328]</a></span> The resuscitating force of -commercial industry is seen by the fact, that in spite of this total -destruction, Tyre again rose to be a wealthy and flourishing city -(Strabo, xvi. p. 757).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_329"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_329">[329]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 25, 5; Curtius, iv. -5. The answer is more insolent in the naked simplicity of Arrian, -than in the pomp of Curtius. Plutarch (Alexand. 29) both abridges and -softens it. Diodorus also gives the answer differently (xvii. 54)—and -represents the embassy as coming somewhat later in time, after -Alexander’s return from Egypt.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_330"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_330">[330]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 17, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_331"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_331">[331]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 5, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_332"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_332">[332]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 5, 14-22; Arrian, -iii. 2, 4-8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_333"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_333">[333]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 26, 5. Οἱ δὲ -μηχανοποιοὶ γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυντο, ἄπορον εἶναι βίᾳ ἑλεῖν τὸ τεῖχος, -διὰ ὕψος τοῦ χώματος· ἀλλ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐδόκει αἱρετέον εἶναι, ὅσῳ -ἀπορώτερον· ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἔργον τῷ παραλόγῳ ἐπὶ -μέγα, καὶ τὸ μὴ ἑλεῖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναί οἱ, λεγόμενον ἔς τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας -καὶ Δαρεῖον.</p> - -<p>About the fidelity, and obstinate defensive courage, shown more -than once by the inhabitants of Gaza—see Polybius, xvi. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_334"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_334">[334]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 26, 27; Curtius, -iv. 6, 12-18; Plutarch, Alexand. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_335"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_335">[335]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 27, 5. <span -class="gesperrt">χῶμα</span> χωννύναι <span class="gesperrt">ἐν κύκλῳ -παντόθεν</span> τῆς πόλεως. It is certainly possible, as Droysen -remarks (Gesch. Alex. des Grossen, p. 199), that παντόθεν is not to -be interpreted with literal strictness, but only as meaning in <i>many -different portions</i> of the walled circuit.</p> - -<p>Yet if this had been intended, Arrian would surely have said -χώματα in the plural, not χῶμα.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_336"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_336">[336]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 48) states the -whole duration of the siege as two months. This seems rather under -than over the probable truth.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_337"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_337">[337]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 6, 25-30; Dionys. -Hal. De Comp. Verbor. p. 123-125—with the citation there given from -Hegesias of Magnesia. Diodorus (xvii. 48, 49) simply mentions Gaza in -two sentences, but gives no details of any kind.</p> - -<p>Arrian says nothing about the treatment of Batis, nor did he -probably find anything about it in Ptolemy or Aristobulus. There -are assignable reasons why they should pass it over in silence, as -disgraceful to Alexander. But Arrian, at the same time, says nothing -inconsistent with or contradicting the statement of Curtius; while he -himself recognizes how emulous Alexander was of the proceedings of -Achilles (vii. 14, 7).</p> - -<p>The passage describing this scene, cited from the lost author -Hegesias by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, as an example of bad rhythm -and taste, has the merit of bringing out the details respecting the -person of Batis, which were well calculated to disgust and aggravate -the wrath of Alexander. The bad taste of Hegesias as a writer does -not diminish his credibility as a witness.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_338"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_338">[338]</a></span> Arrian. vii. 14, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_339"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_339">[339]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 27. 11. About the -circumstances and siege of Gaza see the work of Stark, Gaza and die -Philistäische Küste, p. 242, Leip. 1852.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_340"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_340">[340]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48; Josephus, -Antiq. xi. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_341"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_341">[341]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 3; Curtius iv. -7, 1, 2; Diodor. xvii. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_342"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_342">[342]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 1-4; Plutarch, -Alexand. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_343"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_343">[343]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 8; Curtius, iv. -8, 2-6; Diodor. xvii. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_344"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_344">[344]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 793. Other -authors however speak of the salubrity of Alexandria less favorably -than Strabo: see St. Croix, Examen des Hist. d’ Alexandre, p. 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_345"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_345">[345]</a></span> Pseudo-Aristotle, Œconomic. ii. -32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_346"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_346">[346]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 5, 4-9. Tacitus -(Annal. i. 11) says about Egypt under the Romans—“provinciam aditu -difficilem, annonæ fecundam, superstitione et lasciviâ discordem et -mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum”, etc. Compare Polybius -ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 797.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_347"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_347">[347]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 51. τεκμήρια -δ᾽ ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσεως τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι -κατορθωμάτων (answer of the priest of Ammon to Alexander).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_348"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_348">[348]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 3, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_349"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_349">[349]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 3, 12. Καὶ -ὅτι μὲν θεῖόν τι ξυνεπέλαβεν αὐτῷ, <span class="gesperrt">ἔχω -ἰσχυρίσασθαι</span>, ὅτι καὶ τὸ εἰκὸς ταύτῃ ἔχει· τὸ δ᾽ ἀτρεκὲς τοῦ -λόγου ἀφείλοντο οἱ ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐξηγησάμενοι.</p> - -<p>Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch, -Alex. 27; Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_350"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_350">[350]</a></span> Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap. -Alexand. Magn. Histor. Scriptor. ed. Geier. p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p. -814.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_351"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_351">[351]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian, -hints at the same explanation (vii. 29, 6).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_352"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_352">[352]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 10, 3—“fastidio -esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem cœlum vanis cogitationibus -petere.” Arrian, iii. 26, 1; Curtius, vi. 9, 18; vi. 11, 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_353"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_353">[353]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_354"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_354">[354]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_355"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_355">[355]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_356"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_356">[356]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian, -<i>l. c.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_357"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_357">[357]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 6, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_358"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_358">[358]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius, -iv. 9, 12—“undecimis castris pervenit ad Euphraten.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_359"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_359">[359]</a></span> So Alexander considers Babylon -(Arrian, ii. 17, 3-10)—προχωρησάντων ξὺν τῇ δυνάμει ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνά τε -καὶ Δαρεῖον ... τόν τε ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος στόλον ποιησόμεθα, etc. This -is the explanation of Arrian’s remark, iii. 7, 6—where he assigns -the reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus, -did not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger -marched directly to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana, and -Persepolis were more distant, and less exposed to an enemy from the -west.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_360"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_360">[360]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor. -xvii. 55; Curtius. iv. 9, 17-24. “Magna munimenta regni Tigris atque -Euphrates erant”, is a part of the speech put into the mouth of -Darius before the battle of Arbela, by Curtius, (iv. 14, 10). Both -these great defences were abandoned.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_361"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_361">[361]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch, -Alexand. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_362"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_362">[362]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 12; iii. 8, 3. -Curtius, iv. 10, 11-18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_363"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_363">[363]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13; Curtius, iv. 1, -27-30—“cum in illo statu rerum id quemque, quod occupasset, habiturum -arbitraretur” (Amyntas).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_364"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_364">[364]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 3. τήν τε ἐν -Ἰσσῷ μάχην ὅπως συνέβη πεπυσμένος (the satrap of Egypt) καὶ Δαρεῖον -ὅτι αἰσχρᾷ φυγῇ ἔφυγε, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_365"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_365">[365]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 23. Compare -Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4, 9; Herodotus, vii. 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_366"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_366">[366]</a></span> The praise bestowed upon the -continence of Alexander, for refusing to visit Statira the wife of -Darius, is exaggerated even to absurdity.</p> - -<p>In regard to women, Alexander was by temperament cold, the -opposite of his father Philip. During his youth, his development was -so tardy, that there was even a surmise of some physical disability -(Hieronymus ap. Athenæ. x. p. 435). As to the most beautiful persons, -of both sexes, he had only to refuse the numerous tenders made to him -by those who sought to gain his favor (Plutarch, Alex. 22). Moreover, -after the capture of Damascus, he did select for himself, from among -the female captives, Barsinê, the widow of his illustrious rival -Memnon; daughter of Artabazus, a beautiful woman of engaging manners, -and above all, distinguished, by having received Hellenic education, -from the simply Oriental harem of Darius (Plutarch, Alex. 21). In -adopting the widow of Memnon as his mistress, Alexander may probably -have had present to his imagination the example of his legendary -ancestor Neoptolemus, whose tender relations with Andromache, -widow of his enemy Hektor, would not be forgotten by any reader of -Euripides. Alexander had by Barsinê a son called Herakles.</p> - -<p>Lastly, Alexander was so absorbed by ambition,—so overcharged -with the duties and difficulties of command, which he always -performed himself—and so continually engaged in fatiguing bodily -effort,—that he had little leisure left for indulgences; such leisure -as he had, he preferred devoting to wine-parties with the society and -conversation of his officers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_367"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_367">[367]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 10, 19. “Itineris -continui labore animique ægritudine fatigata”, etc.</p> - -<p>Curtius and Justin mention a third embassy sent by Darius -(immediately after having heard of the death and honorable obsequies -of Statira) to Alexander, asking for peace. The other authors allude -only to two tentatives of this kind; and the third seems by no means -probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_368"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_368">[368]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_369"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_369">[369]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 53; Curtius, -iv. 9, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_370"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_370">[370]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 8, 12. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ -ὅσα ἀνώμαλα αὐτοῦ ἐς ἱππασίαν, ταῦτά τε <span class="gesperrt">ἐκ -πολλοῦ</span> οἱ Πέρσαι τοῖς τε ἅρμασιν ἐπελαύνειν εὐπετῆ πεποιήκεσαν -καὶ τῇ ἵππῳ ἱππάσιμα.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_371"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_371">[371]</a></span> This is the total given by -Arrian as what he found set forth (ἐλέγετο), probably the best -information which Ptolemy and Aristobulus could procure (Arrian, iii. -8, 8).</p> - -<p>Diodorus (xvii. 53) says 800,000 foot, 200,000 horse, and 200 -scythed chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000 -horse. Plutarch (Alex. 31) talks generally of a million of men. -Curtius states the army to have been almost twice as large as that -which had fought in Kilikia (iv. 9, 3); he gives the total as 200,000 -foot, and 45,000 horse (iv. 12, 13).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_372"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_372">[372]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. -9, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_373"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_373">[373]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 9, 3; Diodor. -xvii. 53. Notwithstanding the instructive note of Mützel upon this -passage of Curtius, the mode in which these chariots were armed is -not clear on all points.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_374"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_374">[374]</a></span> The Persian battle order here -given by Arrian (iii. 11), is taken from Aristobulus, who affirmed -that it was so set down in the official scheme of the battle, -drawn up by the Persian officers, and afterwards captured with the -baggage of Darius. Though thus authentic as far as it goes, it is -not complete, even as to names—while it says nothing about numbers -or depth or extent of front. Several names, of various contingents -stated to have been present in the field, are not placed in the -official return—thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian -mountaineers are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii. -8); the Kossæans, by Diodorus (xvii. 59); the Sogdiani, Massagetæ, -Belitæ, Kossæans, Gortyæ, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtius (iv. -12).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_375"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_375">[375]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 9, 5-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_376"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_376">[376]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 9, 2-8. It is not -expressly mentioned by Arrian that the baggage, etc. was brought -forward from the first camp to the second. But we see that such must -have been the fact, from what happened during the battle. Alexander’s -baggage, which was plundered by a body of Persian cavalry, cannot -have been so far in the rear of the army as the distance of the first -camp would require. This coincides also with Curtius, iv. 13, 35. The -words ἔγνω ἀπολείπειν (Arrian, iii. 9, 2), indicate the contemplation -of a purpose which was not accomplished—ὡς ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ προσμῖξαι τοῖς -πολεμίοις (iii. 9, 3). Instead of “coming into conflict” with the -enemy at break of day—Alexander only arrived within sight of them at -break of day; he then halted the whole day and night within sight -of their position; and naturally brought up his baggage, having no -motive to leave it so far in the rear.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_377"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_377">[377]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. iii. 4, 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_378"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_378">[378]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 10, 3; Curtius, -iv. 13, 4-10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_379"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_379">[379]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 12, 1-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_380"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_380">[380]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. -57; Curtius, iv. 13, 26-30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_381"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_381">[381]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 12, 2-6; Curtius, -iv. 13, 30-32; Diodor. xvii. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_382"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_382">[382]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 13, 36; Polyænus, -iv. 3, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_383"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_383">[383]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 13, 1-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_384"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_384">[384]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 13, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_385"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_385">[385]</a></span> About the chariots. Arrian, -iii. 13, 11; Curtius, iv. 15, 14; Diodor. xvii. 57, 58.</p> - -<p>Arrian mentions distinctly only those chariots which were -launched on Darius’s left, immediately opposite to Alexander. But it -is plain that the chariots along the whole line must have been let -off at one and the same signal—which we may understand as implied in -the words of Curtius—“Ipse (Darius) ante se falcatos currus habebat, -quos signo dato universos in hostem effudit” (iv. 14, 3).</p> - -<p>The scythed chariots of Artaxerxes, at the battle of Kunaxa, did -no mischief (Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 10-20). At the battle of Magnesia, -gained by the Romans (<small>B. C.</small> 190) over the Syrian -king Antiochus, his chariots were not only driven back, but spread -disorder among their own troops (Appian, Reb. Syriac. 33).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_386"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_386">[386]</a></span> See the remarkable passage in -the address of Alexander to his soldiers previous to the battle, -about the necessity of absolute silence until the moment came for the -terrific war-shout (Arrian, iii. 9, 14): compare Thucyd. ii. 89—a -similar direction from Phormio to the Athenians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_387"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_387">[387]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 4. οὔτε -ἀκοντισμῷ ἔτι, οὔτε ἐξελιγμοῖς τῶν ἵππων, ἥπερ ἱππομαχίας δίκη, -ἐχρῶντο—about the Persian cavalry when driven to despair.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_388"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_388">[388]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 2. ἦγε δρόμῳ -τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ ὡς ἐπὶ αὐτὸν Δαρεῖον—Diodor. xvii. 60. Alexander μετὰ -τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν -ἤλαυνε τὸν Δαρεῖον.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_389"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_389">[389]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 3. Καὶ χρόνον -μέν τινα ὀλίγον ἐν χερσὶν ἡ μάχη ἐγένετο. Ὣς δὲ οἵ τε ἱππεῖς οἱ -ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος εὐρώστως ἐνέκειντο, ὠθισμοῖς -τε χρώμενοι, καὶ τοῖς ξυστοῖς τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν Περσῶν κόπτοντες, ἥ τε -φάλαγξ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ, πυκνὴ καὶ ταῖς σαρίσσαις πεφρικυῖα, ἐμβέβληκεν -ἤδη αὐτοῖς, <span class="gesperrt">καὶ πάντα ὁμοῦ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ -πάλαι ἤδη φοβερῷ ὄντι Δαρείῳ ἐφαίνετο, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐπιστρέψας -ἔφευγεν</span>. At Issus, Arrian states that “Darius fled along with -the first” (ii. 11, 6); at Arbela here, he states that “Darius was -the first to turn and flee;” an expression yet stronger and more -distinct. Curtius and Diodorus, who seem here as elsewhere to follow -generally the same authorities, give details, respecting the conduct -of Darius, which are not to be reconciled with Arrian, and which are -decidedly less credible than Arrian’s narrative. The fact that the -two kings were here (as at Issus) near, and probably visible, to -each other, has served as a basis for much embroidery. The statement -that Darius, standing on his chariot, hurled his spear against the -advancing Macedonians—and that Alexander also hurled his spear at -Darius, but missing him, killed the charioteer—is picturesque and -Homeric, but has no air of reality. Curtius and Diodorus tell us -that this fall of the charioteer was mistaken for the fall of the -king, and struck the Persian army with consternation, causing them -forthwith to take flight, and thus ultimately forcing Darius to flee -also (Diodor. xvii. 60; Curt. iv. 15, 26-32). But this is noway -probable; since the real fight then going on was close, and with -hand-weapons.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_390"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_390">[390]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_391"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_391">[391]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 60; Curtius, -iv. 15, 32, 33. The cloud of dust, and the noise of the whips, are -specified both by Diodorus and Curtius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_392"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_392">[392]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 16, 1; Diodorus, -xvii. 59, 60; Arrian, iii. 14, 11. The two first authors are here -superior to Arrian, who scarcely mentions at all this vigorous charge -of Mazæus, though he alludes to the effects produced by it.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_393"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_393">[393]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 6. He speaks -directly here only of the τάξις under the command of Simmias; but it -is plain that what he says must be understood of the τάξις commanded -by Kraterus also. Of the six τάξεις or divisions of the phalanx, that -of Kraterus stood at the extreme left—that of Simmias (who commanded -on this day the τάξις of Amyntas son of Andromenes) next to it -(iii. 11, 16). If therefore the τάξις of Simmias was kept back from -pursuit, on account of the pressure upon the general Macedonian left -(iii. 14, 6)—<i>à fortiori</i>, the τάξις of Kraterus must have been kept -back in like manner.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_394"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_394">[394]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_395"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_395">[395]</a></span> Curtius. iv. 15, 9-11; Diodor. -xvii. 59. Curtius and Diodorus represent the brigade of cavalry who -plundered the camp and rescued the prisoners, to have been sent round -by Mazæus from the Persian right; while Arrian states, more probably, -that they got through the break accidentally left in the phalanx, and -traversed the Macedonian lines.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_396"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_396">[396]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 10. Curtius -represents this brigade as having been driven off by Aretes and a -detachment sent expressly by Alexander himself. Diodorus describes -it as if it had not been defeated at all, but had ridden back to -Mazæus after plundering the baggage. Neither of these accounts is so -probable as that of Arrian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_397"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_397">[397]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 60. Ὁ Παρμενίων -... μόλις ἐτρέψατο τοὺς βαρβάρους, μάλιστα καταπλαγέντας τῇ κατὰ τὸν -Δαρεῖον φυγῇ. Curtius, iv. 16, 4-7. “Interim ad Mazæum fama superati -regis pervenerat. Itaque, quanquam validior erat, tamen fortunâ -partium territus, perculsis languidius instabat.” Arrian, iv. 14, 11; -iv. 15, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_398"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_398">[398]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 6. Curtius -also alludes to this combat; but with many particulars very different -from Arrian (iv. 16, 19-25).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_399"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_399">[399]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_400"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_400">[400]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 10. Curtius -(iv. 16, 12-18) gives aggravated details about the sufferings of the -fugitives in passing the river Lykus—which are probably founded on -fact. But he makes the mistake of supposing that Alexander had got as -far as this river in his first pursuit, from which he was called back -to assist Parmenio.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_401"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_401">[401]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 14; Curtius, -v. 1, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_402"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_402">[402]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 16; Curtius, -iv. 16, 27, Diodor. xvii. 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_403"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_403">[403]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 5-11; Diodor. -xvii. 64; Curtius, v. 1, 17-20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_404"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_404">[404]</a></span> Curtius, v. 1, 45; Diodor. -xvii. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_405"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_405">[405]</a></span> Arrian states this total of -50,000 talents (iii. 16. 12).</p> - -<p>I have taken them as Attic talents; if they were Æginæan talents, -the value of them would be greater in the proportion of five to -three.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_406"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_406">[406]</a></span> Curtius, v. 2, 11; Diodor. -xvii. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_407"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_407">[407]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 6-9: compare -Strabo, xvi. p. 738.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_408"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_408">[408]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 16; -Curtius, v. 1, 44; Diodor. xvii. 64. Curtius and Diodorus do not -exactly coincide with Arrian; but the discrepancy here is not very -important.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_409"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_409">[409]</a></span> Curtius, v. 1, 42: compare -Diodor. xvii. 65; Arrian, iii, 16, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_410"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_410">[410]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 20; Curtius, -v. 2, 6; Diodor. xvii. 65. Respecting this reorganization, begun now -at Susa and carried farther during the next year at Ekbatana, see -Rüstow and Köchly, Griechisches Kriegswesen, p. 252 <i>seq.</i></p> - -<p>One among the changes now made was, that the divisions of -cavalry—which, having hitherto coincided with various local -districts or towns in Macedonia, had been officered accordingly—were -re-distributed and mingled together (Curtius, v. 2, 6).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_411"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_411">[411]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 17, 1. Ἄρας δὲ ἐκ -Σούσων, καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Πασιτίγρην ποταμὸν, ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὴν Οὐξίων -γῆν.</p> - -<p>The Persian Susa was situated between two rivers; the Choaspes -(now Kherkha) on the west; the Eulæus or Pasitigris, now Karun, on -the east; both rivers distinguished for excellent water. The Eulæus -appears to have been called Pasitigris in the lower part of its -course—Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges ex Choaspe et Eulæo -tantum bibunt.”</p> - -<p>Ritter has given an elaborate exposition respecting these two -rivers and the site of the Persian Susa (Erdkunde, part ix. book iii. -West-Asien, p. 291-320).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_412"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_412">[412]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 17; Curtius. v. 3, -5-12; Diodor. xvii. 67; Strabo, xv. p. 729. It would seem that the -road taken by Alexander in this march, was that described by Kinneir, -through Bebahan and Kala-Sefid to Schiraz (Geographical Memoir of the -Persian Empire, p. 72). Nothing can exceed the difficulties of the -territory for military operation.</p> - -<p>No certainty is attainable, however, respecting the ancient -geography of these regions. Mr. Long’s Map of Ancient Persia shows -how little can be made out.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_413"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_413">[413]</a></span> See the instructive notes -of Mützel—on Quintus Curtius, v. 10, 3; and v. 12, 17, discussing -the topography of this region, in so far as it is known from -modern travellers. He supposes the Susian Gates to have been near -Kala-Sefid, west of the plain of Merdasht or Persepolis. Herein -he dissents from Ritter, apparently on good grounds, as far as an -opinion can be formed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_414"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_414">[414]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 1-14; Curtius, -v. 4, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_415"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_415">[415]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 71.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_416"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_416">[416]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 16; Curtius, -v. 4, 5; Diodor. xvii. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_417"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_417">[417]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. i. 9, 13. -Similar habits have always prevailed among Orientals. “The most -atrocious part of the Mohammedan system of punishment, is, that which -regards theft and robbery. Mutilation, by cutting off the hand or the -foot, is the prescribed remedy for all higher degrees of the offence” -(Mill, History of British India, book iii. ch. 5. p. 447).</p> - -<p>“Tippoo Saib used to cut off the right hands and noses of the -British camp-followers that fell into his hands” (Elphinstone, Hist. -of India, vol. i. p. 380. ch. xi.).</p> - -<p>A recent traveller notices the many mutilated persons, female -as well as male, who are to be seen in the northern part of Scinde -(Burton, Scenes in Scinde, vol. ii. p. 281).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_418"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_418">[418]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 69; Curtius, v. -5; Justin, xi. 14. Arrian does not mention these mutilated captives; -but I see no reason to mistrust the deposition of the three authors -by whom it is certified. Curtius talks of 4000 captives; the other -two mention 800. Diodorus calls them —Ἕλληνες ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον -βασιλέων ἀνάστατοι γεγονότες, ὀκτακόσιοι μὲν σχεδὸν τὸν ἀριθμὸν -ὄντες, ταῖς δ᾽ ἡλικίαις οἱ πλεῖστοι μὲν γεγηρακότες, ἠκρωτηριασμένοι -δὲ πάντες, etc. Some ἀνάρπαστοι πρὸς βασιλέα διὰ σοφίαν are noticed -in Xenoph. Mem. iv. 2, 33; compare Herodot. iii. 93; iv. 204. I have -already mentioned the mutilation of the Macedonian invalids, taken at -Issus by Darius.</p> - -<p>Probably these Greek captives were mingled with a number of -other captives, Asiatics and others, who had been treated in the -same manner. None but the Greek captives would be likely to show -themselves to Alexander and his army, because none but they would -calculate on obtaining sympathy from an army of Macedonians and -Greeks. It would have been interesting to know who these captives -were, or how they came to be thus cruelly used. The two persons among -them, named by Curtius as spokesmen in the interview with Alexander, -are—Euktemon, a Kymæan—and Theætêtus, an Athenian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_419"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_419">[419]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70. πλουσιωτάτης -οὔσης τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 2, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_420"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_420">[420]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 18; Diodor. -xvii. 70; Curtius, v. 6, 1; Strabo, xv. p. 731.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_421"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_421">[421]</a></span> This amount is given both by -Diodorus (xvii. 71) and by Curtius (v. 6, 9). We see however from -Strabo that there were different statements as to the amount. Such -overwhelming figures deserve no confidence upon any evidence short of -an official return. At the same time, we ought to expect a very great -sum, considering the long series of years that had been spent in -amassing it. Alexander’s own letters (Plutarch, Alex. 37) stated that -enough was carried away to load 10,000 mule carts and 5000 camels. -</p> - -<p>To explain the fact, of a large accumulated treasure in the -Persian capitals, it must be remarked, that what we are accustomed -to consider as expenses of government, were not defrayed out of the -regal treasure. The military force, speaking generally, was not paid -by the Great King, but summoned by requisition from the provinces, -upon which the cost of maintaining the soldiers fell, over and above -the ordinary tribute. The king’s numerous servants and attendants -received no pay in money, but in kind; provisions for maintaining -the court with its retinue were furnished by the provinces, over -and above the tribute. See Herodot. i. 192; and iii. 91—and a good -passage of Heeren, setting forth the small public disbursement out of -the regal treasure, in his account of the internal constitution of -the ancient Persian Empire (Ideen über die Politik and den Verkehr -der Völker der alten Welt, part i. Abth. 1. p. 511-519).</p> - -<p>Respecting modern Persia, Jaubert remarks (Voyage en Arménie et -en Perse, Paris, 1821, p. 272, ch. 30)—“Si les sommes que l’on verse -dans le trésor du Shah ne sont pas exorbitantes, comparativement à -l’étendue et à la population de la Perse, elles n’en sortent pas -non plus que pour des dépenses indispensables qui n’en absorbent -pas la moitié. Le reste est converti en lingots, en pierreries, -et en divers objets d’une grande valeur et d’un transport facile -en cas d’évènement: ce qui doit suffire pour empêcher qu’on ne -trouve exagérés les rapports que tous les voyageurs ont faits de la -magnificence de la cour de Perse. Les Perses sont assez clairvoyans -pour pénétrer les motifs réels qui portent Futteh Ali Shah à -thésauriser.”</p> - -<p>When Nadir-Shah conquered the Mogul Emperor Mohammed, and entered -Delhi in 1739,—the imperial treasure and effects which fell into his -hands is said to have amounted to £32,000,000 sterling, besides heavy -contributions levied on the inhabitants (Mill, History of British -India, vol. ii, B. iii, ch. 4, p. 403).—Runjeet Sing left at his -death (1839) a treasure of £8,000,000 sterling: with jewels and other -effects to several millions more. [The Punjaub, by Col. Steinbach, p. -16. London, 1845].</p> - -<p>Mr. Mill remarks in another place, that “in Hindostan, gold, -silver, and gems are most commonly hoarded, and not devoted to -production” (vol. i, p. 254, B. ii. ch. 5).</p> - -<p>Herodotus (iii. 96) tells us that the gold and silver brought to -the Persian regal treasure was poured in a melted state into earthern -vessels; when it cooled, the earthern vessel was withdrawn, and the -solid metallic mass left standing; a portion of it was cut off when -occasion required for disbursements. This practice warrants the -supposition that a large portion of it was habitually accumulated, -and not expended.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_422"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_422">[422]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 17. He does -not give the amount which I transcribe from Curtius, v. 6, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_423"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_423">[423]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70. Οἱ Μακεδόνες -ἐπῄεσαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας πάντας φονεύοντες, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις -διαρπάζοντες, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_424"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_424">[424]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70, 71; Curtius, -v. 6, 3-7. These two authors concur in the main features of the -massacre and plunder in Persepolis, permitted to the soldiers -of Alexander. Arrian does not mention it; he mentions only the -deliberate resolution of Alexander to burn the palace or citadel, -out of revenge on the Persian name. And such feeling, assuming it to -exist, would also naturally dictate the general license to plunder -and massacre. Himself entertaining such vindictive feeling, and -regarding it as legitimate, Alexander would either presume it to -exist, or love to kindle it, in his soldiers; by whom indeed the -license to plunder would be sufficiently welcomed, with or without -any antecedent sentiment of vengeance.</p> - -<p>The story (told by Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch, Alex. 38) -that Alexander, in the drunkenness of a banquet, was first instigated -by the courtesan Thais to set fire to the palace of Persepolis, and -accompanied her to begin the conflagration with his own hand—may -perhaps be so far true, that he really showed himself in the scene -and helped in the burning. But that his resolution to burn was -deliberately taken, and even maintained against the opposition of -esteemed officers, is established on the authority of Arrian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_425"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_425">[425]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 37. Φόνον -μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε· <span -class="gesperrt">γράφει γὰρ αὐτὸς, ὡς νομίζων αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν -ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους</span>· νομίσματος δὲ εὑρεῖν -πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον -ἐκκομισθῆναί φησι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι, καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις -καμήλοις. That ἐνταῦθα means Persepolis, is shown by the immediately -following comparison with the treasure found at Susa.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_426"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_426">[426]</a></span> Diod. xvii. 73; Curtius, v. 6, -12-20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_427"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_427">[427]</a></span> Curtius, v. 6, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_428"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_428">[428]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 1-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_429"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_429">[429]</a></span> Compare the language addressed -by Alexander to his weary soldiers, on the banks of the Hyphasis -(Arrian, v. 26), with that which Herodotus puts into the mouth of -Xerxes, when announcing his intended expedition against Greece -(Herodot. vii. 8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_430"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_430">[430]</a></span> I see no reason for doubting -that the Ekbatana here meant is the modern Hamadan. See a valuable -Appendix added by Dr. Thirlwall to the sixth volume of his History of -Greece, in which this question is argued against Mr. Williams.</p> - -<p>Sir John Malcolm observes—“There can hardly be said to be any -roads in Persia; nor are they much required, for the use of wheel -carriages has not yet been introduced into that kingdom. Nothing can -be more rugged and difficult than the paths which have been cut over -the mountains by which it is bounded and intersected” (ch. xxiv. vol. -ii. p. 525).</p> - -<p>In this respect, indeed, as in others, the modern state of Persia -must be inferior to the ancient; witness the description given by -Herodotus of the road between Sardis and Susa.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_431"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_431">[431]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 2-9; iii. 20, -3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_432"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_432">[432]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_433"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_433">[433]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor. -xvii. 80. Diodorus had before stated (xvii. 66, 71) the treasure in -Susa as being 49,000 talents, and that in Persepolis as 120,000. -Arrian announces the treasure in Susa as 50,000 talents—Curtius gives -the uncoined gold and silver alone as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The -treasure of both places was transported to Ekbatana.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_434"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_434">[434]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 20, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_435"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_435">[435]</a></span> Curtius, v. 23, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_436"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_436">[436]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v. -27, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_437"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_437">[437]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 1. ἤδη γὰρ -αὐτῷ καὶ ἱππακοντισταὶ ἦσαν τάξις.</p> - -<p>See the remarks of Rüstow and Köchly upon the change made by -Alexander in his military organization about this period, as soon -as he found that there was no farther chance of a large collected -Persian force, able to meet him in the field (Geschichte des Griech. -Kriegswesens, p. 252 <i>seq.</i>).</p> - -<p>The change which they point out was real,—but I think they -exaggerate it in degree.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_438"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_438">[438]</a></span> The passes called the Caspian -Gates appear to be those described by Morier, Fraser, and other -modern travellers, as the series of narrow valleys and defiles called -Ser-Desch, Sirdari, or Serdara Kahn,—on the southernmost of the two -roads which lead eastward from Teheran towards Damaghan, and thence -farther eastward towards Mesched and Herat. See the note of Mützel -in his edition of Curtius, v. 35, 2, p. 489; also Morier, Second -Journey through Persia, p. 363; Fraser’s Narrative of a Journey into -Khorasan, p. 291.</p> - -<p>The long range of mountains, called by the ancients Taurus, -extends from Lesser Media and Armenia in an easterly direction along -the southern coast of the Caspian Sea. Its northern declivity, -covered by prodigious forests with valleys and plains of no great -breadth reaching to the Caspian, comprehends the moist and fertile -territories now denominated Ghilan and Mazanderan. The eastern -portion of Mazanderan was known in ancient times as Hyrkania, then -productive and populous; while the mountain range itself was occupied -by various rude and warlike tribes—Kadusii, Mardi, Tapyri, etc. -The mountain range, now called Elburz, includes among other lofty -eminences the very high peak of Demavend.</p> - -<p>The road from Ekbatana to Baktra, along which both the flight -of Darius and the pursuit of Alexander lay, passed along the broken -ground skirting the southern flank of the mountain range Elburz. -Of this broken ground the Caspian Gates formed the worst and most -difficult portion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_439"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_439">[439]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 20, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_440"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_440">[440]</a></span> Masistes, after the shocking -outrage upon his wife by Queen Amestris, was going to Baktria to -organize a revolt: see Herodot. ix. 113—about the importance of that -satrapy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_441"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_441">[441]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin -(xi. 15) specifies the name of the place—Thara. Both he and -Curtius mention the <i>golden chain</i> (Curtius, 34, 20). Probably the -conspirators made use of some chains which had formed a part of -the ornaments of the royal wardrobe. Among the presents given by -Darius son of Hystaspes to the surgeon Demokedes, there were two -pairs of golden chains—Δωρέεται δή μιν Δαρεῖος πεδέων χρυσέων δύο -ζεύγεσιν—Herodot. iii. 130: compare iii. 15. The Persian king and -grandees habitually wore golden chains round neck and arms.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_442"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_442">[442]</a></span></p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i-1">“Rarus apud Medos regum cruor; unaque cuncto</p> -<p class="i0">Pœna manet generi; quamvis crudelibus æque</p> -<p class="i0">Paretur dominis.” (Claudian. in Eutrop. ii. p. 478.)</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="mt1">Court conspiracies and assassinations of the prince, -however were not unknown either among the Achæmenidæ or the -Arsakidæ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_443"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_443">[443]</a></span> This account of the remarkable -incidents immediately preceding the death of Darius, is taken mainly -from Arrian (iii. 21), and seems one of the most authentic chapters -of his work. He is very sparing in telling what passed in the Persian -camp; he mentions indeed only the communications made by the Persian -deserters to Alexander.</p> - -<p>Curtius (v. 27-34) gives the narrative far more vaguely and -loosely than Arrian, but with ample details of what was going on -in the Persian camp. We should have been glad to know from whom -these details were borrowed. In the main they do not contradict the -narrative of Arrian, but rather amplify and dilute it.</p> - -<p>Diodorus (xvii. 73), Plutarch (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi. -15) give no new information.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_444"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_444">[444]</a></span> Arrian (iii. 22) gives an -indulgent criticism on Darius, dwelling chiefly upon his misfortunes, -but calling him ἀνδρὶ τὰ μὲν πολέμια, εἴπερ τινὶ ἄλλῳ, μαλθακῷ τε καὶ -οὐ φρενήρει, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_445"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_445">[445]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 5, 10; vi. 6, -15. Diodor. xvii. 74. Hekatompylus was an important position, where -several roads joined (Polyb. x. 28). It was situated on one of the -roads running eastward from the Caspian Gates, on the southern -flank of Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its locality cannot be fixed with -certainty: Ritter (Erdkunde, part viii. 465, 467) with others -conceives it to have been near Damaghan; Forbiger (Handbuch der -Alten Geographie, vol. ii. p. 549) places it further eastward, near -Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long notes it on his map, as <i>site unknown</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_446"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_446">[446]</a></span> This was attested by his own -letters to Antipater, which Plutarch had seen (Plutarch, Alexand. -47). Curtius composes a long speech for Alexander (vi. 7, 9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_447"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_447">[447]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 23, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_448"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_448">[448]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 4. In -reference to the mountain tribes called Mardi, who are mentioned -in several different localities—on the parts of Mount Taurus south -of the Caspian, in Armenia, on Mount Zagros, and in Persis proper -(see Strabo, xi. p. 508-523; Herodot. i. 125), we may note, that -the Nomadic tribes, who constitute a considerable fraction of the -population of the modern Persian Empire, are at this day found under -the same name in spots widely distant: see Jaubert, Voyage en Arménie -et en Perse, p. 254.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_449"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_449">[449]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, -vi. 5, 9. An Athenian officer named Demokrates slew himself in -despair, disdaining to surrender.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_450"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_450">[450]</a></span> See a curious passage on this -subject, at the end of the Cyropædia of Xenophon.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_451"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_451">[451]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25, 3-8. Droysen -and Dr. Thirlwall identify Susia with the town now called Tûs or -Toos, a few miles north-west of Mesched. Professor Wilson (Ariana -Antiqua, p. 177) thinks that this is too much to the west, and too -far from Herat: he conceives Susia to be Zuzan, on the desert side -of the mountains west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (notes on the historical -results deducible from discoveries in Afghanistan, p. 14) places it -at Subzawar, south of Herat, and within the region of fertility.</p> - -<p>Tûs seems to lie in the line of Alexander’s march, more than -the other two places indicated; Subzawar is too far to the south. -Alexander appears to have first directed his march from Parthia to -Baktria (in the line from Asterabad to Baikh through Margiana), -merely touching the borders of Aria in his route.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_452"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_452">[452]</a></span> Artakoana, as well as the -subsequent city of Alexandria in Ariis, are both supposed by Wilson -to coincide with the locality of Herat (Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. -152-177).</p> - -<p>There are two routes from Herat to Asterabad, at the south-east -corner of the Caspian; one by Schahrood which is 533 English miles; -the other by Mesched, which is 688 English miles (Wilson, p. 149).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_453"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_453">[453]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25; Curtius, vi. -24, 36. The territory of the Drangi, or Zarangi, southward from Aria, -coincides generally with the modern Seistan, adjoining the lake now -called Zareh, which receives the waters of the river Hilmend.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_454"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_454">[454]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25, 6; Curtius, -iv. 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_455"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_455">[455]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 7, 2. “Dimnus, -modicæ apud regem auctoritates et gratiæ, exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat -nomen, amore flagrabat, obsequio uni sibi dediti corporis vinctus.” -Plutarch, Alex. 49; Diodor. xvii. 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_456"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_456">[456]</a></span> Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch, -Alex. 49. The latter says that Dimnus resisted the officer sent to -arrest him, and was killed by him in the combat.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_457"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_457">[457]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 7, 33. “Philotas -respondit, Cebalinum quidem scorti sermonem ad se detulisse, sed -ipsum tam levi auctori nihil credidisse—veritum, ne jurgium inter -amatorem et exoletum non sine risu aliorum detulisset.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_458"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_458">[458]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_459"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_459">[459]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49. -Πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον <span class="gesperrt">ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν -χρόνων</span> ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος (Philotas).... Ὁ μὲν οὖν -Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ Ἀντιγόνῃ πολλὰ -καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως -ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος.</p> - -<p>Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus recognized these previous -communications made to Alexander against Philotas in Egypt, but -stated that he did not believe them (Arrian, iii. 26, 1).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_460"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_460">[460]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48; -Curtius, vi. 11, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_461"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_461">[461]</a></span> Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed. -Didot, ap. Athenæum, xii. p. 539; Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even -Eumenes enriched himself much; though being only secretary, and a -Greek, he could not take the same liberties as the great native -Macedonian generals (Plutarch, Eumenes, 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_462"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_462">[462]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius, -vi. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_463"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_463">[463]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 8, 16. “Invitatus -est etiam Philotas ad ultimas sibi epulas et rex non cœnare modo, sed -etiam familiariter colloqui, cum eo quam damnaverat, sustinuit.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_464"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_464">[464]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 26, 2. Λέγει δὲ -Πτολεμαῖος εἰσαχθῆναι εἰς Μακεδόνας Φιλώταν, καὶ κατηγορῆσαι αὐτοῦ -ἰσχυρῶς Ἀλέξανδρον, etc. Curtius, vi. 9, 13; Diodorus, xvii, 80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_465"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_465">[465]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_466"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_466">[466]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 8. “Tum vero -universa concio accensa est, et a corporis custodibus initium factum, -clamantibus, discerpendum esse parricidam manibus eorum. Id quidam -Philotas, qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo animo -audiebat.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_467"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_467">[467]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 30; vi. 11, -11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_468"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_468">[468]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_469"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_469">[469]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 15, “Per -ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote et damnatus et inimicis in gratiam -regis torquentibus, laceratur. Ac primo quidam, quanquam hinc ignis, -illinc verbera, jam non ad quæstionem, sed ad pœnam, ingerebantur, -non vocem modo, sed etiam gemitus habuit in potestate; sed postquam -intumescens corpus ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos -ferre non poterat”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_470"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_470">[470]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_471"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_471">[471]</a></span> Strabo, xv. p. 724; Diodor. -xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 2, 11-18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_472"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_472">[472]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 27. The -proceedings respecting Philotas and Parmenio are recounted in -the greatest detail by Curtius; but his details are in general -harmony with the brief heads given by Arrian from Ptolemy and -Aristobulus—except as to one material point. Plutarch (Alex. 49), -Diodorus (xvii. 79, 80), and Justin (xii. 5), also state the fact in -the same manner.</p> - -<p>Ptolemy and Aristobulus, according to the narrative of Arrian, -appear to have considered that Philotas was really implicated in a -conspiracy against Alexander’s life. But when we analyze what they -are reported to have said, their opinion will not be found entitled -to much weight. In the first place, they state (Arrian, iii. 26, -1) that the <i>conspiracy of Philotas had been before made known to -Alexander while he was in Egypt</i>, but that he did not then believe -it. Now eighteen months had elapsed since the stay in Egypt; and the -idea of a conspiracy going on for eighteen months is preposterous. -That Philotas was in a mood in which he might be supposed likely -to conspire, is one proposition; that he actually did conspire is -another; Arrian and his authorities run the two together as if they -were one. As to the evidence purporting to prove that Philotas did -conspire, Arrian tells us that “the informers came forward before -the assembled soldiers and convicted Philotas with the rest by other -<i>indicia</i> not obscure, <i>but chiefly by this</i>—that Philotas confessed -to have heard of a conspiracy going on, without mentioning it to -Alexander, though twice a day in his presence”—καὶ τοὺς μηνυτὰς -τοῦ ἔργου παρελθόντας ἐξελέγξαι Φιλώταν τε καὶ τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν -<span class="gesperrt">ἄλλοις τε ἐλέγχοις οὐκ ἀφανέσι, καὶ μάλιστα -δὴ</span> ὅτι αὐτὸς Φιλώτας πεπύσθαι μὲν—συνέφη, etc. What these -other <i>indicia</i> were, we are not told; but we may see how slender -was their value, when we learn that the non-revelation admitted by -Philotas was stronger than any of them. The non-revelation, when we -recollect that Nikomachus was the <i>only</i> informant (Arrian loosely -talks of μηνυτὰς, as if there were more), proves absolutely nothing -as to the complicity of Philotas, though it may prove something as -to his indiscretion. Even on this minor charge, Curtius puts into -his mouth a very sufficient exculpation. But if Alexander had taken -a different view, and dismissed or even confined him for it, there -would have been little room for remark.</p> - -<p>The point upon which Arrian is at variance with Curtius, is, that -he states “Philotas with the rest to have been shot to death by the -Macedonians”—thus, seemingly contradicting, at least by implication, -the fact of his having been tortured. Now Plutarch, Diodorus, and -Justin, all concur with Curtius in affirming that he was tortured. -On such a matter, I prefer their united authority to that of Ptolemy -and Aristobulus. These two last-mentioned authors were probably quite -content to believe in the complicity of Philotas upon the authority -of Alexander himself; without troubling themselves to criticise the -proofs. They tell us that Alexander vehemently denounced (κατηγορῆσαι -ἰσχυρῶς) Philotas before the assembled soldiers. After this, any -mere shadow or pretence of proof would be sufficient. Moreover, -let us recollect that Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to be one of -the confidential <i>body guards</i> (σωματοφύλακες), out of this very -conspiracy, real or fictitious; he was promoted to the post of the -condemned Demetrius (Arrian, iii. 27. 11).</p> - -<p>How little Ptolemy and Aristobulus cared to do justice to any -one whom Alexander hated, may be seen by what they say afterwards -about the philosopher Kallisthenes. Both of them affirmed that the -pages, condemned for conspiracy against Alexander, deposed against -Kallisthenes as having instigated them to the deed (Arrian, iv. -14, 1). Now we know, from the authority of Alexander himself, -whose letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand. 55), that the pages denied -the privity of any one else—maintaining the project to have been -altogether their own. To their great honor, the pages persisted in -this deposition, even under extreme tortures—though they knew that a -deposition against Kallisthenes was desired from them.</p> - -<p>My belief is, that Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, and Justin, -are correct in stating that Philotas was tortured. Ptolemy and -Aristobulus have thought themselves warranted in omitting this fact, -which they probably had little satisfaction in reflecting upon. If -Philotas was not tortured, there could have been no evidence at all -against Parmenio—for the only evidence against the latter was the -extorted confession of Philotas.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_473"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_473">[473]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_474"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_474">[474]</a></span> Contrast the conduct of -Alexander towards Philotas and Parmenio, with that of Cyrus the -younger towards the conspirator Orontes, as described in Xenophon, -Anabas. i. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_475"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_475">[475]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_476"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_476">[476]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor. -xvii. 80; Justin, xii. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_477"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_477">[477]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 27, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_478"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_478">[478]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About -the geography, compare Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua, p. 173-178. “By -perambulator, the distance from Herat to Kandahar is 371 miles; from -Kandahar to Kabul, 309: total 688 miles (English).” The principal -city in Drangiana (Seiestan) mentioned by the subsequent Greek -geographers is, Prophthasia; existing seemingly before Alexander’s -arrival. See the fragments of his <i>mensores</i>, ap. Didot, Fragm. Hist. -Alex. Magn. p. 135; Pliny, H. N. vi. 21. The quantity of remains of -ancient cities, still to be found in this territory, is remarkable. -Wilson observes this (p. 154).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_479"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_479">[479]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 28, 6; Curtius, -vii. 3, 23; Diodor. xvii. 83. Alexandria in Ariis is probably Herat; -Alexandria in Arachosia is probably Kandahar. But neither the one -nor the other is mentioned as having been founded by <i>Alexander</i>, -either in Arrian or Curtius, or Diodorus. The name Alexandria does -not prove that they were founded by him; for several of the Diadochi -called their own foundations by his name (Strabo, xiii. p. 593). -Considering how very short a time Alexander spent in these regions, -the wonder is, that he could have found time to establish those -foundations which are expressly ascribed to him by Arrian and his -other historians. The authority of Pliny and Steph. Byzant. is hardly -sufficient to warrant us in ascribing to him more. The exact site of -Alexandria ad Caucasum cannot be determined, for want of sufficient -topographical data. There seems much probability that it was at the -place called Beghram, twenty-five miles north-east of Kabul—in the -way between Kabul on the south side of the Hindoo-Koosh, and Anderhab -on the north side. The prodigious number of coins and relics, Greek -as well as Mohammedan, discovered by Mr. Masson at Beghram, supply -better evidence for identifying the site with that of Alexandria ad -Caucasum, than can be pleaded on behalf of any other locality. See -Masson’s Narrative of Journeys in Afghanistan, etc., vol. iii. ch. 7. -p 148 <i>seqq.</i></p> - -<p>In crossing the Hindoo-Koosh from south to north Alexander -probably marched by the pass of Bamian, which seems the only one -among the four passes open to an army in the winter. See Wood’s -Journey to the Oxus, p 195.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_480"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_480">[480]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius, -vii. 5, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_481"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_481">[481]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 29, 4; Strabo, xi. -p. 509. Evidently Ptolemy and Aristobulus were much more awe-struck -with the Oxus, than with either the Tigris or the Euphrates. Arrian -(iv. 6, 13) takes his standard of comparison, in regard to rivers, -from the river Peneius in Thessaly.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_482"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_482">[482]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 5, 19. The -exactness of Quintus Curtius, in describing the general features of -Baktria and Sogdiana, is attested in the strongest language by modern -travellers. See Burnes’s Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8. p. -211, 2nd edit.; also Morier, Second Journey in Persia, p. 282.</p> - -<p>But in the geographical details of the country, we are at -fault. We have not sufficient data to identify more than one or -two of the localities mentioned, in the narrative of Alexander’s -proceedings, either by Curtius or Arrian. That Marakanda is the -modern Samarkand—the river Polytimetus, the modern Kohik—and Baktra -or Zariaspa the modern Balkh—appears certain; but the attempts made -by commentators to assign the site of other places are not such as to -carry conviction.</p> - -<p>In fact, these countries, at the present moment, are known -only superficially as to their general scenery; for purposes of -measurement and geography, they are almost unknown; as may be seen by -any one who reads the Introduction to Erskine’s translation of the -Memoirs of Sultan Baber.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_483"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_483">[483]</a></span> Arrian. iii. 30, 5-10. These -details are peculiarly authentic, as coming from Ptolemy, the person -chiefly concerned.</p> - -<p>Aristobulus agreed in the description of the guise in which -Bessus was exhibited, but stated that he was brought up in this way -by Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows this -version. Diodorus also gives an account very like it, mentioning -nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_484"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_484">[484]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de -Serâ Numinis Vindictâ, p. 557 B; Strabo xi. p. 518: compare also -xiv. p. 634, and xvii. p. 814. This last-mentioned passage of Strabo -helps us to understand the peculiarly strong pious fervor with which -Alexander regarded the temple and oracle of Branchidæ. At the time -when Alexander went up to the oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the -purpose of affiliating himself to Zeus Ammon, there came to him -envoys from Miletus, announcing that the oracle at Branchidæ, which -had been silent ever since the time of Xerxes, had just begun to give -prophecy, and had certified the fact that Alexander was the son of -Zeus, besides many other encouraging predictions.</p> - -<p>The massacre of the Branchidæ by Alexander was described by -Diodorus, but was contained in that part of the seventeenth book -which is lost; there is a great lacuna in the MSS. after cap. 83. The -fact is distinctly indicated in the table of contents prefixed to -Book xvii.</p> - -<p>Arrian makes no mention of these descendants of the Branchidæ in -Sogdiana, nor of the destruction of the town and its inhabitants by -Alexander. Perhaps neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, said anything -about it. Their silence is not at all difficult to explain, nor does -it, in my judgment, impeach the credibility of the narrative. They -do not feel under obligation to give publicity to the worst acts of -their hero.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_485"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_485">[485]</a></span> The Delphian oracle pronounced, -in explaining the subjugation and ruin of Krœsus king of Lydia, -that he had thereby expiated the sin of his ancestor in the fifth -generation before (Herodot. i. 91: compare vi. 86). Immediately -before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedæmonians -called upon the Athenians to expel the descendants of those who -had taken part in the Kylonian sacrilege, 180 years before; they -addressed this injunction with a view to procure the banishment -of Perikles, yet still τοῖς θεοῖς πρῶτον τιμωροῦντες (Thucyd. i. -125-127).</p> - -<p>The idea that the sins of fathers were visited upon their -descendants, even to the third and fourth generation, had great -currency in the ancient world.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_486"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_486">[486]</a></span> Diodor. xiii. 62. See Vol. X. -Ch. lxxxi. p 413 of this History.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_487"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_487">[487]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. vi. 16. In the -Meteorologica of Aristotle (i. 13, 15-18) we read that the rivers -Bahtrus, Choaspes, and Araxes flowed from the lofty mountain Parnasus -(Paropamisus?) in Asia; and that the Araxes bifurcated, one branch -forming the Tanais, which fell into the Palus Mæotis. For this -fact he refers to the γῆς περιόδοι current in his time. It seems -plain that by the Araxes Aristotle must mean the Jaxartes. We see, -therefore, that Alexander and his companions, in identifying the -Jaxartes with the Tanais, only followed the geographical descriptions -and ideas current in their time. Humboldt remarks several cases in -which the Greek geographers were fond of supposing bifurcation of -rivers (Asie Centrale, vol. ii. p. 291).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_488"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_488">[488]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 1, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_489"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_489">[489]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 30, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_490"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_490">[490]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 1, 3</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_491"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_491">[491]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 3, 17; Curtius, -vii. 6, 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_492"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_492">[492]</a></span> Arrian. iv. 5, 6; Curtius, vii. -9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_493"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_493">[493]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 6, 11; Curtius, -vii. 9, 22. The river, called by the Macedonians Polytimetus (Strabo, -xi. p. 518), now bears the name of Kohik or Zurufshan. It rises -in the mountains east of Samarkand, and flowing westward on the -north of that city and of Bokhara. It does not reach so far as the -Oxus; during the full time of the year, it falls into a lake called -Karakul; during the dry months, it is lost in the sands, as Arrian -states (Burnes’s Travels, vol. ii. ch. xi. p. 299. ed. 2nd.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_494"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_494">[494]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 7, 1; Curtius, vii. -10, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_495"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_495">[495]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 7, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_496"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_496">[496]</a></span> After describing the scene at -Rome, when the Emperor Galba was deposed and assassinated in the -forum, Tacitus observes—“Plures quam centum et viginti libellos -præmia exposcentium, ob aliquam notabilem illà die operam, Vitellius -posteà invenit, omnesque conquiri et interfici jussit: <i>non honore -Galbæ, sed tradito principibus more, munimentum ad præsens, in -posterum ultionem</i>” (Tacitus, Hist. i. 44).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_497"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_497">[497]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 3; iii. 16, 8. -Curtius, iii. 12, 6; v. 1, 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_498"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_498">[498]</a></span> Curtius (vii. 10, 15) mentions -six cities (oppida) founded by Alexander in these regions; apparently -somewhere north of the Oxus, but the sites cannot be made out. Justin -(xii. 5) alludes to twelve foundations in Baktria and Sogdiana.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_499"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_499">[499]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 16, 4; Curtius, -vii. 10, 1. “Sogdiana regio magnâ ex parte deserta est; octingenta -ferè stadia in latitudinem vastæ solitudines tenent.”</p> - -<p>Respecting the same country (Sogdiana and Baktria), Mr. -Erskine observes (Introduction to the Memoirs of Sultan Baber, p. -xliii.):—“The face of the country is extremely broken, and divided -by lofty hills; even the plains are diversified by great varieties -of soil,—some extensive districts along the Kohik river, nearly the -whole of Ferghana (along the Jaxartes), the greater part of Kwarizm -along the branches of the Oxus, with the large portions of Balkh, -Badakshan, Kesh, and Hissar, being of uncommon fertility; while -the greater part of the rest is a barren waste, and in some places -a sandy desert. Indeed the whole country north of the Oxus has a -decided tendency to degenerate into desert, and many of its most -fruitful spaces are nearly surrounded by barren sands; so that the -population of all these districts still, as in the time of Baber, -consists of the fixed inhabitants of the cities and fertile lands, -and of the unsettled and roving wanderers of the desert, who dwell in -tents of felt, and live on the produce of their flocks.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_500"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_500">[500]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_501"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_501">[501]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 51. Nothing -can be more touching than the words put by Plutarch into the mouth -of Kleitus—Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ νῦν χαίρομεν, Ἀλέξανδρε, τοιαῦτα τέλη τῶν πόνων -κομιζόμενοι, μακαρίζομεν δὲ τοὺς ἤδη τεθνηκότας πρὶν ἐπιδεῖν Μηδικαῖς -ῥάβδοις ξαινομένους Μακεδόνας, καὶ Περσῶν δεομένους ἵνα τῷ βασιλεῖ -προσέλθωμεν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_502"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_502">[502]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8, 8. οὔκουν μόνον -γε (Ἀλέξανδρον) καταπρᾶξαι αὐτὰ, ἀλλὰ τὸ γὰρ πολὺ μέρος Μακεδόνων -εἶναι τὰ ἔργα, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_503"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_503">[503]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8; Curtius, viii. -1; Plutarch, Alexand. 50, 51; Justin, xii. 6.</p> - -<p>The description given by Diodorus was contained in the lost part -of his seventeenth book; the table of contents, prefixed thereunto, -notes the incident briefly.</p> - -<p>All the authors describe in the same general way the -commencement, progress, and result, of this impressive scene in the -banqueting hall of Marakanda; but they differ materially in the -details. In giving what seems to me the most probable account, I have -borrowed partly from all, yet following mostly the account given by -Arrian from Ptolemy, himself present. For Arrian’s narrative down to -sect. 14 of c. 8 (before the words Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ) may fairly be -presumed to be derived from Ptolemy.</p> - -<p>Both Plutarch and Curtius describe the scene in a manner more -dishonorable to Alexander than Arrian; and at the same time (in my -judgment) less probable. Plutarch says that the brawl took its rise -from a poet named Pierion singing a song which turned into derision -those Macedonians who had been recently defeated in Sogdiana; that -Alexander and those around him greatly applauded this satire; that -Kleitus protested against such an insult to soldiers, who, though -unfortunate, had behaved with unimpeachable bravery; that Alexander -then turned upon Kleitus saying, that he was seeking an excuse for -himself by extenuating cowardice in others; that Kleitus retorted -by reminding him of the preservation of his life at the Granikus. -Alexander is thus made to provoke the quarrel by aspersing the -courage of Kleitus, which I think noway probable; nor would he be -likely to encourage a song of that tenor.</p> - -<p>Curtius agrees with Arrian in ascribing the origin of the -mischief to the extravagant boasts of Alexander and his flatterers, -and to their depreciation of Philip. He then tells us that Kleitus, -on hearing their unseemly talk, turned round and whispered to his -neighbor some lines out of the Andromachê of Euripides (which lines -Plutarch also ascribes to him, though at a later moment); that -Alexander, not hearing the words, asked what had been said, but no -one would tell him; at length Kleitus himself repeated the sentiment -in language of his own. This would suit a literary Greek; but an old -Macedonian officer half intoxicated, when animated by a vehement -sentiment, would hardly express it by whispering a Greek poetical -quotation to his neighbor. He would either hold his tongue, or speak -what he felt broadly and directly. Nevertheless Curtius has stated -two points very material to the case, which do not appear in Arrian. -1. It was Alexander himself, not his flatterers, who vilipended -Philip; at least the flatterers only did so after him, and following -his example. The topic would be dangerous for them to originate, and -might easily be carried too far. 2. Among all the topics touched -upon by Kleitus, none was so intolerable as the open expression of -sympathy, friendship, and regret for Parmenio. This stung Alexander -in the sorest point of his conscience; he must have known that there -were many present who sympathized with it; and it was probably the -main cause which worked him up to phrenzy. Moreover we may be pretty -sure that Kleitus, while expatiating upon Philip, would not forget -Philip’s general in chief and his own old friend, Parmenio.</p> - -<p>I cannot believe the statement of Aristobulus, that Kleitus was -forced by his friends out of the hall, and afterward returned to it -of his own accord, to defy Alexander once more. It seems plain from -Arrian that Ptolemy said no such thing. The murderous impulse of -Alexander was gratified on the spot, and without delay, as soon as he -got clear from the gentle restraint of his surrounding friends.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_504"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_504">[504]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 4; Curtius, -viii. 2, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_505"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_505">[505]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 12. “Quoque -minus cædis puderet, jure interfectum Clitum Macedones decernunt; -sepulturâ quoque prohibituri, ni rex humari jussisset.”</p> - -<p>In explanation of this monstrous verdict of the soldiers, we -must recollect that the safety of the whole army (now at Samarcand, -almost beyond the boundary of inhabited regions, ἔξω τῆς οἰκουμένης) -was felt to depend on the life of Alexander. Compare Justin, xii. 6, -15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_506"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_506">[506]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 6. Alexander -imagined himself to have incurred the displeasure of Dionysus -by having sacked and destroyed the city of Thebes, the supposed -birth-place and favorite locality of that god (Plutarch, Alex. 13). -</p> - -<p>The maddening delusion brought upon men by the wrath of Dionysus -is awfully depicted in the Bacchæ of Euripides. Under the influence -of that delusion, Agavê, mother of Pentheus, tears her son in pieces -and bears away his head in triumph, not knowing what is in her hands. -Compare also Eurip. Hippolyt. 440-1412.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_507"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_507">[507]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 10; Plutarch. -Alex. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_508"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_508">[508]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 13—“decem -diebus ad confirmandum pudorem apud Maracanda consumptis”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_509"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_509">[509]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 20-30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_510"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_510">[510]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 17, 11. Curtius -(viii. 3) gives a different narrative of the death of Spitamenes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_511"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_511">[511]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 18, 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_512"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_512">[512]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 21. Our -geographical knowledge does not enable us to verify these localities, -or to follow Alexander in his marches of detail.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_513"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_513">[513]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 5, 1; Arrian, -iv. 22, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_514"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_514">[514]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 10, 7-9. Curtius -(viii. 5, 9-13) represents the speech proposing divine honors to have -been delivered, not by Anaxarchus, but by another lettered Greek, a -Sicilian named Kleon. The tenor of the speech is substantially the -same, as given by both authors.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_515"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_515">[515]</a></span> Kallisthenes had composed -three historical works—1. Hellenica—from the year 387-357 -<small>B. C.</small> 2. History of the sacred war—from 357-346 -<small>B. C.</small> 3. Τὰ κατ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον. His style is said by -Cicero to have been rhetorical; but the Alexandrine critics included -him in their Canon of Historians. See Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn. -p. 6-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_516"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_516">[516]</a></span> See the observation ascribed to -him expressing envy towards Achilles for having been immortalized by -Homer (Arrian, i. 12, 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_517"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_517">[517]</a></span> It is said that Ephorus, -Xenokrates, and Menedemus, all declined the invitation of Alexander -(Plutarch, De Stoicorum Repugnantiis, p. 1043). Respecting Menedemus, -the fact can hardly be so: he must have been then too young to be -invited.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_518"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_518">[518]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 10, 2; Plutarch, -Alex. 53, 54. It is remarkable that Timmæus denounced Kallisthenes -as having in his historical work flattered Alexander to excess -(Polybius, xii. 12). Kallisthenes seems to have recognized various -special interpositions of the gods, to aid Alexander’s successes—see -Fragments 25 and 36 of the Fragmenta Callisthenis in the edition of -Didot.</p> - -<p>In reading the censure which Arrian passes on the arrogant -pretensions of Kallisthenes, we ought at the same time to read the -pretensions raised by Arrian on his own behalf as an historian (i. -12, 7-9)—καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε οὐκ ἀπαξιῶ ἐμαυτὸν τῶν πρώτων ἐν τῇ φωνῇ τῇ -Ἑλλάδι, εἴπερ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, etc. I doubt much -whether Kallisthenes pitched his self-estimation so high. In this -chapter, Arrian recounts, that Alexander envied Achilles for having -been fortunate enough to obtain such a poet as Homer for panegyrist; -and Arrian laments that Alexander had not, as yet, found an historian -equal to his deserts. This, in point of fact, is a reassertion of the -same truth which Kallisthenes stands condemned for asserting—that the -fame even of the greatest warrior depends upon his commemorators. The -boastfulness of a poet is at least pardonable, when he exclaims, like -Theokritus, Idyll. xvi. 73—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i0">Ἔσσεται οὗτος ἀνὴρ, ὃς ἐμεῦ κεχρήσετ᾽ ἀοιδοῦ,</p> -<p class="i0">Ῥέξας ἢ Ἀχιλεὺς ὅσσον μέγας, ἢ βαρὺς Αἴας</p> -<p class="i0">Ἐν πεδίῳ Σιμόεντος, ὅθι Φρυγὸς ἠρίον ῎Ιλου.</p> -</div></div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_519"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_519">[519]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_520"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_520">[520]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 11. ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τε -καὶ παιδεύσει Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνόντα.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_521"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_521">[521]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 12, 7. φιλήματι -ἔλαττον ἔχων ἄπειμι.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_522"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_522">[522]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 12, 1. ἀνιᾶσαι μὲν -μεγαλωστὶ Ἀλέξανδρον, Μακεδόσι δὲ πρὸς θυμοῦ εἰπεῖν....</p> - -<p>Curtius, viii. 5, 20. “Æquis auribus Callisthenes velut vindex -publicæ libertatis audiebatur. Expresserat non assensionem modo, sed -etiam vocem, seniorum præcipuè quibus gravis erat inveterati moris -externa mutatio.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_523"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_523">[523]</a></span> There was no sentiment more -deeply rooted in the free Grecian mind, prior to Alexander’s -conquests, than the repugnance to arrogant aspirations on the part of -the fortunate man, swelling himself above the limits of humanity—and -the belief that such aspirations were followed by the Nemesis of -the gods. In the dying speech which Xenophon puts into the mouth of -Cyrus the Great, we find—“Ye gods, I thank you much, that I have been -sensible of your care for me, and that I have never in my successes -raised my thoughts above the measure of man” (Cyropæd. viii. 7, 3). -Among the most striking illustrations of this sentiment is, the story -of Solon and Crœsus (Herodot. i. 32-34).</p> - -<p>I shall recount in the <a href="#Chap_95">next chapter</a> -examples of monstrous flattery on the part of the Athenians, proving -how this sentiment expired with their freedom.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_524"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_524">[524]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 54. He -refers to Hermippus, who mentions what was told to Aristotle by -Strœbus, the reader attendant on Kallisthenes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_525"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_525">[525]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13; Curtius, viii. -6, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_526"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_526">[526]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_527"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_527">[527]</a></span> Arrian, iv, 14, 4. Curtius -expands this scene into great detail; composing a long speech for -Hermolaus, and another for Alexander (viii. 6, 7, 8).</p> - -<p>He says that the soldiers who executed these pages, tortured them -first, in order to manifest zeal for Alexander (viii. 8, 20).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_528"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_528">[528]</a></span> “Quem, si Macedo esset -(Callisthenem), tecum introduxissem, dignissimum te discipulo -magistrum: nunc Olynthio non idem juris est” (Curtius. viii. 8, -19—speech of Alexander before the soldiers addressing Hermolaus -especially).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_529"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_529">[529]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 55; Arrian, -iv. 10, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_530"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_530">[530]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55. Καίτοι -τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης Καλλισθένους -κατεῖπεν. Ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος <span class="gesperrt">αὐτὸς -εὐθὺς γράφων</span> Κρατερῷ καὶ Ἀττάλῳ καὶ Ἀλκέτᾳ φησὶ τοὺς -παῖδας βασανιζομένους ὁμολογεῖν, ὡς αὐτοὶ ταῦτα πράξειαν, <span -class="gesperrt">ἄλλος δὲ οὐδεὶς συνειδείη</span>. Ὕστερον δὲ -γράφων πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον, καὶ τὸν Καλλισθένην συνεπαιτιασάμενος, -Οἱ μὲν παῖδές, φησιν, ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων κατελεύσθησαν, <span -class="gesperrt">τὸν δὲ σοφιστὴν ἐγὼ κολάσω</span>, καὶ <span -class="gesperrt">τοὺς ἐκπέμψαντας αὐτὸν</span>, καὶ τοὺς -ὑποδεχομένους ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς ἐμοὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ... ἄντικρυς ἔν γε -τούτοις ἀποκαλυπτόμενος πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην, etc.</p> - -<p>About the hostile dispositions of Alexander towards Aristotle, see -Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 64. de Fortunâ, p. 598.</p> - -<p>Kraterus was at this time absent in Sogdiana, engaged in finishing -the suppression of the resistance (Arrian, iv. 22, 1). To him, -therefore, Alexander would naturally write.</p> - -<p>This statement, from the pen of Alexander himself, distinctly -contradicts and refutes (as I have before observed) the affirmation -of Ptolemy and Aristobulus as given by Arrian (iv. 14, 1)—that the -pages deposed against Kallisthenes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_531"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_531">[531]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 14, 5. Curtius also -says—“Callisthenes quoque tortus interiit, initi consilii in caput -regis innoxius, sed haudquaquam aulæ et assentantium accommodatus -ingenio (viii. 8, 21).” Compare Plutarch, Alex. 55.</p> - -<p>This is the statement of Ptolemy; who was himself concerned in -the transactions, and was the officer through whom the conspiracy -of the pages had been revealed. His partiality might permit him to -omit or soften what was discreditable to Alexander, but he may be -fully trusted when he records an act of cruelty. Aristobulus and -others affirmed that Kallisthenes was put in chains and carried -about in this condition for some time; after which he died of -disease and a wretched state of body. But the witnesses here are -persons whose means of information we do not know to be so good as -those of Ptolemy; besides that, the statement is intrinsically less -probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_532"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_532">[532]</a></span> See the language of Seneca, -Nat. Quæst. vi. 23; Plutarch, De Adulator. et Amici Discrimine, p. -65; Theophrast. ap. Ciceron. Tusc. Disp. iii. 10.</p> - -<p>Curtius says that this treatment of Kallisthenes was followed -by a late repentance on the part of Alexander (viii. 8, 23). On -this point there is no other evidence—nor can I think the statement -probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_533"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_533">[533]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 22, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_534"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_534">[534]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 22, 8-12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_535"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_535">[535]</a></span> Respecting the rock called -Aornos, a valuable and elaborate article, entitled “Gradus ad Aornon” -has been published by Major Abbott in the Journal of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal, No. iv. 1854. This article gives much information, -collected mainly by inquiries on the spot, and accompanied by a map, -about the very little known country west of the Indus, between the -Kabool river on the south, and the Hindoo-Koosh on the north.</p> - -<p>Major Abbott attempts to follow the march and operations of -Alexander, from Alexandria ad Caucasum to the rock of Aornos (p. -311 <i>seq.</i>). He shows highly probable reason for believing that -the Aornos described by Arrian is the Mount Mahabunn, near the -right bank of the Indus (lat. 34° 20´), about sixty miles above its -confluence with the Kabool river. “The whole account of Arrian of -the rock Aornos is a faithful picture of the Mahabunn. It was the -most remarkable feature of the country. It was the refuge of all -the neighboring tribes. It was covered with forest. It had good -soil sufficient for a thousand ploughs, and pure springs of water -everywhere abounded. It was 4125 feet above the plain, and fourteen -miles in circuit. The summit was a plain where cavalry could act. -It would be difficult to offer a more faithful description of the -Mahabunn. The side on which Alexander scaled the main summit had -certainly the character of a rock. But the whole description of -Arrian indicates a table mountain” (p. 341). The Mahabunn “is a -mountain table, scarped on the east by tremendous precipices, from -which descends one large spur down upon the Indus between Sitana and -Umb” (p. 340).</p> - -<p>To this similarity in so many local features, is to be added the -remarkable coincidence of name, between the town Embolima, where -Arrian states that Alexander established his camp for the purpose of -attacking Aornos—and the modern names Umb and Balimah (between the -Mahabunn and the Indus)—“the one in the river valley, the other on -the mountain immediately above it” (p. 344). Mount Mahabunn is the -natural refuge for the people of the neighborhood from a conqueror, -and was among the places taken by Nadir Shah (p. 338).</p> - -<p>A strong case of identity is thus made out between this mountain -and the Aornos <i>described by Arrian</i>. But undoubtedly it does not -coincide with the Aornos <i>described by Curtius</i>, who compares Aornos -to a Meta (the conical goal of the stadium), and says that the -Indus washed its base,—that at the first assault several Macedonian -soldiers were hurled down into the river. This close juxtaposition of -the Indus has been the principal feature looked for by travellers who -have sought for Aornos; but no place has yet been found answering the -conditions required. We have here to make our election between Arrian -and Curtius. Now there is a general presumption in Arrian’s favor, -in the description of military operations, where he makes a positive -statement; but in this case, the presumption is peculiarly strong, -because Ptolemy was in the most conspicuous and difficult command for -the capture of Aornos, and was therefore likely to be particular in -the description of a scene where he had reaped much glory.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_536"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_536">[536]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 13. ἡ στρατιὰ -αὐτῷ ὡδοποίει τὸ πρόσω ἰοῦσα, ἄπορα ἄλλως ὄντα τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία, etc.</p> - -<p>The countries here traversed by Alexander include parts of -Kafiristan, Swart, Bajore, Chitral, the neighborhood of the Kameh -and other affluents of the river Kabul before it falls into the -Indus near Attock. Most of this is Terra Incognita even at present; -especially Kafiristan, a territory inhabited by a population said -to be rude and barbarous, but which has never been conquered—nor -indeed ever visited by strangers. It is remarkable, that among the -inhabitants of Kafiristan,—as well as among those of Badakshan, on -the other or northern side of the Hindoo-Koosh—there exist traditions -respecting Alexander, together with a sort of belief that they -themselves are descended from his soldiers. See Ritter’s Erdkunde, -part vii. book iii. p. 200 <i>seq.</i>; Burnes’s Travels, vol. iii. ch. 4. -p. 186, 2nd ed.; Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 194 <i>seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_537"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_537">[537]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 16; v. 7, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_538"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_538">[538]</a></span> The halt of thirty days is -mentioned by Diodorus, xvii. 86. For the proof that these operations -took place in winter, see the valuable citation from Aristobulus -given in Strabo (xv. p. 691).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_539"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_539">[539]</a></span> Arrian. v. 19, 1. Ἀλέξανδρος -δὲ ὡς προσάγοντα ἐπύθετο, προσιππεύσας πρὸ τῆς τάξεως σὺν -ὀλίγοις τῶν ἑταίρων ἀπαντᾷ τῷ Πώρῳ, καὶ ἐπιστήσας τὸν ἵππον, τό -τε μέγεθος ἐθαύμαζεν ὑπὲρ πέντε πήχεις μάλιστα ξυμβαῖνον, <span -class="gesperrt">καὶ τὸ κάλλος τοῦ Πώρου</span>, καὶ ὅτι οὐ -δεδουλωμένος τῇ γνώμῃ ἐφαίνετο, etc.</p> - -<p>We see here how Alexander was struck with the stature and -personal beauty of Porus, and how much these visual impressions -contributed to determine, or at least to strengthen, his favorable -sympathies towards the captive prince. This illustrates what I have -observed in the last chapter, in recounting his treatment of the -eunuch Batis after the capture of Gaza; that the repulsive appearance -of Batis greatly heightened Alexander’s indignation. With a man of -such violent impulses as Alexander, these external impressions were -of no inconsiderable moment.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_540"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_540">[540]</a></span> These operations are described -in Arrian, v. 9. v. 19 (we may remark that Ptolemy and Aristobulus, -though both present, differed on many points, v. 14); Curtius, viii. -13, 14; Diodor. xvii. 87, 88. According to Plutarch (Alex. 60), -Alexander dwelt much upon the battle in his own letters.</p> - -<p>There are two principal points—Jelum and Julalpoor—where high -roads from the Indus now cross the Hydaspes. Each of these points -have been assigned by different writers, as the probable scene of the -crossing of the river by Alexander. Of the two Jelum (rather higher -up the river than Julalpoor) seems the more probable. Burnes points -out that near Jelum the river is divided into five or six channels -with islands (Travels, vol. ii. ch. 2. p. 50, 2nd ed.). Captain -Abbott (in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, Dec. 1848) -has given an interesting memoir on the features and course of the -Hydaspes a little above Jelum, comparing them with the particulars -stated by Arrian, and showing highly plausible reasons in support of -this hypothesis—that the crossing took place near Jelum.</p> - -<p>Diodorus mentions a halt of thirty days, after the victory (xvii. -89), which seems not probable. Both he and Curtius allude to numerous -serpents, by which the army was annoyed between the Akesines and the -Hydraotes (Curtius, ix. 1, 11).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_541"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_541">[541]</a></span> Arrian states (v. 19, 5) -that the victory over Porus was gained in the month Munychion of -the archon Hegemon at Athens—that is, about the end of April, 326 -<small>B. C.</small> This date is not to be reconciled with -another passage, v. 9, 6—where he says that the summer solstice had -already passed, and that all the rivers of the Punjab were full of -water, turbid and violent.</p> - -<p>This swelling of the rivers begins about June; they do not attain -their full height until August. Moreover, the description of the -battle, as given both by Arrian and by Curtius, implies that it took -place after the rainy season had begun (Arrian, v. 9, 7; v. 12, 5. -Curtius, viii. 14, 4).</p> - -<p>Some critics have proposed to read <i>Metageitnion</i> (July-August) -as the month, instead of <i>Munychion</i>; an alteration approved by -Mr. Clinton and received into the text by Schmieder. But if this -alteration be admitted, the name of the Athenian archon must be -altered also; for Metageitnion of the archon Hegemon would be eight -months earlier (July-August, 327 <small>B. C.</small>); and at -this date Alexander had not as yet crossed the Indus, as the passage -of Aristobulus (ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691) plainly shows—and as Droysen -and Mützel remark. Alexander did not cross the Indus before the -spring of 326 <small>B. C.</small> If, in place of the archon -Hegemon, we substitute the next following archon Chremês (and it is -remarkable that Diodorus assigns the battle to this later archonship, -xvii. 87), this would be July-August 326 <small>B. C.</small>; -which would be a more admissible date for the battle than the -preceding month of Munychion. At the same time, the substitution of -Metageitnion <i>is</i> mere conjecture; and seems to leave hardly time -enough for the subsequent events. As far as an opinion can be formed, -it would seem that the battle was fought about the end of June or -beginning of July 326 <small>B. C.</small> after the rainy -season had commenced; towards the close of the archonship of Hegemon, -and the beginning of that of Chremes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_542"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_542">[542]</a></span> Arrian, v. 20; Diodor. xvii. -95. Lieut. Wood (Journey to the source of the Oxus, p. 11-39) remarks -that the large rivers of the Punjab change their course so often and -so considerably, that monuments and indications of Alexander’s march -in that territory cannot be expected to remain, especially in ground -near rivers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_543"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_543">[543]</a></span> Arrian, v. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_544"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_544">[544]</a></span> Arrian, v, 23, 24; Curtius, ix. -1, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_545"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_545">[545]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 2, 3; Diodor. -xvii. 93; Plutarch, Alex. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_546"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_546">[546]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 3, 11 (speech of -Kœnus). “Quoto cuique lorica est? Quis equum habet? Jube quæri, quam -multos servi ipsorum persecuti sint, quid cuique supersit ex prædâ. -Omnium victores, omnium inopes sumus.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_547"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_547">[547]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strabo. xv. p. -691-697. ὕεσθαι συνεχῶς. Arrian, v, 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 93. χειμῶνες -ἄγριοι κατεῤῥάγησαν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ βρονταὶ συνεχεῖς καὶ -κεραυνοὶ κατέσκηπτον, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_548"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_548">[548]</a></span> In the speech which Arrian -(v. 25, 26) puts into the mouth of Alexander, the most curious -point is, the geographical views which he promulgates. “We have not -much farther now to march (he was standing on the western bank of -the Sutledge) to the river Ganges, and the great Eastern Sea which -surrounds the whole earth. The Hyrkanian (Caspian) Sea joins on to -this great sea on one side, the Persian Gulf on the other; after we -have subdued all those nations which lie before us eastward towards -the Great Sea, and northward towards the Hyrkanian Sea, we shall -then sail by water first to the Persian Gulf, next round Libya to -the pillars of Herakles; from thence we shall march back all through -Libya, and add it to all Asia as parts of our empire.” (I here -abridge rather than translate).</p> - -<p>It is remarkable, that while Alexander made so prodigious -an error in narrowing the eastern limits of Asia, the Ptolemaic -geography, recognized in the time of Columbus, made an error not -less in the opposite direction, stretching it too far to the East. -It was upon the faith of this last mistake, that Columbus projected -his voyage of circumnavigation from Western Europe, expecting to come -to the eastern coast of Asia from the West, after no great length of -voyage.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_549"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_549">[549]</a></span> Arrian, v. 28, 7. The fact that -Alexander, under all this insuperable repugnance of his soldiers, -still offered the sacrifice preliminary to crossing—is curious as -an illustration of his character, and was specially attested by -Ptolemy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_550"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_550">[550]</a></span> Arrian, v. 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. -95.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_551"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_551">[551]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. -691—until the rising of Arkturus. Diodorus says, 70 days (xvii. 73), -which seems more probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_552"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_552">[552]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 95; Curtius, ix. -3, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_553"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_553">[553]</a></span> The voyage was commenced a few -days before the setting of the Pleiades (Aristobulus, ap. Strab. xv. -p. 692).</p> - -<p>For the number of the ships, see Ptolemy ap. Arrian, vi. 2, 8. -</p> - -<p>On seeing crocodiles in the Indus, Alexander was at first led -to suppose that it was the same river as the Nile, and that he had -discovered the higher course of the Nile, from whence it flowed -into Egypt. This is curious, as an illustration of the geographical -knowledge of the time (Arrian, vi. 1, 3).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_554"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_554">[554]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. -692. Aristobulus said that the downward voyage occupied ten months; -this seems longer than the exact reality. Moreover Aristobulus -said that they had no rain during all the voyage down, through -all the summer months: Nearchus stated the contrary (Strabo, -<i>l. c.</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_555"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_555">[555]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 4, 15; Diodor. -xvii 98.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_556"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_556">[556]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 7, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_557"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_557">[557]</a></span> This last stronghold of the -Malli is supposed, by Mr. Cunningham and others, to have been the -modern city of Multan. The river Ravee or Hydraotes is said to have -formerly run past the city of Multan into the Chenab or Akesines.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_558"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_558">[558]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 9, 10, 11. He -notices the great discrepancy in the various accounts given of this -achievement and dangerous wound of Alexander.</p> - -<p>Compare Diodor. xvii. 98, 99; Curtius, ix. 4, 5; Plutarch, Alex. -63.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_559"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_559">[559]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_560"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_560">[560]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 15, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_561"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_561">[561]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 17, 6; Strabo, xv. -p. 721.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_562"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_562">[562]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 18, 19; Curtius, -ix. 9. He reached Pattala towards the middle or end of July, περὶ -κυνὸς ἐπιτολήν (Strabo, xv. p. 692).</p> - -<p>The site of Pattala has been usually looked for near the modern -Tatta. But Dr. Kennedy, in his recent ‘Narrative of the Campaign of -the Army of the Indus in Scinde and Kabool’ (ch. v. p. 104), shows -some reasons for thinking that it must have been considerably higher -up the river than Tatta; somewhere near Sehwan. “The delta commencing -about 130 miles above the sea, its northern apex would be somewhere -midway between Hyderabad and Sehwan; where local traditions still -speak of ancient cities destroyed, and of greater changes having -occurred than in any other part of the course of the Indus.”</p> - -<p>The constant changes in the course of the Indus, however (compare -p. 73 of his work), noticed by all observers, render every attempt at -such identification conjectural—see Wood’s Journey to the Oxus, p. -12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_563"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_563">[563]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 24, 2; Strabo, xv. -p. 723.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_564"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_564">[564]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 25, 26; Curtius. -ix. 10; Plutarch, Alex. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_565"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_565">[565]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 10; Diodor. xvii. -106; Plutarch, Alex. 67. Arrian (vi. 28) found this festal progress -mentioned in some authorities, but not in others. Neither Ptolemy -nor Aristobulus mentioned it. Accordingly Arrian refuses to believe -it. There may have been exaggerations or falsities as to the details -of the march; but as a general fact, I see no sufficient ground for -disbelieving it. A season of excessive license to the soldiers, after -their extreme suffering in Gedrosia, was by no means unnatural to -grant. Moreover, it corresponds to the general conception of the -returning march of Dionysus in antiquity, while the imitation of that -god was quite in conformity with Alexander’s turn of sentiment.</p> - -<p>I have already remarked, that the silence of Ptolemy and -Aristobulus is too strongly insisted on, both by Arrian and by -others, as a reason for disbelieving affirmations respecting -Alexander.</p> - -<p>Arrian and Curtius (x. 1) differ in their statements about the -treatment of Kleander. According to Arrian, he was put to death; -according to Curtius, he was spared from death, and simply put in -prison, in consequence of the important service which he had rendered -by killing Parmenio with his own hand; while 600 of his accomplices -and agents were put to death.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_566"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_566">[566]</a></span> Nearchus had begun his voyage -about the end of September, or beginning of October (Arrian, Indic. -21; Strabo, xv. p. 721).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_567"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_567">[567]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 7; Arrian, -Indica, c. 33-37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_568"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_568">[568]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 12-29, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_569"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_569">[569]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 69; Arrian, vi. -29, 17; Strabo, xv. p. 730.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_570"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_570">[570]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 30, 2; Curtius, x. -1, 23-38. “Hic fuit exitus nobilissimi Persarum, nec insontis modo, -sed eximiæ quoque benignitatis in regem.” The great favor which the -beautiful eunuch Bagoas (though Arrian does not mention him) enjoyed -with Alexander, and the exalted position which he occupied, are -attested by good contemporary evidence, especially the philosopher -Dikæarchus—see Athenæ. xiii. p. 603; Dikæarch. Fragm. 19. ap. Hist. -Græc. Fragm. Didot, vol. ii. p. 241. Compare the Fragments of Eumenes -and Diodotus (Ælian, V. H. iii. 23) in Didot, Fragm. Scriptor. Hist. -Alex. Magni, p. 121; Plutarch De Adul. et Amic. Discrim. p. 65.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_571"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_571">[571]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 30; Curtius, x. 1, -22-30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_572"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_572">[572]</a></span> Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. -Hellen. <small>B. C.</small> 325, also Append. p. 232) places -the arrival of Alexander in Susiana, on his return march, in the -month of February <small>B. C.</small> 325; a year too early, -in my opinion. I have before remarked on the views of Mr. Clinton -respecting the date of Alexander’s victory over Porus on the -Hydaspes, where he alters the name of the month as it stands in the -text of Arrian (following Schmieder’s conjecture), and supposes -that battle to have occurred in August <small>B. C.</small> -327 instead of April <small>B. C.</small> 326. Mr. Clinton -antedates by one year all the proceedings of Alexander subsequent -to his quitting Baktria for the last time in the summer of -<small>B. C.</small> 327. Dr. Vincent’s remark—“that the -supposition of <i>two winters</i> occurring after Alexander’s return to -Susa is not borne out by the historians” (see Clinton. p. 232), -is a perfectly just one; and Mitford has not replied to it in a -satisfactory manner. In my judgment, there was only an interval -of sixteen months (not an interval of twenty-eight months, as Mr. -Clinton supposes) between the return of Alexander to Susa and his -death at Babylon (Feb. 324 <small>B. C.</small> to June 323 -<small>B. C.</small>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_573"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_573">[573]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 5. 9; Arrian, -Indica, c. 42. The voluntary death of Kalanus the Indian Gymnosophist -must have taken place at Susa (where Diodorus places it—xvii. -107), and not in Persis; for Nearchus was seemingly present at the -memorable scene of the funeral pile (Arrian, vii. 3, 9)—and he was -not with Alexander in Persis.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_574"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_574">[574]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_575"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_575">[575]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 2-5; Diodor. -xvii. 108; Curtius, x. 1, 7. “Cœperat esse præceps ad repræsentanda -supplicia, item ad deteriora credenda” (Curtius, x. 1, 39).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_576"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_576">[576]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_577"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_577">[577]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 106-111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_578"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_578">[578]</a></span> Among the accusations which -reached Alexander against this satrap, we are surprised to find a -letter addressed to him (ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστολῇ) by the Greek -historian Theopompus; who set forth with indignation the extravagant -gifts and honors heaped by Harpalus upon his two successive -mistresses—Pythionikê and Glykera; celebrated Hetæræ from Athens. -These proceedings Theopompus describes as insults to Alexander -(Theopompus ap. Athenæ. xiii. p. 586-595; Fragment. 277, 278 ed. -Didot).</p> - -<p>The satyric drama called Ἀγὴν, represented before Alexander at -a period subsequent to the flight of Harpalus, cannot have been -represented (as Athenæus states it to have been) on the banks of -<i>the Hydaspes</i>, because Harpalus did not make his escape until he -was frightened by the approach of Alexander <i>returning</i> from India. -At the Hydaspes, Alexander was still on his outward progress; very -far off, and without any idea of returning. It appears to me that -the words of Athenæus respecting this drama—ἐδίδαξε Διονυσίων ὄντων -ἐπὶ τοῦ <span class="gesperrt">Ὑδάσπου</span> τοῦ ποταμοῦ (xiii, p. -595)—involve a mistake or misreading; and that it ought to stand ἐπὶ -τοῦ <span class="gesperrt">Χοάσπου</span> τοῦ ποταμοῦ. I may remark -that the words <i>Medus Hydaspes</i> in Virgil, Georg. iv. 211, probably -involve the same confusion. The Choaspes was the river, near Susa; -and this drama was performed before Alexander at Susa during the -Dionysia of the year 324 <small>B. C.</small>, after Harpalus -had fled. The Dionysia were in the month Elaphebolion; now Alexander -did not fight Porus on the Hydaspes until the succeeding month -Munychion at the earliest—and probably later. And even if we suppose -(which is not probable) that he reached the Hydaspes in Elaphebolion, -he would have no leisure to celebrate dramas and a Dionysiac -festival, while the army of Porus was waiting for him on the opposite -bank. Moreover it is no way probable that, on the remote Hydaspes, he -had any actors or chorus, or means of celebrating dramas at all.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_579"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_579">[579]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 18, 2; vii. 23, -9-13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_580"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_580">[580]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 6-9. By these -two marriages, Alexander thus engrafted himself upon the two lines -of antecedent Persian Kings. Ochus was of the Achæmenid family, but -Darius Codomannus, father of Statira, was not of that family; he -began a new lineage. About the overweening regal state of Alexander, -outdoing even the previous Persian kings, see Phylarchus ap. Athenæ. -xii. p. 539.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_581"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_581">[581]</a></span> Chares ap. Athenæ. xii. p. -538.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_582"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_582">[582]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 6, 3. καὶ τοὺς -γάμους ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τῷ Περσικῷ ποιηθέντας οὐ πρὸς θυμοῦ γενέσθαι τοῖς -πολλοῖς αὐτῶν, οὐδὲ τῶν γημάντων ἐστὶν οἷς, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_583"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_583">[583]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 5; Plutarch, -Alexand. 70; Curtius, x. 2, 9; Diodor. xvii. 109.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_584"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_584">[584]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108. It must have -taken some time to get together and discipline these young troops; -Alexander must therefore have sent the orders from India.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_585"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_585">[585]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_586"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_586">[586]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_587"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_587">[587]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 10; Plutarch, -Alex. 71; Curtius, x. 2; Justin, xii. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_588"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_588">[588]</a></span> See the description given -by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 29) of the bringing round of the Vitellian -army,—which had mutinied against the general Fabius Valens:—“Tum -Alphenus Varus, præfectus castrorum, deflagrante paulatim seditione, -addit consilium—vetitis obire vigilias centurionibus, omisso tubæ -sono, quo miles ad belli munia cietur. Igitur torpere cuncti, -circumspectare inter se attoniti, <i>et id ipsum, quod nemo regeret, -paventes</i>; silentio, patientiâ, postremo precibus et lacrymis veniam -quærebant. Ut vero deformis et fiens, et præter spem incolumis, -Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor; versi in lætitiam (ut -est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes gratantesque, circumdatum -aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”</p> - -<p>Compare also the narrative in Xenophon (Anab. i. 3) of the -embarrassment of the Ten Thousand Greeks at Tarsus, when they at -first refused to obey Klearchus and march against the Great King.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_589"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_589">[589]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_590"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_590">[590]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 12, 1-7; Justin, -xii. 12. Kraterus was especially popular with the Macedonian -soldiers, because he had always opposed, as much as he dared, the -Oriental transformation of Alexander (Plutarch, Eumenes, 6).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_591"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_591">[591]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19. He also sent -an officer named Herakleides to the shores of the Caspian sea, with -orders to construct ships and make a survey of that sea (vii. 16).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_592"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_592">[592]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 2; Diodor. -xvii. 110. How leisurely the march was may be seen in Diodorus.</p> - -<p>The direction of Alexander’s march from Susa to Ekbatana, along -a frequented and good road which Diodorus in another place calls a -royal road (xix. 19), is traced by Ritter, deriving his information -chiefly from the recent researches of Major Rawlinson. The larger -portion of the way lay along the western side of the chain of Mount -Zagros, and on the right bank of the river Kerkha (Ritter, Erdkunde, -part ix. b. 3. p. 329, West Asia).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_593"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_593">[593]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, -Eumenes, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_594"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_594">[594]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 14; Plutarch, -Alexand. 72; Diodor. xvii. 110. It will not do to follow the canon of -evidence tacitly assumed by Arrian, who thinks himself authorized to -discredit all the details of Alexander’s conduct on this occasion, -which transgress the limits of a dignified, though vehement sorrow. -</p> - -<p>When Masistius was slain, in the Persian army commanded by -Mardonius in Bœotia, the manes of the horses were cut, as token -of mourning: compare also Plutarch, Pelopidas, 33; and Euripid. -Alkestis, 442.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_595"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_595">[595]</a></span> See the curious extracts -from Ephippus the Chalkidian,—seemingly a contemporary, if not an -eye-witness (ap. Athenæ. xii. p. 537, 538)—εὐφημία δὲ καὶ σιγὴ -κατεῖχε πάντας ὑπὸ δέους τοὺς παρόντας· ἀφόρητος γὰρ ἦν (Alexander) -καὶ φονικός· ἐδόκει γὰρ εἶναι μελαγχολικὸς, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_596"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_596">[596]</a></span> I translate here, literally, -Plutarch’s expression—Τοῦ δὲ πένθους παρηγορίᾳ τῷ πολέμῳ -χρώμενος, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ θήραν καὶ <span class="gesperrt">κυνηγέσιον -ἀνθρώπων</span> ἐξῆλθε, καὶ τὸ Κοσσαίων ἔθνος κατεστρέψατο, -<span class="gesperrt">πάντας ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφάττων</span>. Τοῦτο δὲ -Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐναγισμὸς ἐκαλεῖτο (Plutarch, Alexand. 72: compare -Polyænus, iv. 3, 31).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_597"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_597">[597]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 15; Plutarch, -Alex. 72; Diodor. xvii. 111. This general slaughter, however, can -only be true of portions of the Kossæan name; for Kossæans occur in -after years (Diodor. xix. 19.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_598"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_598">[598]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. iii. 9. The story -in Strabo, v. p. 232, can hardly apply to Alexander the Great. Livy -(ix. 18) conceives that the Romans knew nothing of Alexander even by -report, but this appears to me not credible.</p> - -<p>On the whole, though the point is doubtful, I incline to believe -the assertion of a Roman embassy to Alexander. Nevertheless, there -were various false statements which afterwards became current about -it—one of which may be seen in Memnon’s history of the Pontic -Herakleia ap. Photium, Cod. 224; Orelli Fragment. Memnon, p. 36. -Kleitarchus (contemporary of Alexander), whom Pliny quotes, can have -had no motive to insert falsely the name of Romans, which in his time -was nowise important.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_599"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_599">[599]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 15; Justin, xii. -13; Diodor. xvii. 113. The story mentioned by Justin in another -place (xxi. 6) is probably referable to this season of Alexander’s -career. A Carthaginian named Hamilkar Rhodanus, was sent by his city -to Alexander; really as an emissary to acquaint himself with the -king’s real designs, which occasioned to the Carthaginians serious -alarm—but under color of being an exile tendering his services. -Justin says that Parmenio introduced Hamilkar—which must, I think, be -an error.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_600"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_600">[600]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 1; vii. 23, -3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_601"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_601">[601]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 5-12; Diodor. -xvii. 112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_602"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_602">[602]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 20, 15; Arrian, -Indica, 43. To undertake this circumnavigation, Alexander had -despatched a ship-master of Soli in Cyprus, named Hiero; who becoming -alarmed at the distance to which he was advancing, and at the -apparently interminable stretch of Arabia towards the south, returned -without accomplishing the object.</p> - -<p>Even in the time of Arrian, in the second century after the -Christian era, Arabia had never been circumnavigated, from the -Persian Gulf to the Red Sea—at least so far as his knowledge -extended.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_603"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_603">[603]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_604"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_604">[604]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 22, 2, 3; Strabo, -xvi. p. 741.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_605"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_605">[605]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 21, 11. πόλιν -ἐξῳκοδόμησέ τε καὶ ἐτείχισε.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_606"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_606">[606]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even -when performing the purely military operation of passing these -soldiers in review, inspecting their exercise, and determining their -array,—Alexander sat upon the regal throne, surrounded by Asiatic -eunuchs; his principal officers sat upon couches with silver feet, -near to him (Arrian, vii. 24, 4). This is among the evidences of his -altered manners.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_607"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_607">[607]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 115; Plutarch, -Alex. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_608"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_608">[608]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_609"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_609">[609]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 114, 115: compare -Arrian, vii. 14, 16; Plutarch, Alexand. 75.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_610"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_610">[610]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 10-13; Diod. -xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks indeed, in this passage, of the πυρὰ or -funeral pile in honor of Hephæstion, as if it were among the vast -expenses included among the memoranda left by Alexander (after his -decease) of prospective schemes. But the funeral pile had already -been erected at Babylon, as Diodorus himself had informed us.</p> - -<p>What Alexander left unexecuted at his decease, but intended to -execute if he had lived, was the splendid edifices and chapels in -Hephæstion’s honor—as we see by Arrian, vii. 23, 10. And Diodorus -must be supposed to allude to these intended sacred buildings, though -he has inadvertently spoken of the funeral pile. Kraterus, who was -under orders to return to Macedonia, was to have built one at Pella. -</p> - -<p>The Olynthian Ephippus had composed a book περὶ τῆς Ἡφαιστίωνος -καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου ταφῆς, of which there appear four or five citations -in Athenæus. He dwelt especially on the luxurious habits of -Alexander, and on his unmeasured potations—common to him with other -Macedonians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_611"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_611">[611]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 9-14. Καὶ -Κλεομένει ἀνδρὶ κακῷ, καὶ πολλὰ ἀδικήματα ἀδικήσαντι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, -ἐπιστέλλει ἐπιστολήν.... Ἢν γὰρ καταλάβω ἐγὼ (ἔλεγε τὰ γράμματα) τὰ -ἱερὰ τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καλῶς κατεσκευασμένα καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα τὰ Ἡφαιστίωνος, -εἴτε τι πρότερον ἡμάρτηκας, ἀφήσω σε τούτων, καὶ τολοιπόν, ὁπήλικον -ἂν ἁμάρτῃς, οὐδὲν πείσῃ ἐξ ἐμοῦ ἄχαρι.—In the oration of Demosthenes -against Dionysodoras (p. 1285), Kleomenes appears as enriching -himself by the monopoly of corn exported from Egypt: compare -Pseudo-Aristot. Œconom. c. 33. Kleomenes was afterwards put to death -by the first Ptolemy, who became king of Egypt (Pausanias, i. 6, -3).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_612"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_612">[612]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 74; Diodor. -xvii. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_613"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_613">[613]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 16, 9; vii. 17, 6. -Plutarch, Alex. 73. Diodor. xvii. 112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_614"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_614">[614]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 22, 1. Αὐτὸς -δὲ <span class="gesperrt">ὡς ἐξελέγξας δὴ</span> τῶν Χαλδαίων -μαντείαν, ὅτι οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς εἴη ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἄχαρι (ἀλλ᾽ ἔφθη γὰρ -ἐλάσας ἔξω Βαβυλῶνος πρίν τι παθεῖν) ἀνέπλει αὖθις κατὰ τὰ ἕλη <span -class="gesperrt">θαῤῥῶν</span>, etc.</p> - -<p>The uneasiness here caused by these prophecies and omens, in -the mind of the most fearless man of his age, is worthy of notice -as a psychological fact, and is perfectly attested by the authority -of Aristobulus and Nearchus. It appears that Anaxarchus and other -Grecian philosophers encouraged him by their reasonings to despise -all prophecy, but especially that of the Chaldæan priests; who (they -alleged) wished to keep Alexander out of Babylon in order that they -might continue to possess the large revenues of the temple of Belus, -which they had wrongfully appropriated; Alexander being disposed -to rebuild that ruined temple, and to re-establish the suspended -sacrifices to which its revenues had been originally devoted (Arrian, -vii. 17; Diodor. xvii. 112). Not many days afterwards, Alexander -greatly repented of having given way to these dangerous reasoners, -who by their sophistical cavils set aside the power and the warnings -of destiny (Diodor. xvii. 116).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_615"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_615">[615]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 24, 25. Diodorus -states (xvii. 117) that Alexander, on this convivial night, swallowed -the contents of a large goblet called the cup of Herakles, and felt -very ill after it; a statement repeated by various other writers of -antiquity, and which I see no reason for discrediting, though some -modern critics treat it with contempt. The royal Ephemerides, or -Court Journal, attested only the general fact of his long potations -and the long sleep which followed them: see Athenæus, x. p. 434.</p> - -<p>To drink to intoxication at a funeral, was required as a token -of respectful sympathy towards the deceased—see the last words of -the Indian Kalanus before he ascended the funeral pile—Plutarch, -Alexander, 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_616"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_616">[616]</a></span> These last two facts are -mentioned by Arrian (vii. 26, 5) and Diodorus (xvii. 117), and Justin -(xii. 15): but they found no place in the Court Journal. Curtius (x. -v. 4) gives them with some enlargement.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_617"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_617">[617]</a></span> The details, respecting the -last illness of Alexander, are peculiarly authentic, being extracted -both by Arrian and by Plutarch, from the Ephemerides Regiæ, or short -Court Journal; which was habitually kept by his secretary Eumenes, -and another Greek named Diodotus (Athenæ. x. p. 434): see Arrian, -vii. 25, 26; Plutarch, Alex. 76.</p> - -<p>It is surprising that throughout all the course of this malady -no mention is made of any physician as having been consulted. No -advice was asked; if we except the application to the temple of -Serapis, during the last day of Alexander’s life. A few months -before, Alexander had hanged or crucified the physician who attended -Hephæstion in his last illness. Hence it seems probable that he -either despised or mistrusted medical advice, and would not permit -any to be invoked. His views must have been much altered since his -dangerous fever at Tarsus, and the successful treatment of it by the -Akarnanian physician Philippus.</p> - -<p>Though the fever (see some remarks from Littré attached to -Didot’s Fragm. Script. Alex. Magn. p. 124) which caused Alexander’s -death is here a plain fact satisfactorily made out, yet a different -story was circulated some time afterwards, and gained partial -credit (Plutarch De Invidiâ, p. 538), that he had been poisoned. -The poison was said to have been provided by Aristotle,—sent over -to Asia by Antipater through his son Kassander,—and administered by -Iollas (another son of Antipater), Alexander’s cupbearer (Arrian, -vii. 27, 2; Curtius, x. 10, 17; Diodor. xvii. 118; Justin, xii. -13). It is quite natural that fever and intemperance (which latter -moreover was frequent with Alexander) should not be regarded as -causes sufficiently marked and impressive to explain a decease -at once so unexpected and so momentous. There seems ground for -supposing, however, that the report was intentionally fomented, -if not originally broached, by the party-enemies of Antipater and -Kassander—especially by the rancorous Olympias. The violent enmity -afterwards displayed by Kassander against Olympias, and all the -family of Alexander helped to encourage the report. In the life of -Hyperides in Plutarch, (Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849) it is stated, that -he proposed at Athens public honors to Iollas for having given the -poison to Alexander. If there is any truth in this, it might be a -stratagem for casting discredit on Antipater (father of Iollas), -against whom the Athenians entered into the Lamian war, immediately -after the death of Alexander.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_618"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_618">[618]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 22; -Demetrius Phaler. De Elocution. s. 300. Οὐ τέθνηκεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ὦ -ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι—ὦζε γὰρ ἂν ἡ οἰκουμένη τοῦ νεκροῦ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_619"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_619">[619]</a></span> Dionysius, despot of the Pontic -Herakleia, fainted away with joy when he heard of Alexander’s death, -and erected a statue of Εὐθυμία or Comfort (Memn. Heracl. Fragm. ap. -Photium, Cod. 224. c. 4).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_620"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_620">[620]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -524. c. 43. Τοιγάρτοι τί τῶν ἀνελπίστων καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτων ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν -οὐ γέγονεν! οὐ γὰρ βίον γ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἀνθρώπινον βεβιώκαμεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς -παραδοξολογίαν τοῖς ἐσομένοις μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔφυμεν. Οὐχ ὁ μὲν τῶν Περσῶν -βασιλεὺς, ὁ τὸν Ἄθων διορύξας καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ζεύξας, ὁ γῆν καὶ -ὕδωρ τοὺς Ἕλληνας αἰτῶν, ὁ τολμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς γράφειν ὅτι -δεσπότης ἐστὶν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀφ᾽ ἡλίου ἀνιόντος μέχρι δυομένου, -νῦν οὐ περὶ τοῦ κύριος ἑτέρων εἶναι διαγωνίζεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη περὶ τῆς -τοῦ σώματος σωτηρίας;</p> - -<p>Compare the striking fragment, of a like tenor, out of the lost -work of the Phalerean Demetrius—Περὶ τῆς τύχης—Fragment. Histor. -Græcor. vol. ii. p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_621"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_621">[621]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_622"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_622">[622]</a></span> Cicero, Philippic. v. 17, -48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_623"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_623">[623]</a></span> See Histoire de Timour-Bec, par -Cherefeddin Ali, translated by Petit de la Croix, vol. i. p. 203.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_624"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_624">[624]</a></span> This is the remark of his great -admirer Arrian, vii. 1, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_625"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_625">[625]</a></span> Livy, ix. 17-19. A discussion -of Alexander’s chances against the Romans—extremely interesting -and beautiful, though the case appears to me very partially set -forth. I agree with Niebuhr in dissenting from Livy’s result; and -with Plutarch in considering it as one of the boons of fortune to -the Romans, that Alexander did not live long enough to attack them -(Plutarch de Fortunâ Romanor. p. 326).</p> - -<p>Livy however had great reason for complaining of those Greek -authors (he calls them “levissimi ex Græcis”) who said that the -Romans would have quailed before the terrible reputation of -Alexander, and submitted without resistance. Assuredly his victory -over them would have been dearly bought.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_626"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_626">[626]</a></span> Alexander of Epirus is -said to have remarked, that he, in his expeditions into Italy, -had fallen upon the ἀνδρωνῖτις or chamber of the men; while his -nephew (Alexander the Great), in invading Asia, had fallen upon -the γυναικωνῖτις or chamber of the women (Aulus Gellius, xvii. 21; -Curtius, viii. 1, 37).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_627"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_627">[627]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 28, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_628"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_628">[628]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_629"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_629">[629]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 15, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_630"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_630">[630]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 12. Τὸ δὲ -ἀληθὲς, ὥς γέ μοι δοκεῖ, ἄπληστος ἦν τοῦ κτᾶσθαί τι ἀεὶ Ἀλέξανδρος. -Compare vii. 1, 3-7; vii. 15, 6, and the speech made by Alexander -to his soldiers on the banks of the Hyphasis, when he was trying to -persuade them to march forward, v. 26 <i>seq.</i> We must remember that -Arrian had before him the work of Ptolemy, who would give, in all -probability, the substance of this memorable speech from his own -hearing.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_631"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_631">[631]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 1, 8. σὺ δὲ -ἄνθρωπος ὢν, παραπλήσιος τοῖς ἄλλοις, πλήν γε δὴ, ὅτι πολυπράγμων καὶ -ἀτάσθαλος, ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας τοσαύτην γῆν ἐπεξέρχῃ, πράγματα ἔχων τε -καὶ παρέχων ἄλλοις.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_632"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_632">[632]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 4, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_633"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_633">[633]</a></span> Herodot. iii. 15. Alexander -offered to Phokion (Plutarch, Phok. 18) his choice between four -Asiatic cities, of which (that is, of any one of them) he was to -enjoy the revenues; just as Artaxerxes Longimanus had acted towards -Themistokles, in recompense for his treason. Phokion refused the -offer.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_634"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_634">[634]</a></span> See the punishment of Sisamnes -by Kambyses (Herodot. v. 25).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_635"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_635">[635]</a></span> The rhetor Aristeides, in -his Encomium on Rome, has some good remarks on the character and -ascendancy of Alexander, exercised by will and personal authority, as -contrasted with the systematic and legal working of the Roman empire -(Orat. xiv. p. 332-360, vol. i. ed. Dindorf).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_636"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_636">[636]</a></span> Xenoph. Cyropæd. viii. 6, 21; -Anabas. i. 7, 6; Herodot. vii. 8, 13: compare Arrian, v. 26, 4-10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_637"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_637">[637]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4. Πρὸς δὲ -τούτοις πόλεων συνοικισμοὺς καὶ σωμάτων μεταγωγὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς -τὴν Εὐρώπην, καὶ κατὰ τοὐναντίον ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὅπως -τὰς μεγίστας ἠπείρους ταῖς ἐπιγαμίαις καὶ ταῖς οἰκειώσεσιν εἰς κοινὴν -ὁμόνοιαν καὶ συγγενικὴν καταστήσῃ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_638"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_638">[638]</a></span> See the effect produced upon -the Ionians by the false statement of Histiæus (Herodot. vi. 3) with -Wesseling’s note—and the eagerness of the Pæonians to return (Herod. -v. 98; also Justin, viii. 5).</p> - -<p>Antipater afterwards intended to transport the Ætolians in mass -from their own country into Asia, if he had succeeded in conquering -them (Diodor. xviii. 25). Compare Pausanias (i. 9, 8-10) about -the forcible measures used by Lysimachus, in transporting new -inhabitants, at Ephesus and Lysimacheia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_639"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_639">[639]</a></span> Livy, ix. 18. “Referre in tanto -rege piget superbam mutationem vistis, et desideratas humi jacentium -adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus: en -fœda supplicia, et inter vinum et epulas cædes amicorum, et vanitatem -ementiendæ stirpis. Quid si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? quid -si trux et præfervida ira? (<i>nec quidquam dubium inter scriptores -refero</i>) nullane hæc damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus?”</p> - -<p>The appeal here made by Livy to the full attestation of these -points in Alexander’s character deserves notice. He had doubtless -more authorities before him than we possess.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_640"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_640">[640]</a></span> Among other eulogists of -Alexander, it is sufficient to name Droysen—in his two works, both -of great historical research—Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen—and -Geschichte des Hellenismus oder der Bildung des Hellenischen Staaten -Systemes (Hamburg, 1843). See especially the last and most recent -work, p. 27 <i>seqq.</i>, p. 651 <i>seqq.</i>—and elsewhere <i>passim</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_641"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_641">[641]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55-74.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_642"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_642">[642]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p. -329. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον παρέσχεν· οὐ γὰρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης -συνεβούλευεν αὐτῷ, τοῖς μὲν Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμονικῶς, τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις -δεσποτικῶς χρώμενον ... ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ἥκειν θεόθεν ἁρμοστὴς καὶ -διαλλακτὴς τῶν ὅλων νομίζων, οὓς τῷ λόγῳ μὴ συνῆγε, τοῖς ὅπλοις -βιαζόμενος, εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνενεγκὼν τὰ παντάχοθεν, etc.</p> - -<p>Strabo (or Eratosthenes, see Strabo, i. p. 66) and Plutarch -understand the expression of Aristotle erroneously—as if that -philosopher had meant to recommend harsh and cruel treatment of the -non-Hellenes, and kind treatment only towards Greeks. That Aristotle -could have meant no such thing, is evident from the whole tenor of -his treatise on Politics. The distinction really intended is between -a greater and a less measure of extra-popular authority—not between -kind and unkind purposes in the exercise of authority. Compare -Tacitus, Annal. xii. 11—the advice of the Emperor Claudius to the -Parthian prince Meherdates.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_643"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_643">[643]</a></span> Aristot. Politic. i. 1, 5; vii. -6, 1. See the memorable comparison drawn by Aristotle (Polit. vii. -6) between the Europeans and Asiatics generally. He pronounces the -former to be courageous and energetic, but wanting in intelligence -or powers of political combination; the latter to be intelligent and -clever in contrivance, but destitute of courage. Neither of them have -more than a “one-legged aptitude” (φύσιν μονόκωλον); the Greek alone -possesses both the courage and intelligence united. The Asiatics are -condemned to perpetual subjection; the Greeks might govern the world -could they but combine in one political society.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_644"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_644">[644]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. -p. 328. The stay of Alexander in these countries was however so -short, that even with the best will he could not have enforced the -suppression of any inveterate customs.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_645"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_645">[645]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Al. M. -p. 328. Plutarch mentions, a few lines afterwards, Seleukeia -in Mesopotamia, as if he thought that it was among the cities -established by Alexander himself. This shows that he has not been -exact in distinguishing foundations made by Alexander, from those -originated by Seleukus and the other Diadochi.</p> - -<p>The elaborate article of Droysen (in the Appendix to his -Geschichte des Hellenismus, p. 588-651), ascribes to Alexander the -largest plans of colonization in Asia, and enumerates a great number -of cities alleged to have been founded by him. But in regard to -the majority of these foundations, the evidence upon which Droysen -grounds his belief that Alexander was the founder, appears to me -altogether slender and unsatisfactory. If Alexander founded so many -cities as Droysen imagines, how does it happen that Arrian mentions -only so comparatively small a number? The argument derived from -Arrian’s silence, for rejecting what is affirmed by other ancients -respecting Alexander, is indeed employed by modern authors (and by -Droysen himself among them), far oftener than I think warrantable. -But if there be any one proceeding of Alexander more than another, in -respect of which the silence of Arrian ought to make us suspicious—it -is the foundation of a new colony; a solemn act, requiring delay and -multiplied regulations, intended for perpetuity, and redounding to -the honor of the founder. I do not believe in any colonies founded -by Alexander, beyond those comparatively few which Arrian mentions, -except such as rest upon some other express and good testimony. -Whoever will read through Droysen’s list, will see that most of the -names in it will not stand this test. The short life, and rapid -movements, of Alexander, are of themselves the strongest presumption -against his having founded so large a number of colonies.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_646"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_646">[646]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 99; xviii. -7. Curtius, ix. 7, 1. Curtius observes (vii. 10, 15) respecting -Alexander’s colonies in Sogdiana—that they were founded “velut -fræni domitarum gentium; nunc originis suæ oblita serviunt, quibus -imperaverunt.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_647"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_647">[647]</a></span> See the plain-spoken outburst -of the Thurian Antileon, one of the soldiers in Xenophon’s Ten -Thousand Greeks, when the army reached Trapezus (Xenoph. Anabas. v. -1, 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_648"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_648">[648]</a></span> Appian, Syriac. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_649"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_649">[649]</a></span> This is the sense in which I -have always used the word Hellenism, throughout the present Work.</p> - -<p>With Droysen, the word <i>Hellenismus</i>—<i>Das Hellenistische -Staatensystem</i>—is applied to the state of things which followed -upon Alexander’s death; to the aggregate of kingdoms into which -Alexander’s conquests become distributed, having for their point of -similarity the common use of Greek speech, a certain proportion of -Greeks both as inhabitants and as officers, and a partial streak of -Hellenic culture.</p> - -<p>I cannot but think that such an employment of the word is -misleading. At any rate, its sense must be constantly kept in mind, -in order that it may not be confounded with <i>hellenism</i> in the -stricter meaning.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_650"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_650">[650]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 797, ὁ γοῦν -Πολύβιος, γεγονὼς ἐν τῇ πόλει (Alexandria), βδελύττεται τὴν ταύτῃ -κατάστασιν, etc.</p> - -<p>The Museum of Alexandria (with its library) must be carefully -distinguished from the city and the people. It was an artificial -institution, which took its rise altogether from the personal taste -and munificence of the earlier Ptolemies, especially the second. -It was one of the noblest and most useful institutions recorded in -history, and forms the most honorable monument of what Droysen calls -the <i>hellenistic</i> period, between the death of Alexander and the -extension of the Roman empire into Asia. But this Museum, though -situated at Alexandria, had no peculiar connection with the city -or its population; it was a College of literary Fellows (if we may -employ a modern word) congregated out of various Grecian towns. -Eratosthenes, Kallimuchus, Aristophanes, Aristarchus, were not -natives of Alexandria.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_651"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_651">[651]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4. Pausanias -(ii. 1. 5) observes that Alexander wished to cut through Mount Mimas -(in Asia. Minor), but that this was the only one, among all his -undertakings, which did not succeed. “So difficult is it (he goes on) -to put force upon the divine arrangements”, τὰ θεῖα βιάσασθαι. He -wished to cut through the isthmus between Teos and Klazomenæ, so as -to avoid the navigation round the cliffs of Mimas (σκόπελον νιφόεντα -Μίμαντος—Aristophan. Nub. 274) between Chios and Erythræ. Probably -this was among the projects suggested to Alexander, in the last year -of his life. We have no other information about it.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_652"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_652">[652]</a></span> Arrian, v. 26, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_653"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_653">[653]</a></span> Herodot. iv. 44: compare iii. -102. That Arrian had not present to his memory this narrative of -Herodotus, is plain from the last chapter of his Indica; though in -his history of Alexander he alludes several times to Herodotus. Some -authors have concluded from Arrian’s silence that he disbelieved the -fact: if he had disbelieved it, I think that he would have mentioned -the statement of Herodotus nevertheless, with an intimation that he -did not think it worthy of credit. Moreover, Arrian’s disbelief (even -granting that such was the state of his mind) is not to be held as a -conclusive disproof of the story. I confess that I see no sufficient -reason for discrediting the narrative of Herodotus—though some -eminent modern writers are of an opposite opinion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_654"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_654">[654]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. viii. 17; -Athenæus, ix. p. 398. See Schneider’s Preface to his edition of -Aristotle’s Historiæ De Animalibus, p. xxxix. <i>seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_655"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_655">[655]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_656"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_656">[656]</a></span> Aristot. Physic. iv. 3. -p. 210 a. 21. ἔτι <span class="gesperrt">ὡς ἐν βασιλεῖ τὰ τῶν -Ἑλλήνων</span>, καὶ ὅλως <span class="gesperrt">ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ -κινητικῷ</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_657"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_657">[657]</a></span> Demosthen. Olynthiac. iii. p. -36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_658"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_658">[658]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_659"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_659">[659]</a></span> Æschines cont. Ktesiph. p. -552.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_660"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_660">[660]</a></span> Vita Demosthenis ap. -Westermann, Scriptt. Biograph. p. 301. φρουρὰν καταστήσαντος -Ἀλέξανδρου ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις μετὰ τὸ κατασκάψαι τοὺς Θηβαίους, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_661"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_661">[661]</a></span> Pausanias, i. 25, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_662"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_662">[662]</a></span> “Since Macedonian dominion -became paramount (observes Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. 331), Æschines -and men of his stamp are in full ascendency and affluence—I am -impotent: there is no place at Athens for free citizens and -counsellors, but only for men who do what they are ordered, and -flatter the ruling potentate.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_663"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_663">[663]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_664"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_664">[664]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_665"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_665">[665]</a></span> See the remarkable decree -in honor of Lykurgus, passed by the Athenian people seventeen or -eighteen years after his death, in the archonship of Anaxikrates, -<small>B. C.</small> 307 (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 852). -The reciting portion of this decree, constituting four-fifths of -the whole, goes over the public conduct of Lykurgus, and is very -valuable.</p> - -<p>It seems that the twelve years of financial administration -exercised by Lykurgus, are to be taken probably, either from -342-330 <small>B. C.</small>—or four years later, from 338-326 -<small>B. C.</small> Boeckh leaves the point undetermined -between the two. Droysen and Meier prefer the earlier period—O. -Müller the later. (Boeckh, Urkunden über das Attische Seewesen, also -the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p. -114-118).</p> - -<p>The total of public money, recorded by the Inscription as -having passed through the hands of Lykurgus in the twelve years, -was 18,900 talents = £4,340,000, or thereabouts. He is said to -have held, besides, in deposit, a great deal of money entrusted to -him by private individuals. His official duties as treasurer were -discharged, for the first four years, in his own name: during the -last eight years, in the names of two different friends.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_666"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_666">[666]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_667"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_667">[667]</a></span> Æschines (adv. Ktesiph. p. 635) -mentions this mission of Ktesiphon to Kleopatra. He also (in the same -oration, p. 550) charges Demosthenes with having sent letters to -Alexander, soliciting pardon and favor. He states that a young man -named Aristion, a friend of Demosthenes, was much about the person -of Alexander, and that through him the letters were sent. He cites -as his authority the seamen of the public Athenian vessel called -<i>Paralus</i>, and the Athenian envoys who went to Alexander in Phenicia -in the spring or summer of 331 <small>B. C.</small> (compare -Arrian, iii. 6, 3). Hyperides also seems to have advanced the like -allegation against Demosthenes—see Harpokration, v. Ἀριστίων.</p> - -<p>The fragments of the oration of Hyperides in defence of -Euxenippus (recently published by Mr. Churchill Babington), delivered -at some period during the reign of Alexander, give general evidence -of the wide-spread feeling of jealous aversion to the existing -Macedonian ascendancy. Euxenippus had been accused of devotion to -Macedonia; Hyperides strenuously denies it, saying that Euxenippus -had never been in Macedonia, nor ever conversed with any Macedonian -who came to Athens. Even boys at school (says Hyperides) know the -names of the corrupt orators, or servile flatterers, who serve -Macedonia—Euxenippus is not among them (p 11, 12).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_668"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_668">[668]</a></span> Plutarch, Camill. 19; Diodor. -xvi. 88; Plutarch, Agis, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_669"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_669">[669]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 11: compare -Pausan. vii. 10, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_670"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_670">[670]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_671"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_671">[671]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 6, 4; Diodor. -xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 1, 39. It is to this war in Krete, between -Agis and the Macedonian party and troops, that Aristotle probably -alludes (in the few words contained, Politica, ii. 7, 8), as having -exposed the weakness of the Kretan institutions—see Schneider’s note -on the passage. At least we do not know of any other event, suitable -to the words.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_672"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_672">[672]</a></span> Alexander, as soon as he -got possession of the Persian treasures at Susa (about December -331 <small>B. C.</small>), sent a large remittance of 3000 -talents to Antipater, as means for carrying on the war against the -Lacedæmonians (Arrian, iii. 16. 17). The manifestations of Agis in -Peloponnesus had begun in the spring of 331 <small>B. C.</small> -(Arrian, iii. 6, 4); but his aggressive movements in Peloponnesus -did not assume formidable proportions until the spring of 330 -<small>B. C.</small> At the date of the speech of Æschines -against Ktesiphon (August 330 <small>B. C.</small>), the -decisive battle by which Antipater crushed the forces of Agis had -only recently occurred; for the Lacedæmonian prisoners were only -<i>about to be sent</i> to Alexander to learn their fate (Æsch. adv. Kt. -p. 524). Curtius (vii. 1, 21) is certainly mistaken in saying that -the contest was terminated before the battle of Arbela. Moreover, -there were Lacedæmonian envoys, present with Darius until a few days -before his death (July 330 <small>B. C.</small>), who afterwards -fell into the hands of Alexander (Arrian iii. 24, 7); these men -could hardly have known of the prostration of their country at home. -I suppose the victory of Antipater to have taken place about June -330 <small>B. C.</small>—and the Peloponnesian armament of -Agis to have been got together about three months before (March 330 -<small>B. C.</small>).</p> - -<p>Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. App. c. 4. p. 234) discusses the chronology -of this event, but in a manner which I cannot think satisfactory. He -seems inclined to put it some months earlier. I see no necessity for -construing the dictum ascribed to Alexander (Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15) -as proving close coincidence of time between the battle of Arbela and -the final defeat of Agis.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_673"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_673">[673]</a></span> Alexander in Media, when -informed of the whole affair after the death of Agis, spoke of it -with contempt as a battle of frogs and mice, if we are to believe the -dictum of Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_674"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_674">[674]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. p. -553. ὁ δ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρος ἔξω τῆς ἄρκτου καὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὀλίγου δεῖν -πάσης μεθειστήκει, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_675"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_675">[675]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 62; Deinarchus -cont. Demosthen. s. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_676"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_676">[676]</a></span> Plutarch, Reipubl. Gerend. -Præcept. p. 818.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_677"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_677">[677]</a></span> This is what we make out, as to -the conduct of Demosthenes, from Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 553.</p> - -<p>It is however difficult to believe, what Æschines insinuates, -that Demosthenes boasted of having himself got up the Lacedæmonian -movement—and yet that he made no proposition or suggestion for -countenancing it. Demosthenes can hardly have lent any positive aid -to the proceeding, though of course his anti-Macedonian feelings -would be counted upon, in case things took a favorable turn.</p> - -<p>Deinarchus (<i>ut suprà</i>) also accuses Demosthenes of having -remained inactive at this critical moment.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_678"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_678">[678]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 1, 15-20; Diodor. -xvii. 63-73. After the defeat, a suspensive decree was passed by -the Spartans, releasing from ἀτιμία those who had escaped from the -battle—as had been done after Leuktra (Diodor. xix. 70).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_679"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_679">[679]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -524.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_680"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_680">[680]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 4, 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_681"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_681">[681]</a></span> Among the various documents, -real or pretended, inserted in the oration of Demosthenes De Coronâ, -there appears one (p. 266) purporting to be the very decree moved -by Ktesiphon; and another (p. 243) purporting to be the accusation -preferred by Æschines. I have already stated that I agree with -Droysen in mistrusting all the documents annexed to this oration; all -of them bear the name of wrong archons, most of them names of unknown -archons; some of them do not fit the place in which they appear. See -my preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxix. p. 424; Ch. xc. p. 456-486.</p> - -<p>We know from the statement of Æschines himself that the motion -of Ktesiphon was made after the appointment of Demosthenes to be one -of the inspectors of the fortifications of the city; and that this -appointment took place in the last month of the archon Chærondas -(June 337 <small>B. C.</small>—see Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -421-426). We also know that the accusation of Æschines against -Ktesiphon was preferred before the assassination of Philip, which -took place in August 336 <small>B. C.</small> (Æschin. ib. p. -612, 613). It thus appears that the motion of Ktesiphon (with the -probouleuma which followed upon it) must have occurred some time -during the autumn or winter of 337-336 <small>B. C.</small>—that -the accusation of Æschines must have been handed in shortly after -it—and that this accusation cannot have been handed in at the date -borne by the pseudo-document, p. 243—the month Elaphebolion of the -archon Chærondas, which would be anterior to the appointment of -Demosthenes. Moreover, whoever compares the so-called motion of -Ktesiphon, as it stands inserted Demosth. De Coronâ, p. 266, with the -words in which Æschines himself (Adv. Ktesiph. p. 631. ὅθεν τὴν ἀρχὴν -τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἐποιήσω, see also p. 439) describes the exordium of -that motion, will see that it cannot be genuine.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_682"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_682">[682]</a></span> Demosthenes De Coronâ, p. -253, 302, 303, 310. He says (p. 267-313) that he had been crowned -<i>often</i> (πολλάκις) by the Athenians and other Greek cities. The crown -which he received on the motion of Aristonikus (after the successes -against Philip at Byzantium and the Chersonesus, etc. in 340 -<small>B. C.</small>) was the <i>second</i> crown (p. 253)—Plutarch, -Vit. X. Oratt. p. 848.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_683"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_683">[683]</a></span> Demosthenes De Coronâ, p. -294.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_684"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_684">[684]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 645. -διαβέβληται δ᾽ ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις ἐκ τῶν Δημοσθένους πολιτευμάτων <span -class="gesperrt">περὶ τοὺς νῦν καιρούς</span>· δόξετε δ᾽ ἐὰν μὲν -τοῦτον στεφανώσητε, <span class="gesperrt">ὁμογνώμονες εἶναι τοῖς -παραβαίνουσι τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην</span>· ἐὰν δὲ τοὐναντίον τούτου -πράξητε, ἀπολύσετε τὸν δῆμον τῶν αἰτιῶν.—Compare with this, the last -sentence of the oration of Demosthenes in reply, where he puts up a -prayer to the gods—ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν ταχίστην ἀπαλλαγὴν <span -class="gesperrt">τῶν ἐπηρτημένων φόβων</span> δότε καὶ σωτηρίαν -ἀσφαλῆ.</p> - -<p>The mention by Æschines (immediately before) of the Pythian -games, as about to be celebrated in a few days, marks the date of -this judicial trial—August, 330 <small>B. C.</small></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_685"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_685">[685]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -443.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_686"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_686">[686]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 449, -456, 467, 551.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_687"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_687">[687]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 526, -538, 541.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_688"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_688">[688]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. -551-553.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_689"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_689">[689]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. -311-316.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_690"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_690">[690]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 227. -μέλλων τοῦ τε ἰδίου βίου <span class="gesperrt">παντός</span>, ὡς -ἔοικε, λόγον διδόναι τήμερον καὶ τῶν κοινῇ πεπολιτευμένων, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_691"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_691">[691]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. -297. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως ἡμάρτετε, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τὸν -ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων ἐλευθερίας καὶ σωτηρίας κίνδυνον ἀράμενοι—οὐ μὰ -τοὺς Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας τῶν προγόνων καὶ τοὺς ἐν Πλαταιαῖς -παραταξαμένους καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχήσαντας, etc., the oath so -often cited and admired.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_692"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_692">[692]</a></span> See the various lives of -Æschines—in Westermann, Scriptores Biographici, pp. 268, 269.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_693"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_693">[693]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 315. -ἀλλὰ νυνὶ τήμερον ἐγὼ μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ στεφανωθῆναι δοκιμάζομαι, τὸ δὲ -μήδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀδικεῖν ἀνωμολόγημαι—σοὶ δὲ συκοφάντῃ μὲν εἶναι δοκεῖν -ὑπάρχει, κινδυνεύεις δὲ εἴτε δεῖ σε ἔτι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, εἴτ᾽ ἤδη -πεπαῦσθαι μὴ μεταλαβόντα τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων, etc.</p> - -<p>Yet Æschines had become opulent, according to Demosthenes, p. -329.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_694"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_694">[694]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108. He states -the treasure brought out of Asia by Harpalus as 5000 talents.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_695"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_695">[695]</a></span> See the fragments of the letter -or pamphlet of Theopompus addressed to Alexander, while Harpalus was -still at Tarsus, and before his flight to Athens—Theopomp. Fragm. -277, 278, ed. Didot, ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 586-595. Theopompus -speaks in the present tense—<span class="gesperrt">καὶ ὁρᾷ</span> -(Harpalus) ὑπὸ τοῦ λάου προσκυνουμένην (Glykera), etc. Kleitarchus -stated these facts, as well as Theopompus (Athenæ. ibid.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_696"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_696">[696]</a></span> Athenæus, xiii. p. 596—the -extract from the satirical drama called Agên, represented before -Alexander at Susa, in the Dionysiac festival or early months of 324 -<small>B. C.</small></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_697"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_697">[697]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 22; -Pausanias, i. 37, 4; Dikæarchi Fragment. 72. ed. Didot.</p> - -<p>Plutarch’s narrative is misleading, inasmuch as it seems to imply -that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles <i>after</i> his arrival at -Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had been -finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats it -as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but both -Dikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_698"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_698">[698]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_699"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_699">[699]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 1. “Igitur -triginta navibus Sunium transmittunt” (Harpalus and his company), -“unde portum urbis petere decreverunt. His cognitis, rex Harpalo -Atheniensibusque juxta infestus, classem parari jubet, Athenas -protinus petiturus.” Compare Justin, xiii. 5, 7—who mentions this -hostile intention in Alexander’s mind, but gives a different account -of the cause of it.</p> - -<p>The extract from the drama <i>Agên</i> (given in Athenæus, xiii. p. -596) represents the reports which excited this anger of Alexander. It -was said that Athens had repudiated her slavery, with the abundance -which she had before enjoyed under it,—to enter upon a struggle for -freedom, with the certainty of present privations and future ruin:—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i0">A. ὅτε μὲν ἔφασκον (the Athenians) δοῦλον ἐκτῆσθαι βίον,</p> -<p class="i3">ἱκανὸν ἐδείπνουν· <span class="gesperrt">νῦν δὲ</span>, τὸν χέδροπα μόνον</p> -<p class="i3">καὶ τὸν μάραθον <span class="gesperrt">ἔσθουσι</span>, πυροὺς δ᾽ οὐ μάλα.</p> -<p class="i0">B. καὶ μὴν ἀκούω μυριάδας τὸν Ἅρπαλον</p> -<p class="i3">αὐτοῖσι τῶν Ἀγῆνος οὐκ ἐλάττονας</p> -<p class="i3">σίτου παραπέμψαι, καὶ πολίτην γεγονέναι.</p> -<p class="i0">A. Γλυκέρας ὁ σῖτος οὗτος ἦν· ἔσται δ᾽ ἴσως</p> -<p class="i3">αὐτοῖσιν <span class="gesperrt">ὀλέθρου</span> κοὐκ ἑταίρας ἀῤῥαβών.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="mt1">I conceive this drama Agên to have been represented -on the banks of the <i>Choaspes</i> (not the <i>Hydaspes</i>—see <a -href="#Footnote_578">my note</a> in the Chapter immediately -preceding, <a href="#Page_240">p. 240</a>), that is, at Susa, in the -Dionysia of 324 <small>B. C.</small> It is interesting as a -record of the feelings of the time.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_700"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_700">[700]</a></span> Nevertheless the impression, -that Alexander was intending to besiege Athens, must have prevailed -in the army for several months longer, during the autumn of 324 -<small>B. C.</small> when he was at Ekbatana. Ephippus the -historian, in recounting the flatteries addressed to Alexander at -Ekbatana, mentions the rhodomontade of a soldier named Gorgus—Γόργος -ὁ ὁπλοφύλαξ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἄμμωνος υἱὸν στεφανοῖ χρυσοῖς τρισχιλίοις, -<span class="gesperrt">καὶ ὅταν Ἀθήνας πολιορκῇ</span>, μυρίαις -πανοπλίαις καὶ ταῖς ἴσαις καταπέλταις καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς<br /> <span -style="margin-left: 0.5em;">ἄλλοις βέλεσιν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἱκανοῖς -(Ephippus ap. Athenæum, xii. p.</span><br /> 538. Fragment. 3. ed. -Didot).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_701"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_701">[701]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Philokl. s. -1. φάσκων κωλύσειν Ἅρπαλον εἰς τὸν Πειραῖα καταπλεῦσαι, στατηγὸς -ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὰ νεώρια καὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν κεχειροτονημένος, etc. -Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, s. 4. ὃς παρ᾽ Ἁρπάλου λαβεῖν χρήματα -ἐτόλμησεν, ὃν ᾔσθεθ᾽ ἥκειν καταληψόμενον τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_702"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_702">[702]</a></span> See the new and interesting, -though unfortunately scanty, fragments of the oration of Hyperides -against Demosthenes, published and elucidated by Mr. Churchill -Babington from a recently discovered Egyptian papyrus (Cambridge, -1850). From Fragm. 14 (p. 38 of Mr. Babington’s edition) we may -see that the promises mentioned in the text were actually held -out by Harpalus—indeed we might almost have presumed it without -positive evidence. Hyperides addresses Demosthenes—ταύτας ὑπ...ις -τῷ ψηφίσματι, συλλαβὼν τὸν Ἅρπαλον· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας -πρεσβεύεσθαι πεποίηκας ὡς Ἀλέξανδρον, οὐκ ἔχοντας ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν -ἀποστροφήν· <span class="gesperrt">τοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους</span>, οἳ αὐτοὶ -ἂν ἧκον φέροντες εἰς ταὐτὸ τὴν δύναμιν, ἔχοντες τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς -στρατιώτας ὅσους ἕκαστος αὐτῶν εἶχε, <span class="gesperrt">τούτους -σύμπαντας</span> οὐ μόνον <span class="gesperrt">κεκώλυκας ἀποστῆναι -ἐκείνου</span> τῇ συλλήψει τοῦ Ἁρπάλου, ἀλλὰ καὶ....</p> - -<p>From the language thus used by Hyperides in his accusation, we -are made to perceive what prospects he (and of course Harpalus, upon -whose authority he must have spoken) had held out to the people when -the case was first under discussion.</p> - -<p>The fragment here cited is complete as to the main sense, not -requiring very great help from conjecture. In some of the other -fragments, the conjectural restorations of Mr. Babington, though -highly probable and judicious, form too large a proportion of the -whole to admit of our citing them with confidence as testimony.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_703"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_703">[703]</a></span> Pollux, x. 159.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_704"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_704">[704]</a></span> Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore, -p. 531. τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων ὡρμημένων Ἁρπάλῳ βοηθεῖν, καὶ κορυσσόντων -ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐξαίφνης ἐπεφάνη Φιλόξενος, ὁ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ -πραγμάτων Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατηγός· ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ -σιωπῶντος διὰ τὸν φόβον, ὁ Δημοσθένης—Τί ποιήσουσιν, ἔφη, πρὸς τὸν -ἥλιον ἰδόντες, οἱ μὴ δυνάμενοι πρὸς τὸν λύχνον ἀντιβλέπειν;</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_705"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_705">[705]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, c. 21; -Plutarch, Demosthen. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_706"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_706">[706]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_707"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_707">[707]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69. -ἐὰν τοὺς παῖδας καταπέμψῃ (Alexander) πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς νῦν εἰς ἑαυτὸν -ἀνακεκομισμένους, καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῖ τὴν ἀληθείαν πυθέσθαι, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_708"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_708">[708]</a></span> See the fragment cited in -a <a href="#Footnote_702">preceding note</a> from the oration of -Hyperides against Demosthenes. That it was <i>Demosthenes</i> who moved -the decree for depositing the money in the acropolis, we learn also -from one of his other accusers—the citizen who delivered the speech -composed by Deinarchus (adv. Demosthen. sect. 68, 71, 89)—<span -class="gesperrt">ἔγραψεν αὐτὸς, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ Δημοσθένης</span>, ὡς -δηλονότι δικαίου τοῦ πράγματος ὄντος, φυλάττειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὰ εἰς τὴν -Ἀττικὴν ἀφικόμενα μετὰ Ἁρπάλου χρήματα.</p> - -<p>Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 97-106) accuses Demosthenes of base -flattery to Alexander. Hyperides also makes the same charge—see the -Fragments in Mr. Babington’s edition, sect. 2. Fr. 11. p. 12; sect. -3. Fr. 5. p. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_709"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_709">[709]</a></span> Pausan. ii. 33, 4; Diodor. -xvii. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_710"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_710">[710]</a></span> This material fact, of the -question publicly put to Harpalus in the assembly by some one at the -request of Demosthenes, appears in the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 5, -7, 9, ed. Babington—καθήμενος κάτω ὑπὸ τῇ κατατομῇ, ἐκέλευσε ... τὸν -χορευτὴν ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἅρπαλον ὁπόσα εἴη τὰ χρήματα τὰ ἀνοισθησόμενα -εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· <span class="gesperrt">ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο</span> ὅτι -ἑπτακόσια, etc.</p> - -<p>The term κατατομὴ (see Mr. Babington’s note) “designates a broad -passage occurring at intervals between the concentrically arranged -benches of seats in a theatre, and running parallel with them.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_711"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_711">[711]</a></span> Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 846. -In the life of Demosthenes given by Photius (Cod. 265, p. 494) it is -stated that only 308 talents were found.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_712"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_712">[712]</a></span> That this motion was made by -Demosthenes himself, is a point strongly pressed by his accuser -Deinarchus—adv. Demosth. s. 5. 62, 84, etc.: compare also the Fragm. -of Hyperides, p. 59, ed. Babington.</p> - -<p>Deinarchus, in his loose rhetoric, tries to put the case as if -Demosthenes had proposed to recognize the sentence of the Areopagus -as final and peremptory, and stood therefore condemned upon the -authority invoked by himself. But this is refuted sufficiently by the -mere fact that the trial was instituted afterwards; besides that, it -is repugnant to the judicial practice of Athens.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_713"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_713">[713]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 26. We -learn from Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 46) that the report of the -Areopagites was not delivered until after an interval of six months. -About their delay and the impatience of Demosthenes see Fragm. -Hyperides, pp. 12-33, ed. Babington.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_714"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_714">[714]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 92. -See the Fragm. of Hyperides in Mr. Babington, p. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_715"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_715">[715]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, -s. 6. Stratokles was one of the accusers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_716"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_716">[716]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. -108, 109.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_717"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_717">[717]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_718"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_718">[718]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. -104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_719"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_719">[719]</a></span> See the two orations composed -by Deinarchus, against Philokles and Aristogeiton.</p> - -<p>In the second and third Epistles ascribed to Demosthenes (p. -1470, 1483, 1485), he is made to state, that he alone had been -condemned by the Dykastery, because his trial had come on first—that -Aristogeiton and all the others tried were acquitted, though the -charge against all was the same, and the evidence against all was -the same also—viz. nothing more than the simple report of the -Areopagus. As I agree with those who hold these epistles to be -probably spurious, I cannot believe, on such authority alone, that -all the other persons tried were acquitted—a fact highly improbable -in itself.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_720"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_720">[720]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 25: compare -also Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; and Photius, Life of Demosth. -Cod. 265, p. 494.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_721"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_721">[721]</a></span> See the fragment of Hyperides -in Mr. Babington’s edition, pp. 37, 38 (a fragment already cited -in a preceding note), insisting upon the prodigious mischief -which Demosthenes had done by his decree for arresting (σύλληψις) -Harpalus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_722"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_722">[722]</a></span> In the Life of Demosthenes apud -Photium (Cod. 265), the service alleged to have been rendered by him -to Harpalus, and for which he was charged with having received 1000 -Darics, is put as I have stated it in the text—Demosthenes first -spoke publicly against receiving Harpalus, but presently Δαρεικοὺς -χιλίους (<span class="gesperrt">ὥς φασι</span>) λαβὼν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ -αὐτοῦ λέγοντας μετετάξατο (then follow the particular acts whereby -this alleged change of sentiment was manifested, which particular -acts are described as follows)—καὶ βουλομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων Ἀντιπάτρῳ -προδοῦναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀντεῖπεν, τά τε Ἁρπάλεια χρήματα εἰς ἀκρόπολιν -ἔγραψεν ἀποθέσθαι, μηδὲ τῷ δήμῳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν αὐτῶν ἀποσημηνάμενος.</p> - -<p>That Demosthenes should first oppose the reception of -Harpalus—and then afterwards oppose the surrender of Harpalus -to Antipater’s requisition—is here represented as a change of -politics requiring the hypothesis of a bribe to explain it. But it -is in reality no change at all. The two proceedings are perfectly -consistent with each other, and both of them defensible.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_723"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_723">[723]</a></span> Fragm. Hyperides, p. 7, ed. -Babington—ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἑπτακόσια <span class="gesperrt">φήσας</span> -εἶναι τάλαντα, <span class="gesperrt">νῦν τὰ ἡμίση ἀναφέρεις</span>; -</p> - -<p>In p. 26 of the same Fragments, we find Hyperides reproaching -Demosthenes for not having kept effective custody over the person -of Harpalus; for not having proposed any decree providing a special -custody; for not having made known beforehand, or prosecuted -afterwards, the negligence of the ordinary jailers. This is to -make Demosthenes responsible for the performance of <i>all</i> the -administrative duties of the city; for the good conduct of the -treasurers and the jailers.</p> - -<p>We must recollect that Hyperides had been the loudest advocate -of Harpalus, and had done all he could to induce the Athenians to -adopt the cause of that exile against Alexander. One of the charges -(already cited from his speech) against Demosthenes, is, that -Demosthenes prevented this from being accomplished. Yet here is -another charge from the same speaker, to the effect that Demosthenes -did not keep Harpalus under effective custody for the sword of the -Macedonian executioner!</p> - -<p>The line of accusation taken by Hyperides is full of shameful -inconsistencies.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_724"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_724">[724]</a></span> In the Life of Demosthenes -(Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 846), the charge of corruption against -him is made to rest chiefly on the fact, that he did not make this -communication to the people—καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μήτε τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν -ἀνακομισθέντων μεμηνυκὼς μήτε τῶν φυλασσόντων ἀμελείαν, etc. The -biography apud Photium seems to state it as if Demosthenes did not -communicate the amount, <i>at the time</i> when he proposed the decree of -sequestration. This last statement we are enabled to contradict, from -the testimony of Hyperides.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_725"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_725">[725]</a></span> Hyperid. Fragm. p. 18, ed. -Babington. τὰς γὰρ ἀποφάσεις πάσας τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν χρημάτων Ἁρπάλου, -πάσας ὁμοίως ἡ βουλὴ πεποίηται, καὶ τὰς αὐτὰς κατὰ πάντων· καὶ -<span class="gesperrt">οὐδεμιᾷ προσγέγραφε, δι᾽ ὅτι ἕκαστον -ἀποφαίνει</span>· ἀλλ᾽ <span class="gesperrt">ἐπικεφάλαιον</span> -γράψασα, ὁπόσον ἕκαστος εἴληφε χρυσίον, τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ὀφειλέτω....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_726"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_726">[726]</a></span> Hyperid. Frag. p. -20, ed. Babingt. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὅτι μὲν ἔλαβες τὸ χρυσίον, <span -class="gesperrt">ἱκανὸν οἶμαι εἶναι σημεῖον τοῖς δικασταῖς, τὸ τὴν -βουλὴν σοῦ καταγνῶναι</span> (see Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 46, and -the beginning of the second Demosthenic epistle).</p> - -<p>Hyperid. p. 16, ed Babingt. Καὶ <span -class="gesperrt">συκοφαντεῖς τὴν βουλὴν</span>, προκλήσεις προτιθεὶς, -καὶ <span class="gesperrt">ἐρωτῶν ἐν ταῖς προκλήσεσιν, πόθεν ἔλαβες -τὸ χρυσίον, καὶ τίς ἦν σοὶ ὁ δοὺς, καὶ πῶς; τελευταῖον δ᾽ ἴσως -ἐρωτήσεις, καὶ εἰ ἐχρήσω τῷ χρυσίῳ, ὥσπερ τραπεζιτικὸν λόγον παρὰ τῆς -βουλῆς ἀπαιτῶν</span>.</p> - -<p>This monstrous sentence creates a strong presumption in favor of -the defendant,—and a still stronger presumption against the accuser. -Compare Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 6, 7.</p> - -<p>The biographer apud Photium states that Hyperides and four other -orators procured (κατεσκεύασαν) the condemnation of Demosthenes by -the Areopagus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_727"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_727">[727]</a></span> The biographer of Hyperides -(Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 48) tells us that he was the only orator -who kept himself unbribed; the comic writer Timokles names Hyperides -along with Demosthenes and others as recipients (ap. Athenæ. viii. p. -342).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_728"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_728">[728]</a></span> See this point urged by -Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69, 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_729"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_729">[729]</a></span> We read in Pausanias (ii. -33, 4) that the Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, having afterwards -seized one of the slaves of Harpalus, learnt from him the names of -those Athenians whom his master had corrupted; and that Demosthenes -was <i>not</i> among them. As far as this statement goes, it serves to -exculpate Demosthenes. Yet I cannot assign so much importance to -it as Bishop Thirlwall seems to do. His narrative of the Harpalian -transactions is able and discriminating (Hist. vol. vii. ch. 56. p. -170 <i>seqq.</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_730"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_730">[730]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_731"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_731">[731]</a></span> See the Fragments of Hyperides, -p. 36, ed. Babington.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_732"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_732">[732]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_733"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_733">[733]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 6. The statement -of Diodorus (xviii. 8)—that the rescript was popular and acceptable -to all Greeks, except the Athenians and Ætolians—cannot be credited. -It was popular, doubtless, with the exiles themselves, and their -immediate friends.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_734"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_734">[734]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 81; -compare Hyperid. Fragm. p. 36, ed. Babington.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_735"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_735">[735]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 113.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_736"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_736">[736]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 111: compare -xviii. 21. Pausanias (i. 25, 5; viii. 52, 2) affirms that Leosthenes -brought over 50,000 of these mercenaries from Asia into Peloponnesus, -during the lifetime of Alexander, and against Alexander’s will. -The number here given seems incredible; but it is probable enough -that he induced some to come across.—Justin (xiii. 5) mentions that -armed resistance was prepared by the Athenians and Ætolians against -Alexander himself during the latter months of his life, in reference -to the mandate enjoining recall of the exiles. He seems to overstate -the magnitude of their doings, before the death of Alexander.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_737"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_737">[737]</a></span> A striking comparison made by -the orator Demades (Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 181).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_738"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_738">[738]</a></span> See Frontinus, Stratagem, ii. -11, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_739"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_739">[739]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 23. In -the Fragments of Dexippus, there appear short extracts of two -speeches, seemingly composed by that author in his history of these -transactions; one which he ascribes to Hyperides instigating the war, -the other to Phokion, against it (Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p. -668).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_740"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_740">[740]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 10. Diodorus -states that the Athenians sent the Harpalian treasures to the aid of -Leosthenes. He seems to fancy that Harpalus had brought to Athens -all the 5000 talents which he had carried away from Asia; but it -is certain, that no more than 700 or 720 talents were declared by -Harpalus in the Athenian assembly—and of these only half were really -forthcoming. Moreover, Diodorus is not consistent with himself, when -he says afterwards (xviii. 19) that Thimbron, who killed Harpalus in -Krete, got possession of the Harpalian treasures and mercenaries, and -carried them over to Kyrênê in Africa.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_741"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_741">[741]</a></span> It is to this season, -apparently, that the anecdote (if true) must be referred—The -Athenians were eager to invade Bœotia unseasonably; Phokion, as -general of eighty years old, kept them back, by calling out the -citizens of sixty years old and upwards for service, and offering -to march himself at their head (Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p. -818).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_742"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_742">[742]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 11; Pausanias, -i. 25, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_743"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_743">[743]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_744"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_744">[744]</a></span> See the Fragments of Hyperides, -p. 36, ed. Babington. καὶ περὶ τοῦ τοὺς κοινοὺς συλλόγους Ἀχαιῶν -τε καὶ Ἀρκάδων ... we do not know what was done to these district -confederacies, but it seems that some considerable change was made in -them, at the time when Alexander’s decree for restoring the exiles -was promulgated.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_745"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_745">[745]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_746"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_746">[746]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 23, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_747"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_747">[747]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, c. 23; -Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p. 803.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_748"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_748">[748]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 12, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_749"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_749">[749]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 13-15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_750"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_750">[750]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_751"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_751">[751]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 11; Plutarch, -Phokion, 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_752"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_752">[752]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 25; Diodor. -xviii. 14, 15: compare Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_753"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_753">[753]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_754"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_754">[754]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_755"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_755">[755]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_756"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_756">[756]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_757"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_757">[757]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_758"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_758">[758]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post -Alexandrum, vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_759"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_759">[759]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand. -<i>ut supra</i>; Diodor. xviii. 3, 4; Curtius, x. 10; Dexippus, Fragmenta -ap. Photium, Cod. 82, ap. Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p. 667, ed. -Didot (De Rebus post Alexandrum).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_760"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_760">[760]</a></span> Arrian and Dexippus—De Reb. -post Alex. <i>ut supra</i>: compare Diodor. xviii. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_761"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_761">[761]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_762"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_762">[762]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_763"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_763">[763]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_764"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_764">[764]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, -Phokion, 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_765"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_765">[765]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, -Phokion, c. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_766"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_766">[766]</a></span> Demochares, the nephew of -Demosthenes, who had held a bold language and taken active part -against Antipater throughout the Lamian war, is said to have -delivered a public harangue recommending resistance even at this -last moment. At least such was the story connected with his statue, -erected a few years afterwards at Athens, representing him in the -costume of an orator, but with a sword in hand—Plutarch, Vit. X. -Oratt. p. 847: compare Polybius, xii. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_767"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_767">[767]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 27; Diodor. -xviii. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_768"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_768">[768]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 27. Οἱ μὲν -οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ -Ξενοκράτους, etc. Pausanias even states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater -was disposed to grant more lenient terms, but was dissuaded from -doing so by Demades.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_769"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_769">[769]</a></span> See Fragments of Hyperides adv. -Demosth. p. 61-65, ed. Babington.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_770"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_770">[770]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18. οὗτοι -μὲν οὖν ὄντες πλείους τῶν μυρίων (instead of δισμυρίων, which -seems a mistake) καὶ δισχιλίων μετεστάθησαν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος· οἱ δὲ -τὴν ὡρισμένην τίμησιν ἔχοντες περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, ἀπεδείχθησαν -κύριοι τῆς τε πόλεως καὶ τῆς χώρας, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους -ἐπολιτεύοντο. Plutarch states the disfranchised as above 12,000.</p> - -<p>Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς -ἀπήλλαξε πολλοὺς δεηθεὶς τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου· καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο, -μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ τὸν -Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν, ὧν ἦν -καὶ Ἁγνωνίδης ὁ συκοφάντης.</p> - -<p>Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29) mention that Antipater assigned -residences in Thrace for the expatriated. Those who went beyond the -Keraunian mountains must have gone either to the Illyrian coast, -Apollonia or Epidamnus—or to the Gulf of Tarentum. Those who went -beyond Tænarus would probably be sent to Libya: see Thucydides, vii. -19, 10; vii. 50, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_771"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_771">[771]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28. -ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν: compare Solon, Fragment 28, ed. -Gaisford.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_772"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_772">[772]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_773"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_773">[773]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 28. Ἀρχίας ὁ -κληθεὶς Φυγαδοθήρας. Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_774"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_774">[774]</a></span> Polybius, ix. 29, 30. This is -stated, as matter of traditional pride, by an Ætolian speaker more -than a century afterwards. In the speech of his Akarnanian opponent, -there is nothing to contradict it—while the fact is in itself highly -probable.</p> - -<p>See Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland, ch. -71, note 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_775"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_775">[775]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 28; -Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849; Photius, p. 496.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_776"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_776">[776]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 30. τῶν δ᾽ -ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασί τι περὶ αὐτοῦ, <span class="gesperrt">παμπολλοὶ -δ᾽ εἰσὶ</span>, τὰς διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἐπεξελθεῖν, etc.</p> - -<p>The taunts on Archias’s profession, as an actor, and as an -indifferent actor, which Plutarch puts into the mouth of Demosthenes -(c. 29), appear to me not worthy either of the man or of the -occasion; nor are they sufficiently avouched to induce me to -transcribe them. Whatever bitterness of spirit Demosthenes might -choose to manifest, at such a moment, would surely be vented on the -chief enemy, Antipater; not upon the mere instrument.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_777"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_777">[777]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 30; -Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; Photius, p. 494; Arrian, De Rebus -post Alexand. vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_778"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_778">[778]</a></span> Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. -324. οὗτοι—τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ μηδένα ἔχειν δεσπότην αὑτῶν, ἃ τοῖς -προτέροις Ἕλλησιν ὅροι τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἦσαν καὶ κανόνες, ἀνατετραφότες, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_779"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_779">[779]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18; Diogen. -Laert. x. 1, 1. I have endeavored to show, in the Tenth Volume of -this History (Ch. lxxix. p. 297, note), that Diodorus is correct -in giving forty-three years, as the duration of the Athenian -Kleruchies in Samos; although both Wesseling and Mr. Clinton -impugn his statement. The Athenian occupation of Samos <i>began</i> -immediately after the conquest of the island by Timotheus, in 366-365 -<small>B. C.</small>; but additional batches of colonists were -sent thither in later years.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_780"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_780">[780]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 29, 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_781"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_781">[781]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 55, 56, 57, -68, 69. φανεροῦ δ᾽ ὄντος, ὅτι Κάσανδρος τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων -ἀνθέξεται, διὰ τὸ τὰς μὲν αὐτῶν πατρικαῖς φρουραῖς φυλάττεσθαι, τὰς -δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλιγαρχιῶν διοικεῖσθαι, κυριευομένας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων -καὶ ξένων.</p> - -<p>That citizens were not only banished, but deported, by Antipater -from various other cities besides Athens, we may see from the -edict issued by Polysperchon shortly after the death of Antipater -(Diod. xviii. 56)—καὶ τοὺς <span class="gesperrt">μεταστάντας ἢ -φυγόντας</span> ὑπὸ τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν (<i>i. e.</i> Antipater -and Kraterus), ἀφ᾽ ὧν χρόνων Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέβη, -κατάγομεν, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_782"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_782">[782]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 25. διεγνωκότες -ὕστερον αὐτοὺς καταπολεμῆσαι, καὶ <span class="gesperrt">μεταστῆσαι -πανοικίους ἅπαντας</span> εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ ποῤῥωτάτω τῆς Ἀσίας -κειμένην χώραν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_783"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_783">[783]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18-25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_784"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_784">[784]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 23; Arrian, -De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92. Diodorus alludes to the -murder of Kynanê or Kynna, in another place (xix. 52).</p> - -<p>Compare Polyænus, viii. 60—who mentions the murder of Kynanê by -Alketas, but gives a somewhat different explanation of her purpose in -passing into Asia.</p> - -<p>About Kynanê, see Duris, Fragm. 24, in Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol. -ii. p. 475; Athenæ. xiii. p. 560.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_785"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_785">[785]</a></span> The fine lines of Lucan (Phars. -vii. 640) on the effects of the battle of Pharsalia, may be cited -here:—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i-1">“Majus ab hac acie, quam quod sua sæcula ferrent,</p> -<p class="i0">Vulnus habent populi: plus est quam vita salusque</p> -<p class="i0">Quod perit: in totum mundi prosternimur ævum.</p> -<p class="i0">Vincitur his gladiis omnis, quæ serviet, ætas.</p> -<p class="i0">Proxima quid soboles, aut quid meruere nepotes,</p> -<p class="i0">In regnum nasci?” etc.</p> -</div></div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_786"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_786">[786]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 38. Ἀντιπάτρου -δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διαβεβηκότος, Αἰτωλοὶ <span class="gesperrt">κατὰ -τὰς πρὸς Περδίκκαν συνθήκας</span> ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_787"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_787">[787]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 7; Cornel. -Nepos, Eumenes, c. 4. Eumenes had trained a body of Asiatic and -Thracian cavalry to fight in close combat with the short pike and -sword of the Macedonian Companions—relinquishing the javelin, the -missiles, and the alternation of charging and retiring usual to -Asiatics.</p> - -<p>Diodorus (xviii. 30, 31, 32) gives an account at some length of -this battle. He as well as Plutarch may probably have borrowed from -Hieronymus of Kardia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_788"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_788">[788]</a></span> Arrian ap. Photium, Cod. 92; -Justin, xiii. 8; Diodor. xviii. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_789"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_789">[789]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_790"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_790">[790]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 8; Cornel. -Nepos, Eumenes, 4; Diodor. xviii. 36, 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_791"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_791">[791]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 39. Arrian, ap. -Photium.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_792"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_792">[792]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandr. -lib. ix. 10. ap. Photium, Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 39, 40, 46; -Plutarch, Eumenes, 3, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_793"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_793">[793]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 10, 11; -Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 5; Diodor. xviii. 41.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_794"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_794">[794]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 30; Diodor. -xviii. 48; Plutarch, Demosth. 31; Arrian, De Reb. post Alex. vi. ap. -Photium, Cod. 92.</p> - -<p>In the life of Phokion, Plutarch has written inadvertently -<i>Antigonus</i> instead of <i>Perdikkas</i>.</p> - -<p>It is not easy to see, however, how Deinarchus can have been -the accuser of Demades on such a matter—as Arrian and Plutarch -state. Arrian seems to put the death of Demades too early, from his -anxiety to bring it into immediate juxtaposition with the death of -Demosthenes, whose condemnation Demades had proposed in the Athenian -assembly.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_795"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_795">[795]</a></span> Diod. xviii. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_796"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_796">[796]</a></span> Diod. xix. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_797"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_797">[797]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 31. Diodorus -(xviii. 64) says also that Nikanor was nominated by Kassander.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_798"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_798">[798]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_799"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_799">[799]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 49-58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_800"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_800">[800]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 11, 12; -Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, c. 6; Diodor. xviii. 58-62.</p> - -<p>Diodor. xviii, 58. ἧκε δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος αὐτῷ γράμματα, -δεομένης καὶ λιπαρούσης βοηθεῖν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ ἑαυτῇ· μόνον γὰρ -ἐκεῖνον πιστότατον ἀπολελεῖφθαι τῶν φίλων, καὶ δυνάμενον διορθώσασθαι -τὴν ἐρημίαν τῆς βασιλικῆς οἰκίας.</p> - -<p>Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, 6. “Ad hunc (Eumenem) Olympias, -quum literas et nuntios misisset in Asiam, consultum, utrum -repetitum Macedoniam veniret (nam tum in Epiro habitabat) et eas -res occuparet—huic ille primum suasit ne se moveret, et expectaret -quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur. Sin aliquâ cupiditate -raperetur in Macedoniam, omnium injuriarum oblivisceretur, et in -neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. Horum illa nihil fecit. Nam et -in Macedoniam profecta est, et ibi crudelissime se gessit.” Compare -Justin, xiv. 6; Diodor. xix. 11.</p> - -<p>The details respecting Eumenes may be considered probably as -depending on unusually good authority. His friend Hieronymus of -Kardia had written a copious history of his own time; which, though -now lost, was accessible both to Diodorus and Plutarch. Hieronymus -was serving with Eumenes, and was taken prisoner along with him by -Antigonus; who spared him and treated him well, while Eumenes was put -to death (Diodor. xix. 44). Plutarch had also read letters of Eumenes -(Plut. Eum. 11).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_801"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_801">[801]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 63-72; xix. 11, -17, 32, 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_802"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_802">[802]</a></span> Plutarch (Eumenes, 16-18), -Cornelius Nepos (10-13), and Justin (xiv. 3, 4) describe in -considerable detail the touching circumstances attending the -tradition and capture of Eumenes. On this point Diodorus is more -brief; but he recounts at much length the preceding military -operations between Eumenes and Antigonus (xix. 17, 32, 44).</p> - -<p>The original source of these particulars must probably be, the -history of Hieronymus of Kardia, himself present, and copied, more or -less accurately, by others.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_803"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_803">[803]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 13; Diodor. -xviii. 58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_804"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_804">[804]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_805"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_805">[805]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 55. εὐθὺς οὖν -τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων παρόντας πρεσβευτὰς προσκαλεσάμενοι, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_806"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_806">[806]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 56. In this -chapter the proclamation is given <i>verbatim</i>. For the exceptions made -in respect to Amphissa, Trikka, Herakleia, etc., we do not know the -grounds.</p> - -<p>Reference is made to prior edicts of the kings—ὑμεῖς οὖν, καθάπερ -ὑμῖν καὶ πρότερον ἐγράψαμεν, ἀκούετε τούτου (Πολυσπέρχοντος). These -words must allude to written answers given to particular cities, in -reply to special applications. No general proclamation, earlier than -this, can have been issued since the death of Antipater.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_807"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_807">[807]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_808"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_808">[808]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 32. -The opinion of Plutarch, however, that Polysperchon intended -this measure as a mere trick to ruin Phokion, is only correct so -far—that Polysperchon wished to put down the Antipatrian oligarchies -everywhere, and that Phokion was the leading person of that oligarchy -at Athens.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_809"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_809">[809]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_810"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_810">[810]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_811"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_811">[811]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_812"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_812">[812]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 64; Plutarch, -Phokion, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_813"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_813">[813]</a></span> Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, -2. “Concidit autem maxime uno crimine: quod cum apud eum summum -esset imperium populi, et Nicanorem, Cassandri præfectum, insidiari -Piræo Atheniensium, a Dercyllo moneretur: idemque postularet, -ut provideret, ne commeatibus civitas privaretur—huic, audiente -populo, Phocion negavit esse periculam, seque ejus rei obsidem fore -pollicitus est. Neque ita multo post Nicanor Piræo est potitus. Ad -quem recuperandum cum populus armatus concurrisset, ille non modo -neminem ad arma vocavit, sed ne armatis quidem præsse voluit, sine -qua Athenæ omnino esse non possunt.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_814"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_814">[814]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, -Phokion, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_815"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_815">[815]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65. -Τῶν γὰρ Ἀντιπάτρῳ γεγονότων φίλων τινὲς (ὑπῆρχον) καὶ <span -class="gesperrt">οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα φοβούμενοι τὰς ἐκ τῶν νόμων -τιμωρίας</span>, ὑπήντησαν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, καὶ διδάξαντες τὸ συμφέρον, -ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἰδίᾳ κατέχειν τὰ φρούρια, καὶ μὴ παραδιδόναι τοῖς -Ἀθηναίοις, μέχρις ἂν ὁ Κάσσανδρος καταπολεμήθῃ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_816"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_816">[816]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Diod. -xviii. 65. 66. This seems to me the probable sequence of facts, -combining Plutarch with Diodorus. Plutarch takes no notice of the -negotiation opened by Phokion with Alexander, and the understanding -established between them; which is stated in the clearest manner by -Diodorus, and appears to me a material circumstance. On the other -hand, Plutarch mentions (though Diodorus does not) that Alexander -was anxious to seize Athens itself, and was very near succeeding. -Plutarch seems to conceive that it was the exiles who were disposed -to let him in; but if that had been the case, he probably would have -been let in when the exiles became preponderant. It was Phokion, I -conceive, who was desirous, for his own personal safety, of admitting -the foreign troops.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_817"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_817">[817]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, -Phokion, 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_818"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_818">[818]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66. -Προσδεχθέντες δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ (Alexander) φιλοφρόνως, γράμματα ἔλαβον -πρὸς τὸν πατέρα Πολυσπέρχοντα, ὅπως μηδὲν πάθωσιν οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα -<span class="gesperrt">τἀκείνου πεφρονηκότες, καὶ νῦν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι -πάντα συμπράξειν</span>.</p> - -<p>This application of Phokion to Alexander, and the letters -obtained to Polysperchon, are not mentioned by Plutarch, though they -are important circumstances in following the last days of Phokion’s -life.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_819"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_819">[819]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_820"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_820">[820]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_821"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_821">[821]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Cornel. -Nepos. Phokion, 3. “Hic (Phocion), ab Agnonide accusatus, quod Piræum -Nicanori prodidisset, ex consilii sententiâ, in custodiam conjectus, -Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium.”</p> - -<p>Plutarch says that Polysperchon, before he gave this hearing to -both parties, ordered <i>the Corinthian Deinarchus</i> to be tortured and -to be put to death. Now the person so named cannot be Deinarchus, -the logographer—of whom we have some specimens remaining, and who -was alive even as late as 292 <small>B. C.</small>—though he -too was a Corinthian. Either, therefore, there were two Corinthians, -both bearing this same name (as Westermann supposes—Gesch. der -Beredtsamkeit, sect. 72), or the statement of Plutarch must allude to -an order given but not carried into effect—which latter seems to me -most probable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_822"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_822">[822]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33, 34; -Diodor. xviii. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_823"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_823">[823]</a></span> Andokides de Mysteriis, sect. -96, 97; Lycurgus adv. Leokrat. s. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_824"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_824">[824]</a></span> <i>Not</i> the eminent philosopher -so named.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_825"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_825">[825]</a></span> Cornel. Nepos, Phoc. 4. -“Plurimi vero ita exacuerentur propter proditionis suspicionem Piræi, -maximeque quod adversus populi commoda in senectute steterat.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_826"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_826">[826]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66, 67; -Plutarch, Phokion, 34, 35; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_827"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_827">[827]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 36, 37. -Two other anecdotes are recounted by Plutarch, which seem to be -of doubtful authenticity. Nikokles entreated that he might be -allowed to swallow his potion before Phokion; upon which the latter -replied—“Your request, Nikokles, is sad and mournful; but as I have -never yet refused you anything throughout my life, I grant this -also.”</p> - -<p>After the four first had drunk, all except Phokion, no more -hemlock was left; upon which the jailer said that he would not -prepare any more, unless twelve drachmæ of money were given to him to -buy the material. Some hesitation took place, until Phokion asked one -of his friends to supply the money, sarcastically remarking, that it -was hard if a man could not even die <i>gratis</i> at Athens.</p> - -<p>As to the first of these anecdotes—if we read, in Plato’s Phædon -(152-155), the details of the death of Sokrates,—we shall see that -death by hemlock was not caused instantaneously, but in a gradual -and painless manner; the person who had swallowed the potion being -desired to walk about for some time, until his legs grew heavy, -and then to lie down in bed, after which he gradually chilled and -became insensible, first in the extremities, next in the vital -centres. Under these circumstances, the question—which of the persons -condemned should swallow the first of the five potions—could be of -very little moment.</p> - -<p>Then, as to the alleged niggardly stock of hemlock in the -Athenian prison—what would have been the alternative, if Phokion’s -friend had not furnished the twelve drachmæ? Would he have remained -in confinement, without being put to death? Certainly not; for he was -under capital sentence. Would he have been put to death by the sword -or some other unexpensive instrument? This is at variance with the -analogy of Athenian practice. If there be any truth in the story, we -must suppose that the Eleven had allotted to this jailer a stock of -hemlock (or the price thereof) really adequate to five potions, but -that he by accident or awkwardness had wasted a part of it, so that -it would have been necessary for him to supply the deficiency out of -his own pocket. From this embarrassment he was rescued by Phokion and -his friend; and Phokion’s sarcasm touches upon the strangeness of a -man being called upon to pay for his own execution.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_828"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_828">[828]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 38</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_829"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_829">[829]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 18; -Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 188.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_830"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_830">[830]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_831"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_831">[831]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_832"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_832">[832]</a></span> Diodor. xxiii. 70, 71.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_833"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_833">[833]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_834"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_834">[834]</a></span> Thucyd. i. 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_835"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_835">[835]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 74.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_836"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_836">[836]</a></span> See the notice of Munychia, as -it stood ten years afterwards (Diodor. xx. 45).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_837"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_837">[837]</a></span> Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66; -Strabo, ix. p. 398; Pausanias, i. 25, 5. τύραννόν τε Ἀθηναίοις ἔπραξε -γενέσθαι Δημήτριον, etc. Duris ap. Athenæum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27. -vol. iii. p. 477. Frag. Hist. Græc.</p> - -<p>The Phalerean Demetrius composed, among numerous historical, -philosophical, and literary works, a narrative of his own decennial -administration (Diogenes Laert. v. 5, 9; Strabo, ib.)—περὶ τῆς -δεκαετίας.</p> - -<p>The statement of 1200 talents, as the annual revenue handled by -Demetrius, deserves little credit.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_838"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_838">[838]</a></span> See the Fragment of Demochares, -2. Fragment. Historic. Græc. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448, ap. Polyb. -xii. 13. Demochares, nephew of the orator Demosthenes, was the -political opponent of Demetrius Phalereus, whom he reproached with -these boasts about commercial prosperity, when the liberty and -dignity of the city were overthrown. To such boasts of Demetrius -Phalereus probably belongs the statement cited from him by Strabo -(iii. p. 147) about the laborious works in the Attic mines at -Laureium.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_839"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_839">[839]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40. ὥσθ᾽ -ὑπελάμβανον μὴ μόνον ἐγκρατεῖς ἔσεσθαι πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν -παρόντων κακῶν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_840"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_840">[840]</a></span> Dionys. Halic. Judicium de -Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch, Demetrius, 10. λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς, -ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς, καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως -δύναμιν, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_841"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_841">[841]</a></span> Ktesikles ap. Athenæum, vi. p. -272. Mr. Fynes Clinton (following Wesseling), supplies the defect -in the text of Athenæus, so as to assign the census to the 115th -Olympiad. This conjecture <i>may</i> be right, yet the reasons for it are -not conclusive. The census may have been either in the 116th, or -in the 117th Olympiad; we have no means of determining which. The -administration of Phalerean Demetrius covers the ten years between -317 and 307 <small>B. C.</small> (Fast. Hell. Append. p. 388). -</p> - -<p>Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 <small>B. C.</small> Fast. Hell.) -observes respecting the census—“The 21,000 Athenians express those -who had votes in the public assembly, or all the males above the age -of twenty years; the 10,000 μέτοικοι described also the males of -full age. When the women and children are computed, the total free -population will be about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves, added to this -total, will give about 527,660 for the total population of Attica.” -See also the Appendix to F. H. p. 390 <i>seq.</i></p> - -<p>This census is a very interesting fact; but our information -respecting it is miserably scanty, and Mr. Clinton’s interpretation -of the different numbers is open to some remark. He cannot be right, -I think, in saying—“The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes -in the assembly, <i>or</i> all the males above the age of twenty years.” -For we are expressly told, that under the administration of Demetrius -Phalereus, all persons who did not possess 1000 drachmæ were excluded -from the political franchise; and therefore a large number of males -above the age of twenty years would have no vote in the assembly. -Since the two categories are not coincident, then, to which shall -we apply the number 21,000? To those who had votes? Or to the total -number of free citizens, voting or not voting, above the age of -twenty? The public assembly, during the administration of Demetrius -Phalereus, appears to have been of little moment or efficacy; so that -a distinct record, of the number of persons entitled to vote in it, -is not likely to have been sought.</p> - -<p>Then again, Mr. Clinton interprets the three numbers given, upon -two principles totally distinct. The two first numbers (citizens and -metics), he considers to designate only males of full age; the third -number, of οἰκέται, he considers to include both sexes and all ages. -</p> - -<p>This is a conjecture which I think very doubtful, in the absence -of farther knowledge. It implies that the enumerators take account -of the <i>slave</i> women and children—but that they take no account of -the <i>free</i> women and children, wives and families of the citizens -and metics. The number of the free women and children are wholly -unrecorded, on Mr. Clinton’s supposition. Now if, for the purposes -of the census, it was necessary to enumerate the <i>slave</i> women and -children—it surely would be not less necessary to enumerate the -<i>free</i> women and children.</p> - -<p>The word οἰκέται sometimes means, not slaves only, but the -inmates of a family generally—free as well as slave. If such be -its meaning here (which however there is not evidence enough to -affirm), we eliminate the difficulty of supposing the slave women and -children to be enumerated—and the free women and children <i>not</i> to be -enumerated.</p> - -<p>We should be able to reason more confidently, if we knew the -purpose for which the census had been taken—whether with a view to -military or political measures—to finance and taxation—or to the -question of subsistence and importation of foreign corn (see Mr. -Clinton’s Fast. H. ad ann. 444 <small>B. C.</small>, about -another census taken in reference to imported corn).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_842"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_842">[842]</a></span> See Dionys. Halic. Judic. de -Dinarcho, p. 658 Reisk.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_843"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_843">[843]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 75.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_844"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_844">[844]</a></span> Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii. -75; Pausan. vii. 8, 3; Pausanias, i. 25, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_845"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_845">[845]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 11; Justin, x. 14, -4; Pausanias, i. 11, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_846"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_846">[846]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_847"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_847">[847]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 50, 51; Justin, -xiv. 5; Pausan. i. 25, 5; ix. 7, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_848"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_848">[848]</a></span> Even immediately before -the death of Olympias, Aristonous, governor of Amphipolis in her -interest, considered Eumenes to be still alive (Diodor. xix. 50).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_849"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_849">[849]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 52; Pausanias, v. -23, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_850"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_850">[850]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 52, 54, 78; -Pausan. ix. 7, 2-5. This seems an explanation of Kassander’s -proceeding, more probable than that given by Pausanias; who tells us -that Kassander hated the memory of Alexander the Great, and wished to -undo the consequences of his acts. That he did so hate Alexander, is -however extremely credible: see Plutarch, Alexand. 74.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_851"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_851">[851]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_852"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_852">[852]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_853"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_853">[853]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_854"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_854">[854]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_855"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_855">[855]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_856"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_856">[856]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 63, 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_857"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_857">[857]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 62, 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_858"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_858">[858]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 66. Ἀριστόδημος, -<span class="gesperrt">ἐπὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν</span> -δικαιολογησάμενος, προετρέψατο τὰ πλήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς Ἀντιγόνου -πράγμασιν, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_859"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_859">[859]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 67, 68; Justin, -xv. 2. See Brandstäter, Geschichte des Ætolischen Volkes und Bundes, -p. 178 (Berlin, 1844).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_860"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_860">[860]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 74.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_861"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_861">[861]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 77, 78, 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_862"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_862">[862]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 87.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_863"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_863">[863]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_864"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_864">[864]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_865"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_865">[865]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_866"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_866">[866]</a></span> Messênê was garrisoned by -Polysperchon (Diodor. xix. 64).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_867"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_867">[867]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 28; Trogus -Pompeius—Proleg. ad Justin. xv. Justin. xv. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_868"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_868">[868]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100-103; Plutarch, -Pyrrhus, 6. King Pyrrhus was of προγόνων ἀεὶ δεδουλευκότων -Μακεδόσι—at least this was the reproach of Lysimachus (Plutarch, -Phyrrhus, 12).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_869"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_869">[869]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 37 compare Justin, -xiii. 6; xiv. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_870"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_870">[870]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_871"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_871">[871]</a></span> Philochor. Fragm. 144, ed. -Didot; Diodor. xx. 45, 46; Plutarch, Demetrius, 8, 9. The occupation -of Peiræus by Demetrius Poliorketes is related somewhat differently -by Polyænus, iv. 7, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_872"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_872">[872]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetrius, 9-11; -Diodor. xx. 47; Demochares ap. Athenæum, vi. p. 253.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_873"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_873">[873]</a></span> Diogen. Laert. v, 77. Among the -numerous literary works (all lost) of the Phalerean Demetrius, one -was entitled Ἀθηναίων καταδρομή (ib. v. 82).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_874"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_874">[874]</a></span> Demochares ap. Athenæum, vi. p. -253.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_875"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_875">[875]</a></span> Tacitus, Annal. i. 3. “Juniores -post Actiacam victoriam, seniores plerique inter bella civium nati: -quotusquisque reliquus, qui rempublicam vidisset?”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_876"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_876">[876]</a></span> Herodotus, v. 78.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_877"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_877">[877]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_878"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_878">[878]</a></span> Polybius, xii. 13; Decretum -apud Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 851.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_879"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_879">[879]</a></span> Philochori Fragm. 144, ed. -Didot, ap. Dionys. Hal. p. 636.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_880"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_880">[880]</a></span> Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. -842-852. Lykurgus at his death (about 324 <small>B. C.</small>) -left three sons, who are said, shortly after his death, to have -been prosecuted by Menesæchmus, and put in prison (“handed over to -the Eleven”). But Thrasykles, supported by Demokles, stood forward -on their behalf; and Demosthenes, then in banishment at Trœzen, -wrote emphatic remonstrances to the Athenians against such unworthy -treatment of the sons of a distinguished patriot. Accordingly the -Athenians soon repented and released them.</p> - -<p>This is what we find stated in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842. -The third of the so-called Demosthenic Epistles purports to be the -letter written on this subject by Demosthenes.</p> - -<p>The harsh treatment of the sons of Lykurgus (whatever it may have -amounted to, and whatever may have been its ground) certainly did not -last long; for in the next page of the very same Plutarchian life -(p. 843), an account is given of the family of Lykurgus, which was -ancient and sacerdotal; and it is there stated that his sons after -his death fully sustained the dignified position of the family.</p> - -<p>On what ground they were accused, we cannot make out. According -to the Demosthenic epistle (which epistles I have before stated that -I do not believe to be authentic), it was upon some allegation, -which, if valid at all, ought to have been urged against Lykurgus -himself during his life (p. 1477, 1478); but Lykurgus had been always -honorably acquitted, and always held thoroughly estimable, up to the -day of his death (p. 1475).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_881"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_881">[881]</a></span> Diogen. Laert. v. 38. It -is probably to this return of the philosophers that the φυγάδων -κάθοδος mentioned by Philochorus, as foreshadowed by the omen in the -Acropolis, alludes (Philochorus, Frag. 145, ed. Didot, ap Dionys. -Hal. p. 637).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_882"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_882">[882]</a></span> See the few fragments of -Demochares collected in Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum, ed. Didot, -vol. ii. p. 445, with the notes of Carl Müller.</p> - -<p>See likewise Athenæus, xiii. 610, with the fragment from the -comic writer Alexis. It is there stated that Lysimachus also, king of -Thrace, had banished the philosophers from his dominions.</p> - -<p>Demochares might find (besides the persons named in Athenæ. -v. 21, xi. 508) other authentic examples of pupils of Plato and -Isokrates who had been atrocious and sanguinary tyrants in their -native cities—see the case of Klearchus of Herakleia, Memnon ap. -Photium, Cod. 224. cap. 1. Chion and Leonides, the two young citizens -who slew Klearchus, and who perished in endeavoring to liberate their -country—were also pupils of Plato (Justin, xvi. 5). In fact, aspiring -youths, of all varieties of purpose, were likely to seek this mode -of improvement. (Alexander the Great, too, the very impersonation of -subduing force, had been the pupil of Aristotle).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_883"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_883">[883]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 46.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_884"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_884">[884]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 53; Plutarch, -Demetr. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_885"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_885">[885]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 99. Probably this -proviso extended also to Lysimachus and Kassander (both of whom had -assisted Rhodes) as well as to Ptolemy—though Diodorus does not -expressly say so.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_886"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_886">[886]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_887"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_887">[887]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_888"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_888">[888]</a></span> That the Ætolians were just now -most vexatious enemies to Athens, may be seen by the Ithyphallic ode -addressed to Demetrius Poliorketes (Athenæus, vi. p. 253).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_889"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_889">[889]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 50; Plutarch, -Demetr. 11. In reference to this defeat near Amorgos, Stratokles (the -complaisant orator who moved the votes of flattery towards Demetrius -and Antigonus) is said to have announced it first as a victory, -to the great joy of the people. Presently evidences of the defeat -arrived, and the people were angry with Stratokles. “What harm has -happened to you? (replied he)—have you not had two days of pleasure -and satisfaction?” This is at any rate a very good story.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_890"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_890">[890]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100; Plutarch, -Demetr. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_891"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_891">[891]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 102, 103; Plutarch, -Demetr. 23-25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_892"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_892">[892]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 102; Plutarch, -Demetr. 25; Pausanias, ii. 7, 1. The city was withdrawn partially -from the sea, and approximated closely to the acropolis. The new city -remained permanently: but the new name Demetrias gave place to the -old name Sikyon.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_893"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_893">[893]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 106</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_894"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_894">[894]</a></span> That he returned from Leukas -about the time of these mysteries, is attested both by Demochares and -by the Ithyphallic ode in Athenæus, vi. p. 253. See also Duris ap. -Athenæ, xii. p. 535.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_895"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_895">[895]</a></span> Semus ap. Athenæum, xiv. p. -622.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_896"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_896">[896]</a></span> Athenæus, vi. p. 253.</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i0">Ἄλλοι μὲν ἢ μακρὰν γὰρ ἀπέχουσιν θεοὶ,</p> -<p class="i2">ἢ οὐκ ἔχουσιν ὦτα,</p> -<p class="i0">ἢ οὐκ εἰσὶν, ἢ οὐ προσέχουσιν ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ἕν·</p> -<p class="i2">σὲ δὲ παρόνθ᾽ ὁρῶμεν,</p> -<p class="i0">οὐ ξύλινον, οὐδὲ λίθινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθινόν.</p> -<p class="i2">Εὐχόμεσθα δὴ σοί·</p> -<p class="i0">πρῶτον μὲν εἰρήνην ποιῆσον, φίλτατε,</p> -<p class="i2">κύριος γὰρ εἶ σύ.</p> -<p class="i0">Τὴν δ᾽ οὐχὶ Θηβῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης τῆς Ἑλλάδος,</p> -<p class="i2">Σφίγγα περικρατοῦσαν,</p> -<p class="i0">Αἰτωλὸς ὅστις ἐπὶ πέτρας καθήμενος,</p> -<p class="i2">ὥσπερ ἡ παλαιὰ,</p> -<p class="i0">τὰ σώμαθ᾽ ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἀναρπάσας φέρει,</p> -<p class="i2"><span class="gesperrt">κοὐκ ἔχω μάχεσθαι</span>·</p> -<p class="i0">Αἰτωλικὸν γὰρ ἁρπάσαι τὰ τῶν πέλας,</p> -<p class="i2">νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ πόῤῥω—</p> -<p class="i0">μάλιστα μὲν δὴ κόλασον αὐτὸς· εἰ δὲ μὴ,</p> -<p class="i2">Οἰδίπουν τιν᾽ εὗρε,</p> -<p class="i0">τὴν Σφίγγα ταύτην ὅστις ἢ κατακρημνιεῖ,</p> -<p class="i2">ἢ σπίνον ποιήσει.</p> -</div></div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_897"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_897">[897]</a></span> Compare Pausanias, vii. 7, -4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_898"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_898">[898]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_899"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_899">[899]</a></span> Such is the statement of -Plutarch (Demetr. 24); but it seems not in harmony with the recital -of the honorary decree, passed in 272 <small>B. C.</small>, -after the death of Demochares, commemorating his merits by a statue, -etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850). It is there recited that -Demochares rendered services to Athens (fortifying and arming the -city, concluding peace and alliance with the Bœotians, etc.) ἐπὶ τοῦ -τετραετοῦς πολέμου, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ τῶν καταλυσάντων τὸν δῆμον. -Οἱ καταλύσαντες τὸν δῆμον cannot mean either Demetrius Poliorketes, -or Stratokles. Moreover, we cannot determine when the “four years’ -war”, or the alliance with the Bœotians, occurred. Neither the -discussion of Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. 302 <small>B. C.</small>, -and Append. p. 380), nor the different hypothesis of Droysen, are -satisfactory on this point—see Carl Müller’s discussion on the -fragments of Demochares, Fragm. Hist. Gr. v. ii. p. 446.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_900"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_900">[900]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 110. παραδοὺς οὖν -αὑτὸν ἄνοπλον τοῖς ἱερεῦσι, καὶ πρὸ τῆς ὡρισμένης ἡμέρας μυηθεὶς, -ἀνέζευξεν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν.</p> - -<p>The account of this transaction in the text is taken from -Diodorus, and is a simple one; a vote was passed granting special -license to Demetrius, to receive the mysteries at once, though it was -not the appointed season.</p> - -<p>Plutarch (Demetr. 26) superadds other circumstances, several of -which have the appearance of jest rather than reality. Pythodôrus -the Daduch or Torch-bearer of the Mysteries stood alone in his -protest against any celebration of the ceremony out of time: this is -doubtless very credible. Then (according to Plutarch) the Athenians -passed decrees, on the proposition of Stratokles, that the month -Munychion should be called Anthesterion. This having been done, the -Lesser Mysteries were celebrated, in which Demetrius was initiated. -Next, the Athenians passed another decree, to the effect, that the -month Munychion should be called Boêdromion—after which, the Greater -Mysteries (which belonged to the latter month) were forthwith -celebrated. The comic writer Philippides said of Stratokles, that he -had compressed the whole year into a single month.</p> - -<p>This statement of Plutarch has very much the air of a caricature, -by Philippides or some other witty man, of the simple decree -mentioned by Diodorus—a special license to Demetrius to be initiated -out of season. Compare another passage of Philippides against -Stratokles (Plutarch, Demetr. 12).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_901"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_901">[901]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_902"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_902">[902]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 111. It must have -been probably during this campaign that Demetrius began or projected -the foundation of the important city of Demetrias on the Gulf of -Magnesia, which afterwards became one of the great strongholds of the -Macedonian ascendency in Greece (Strabo, ix. p. 436-443, in which -latter passage, the reference to Hieronymus of Kardia seems to prove -that that historian gave a full description of Demetrias and its -foundation). See about Demetrias, Mannert, Geogr. v. Griech. vii. p. -591.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_903"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_903">[903]</a></span> Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. -Hell. <small>B. C.</small> 301) places the battle of Ipsus -in August 301 <small>B. C.</small>; which appears to me some -months earlier than the reality. It is clear from Diodorus, (and -indeed from Mr. Clinton’s own admission) that winter-quarters in Asia -intervened between the departure of Demetrius from Athens in or soon -after April 301 <small>B. C.</small>, and the battle of Ipsus. -Moreover Demetrius, immediately after leaving Athens, carried on many -operations against Kassander in Thessaly, before crossing over to -Asia to join Antigonus (Diodor. xx. 110, 111).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_904"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_904">[904]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_905"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_905">[905]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 34, 35; -Pausan. i. 25, 5. Pausanias states (i. 26, 2) that a gallant -Athenian named Olympiodorus (we do not know when) encouraged his -fellow-citizens to attack the Museum, Munychia, and Peiræus; and -expelled the Macedonians from all of them. If this be correct, -Munychia and Peiræus must have been afterwards reconquered by the -Macedonians: for they were garrisoned (as well as Salamis and Sunium) -by Antigonus Gonatas (Pausanias, ii. 8, 5; Plutarch, Aratus, 34).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_906"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_906">[906]</a></span> Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_907"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_907">[907]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 36; Dexippus -ap. Syncell. p. 264 <i>seq.</i>; Pausan. 7, 3; Justin, xvi. 1, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_908"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_908">[908]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_909"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_909">[909]</a></span> See Mr. Clinton’s Fasti -Hellenici, Append. 4. p. 236-239.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_910"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_910">[910]</a></span> Pausanias, i. 4, 1; x. 20, -1. Τοῖς δέ γε Ἕλλησι κατεπεπτώκει μὲν ἐς ἅπαν τὰ φρονήματα, τὸ δὲ -ἰσχυρὸν τοῦ δείματος προῆγεν ἐς ἀνάγκην τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἀμύνειν· ἑώρων δὲ -τόν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀγῶνα, οὐκ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας γενησόμενον, καθὰ ἐπὶ -τοῦ Μήδου πότε ... ὡς οὖν ἀπολωλέναι δέον ἢ ἐπικρατεστέρους εἶναι, -κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τε ἰδίᾳ καὶ αἱ πόλεις διέκειντο ἐν κοινῷ. (On the approach -of the invading Gauls.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_911"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_911">[911]</a></span> Polyb. ii. 40, 41. πλείστους -γὰρ δὴ μονάρχους οὗτος (Antigonus Gonatas) ἐμφυτεῦσαι δοκεῖ τοῖς -Ἕλλησιν. Justin, xxvi. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_912"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_912">[912]</a></span> Pausanias, vii. 17, 1. Ἅτε ἐκ -δένδρου λελωβημένου, ἀνεβλάστησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_913"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_913">[913]</a></span> Plutarch, Aratus, 47. -ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις σώζεσθαι χερσὶν, καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόνων ὅπλοις -αὑτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες (the Achæans), etc. Compare also c. 12, 13, 15, -in reference to the earlier applications to Ptolemy king of Egypt.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_914"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_914">[914]</a></span> Polybius, i. 3, 4; ii. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_915"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_915">[915]</a></span> Polybius, xii. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_916"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_916">[916]</a></span> See the decree in Plutarch, -Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850. The Antipater here mentioned is the son of -Kassander, not the father. There is no necessity for admitting the -conjecture of Mr. Clinton (Fast. Hell. App. p. 380) that the name -ought to be <i>Antigonus</i>, and not <i>Antipater</i>; although it may perhaps -be true that Demochares was on favorable terms with Antigonus Gonatas -(Diog. Laert. vii, 14).</p> - -<p>Compare Carl Müller ad Democharis Fragm. apud Fragm. Hist. Græc. -vol. ii. p. 446, ed. Didot.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_917"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_917">[917]</a></span> See my last preceding Vol. XI. -Ch. lxxxv. p. 196.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_918"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_918">[918]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3. It appears -that Diodorus had recounted in his eighteenth Book the previous -circumstances of these two leaders; but this part of his narrative is -lost: see Wesseling’s note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_919"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_919">[919]</a></span> See Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. -22; Ch. lxxxv. p. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_920"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_920">[920]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, -Camill. 19; Pausan. iii. 10, 5. Plutarch even says that the two -battles occurred on the same <i>day</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_921"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_921">[921]</a></span> The Molossian King Neoptolemus -was father both of Alexander (the Epirotic) and of Olympias. But -as to the genealogy of the preceding kings, nothing certain can be -made out: see Merleker, Darstellung des Landes und der Bewohner von -Epeiros, Königsberg, 1844, p. 2-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_922"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_922">[922]</a></span> A curious proof how fully -Olympias was queen of Epirus is preserved in the fragments (recently -published by Mr. Babington) of the oration of Hyperides in defence -of Euxenippus, p. 12. The Athenians, in obedience to an oracular -mandate from the Dodonæan Zeus, had sent to Dodona a solemn embassy -for sacrifice, and had dressed and adorned the statue of Diônê -there situated. Olympias addressed a despatch to the Athenians, -reproving them for this as a trespass upon her dominions—ὑπὲρ -τούτων ὑμῖν τὰ ἐγκλήματα ἦλθε παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς, -ὡς <span class="gesperrt">ἡ χώρα εἴη ἡ Μολοσσία αὐτῆς</span>, ἐν -ᾗ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν· οὔκουν προσῆκεν ἡμᾶς τῶν ἐκεῖ οὐδὲ ἓν κινεῖν. -Olympias took a high and insolent tone in this letter (τὰς <span -class="gesperrt">τραγῳδίας</span> αὐτῆς καὶ τὰς κατηγορίας, etc.)</p> - -<p>The date of this oration is at some period during the life of -Alexander the Great—but cannot be more precisely ascertained. After -the death of Alexander, Olympias passed much time in Epirus, where -she thought herself more secure from the enmity of Antipater (Diodor. -xviii. 49).</p> - -<p>Dodona had been one of the most ancient places of pilgrimage -for the Hellenic race—especially for the Athenians. The order -here addressed to them,—that they should abstain from religious -manifestations at this sanctuary—is a remarkable proof of the growing -encroachments on free Hellenism; the more so, as Olympias sent -offerings to temples at Athens when she chose and without asking -permission—we learn this from the same fragment of Hyperides.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_923"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_923">[923]</a></span> Livy (viii. 3-24) places the -date of this expedition of the Molossian Alexander eight years -earlier; but it is universally recognized that this is a mistake.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_924"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_924">[924]</a></span> Livy, viii. 17-24; Justin, xii. -2; Strabo, vi. p. 280.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_925"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_925">[925]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_926"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_926">[926]</a></span> Timæus apud Polybium, xii. 15; -Diodor. xix. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_927"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_927">[927]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3; Justin, xxii. -1. Justin states the earliest military exploits of Agathokles to have -been against the Ætuæans, not against the Agrigentines.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_928"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_928">[928]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3, 4. Diodorus had -written more about this oligarchy in a part of his eighteenth book; -which part is not preserved: see Wesseling’s note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_929"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_929">[929]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 4; Justin, xxii. -1. “Bis occupare imperium Syracusarum voluit; bis in exilium actus -est.”</p> - -<p>In the same manner, the Syracusan exile Hermokrates had -attempted to extort by force his return, at the head of 3000 -men, and by means of partisans within; he failed and was -slain—<small>B. C.</small> 408 (Diodor. xiii. 75).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_930"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_930">[930]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 5, 6. A similar -stratagem is recounted of the Karian Datames (Cornelius Nepos, -Datames, 9).</p> - -<p>That Agathokles, on leaving Syracuse, went to the Carthaginians, -appears to be implied in the words of Diodorus, c. 6—τοὺς αὐτῷ -πρότερον συμπορευθέντας <span class="gesperrt">πρὸς</span> -Καρχηδονίους (see Wesseling’s note on the translation of <span -class="gesperrt">πρὸς</span>). This fact is noticed merely -incidentally, in the confused narrative of Diodorus; but it brings -him to a certain extent into harmony with Justin (xxii. 2), -who insists much on the combination between Agathokles and the -Carthaginians, as one of the main helps whereby he was enabled to -seize the supreme power.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_931"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_931">[931]</a></span> The account here given is the -best which I can make out from Diodorus (xix. 5), Justin (xxii. -2),—Polyænus (v. 3, 8). The first two allude to the solemn oath taken -by Agathokles—παραχθεὶς εἰς τὸ τῆς Δήμητρος ἱερὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, -ὤμοσε μηδὲν ἐναντιωθήσεσθαι τῇ δημοκρατίᾳ—“Tunc Hamilcari expositis -ignibus Cereris tactisque in obsequia Pœnorum jurat.” “Jurare in -obsequia Pœnorum” can hardly be taken to mean that Syracuse was to -become subject to Carthage; there was nothing antecedent to justify -such a proceeding, nor does anything follow in the sequel which -implies it.</p> - -<p>Compare also the speech which Justin puts into the mouth of -Bomilkar when executed for treason by the Carthaginians—“objectans -illis (Carthaginiensibus) in Hamilcarem patruum suum tacita -suffragia, quod Agathoclem <i>sociam illis facere, quam hostem, -maluerit</i>” (xxii. 7). This points to previous collusion between -Hamilkar and Agathokles.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_932"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_932">[932]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 8, 9; Justin, -xxii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_933"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_933">[933]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_934"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_934">[934]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 9.; Justin, xxii. -2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_935"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_935">[935]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 65. καθ᾽ ὃν -δὴ χρόνον ἧκον ἐκ Καρχηδόνος πρέσβεις, οἳ τῷ μὲν Ἀγαθοκλεῖ περὶ -τῶν πραχθέντων ἐπετίμησαν, ὡς παραβαίνοντι τὰς συνθήκας· τοῖς δὲ -Μεσσηνίοις εἰρήνην παρεσκεύασαν, καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἀναγκάσαντες -ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὸν τύραννον, ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Λιβύην.</p> - -<p>I do not know what συνθῆκαι can be here meant, except that oath -described by Justin under the words “in obsequia Pœnorum jurat” -(xxii. 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_936"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_936">[936]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 70. μὴ περιορᾷν -Ἀγαθοκλέα συσκευαζόμενον τὰς πόλεις.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_937"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_937">[937]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 70. After the -defeat of Agis by Antipater, the severe Lacedæmonian laws against -those who fled from battle had been suspended for the occasion; as -had been done before, after the defeat of Leuktra. Akrotatus had -been the <i>only</i> person (μόνος) who opposed this suspension; whereby -he incurred the most violent odium generally, but most especially -from the citizens who profited by the suspension. These men carried -their hatred so far, that they even attacked, beat him and conspired -against his life (οὗτοι γὰρ συστραφέντες πληγάς τε ἐνεφόρησαν αὐτῷ -καὶ διετέλουν ἐπιβουλεύοντες).</p> - -<p>This is a curious indication of Spartan manners.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_938"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_938">[938]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 71.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_939"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_939">[939]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 71, 72, 102. When -the convention specifies Herakleia, Selinus, and Himera, as being -under the Carthaginians, this is to be understood as in addition to -the primitive Carthaginian settlements of Solus, Panormus, Lilybæum, -etc., about which no question could arise.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_940"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_940">[940]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 72: compare a -different narrative—Polyænus, v. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_941"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_941">[941]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 103. It must -be noticed, however, that even Julius Cæsar, in his wars in Gaul, -sometimes cut off the hands of his Gallic prisoners taken in arms, -whom he called rebels (Bell. Gall. viii. 44).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_942"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_942">[942]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 103, 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_943"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_943">[943]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 106.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_944"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_944">[944]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 107, 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_945"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_945">[945]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 108, 109.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_946"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_946">[946]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 109.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_947"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_947">[947]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_948"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_948">[948]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 4, 5; Justin, xxii. -4. Compare Polyænus, 3-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_949"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_949">[949]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 4-16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_950"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_950">[950]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 6. Procopius, Bell. -Vand. i. 15. It is here stated, that for nine days’ march eastward -from Carthage, as far as Juka, the land is παντελῶς ἀλίμενος.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_951"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_951">[951]</a></span> This striking scene is -described by Diodorus, xx. 7 (compare Justin, xxii. 6), probably -enough copied from Kallias, the companion and panegyrist of -Agathokles: see Diodor. xxi. Fragm. p. 281.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_952"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_952">[952]</a></span> Megalê-Polis is nowhere else -mentioned—nor is it noticed by Forbiger in his list of towns in the -Carthaginian territory (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, sect. 109). -</p> - -<p>Dr. Barth (Wanderungen auf den Küsten Ländern des Mittelmeeres, -vol. i. p. 131-133) supposes that Agathokles landed at an indentation -of the coast on the western face of that projecting tongue of land -which terminates in Cape Bon (Promontorium Mercurii), forming the -eastern boundary of the Gulf of Carthage. There are stone quarries -here, of the greatest extent as well as antiquity. Dr. Barth places -Megalê-Polis not far off from this spot, on the same western face of -the projecting land, and near the spot afterwards called Misua.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_953"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_953">[953]</a></span> Justin, xxii. 5. “Huc accedere, -quod urbes castellaque Africæ non muris cinctæ, non in montibus -positæ sint: sed in planis campis sine ullis munimentis jaceant: quas -omnes metu excidii facile ad belli societatem perlici posse.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_954"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_954">[954]</a></span> Seven centuries and more after -these events, we read that the Vandal king Genseric conquered Africa -from the Romans—and that he demolished the fortifications of all the -other towns except Carthage alone—from the like feeling of mistrust. -This demolition materially facilitated the conquest of the Vandal -kingdom by Belisarius, two generations afterwards (Procopius, Bell. -Vandal. i. 5; i. 15).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_955"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_955">[955]</a></span> Livy (xxix. 25), in recounting -the landing of Scipio in the Carthaginian territory in the latter -years of the second Punic war, says, “Emporia ut peterent, -gubernatoribus edixit. Fertilissimus ager, eoque abundans omnium -copiâ rerum est regio, et imbelles (quod plerumque in uberi agro -evenit) barbari sunt: priusque quam Carthagine subveniretur, opprimi -videbantur posse.”</p> - -<p>About the harshness of the Carthaginian rule over their African -subjects, see Diodor. xv. 77; Polyb. i. 72. In reference to the -above passage of Polybius, however, we ought to keep in mind—That -in describing this harshness, he speaks with <i>express and exclusive -reference</i> to the conduct of the Carthaginians towards their subjects -during the first Punic war (against Rome), when the Carthaginians -themselves were hard pressed by the Romans and required everything -that they could lay hands upon for self-defence. This passage of -Polybius has been sometimes cited as if it attested the <i>ordinary</i> -character and measure of Carthaginian dominion; which is contrary to -the intention of the author.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_956"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_956">[956]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 8. Compare -Polybius, i. 29, where he describes the first invasion of the -Carthaginian territory by the Roman consul Regulus. Tunês was 120 -stadia or about fourteen miles south-east of Carthage (Polyb. i. -67). The Tab. Peuting. reckons it only ten miles. It was made the -central place for hostile operations against Carthage both by Regulus -in the first Punic war (Polyb. i. 30),—by Matho and Spendius, in -the rebellion of the mercenary soldiers and native Africans against -Carthage, which followed on the close of the first Punic war (Polyb. -i. 73)—and by the revolted Libyans in 396 <small>B. C.</small> -(Diodor. xiv. 77).</p> - -<p>Diodorus places Tunês at the distance of 2000 stadia from -Carthage, which must undoubtedly be a mistake. He calls it <i>White -Tunês</i>; an epithet drawn from the chalk cliffs adjoining.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_957"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_957">[957]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_958"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_958">[958]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 10-13. See, -respecting the Sacred Band of Carthage (which was nearly cut to -pieces by Timoleon at the battle of the Krimesus), Diodor. xvi. 80, -81; also Vol. XI. of this History, Chap. lxxxv. p. 171-177.</p> - -<p>The amount of native or citizen-force given here by Diodorus -(40,000 foot and 1000 horse) seems very great. Our data for -appreciating it however are lamentably scanty; and we ought to -expect a large total. The population of Carthage is said to have -been 700,000 souls; even when it was besieged by the Romans in -the third Punic war, and when its power was prodigiously lessened -(Strabo, xvii. p. 833). Its military magazines, even in that reduced -condition, were enormous,—as they stood immediately previous to their -being given up to the Romans, under the treacherous delusions held -out by Rome.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_959"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_959">[959]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 12. The loss of the -Carthaginians was differently given—some authors stated it at 1000 -men—others at 6000. The loss in the army of Agathokles was stated at -200 men.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_960"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_960">[960]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_961"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_961">[961]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_962"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_962">[962]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 14. ᾐτιῶντο δὲ καὶ -τὸν Κρόνον αὑτοῖς ἐναντιοῦσθαι, καθόσον ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις -θύοντες τούτῳ τῷ θεῷ τῶν υἱῶν τοὺς κρατίστους, ὕστερον ὠνούμενοι -λάθρα παῖδας καὶ θρέψαντες ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν· καὶ ζητήσεως -γενομένης, εὑρέθησάν τινες τῶν καθιερουργημένων ὑποβολιμαῖοι -γεγονότες· τούτων δὲ λαβόντες ἔννοιαν, καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πρὸς τοῖς -τείχεσιν ὁρῶντες στρατοπεδεύοντας, ἐδεισιδαιμόνουν ὡς καταλελυκότες -τὰς πατρίους τῶν θεῶν τιμάς· διορθώσασθαι δὲ τὰς ἀγνοίας σπεύδοντες, -διακοσίους μὲν τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων παίδων προκρίναντες ἔθυσαν δημοσίᾳ· -ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐν διαβολαῖς ὄντες, ἑκουσίως ἑαυτοὺς ἔδοσαν, οὐκ ἐλάττους -ὄντες τριακοσίων· ἦν δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀνδριὰς Κρόνου χαλκοῦς, ἐκτετακὼς -τὰς χεῖρας ὑπτίας ἐγκεκλιμένας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ὥστε τὸν ἐπιτεθέντα τῶν -παίδων ἀποκυλίεσθαι καὶ πίπτειν εἴς τι χάσμα πλῆρες πυρός. Compare -Festus ap. Lactantium, Inst. Div. i. 21; Justin, xviii. 6, 12.</p> - -<p>In this remarkable passage (the more remarkable because so little -information concerning Carthaginian antiquity has reached us), one -clause is not perfectly clear, respecting the three hundred who are -said to have voluntarily <i>given themselves up</i>. Diodorus means (I -apprehend) as Eusebius understood it, that these were fathers who -gave up <i>their children</i> (not themselves) to be sacrificed. The -victims here mentioned as sacrificed to Kronus were children, not -adults (compare Diodor. xiii. 86): nothing is here said about adult -victims. Wesseling in his note adheres to the literal meaning of the -words, dissenting from Eusebius: but I think that the literal meaning -is less in harmony with the general tenor of the paragraph. Instances -of self-devotion, by persons torn with remorse, are indeed mentioned: -see the case of Imilkon, Diodor. xiv. 76; Justin, xix. 3.</p> - -<p>We read in the Fragment of Ennius—“Pœni sunt soliti suos -sacrificare puellos:” see the chapter iv. of Münter’s work, Religion -der Karthager, on this subject.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_963"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_963">[963]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. λάθρα προσῆλθεν -ἐπί τινα τόπον ὀρεινὸν, ὅθεν <span class="gesperrt">ὁρᾶσθαι δυνατὸν -ἦν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀδρυμητινῶν καὶ τῶν Καρχηδονίων τῶν Τύνητα -πολιορκούντων</span>· νυκτὸς δὲ συντάξας τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπὶ πολὺν -τόπον πυρὰ καίειν, δόξαν ἐν εποίησε, τοῖς μὲν Καρχηδονίοις, ὡς μετὰ -μεγάλης δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πορευόμενος, τοῖς δὲ πολιορκουμένοις, ὡς -ἄλλης δυνάμεως ἁδρᾶς τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς συμμαχίαν παραγεγενημένης.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_964"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_964">[964]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. The incident -here recounted by Diodorus is curious, but quite distinct and -intelligible. He had good authorities before him in his history of -Agathokles. If true, it affords an evidence for determining, within -some limits, the site of the ancient Adrumetum, which Mannert and -Shaw place at Herkla— while Forbiger and Dr. Barth put it near the -site of the modern port called Susa, still more to the southward, and -at a prodigious distance from Tunis. Other anthem have placed it at -Hamamat, more to the northward than Herkla, and nearer to Tunis.</p> - -<p>Of these three sites, Hamamat is the only one which will consist -with the narrative of Diodorus. Both the others are too distant. -Hamamat is about forty-eight English miles from Tunis (see Barth, p. -184, with his note). This is as great a distance (if not too great) -as can possibly be admitted; both Herkla and Susa are very much more -distant, and therefore out of the question.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, the other evidence known to us tends apparently to -place Adrumetum at Susa, and not at Hamamat (see Barth, p. 142-154; -Forbiger, Handb. Geog. p. 845). It is therefore probable that the -narrative of Diodorus is not true, or must apply to some other -place on the coast (possibly Neapolis, the modern Nabel) taken by -Agathokles, and not to Adrumetum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_965"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_965">[965]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_966"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_966">[966]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 834. Solinus -(c. 30) talks of Aspis as founded by the <i>Siculi</i>. Aspis (called by -the Romans Clypea), being on the eastern side of Cape Bon, was more -convenient for communication with Sicily than either Carthage, or -Tunis, or any part of the Gulf of Carthage, which was on the western -side of Cape Bon. To get round that headland is, even at the present -day, a difficult and uncertain enterprise for navigators: see the -remarks of Dr. Barth, founded partly on his own personal experience -(Wanderungen auf den Küstenländern des Mittelmeeres, i. p. 196). -A ship coming from Sicily to Aspis was not under the necessity of -getting round the headland.</p> - -<p>In the case of Agathokles, there was a further reason for -establishing his maritime position at Aspis. The Carthaginian fleet -was superior to him at sea; accordingly they could easily interrupt -his maritime communication from Sicily with Tunis, or with any point -in the Gulf of Carthage. But it was not so easy for them to watch the -coast at Aspis; for in order to do this, they must get from the Gulf -round to Cape Bon.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_967"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_967">[967]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. The Roman -consul Regulus, when he invaded Africa during the first Punic war, -is said to have acquired, either by capture or voluntary adhesion, -two hundred dependent cities of Carthage (Appian, Punica, c. 3). -Respecting the prodigious number of towns in Northern Africa, see the -very learned and instructive work of Mövers, Die Phönikier, vol. ii. -p. 454 <i>seqq.</i> Even at the commencement of the third Punic war, when -Carthage was so much reduced in power, she had still three hundred -cities in Libya (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). It must be confessed that the -name cities or towns (πόλεις) was used by some authors very vaguely. -Thus Posidonius ridiculed the affirmation of Polybius (Strabo, iii. -p. 162), that Tiberius Gracchus had destroyed three hundred πόλεις of -the Celtiberians; Strabo censures others who spoke of one thousand -πόλεις of the Iberians. Such a number could only be made good by -including large κῶμαι.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_968"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_968">[968]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_969"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_969">[969]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 15, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_970"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_970">[970]</a></span> See Vol. VII. Ch. lx. p. 304 of -this History.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_971"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_971">[971]</a></span> For a description of the -fortifications added to Syracuse by the elder Dionysius, see Vol. X. -Ch. lxxxii. p. 499 of this History.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_972"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_972">[972]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 29, 30. Cicero -(Divinat. i. 24) notices this prophecy and its manner of fulfilment; -but he gives a somewhat different version of the events preceding the -capture of Hamilkar.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_973"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_973">[973]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 30. τὸν δ᾽ οὖν -Ἁμίλκαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολωλότων συγγενεῖς δεδεμένον ἀγαγόντες διὰ τῆς -πόλεως, καὶ δειναῖς αἰκίαις κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρησάμενοι, μετὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης -ὕβρεως ἀνεῖλον.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_974"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_974">[974]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 31. διαβοηθείσης -δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀκραγαντίνων ἐπιβολῆς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν νῆσον, ἐνέπεσεν ὁρμὴ -ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_975"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_975">[975]</a></span> Enna is nearly in the centre of -Sicily; Erbessus is not far to the north-east of Agrigentum; Echetla -is placed by Polybius (i. 15) midway between the domain of Syracuse -and that of Carthage.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_976"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_976">[976]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_977"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_977">[977]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 33. οἱ δὲ -Καρχηδόνιοι, περιαλγεῖς γενόμενοι, καὶ βαρβαρικῶς προσκυνήσαντες, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_978"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_978">[978]</a></span> Compare the description in -Tacitus, Hist. ii. 29, of the mutiny in the Vitellian army commanded -by Fabius Valens, at Ticinum.</p> - -<p>“Postquam immissis lictoribus, Valens coercere seditionem -cœptabat, ipsum invadunt (milites), saxa jaciunt, fugientem -sequuntur.—Valens, servili veste, apud decurionem equitum tegebatur.” -(Presently the feeling changes, by the adroit management of Alphenus -Varus, prefect of the camp)—then, “silentio, patientia, postremo -precibus et lacrymis, veniam quærebant. Ut vero deformis et flens, -et præter spem incolumis Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, -favor: versi in lætitiam (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes -gratantesque circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_979"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_979">[979]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_980"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_980">[980]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_981"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_981">[981]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 59. Ὁ δὲ τῆς πόλεως -οὐκ ἦν κίνδυνος, ἀπροσίτου τῆς πόλεως οὔσης διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν -καὶ τῆς θαλάττης ὀχυρότητα.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_982"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_982">[982]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_983"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_983">[983]</a></span> See Vol. IV. Ch. xxvii. p. -29-49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_984"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_984">[984]</a></span> See Isokrates, Or. iv. -(Philipp.) s. 6, where he speaks of Kyrênê as a spot judiciously -chosen for colonization; the natives near it being not dangerous, but -suited for obedient neighbors and slaves.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_985"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_985">[985]</a></span> Thucyd. vii. 50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_986"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_986">[986]</a></span> Pausan. iv. 26; Diodor. xiv. -34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_987"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_987">[987]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 836; Sallust, -Bell. Jugurth. p. 126.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_988"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_988">[988]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 12; Curtius, -iv. 7, 9; Diodor. xvii. 49. It is said that the inhabitants of Kyrênê -(exact date unknown) applied to Plato to make laws for them, but that -he declined. See Thrige, Histor. Cyrênês, p. 191. We should be glad -to have this statement better avouched.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_989"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_989">[989]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108, xviii. 19; -Arrian, De Rebus; post Alexandr. vi. apud Photium, Cod. 92; Strabo, -xvii. p. 837.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_990"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_990">[990]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_991"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_991">[991]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_992"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_992">[992]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_993"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_993">[993]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi. -ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 21; Justin, xiii. 6, 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_994"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_994">[994]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 79. Οἱ Κυρηναῖοι -... τὴν ἄκραν περιεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὡς αὔτικα μάλα τὴν φρουρὰν -ἐκβαλοῦντες, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_995"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_995">[995]</a></span> Justin (xxii. 7, 4) calls -Ophellas “rex Cyrenarum;” but it is noway probable that he had become -independent of Ptolemy—as Thrige (Hist. Cyrênês, p. 214) supposes. -The expression in Plutarch (Demetrius, 14), Ὀφέλλᾳ τῷ ἄρξαντι -Κυρήνης, does not necessarily imply an independent authority.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_996"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_996">[996]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_997"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_997">[997]</a></span> From an incidental allusion in -Strabo (xvii. p. 826), we learn this fact—that Ophellas had surveyed -the whole coast of Northern Africa, to the straits of Gibraltar, -and round the old Phenician settlements on the western coast of -modern Morocco. Some eminent critics (Grosskurd among them) reject -the reading in Strabo—ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀφέλα (or Ὀφέλλα) περιπλοῦ, which is -sustained by a very great preponderance of MSS. But I do not feel the -force of their reasons; and the reading which they would substitute -has nothing to recommend it. In my judgment, Ophellas, ruling in -the Kyrenaica and indulging aspirations towards conquest westward, -was a man both likely to order, and competent to bring about, an -examination of the North African coast. The knowledge of this fact -may have induced Agathokles to apply to him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_998"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_998">[998]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. -ap. Photium, Cod. 92. Αἴγυπτον μὲν γὰρ καὶ Λιβύην, καὶ τὴν ἐπέκεινα -ταύτης τὴν πολλὴν, καὶ ὅ,τι περ ἂν πρὸς τούτοις δ᾽ ὅριον ἐπικτήσηται -πρὸς δυομένου ἡλίου, Πτολεμαίου εἶναι.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_999"><span class="label"><a -href="#FNanchor_999">[999]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40. πολλοὶ τῶν -Ἀθηναίων προθύμως ὑπήκουσαν εἰς τὴν στρατείαν· οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ -τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, ἔσπευδον κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἐλπίζοντες -τήν τε κρατίστην τῆς Λιβύης κατακληρουχήσειν, καὶ τὸν ἐν Καρχηδόνι -διαρπάσειν πλοῦτον.</p> - -<p>As to the great encouragement held out to settlers, when a new -colony was about to be founded by a powerful state, see Thucyd. iii. -93, about Herakleia Trachinia—πᾶς γάρ τίς, Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκιζόντων, -θαρσαλέως ᾔει, βέβαιαν νομίζων τὴν πόλιν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1000"><a href="#FNanchor_1000"><span -class="label">[1000]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 41.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1001"><a href="#FNanchor_1001"><span -class="label">[1001]</span></a> Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. iv. 3. p. -127, ed. Schneider.</p> - -<p>The philosopher would hear this fact from some of the Athenians -concerned in the expedition.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1002"><a href="#FNanchor_1002"><span -class="label">[1002]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 42. See the striking -description of the miseries of this same march, made by Cato and his -Roman troops after the death of Pompey, in Lucan, Pharsalia, ix. -382-940:—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i-1">“Vadimus in campos steriles, exustaque mundi.</p> -<p class="i0">Quà nimius Titan, et raræ in fontibus undæ,</p> -<p class="i0">Siccaque letiferis squalent serpentibus arva,</p> -<p class="i0">Durum iter.”</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="mt1">The entire march of Ophellas must (I think) have -lasted longer than two months; probably Diodorus speaks only of -the more distressing or middle portion of it when he says—κατὰ τὴν -ὁδοιπορίαν πλεῖον ἢ δύο μῆνας κακοπαθήσαντες, etc. (xx. 42).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1003"><a href="#FNanchor_1003"><span -class="label">[1003]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 42; Justin. xxii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1004"><a href="#FNanchor_1004"><span -class="label">[1004]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1005"><a href="#FNanchor_1005"><span -class="label">[1005]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1006"><a href="#FNanchor_1006"><span -class="label">[1006]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 44; Justin, xxii. -7. Compare the description given by Appian (Punic. 128), of the -desperate defence made by the Carthaginians in the last siege of the -city, against the assault of the Romans, from the house-tops and in -the streets.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1007"><a href="#FNanchor_1007"><span -class="label">[1007]</span></a> There are yet remaining -coins—Ἀγαθοκλέος Βασιλέως—the earliest Sicilian coins that bear the -name of a prince (Humphreys, Ancient Coins and Medals, p. 50).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1008"><a href="#FNanchor_1008"><span -class="label">[1008]</span></a> Strabo, xvii. p. 832; Polyb. i. -73.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1009"><a href="#FNanchor_1009"><span -class="label">[1009]</span></a> Polybius (i. 82) expressly -states that the inhabitants of Utica and of Hippu-Akra (a little -further to the west than Utica), remained faithful to Carthage -throughout the hostilities carried on by Agathokles. This enables -us to correct the passage wherein Diodorus describes the attack -of Agathokles upon Utica (xx. 54)—ἐπὶ μὲν Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν -<span class="gesperrt">ἀφεστηκότας</span>, ἄφνω δὲ αὐτῶν τῇ πόλει -προσπεσών, etc. The word <span class="gesperrt">ἀφεστηκότας</span> -here is perplexing. It must mean that the Uticans had revolted <i>from -Agathokles</i>; yet Diodorus has not before said a word about the -Uticans, nor reported that they had either joined Agathokles, or been -conquered by him. Everything that Diodorus has reported hitherto -about Agathokles, relates to operations among the towns east or -south-east of Carthage.</p> - -<p>It appears to me that the passage ought to stand—ἐπὶ μὲν -Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν <span class="gesperrt">οὐκ ἀφεστηκότας</span>, -<i>i. e.</i> from Carthage; which introduces consistency into the -narrative of Diodorus himself, while it brings him into harmony with -Polybius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1010"><a href="#FNanchor_1010"><span -class="label">[1010]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 54, 55. In attacking -Hippu-Akra (otherwise called Hippo-Zarytus, near the Promontorium -Pulchrum, the northernmost point of Africa), Agathokles is said to -have got the better in a naval battle—ναυμαχία περιγενόμενος. This -implies that he must have got a fleet superior to the Carthaginians -even in their own gulf; perhaps ships seized at Utica.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1011"><a href="#FNanchor_1011"><span -class="label">[1011]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 59.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1012"><a href="#FNanchor_1012"><span -class="label">[1012]</span></a> Appian distinctly mentions this place -<i>Hippagreta</i> as having been fortified by Agathokles—and distinctly -describes it as being between Utica and Carthage (Punic. 110). It -cannot therefore be the same place as Hippu-Akra (or Hippo-Zarytus); -which was considerably further from Carthage than Utica was.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1013"><a href="#FNanchor_1013"><span -class="label">[1013]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 57, 58. It is vain to -attempt to identify the places mentioned as visited and conquered by -Eumachus. Our topographical knowledge is altogether insufficient. -This second Hippu-Akra is supposed to be the same as Hippo-Regius; -Tokæ may be Tucca Terebinthina, in the south-eastern region or -Byzakium.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1014"><a href="#FNanchor_1014"><span -class="label">[1014]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 59, 60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1015"><a href="#FNanchor_1015"><span -class="label">[1015]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1016"><a href="#FNanchor_1016"><span -class="label">[1016]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56. Ἀγαθοκλῆς δὲ, τῆς -<span class="gesperrt">μάχης ἄρτι</span> γεγενημένης, καταπλεύσας τῆς -Σικελίας εἰς Σελινοῦντα, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1017"><a href="#FNanchor_1017"><span -class="label">[1017]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56. Οἱ μὲν οὖν -Ἀκραγαντῖνοι ταύτῃ τῇ συμφορᾷ περιπεσόντες, διέλυσαν ἑαυτῶν μὲν τὴν -καλλίστην ἐπιβολὴν, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων τὰς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδας.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1018"><a href="#FNanchor_1018"><span -class="label">[1018]</span></a> Apollonia was a town in the interior -of the island, somewhat to the north-east of Enna (Cicero, Verr. iii. -43).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1019"><a href="#FNanchor_1019"><span -class="label">[1019]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1020"><a href="#FNanchor_1020"><span -class="label">[1020]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1021"><a href="#FNanchor_1021"><span -class="label">[1021]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1022"><a href="#FNanchor_1022"><span -class="label">[1022]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 57. καὶ πάντων τούτων ἐν -φυγαῖς καὶ μελέταις τοῦ πονεῖν συνεχῶς γεγονότων, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1023"><a href="#FNanchor_1023"><span -class="label">[1023]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61, 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1024"><a href="#FNanchor_1024"><span -class="label">[1024]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1025"><a href="#FNanchor_1025"><span -class="label">[1025]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 64; Justin, xxii. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1026"><a href="#FNanchor_1026"><span -class="label">[1026]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 65. See an incident -somewhat similar (Herod. vii. 180)—the Persians, in the invasion of -Greece by Xerxes, sacrificed the handsomest Grecian prisoner whom -they captured on board the first prize-ship that fell into their -hands.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1027"><a href="#FNanchor_1027"><span -class="label">[1027]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 66, 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1028"><a href="#FNanchor_1028"><span -class="label">[1028]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 69; Justin, xxii. 8. ... -τὸ δὲ πλῆθος, ὡς εἶδεν, εἰς ἔλεον ἐτράπη, καὶ πάντες ἐπεβόων ἀφεῖναι· -ὁ δὲ λυθεὶς καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐμβὰς εἰς τὸ πορθμεῖον, ἔλαθεν ἐκπλεύσας -κατὰ τὴν δύσιν τῆς Πλειάδος, χειμῶνος ὄντος.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1029"><a href="#FNanchor_1029"><span -class="label">[1029]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1030"><a href="#FNanchor_1030"><span -class="label">[1030]</span></a> Tacit. Annal. i. 9. “Multus hinc ipso -de Augusto sermo, plerisque <i>vana mirantibus</i>—quod idem dies accepti -quondam imperii princeps, et vitæ supremus—quod Nolæ in domo et -cubiculo, in quo pater ejus Octavius, vitam finivisset”, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1031"><a href="#FNanchor_1031"><span -class="label">[1031]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1032"><a href="#FNanchor_1032"><span -class="label">[1032]</span></a> This is what Agathokles might -have done, but did not do. Nevertheless, Valerius Maximus (vii. -4, 1) represents him as having actually done it, and praises his -sagacity on that ground. Here is an example how little careful these -collectors of anecdotes sometimes are about their facts.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1033"><a href="#FNanchor_1033"><span -class="label">[1033]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 71. We do not know what -happened afterwards with this town under its new population. But the -old name Egesta was afterwards resumed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1034"><a href="#FNanchor_1034"><span -class="label">[1034]</span></a> Compare the proceedings of the -Greco-Libyan princess Pheretimê (of the Battiad family) at Barka -(Herodot. iv. 202).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1035"><a href="#FNanchor_1035"><span -class="label">[1035]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 72. Hippokrates and -Epikydes—those Syracusans who, about a century afterwards, induced -Hieronymus of Syracuse to prefer the Carthaginian alliance to the -Roman—had resided at Carthage for some time, and served in the -army of Hannibal, because their grandfather had been banished from -Syracuse as one concerned in killing Archagathus (Polyb. vii. 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1036"><a href="#FNanchor_1036"><span -class="label">[1036]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 78, 79. Some said that -the sum of money paid by the Carthaginians was 300 talents. Timæus -stated it at 150 talents.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1037"><a href="#FNanchor_1037"><span -class="label">[1037]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1038"><a href="#FNanchor_1038"><span -class="label">[1038]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 90.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1039"><a href="#FNanchor_1039"><span -class="label">[1039]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 101. This expedition of -Agathokles against the Lyparæan isles seems to have been described in -detail by his contemporary historian, the Syracusan Kallias: see the -Fragments of that author, in Didot’s Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol. ii. -p. 383. Fragm. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1040"><a href="#FNanchor_1040"><span -class="label">[1040]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1041"><a href="#FNanchor_1041"><span -class="label">[1041]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 104; Livy, x. 2. A -curious anecdote appears in the Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus (78) -respecting two native Italians, Aulus and Caius, who tried to poison -Kleonymus at Tarentum, but were detected and put to death by the -Tarentines.</p> - -<p>That Agathokles, in his operations on the coast of southern -Italy, found himself in conflict with the Romans, and that their -importance was now strongly felt—we may judge by the fact, that the -Syracusan Kallias (contemporary and historian of Agathokles) appears -to have given details respecting the origin and history of Rome. See -the Fragments of Kallias, ap. Didot, Hist. Græc. Frag. vol. ii. p. -383; Fragm. 5—and Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. i. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1042"><a href="#FNanchor_1042"><span -class="label">[1042]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1043"><a href="#FNanchor_1043"><span -class="label">[1043]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 2. p. 265.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1044"><a href="#FNanchor_1044"><span -class="label">[1044]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 3. p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1045"><a href="#FNanchor_1045"><span -class="label">[1045]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 4, 8, 11. p. -266-273.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1046"><a href="#FNanchor_1046"><span -class="label">[1046]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 12. p. 276-278. -Neither Justin (xxiii. 2) nor Trogus before him, (as it seems from -the Prologue) alludes to poison. He represents Agathokles as having -died by a violent distemper. He notices however the bloody family -feud, and the murder of the uncle by the nephew.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1047"><a href="#FNanchor_1047"><span -class="label">[1047]</span></a> Justin (xxiii. 2) dwells pathetically -on this last parting between Agathokles and Theoxena. It is difficult -to reconcile Justin’s narrative with that of Diodorus; but on this -point, as far as we can judge, I think him more credible than -Diodorus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1048"><a href="#FNanchor_1048"><span -class="label">[1048]</span></a> Polyb. xv. 35. See above in this -History, Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. 46.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1049"><a href="#FNanchor_1049"><span -class="label">[1049]</span></a> Polybius (ix. 23) says that -Agathokles, though cruel in the extreme at the beginning of his -career, and in the establishment of his power, yet became the mildest -of men after his power was once established. The latter half of this -statement is contradicted by all the particular facts which we know -respecting Agathokles.</p> - -<p>As to Timæus the historian, indeed (who had been banished from -Sicily by Agathokles, and who wrote the history of the latter in -five books), Polybius had good reason to censure him, as being -unmeasured in his abuse of Agathokles. For Timæus not only recounted -of Agathokles numerous acts of nefarious cruelty—acts of course -essentially public, and therefore capable of being known—but also -told much scandal about his private habits, and represented him -(which is still more absurd) as a man vulgar and despicable in point -of ability. See the Fragments of Timæus ap. Histor. Græc. ed. Didot. -Frag. 144-150.</p> - -<p>All, or nearly all, the acts of Agathokles, as described in the -preceding pages, have been copied from Diodorus; who had as good -authorities before him as Polybius possessed. Diodorus does not copy -the history of Agathokles from Timæus; on the contrary, he censures -Timæus for his exaggerated acrimony and injustice towards Agathokles, -in terms not less forcibly than those which Polybius employs (xxi. -Fragm. p. 279). Diodorus cites Timæus by name, occasionally and in -particular instances: but he evidently did not borrow from that -author the main stream of his narrative. He seems to have had -before him other authorities—among them some highly favorable to -Agathokles—the Syracusan Kallias—and Antander, brother of Agathokles -(xxi. p. 278-282).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1050"><a href="#FNanchor_1050"><span -class="label">[1050]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 63.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1051"><a href="#FNanchor_1051"><span -class="label">[1051]</span></a> The poet Theokritus (xvi. -75-80) expatiates on the bravery of the Syracusan Hiero II., -and on the great warlike power of the Syracusans under him -(<small>B. C.</small> 260-240), which he represents as -making the Carthaginians tremble for their possessions in Sicily. -Personally, Hiero seems to have deserved this praise—and to -have deserved yet more praise for his mild and prudent internal -administration of Syracuse. But his military force was altogether -secondary in the great struggle between Rome and Carthage for the -mastery of Sicily.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1052"><a href="#FNanchor_1052"><span -class="label">[1052]</span></a> Cæsar, Bell. Gall. ii. 1; Strabo, iv. -p. 179.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1053"><a href="#FNanchor_1053"><span -class="label">[1053]</span></a> See Poseidonius ap. Athenæum, iv. p. -152.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1054"><a href="#FNanchor_1054"><span -class="label">[1054]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 180.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1055"><a href="#FNanchor_1055"><span -class="label">[1055]</span></a> Strabo (xii. p. 575) places Massalia -in the same rank as Kyzikus, Rhodes and Carthage; types of maritime -cities highly and effectively organized.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1056"><a href="#FNanchor_1056"><span -class="label">[1056]</span></a> Livy, xl. 18; Polybius, xxx. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1057"><a href="#FNanchor_1057"><span -class="label">[1057]</span></a> The oration composed by Demosthenes -πρὸς Ζηνόδεμιν, relates to an affair wherein a ship, captain, and -mate, all from Massalia, are found engaged in the carrying trade -between Athens and Syracuse (Demosth. p. 382 <i>seq.</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1058"><a href="#FNanchor_1058"><span -class="label">[1058]</span></a> Brückner, Histor. Massiliensium, c. 7 -(Göttingen).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1059"><a href="#FNanchor_1059"><span -class="label">[1059]</span></a> Livy, xxxiv. 8; Strabo. iii. p. 160. -At Massalia, it is said that no armed stranger was ever allowed to -enter the city, without depositing his arms at the gate (Justin, -xliii. 4).</p> - -<p>This precaution seems to have been adopted in other cities also: -see Æneas, Poliorket. c. 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1060"><a href="#FNanchor_1060"><span -class="label">[1060]</span></a> Strabo, iii. p. 165. A fact told to -Poseidonius by a Massaliot proprietor who was his personal friend. -</p> - -<p>In the siege of Massalia by Cæsar, a detachment of -Albici,—mountaineers not far from the town, and old allies or -dependents—were brought in to help in the defence (Cæsar, Bell. G. i. -34).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1061"><a href="#FNanchor_1061"><span -class="label">[1061]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 180.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1062"><a href="#FNanchor_1062"><span -class="label">[1062]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 181; Cicero, De -Republ. xxvii. Fragm. Vacancies in the senate seem to have been -filled up from meritorious citizens generally—as far as we can judge -by a brief allusion in Aristotle (Polit. vi. 7).</p> - -<p>From another passage in the same work, it seems that the narrow -basis of the oligarchy must have given rise to dissensions (v. 6). -Aristotle had included the Μασσαλιωτῶν πολιτεία in his lost work Περὶ -Πολιτειῶν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1063"><a href="#FNanchor_1063"><span -class="label">[1063]</span></a> Strabo, <i>l. c.</i> However, one -author from whom Athenæus borrowed (xii. p. 523), described the -Massaliots as luxurious in their habits.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1064"><a href="#FNanchor_1064"><span -class="label">[1064]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 199. Ἔφορος δὲ -ὑπερβάλλουσαν τῷ μεγέθει λέγει τὴν Κελτικὴν, ὥστε ἧσπερ νῦν Ἰβηρίας -καλοῦμεν ἐκείνοις τὰ πλεῖστα προσνέμειν μέχρι Γαδείρων, <span -class="gesperrt">φιλέλληνάς τε ἀποφαίνει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους</span>, καὶ -πολλὰ ἰδίως λέγει περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐοικότα τοῖς νῦν. Compare p. 181. -</p> - -<p>It is to be remembered that Ephorus was a native of the Asiatic -Kymê the immediate neighbor of Phokæa, which was the metropolis of -Massalia. The Massaliots never forgot or broke off their connection -with Phokæa: see the statement of their intercession with the Romans -on behalf of Phokæa (Justin, xxxvii. 1). Ephorus therefore had good -means of learning whatever Massaliot citizens were disposed to -communicate.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1065"><a href="#FNanchor_1065"><span -class="label">[1065]</span></a> Varro, Antiq. Fragm. p. 350, ed. -Bipont.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1066"><a href="#FNanchor_1066"><span -class="label">[1066]</span></a> See the Fragmenta Pytheæ collected -by Arfwedson, Upsal, 1824. He wrote two works—1. Γῆς Περιόδος. -2. Περὶ Ὠκεανοῦ. His statements were greatly esteemed, and often -followed, by Eratosthenes; partially followed by Hipparchus; harshly -judged by Polybius, whom Strabo in the main follows. Even by those -who judge him most severely, Pytheas is admitted to have been a -good mathematician and astronomer (Strabo, iv. p. 201)—and to have -travelled extensively in person. Like Herodotus, he must have been -forced to report a great deal on hearsay; and all that he could do -was to report the best hearsay information which reached him. It is -evident that his writings made an epoch in geographical inquiries; -though they doubtless contained numerous inaccuracies. See a fair -estimate of Pytheas in Mannert, Geog. der Gr. und Römer, Introd. i. -p. 73-86.</p> - -<p>The Massaliotic Codex of Homer, possessed and consulted among -others by the Alexandrine critics, affords presumption that the -celebrity of Massalia as a place of Grecian literature and study (in -which character it competed with Athens towards the commencement of -the Roman empire) had its foundations laid at least in the third -century before the Christian era.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1067"><a href="#FNanchor_1067"><span -class="label">[1067]</span></a> Aristotle, Politic. v. 2, 11; v. 5, -2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1068"><a href="#FNanchor_1068"><span -class="label">[1068]</span></a> See Vol. IX. Ch. lxxi. p. 129 -<i>seqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1069"><a href="#FNanchor_1069"><span -class="label">[1069]</span></a> See the remarkable life of the Karian -Datames, by Cornelius Nepos, which gives some idea of the situation -of Paphlagonia about 360-350 <small>B. C.</small> (cap. 7, 8). -Compare Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 1, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1070"><a href="#FNanchor_1070"><span -class="label">[1070]</span></a> Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, -6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1071"><a href="#FNanchor_1071"><span -class="label">[1071]</span></a> Polybius, v. 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1072"><a href="#FNanchor_1072"><span -class="label">[1072]</span></a> Xenoph. Anab. vi. 6, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1073"><a href="#FNanchor_1073"><span -class="label">[1073]</span></a> Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 2; v. 5, 5. -Another passage in the same work, however (v. 4, 2), says, that -in Herakleia, the democracy was subverted immediately after the -foundation of the colony, through the popular leaders; who committed -injustice against the rich. These rich men were banished, but -collected strength enough to return and subvert the democracy by -force.</p> - -<p>If this passage alludes to the same Herakleia (there were many -towns of that name), the government must have been originally -democratical. But the serfdom of the natives seems to imply an -oligarchy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1074"><a href="#FNanchor_1074"><span -class="label">[1074]</span></a> Aristot. Polit. vii. 5, 7; Polyæn. -vi. 9, 3, 4; compare Pseudo-Aristotle Œconomic. ii. 9.</p> - -<p>The reign of Leukon lasted from about 392-352 -<small>B. C.</small> The event alluded to by Polyænus must have -occurred at some time during this interval.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1075"><a href="#FNanchor_1075"><span -class="label">[1075]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1076"><a href="#FNanchor_1076"><span -class="label">[1076]</span></a> Aristot. v. 5, 2; 5, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1077"><a href="#FNanchor_1077"><span -class="label">[1077]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1078"><a href="#FNanchor_1078"><span -class="label">[1078]</span></a> Æneas, Poliorket. c. 11. I have given -what seems the most probable explanation of a very obscure passage. -</p> - -<p>It is to be noted that the distribution of citizens into -centuries (ἑκατοστύες) prevailed also at Byzantium; see Inscript. No. -2060 ap. Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Græc. p. 130. A citizen of Olbia, upon -whom the citizenship of Byzantium is conferred, is allowed to enroll -himself in any one of the ἑκατοστύες, that he prefers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1079"><a href="#FNanchor_1079"><span -class="label">[1079]</span></a> Diodor. xv. 81. ἐζήλωσε μὲν τὴν -Διονυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίου διαγωγὴν, etc. Memnon, Fragm. c. 1; -Isokrates, Epist. vii.</p> - -<p>It is here that the fragments of Memnon, as abstracted by Photius -(Cod. 224), begin. Photius had seen only eight books of Memnon’s -History of Herakleia (Books ix.-xvi. inclusive); neither the first -eight books (see the end of his Excerpta from Memnon), nor those -after the sixteenth, had come under his view. This is greatly to be -regretted, as we are thus shut out from the knowledge of Heraklean -affairs anterior to Klearchus.</p> - -<p>It happens, not unfrequently, with Photius, that he does not -possess an entire work, but only parts of it; this is a curious -fact, in reference to the libraries of the ninth century <span -class="smcap">A. D.</span></p> - -<p>The fragments of Memnon are collected out of Photius, together -with those of Nymphis and other Herakleotic historians, and -illustrated with useful notes and citations, in the edition of -Orelli; as well as by K. Müller, in Didot’s Fragm. Hist. Græc. tom. -iii. p. 525. Memnon carried his history down to the time of Julius -Cæsar, and appears to have lived shortly after the Christian era. -Nymphis (whom he probably copied) was much older; having lived -seemingly from about 300-230 <small>B. C.</small> (see the few -Fragmenta remaining from him, in the same work, iii. p. 12). The work -of the Herakleotic author Herodôrus seems to have been altogether -upon legendary matter (see Fragm. in the same work, ii. p. 27). He -was half a century earlier than Nymphis.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1080"><a href="#FNanchor_1080"><span -class="label">[1080]</span></a> Suidas v. Κλέαρχος.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1081"><a href="#FNanchor_1081"><span -class="label">[1081]</span></a> Polyænus, ii. 30, 1; Justin, xvi. 4. -“A quibus revocatus in patriam, per quos in arce collocatus fuerat”, -etc.</p> - -<p>Æneas (Poliorket. c. 12) cites this proceeding as an example of -the mistake made by a political party, in calling in a greater number -of mercenary auxiliaries than they could manage or keep in order.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1082"><a href="#FNanchor_1082"><span -class="label">[1082]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4, 5; Theopompus ap. -Athenæ. iii. p. 85. Fragm. 200, ed. Didot.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1083"><a href="#FNanchor_1083"><span -class="label">[1083]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1. The seventh Epistle -of Isokrates, addressed to Timotheus son of Klearchus, recognizes -generally this character of the latter with whose memory Isokrates -disclaims all sympathy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1084"><a href="#FNanchor_1084"><span -class="label">[1084]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1; Justin, xvi. 5; Diodor. -xvi 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1085"><a href="#FNanchor_1085"><span -class="label">[1085]</span></a> Memnon, c. 2. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ φιλαδελφίᾳ τὸ -πρῶτον ἠνέγκατο· τὴν γὰρ ἀρχὴν τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισὶν ἀνεπηρέαστον -συντηρῶν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τῆς αὐτῶν κηδεμονίας λόγον ἐτίθετο, ὡς καὶ -γυναικὶ συνὼν, καὶ τότε λίαν στεργομένῃ, μὴ ἀνασχέσθαι παιδοποιῆσαι, -ἀλλὰ μηχανῇ πάσῃ γονῆς στέρησιν ἑαυτῷ δικάσαι, ὡς ἂν μήδ᾽ ὅλως -ὑπολίποι τινὰ ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισίν.</p> - -<p>In the Antigonid dynasty of Macedonia, we read that Demetrius, -son of Antigonus Gonatas, died leaving his son Philip a boy. -Antigonus called Doson, younger brother of Demetrius, assumed the -regency on behalf of Philip; he married the widow of Demetrius, -and had children by her; but he was so anxious to guard Philip’s -succession against all chance of being disturbed, that he refused to -bring up his own children—Ὁ δὲ παιδῶν γενομένων ἐκ τῆς Χρυσηΐδος, -οὐκ ἀνεθρέψατο, τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Φιλιππῷ περισώζων (Porphyry, Fragm. ap. -Didot, Fragm. Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p. 701).</p> - -<p>In the Greek and Roman world, the father was generally considered -to have the right of determining whether he would or would not bring -up a new-born child. The obligation was only supposed to commence -when he accepted or sanctioned it, by taking up the child.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1086"><a href="#FNanchor_1086"><span -class="label">[1086]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3. The Epistle of -Isokrates (vii.) addressed to Timotheus in recommendation of a -friend, is in harmony with this general character, but gives no new -information.</p> - -<p>Diodorus reckons Timotheus as immediately succeeding Klearchus -his father—considering Satyrus simply as regent (xvi. 36).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1087"><a href="#FNanchor_1087"><span -class="label">[1087]</span></a> We hear of Klearchus as having -besieged Astakus (afterwards Nikomedia)—at the interior extremity of -the north-eastern indentation of the Propontis, called the Gulf of -Astakus (Polyænus, ii. 30, 3).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1088"><a href="#FNanchor_1088"><span -class="label">[1088]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1089"><a href="#FNanchor_1089"><span -class="label">[1089]</span></a> Memnon, c. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1090"><a href="#FNanchor_1090"><span -class="label">[1090]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1091"><a href="#FNanchor_1091"><span -class="label">[1091]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3. See in this History, -Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p. 154.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1092"><a href="#FNanchor_1092"><span -class="label">[1092]</span></a> Memnon, c. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1093"><a href="#FNanchor_1093"><span -class="label">[1093]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 565.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1094"><a href="#FNanchor_1094"><span -class="label">[1094]</span></a> Memnon, c. 4: compare Diodor. xx. -53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1095"><a href="#FNanchor_1095"><span -class="label">[1095]</span></a> Nymphis, Fragm. 16. ap. Athenæum, -xii. p. 549; Ælian, V. H. ix. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1096"><a href="#FNanchor_1096"><span -class="label">[1096]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 565. So also -Antioch, on the Orontes in Syria, the great foundation of Seleukus -Nikator, was established on or near the site of another Antigonia, -also previously founded by Antigonus Monophthalmus (Strabo, xv. p. -750).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1097"><a href="#FNanchor_1097"><span -class="label">[1097]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 544.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1098"><a href="#FNanchor_1098"><span -class="label">[1098]</span></a> Memnon, c. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1099"><a href="#FNanchor_1099"><span -class="label">[1099]</span></a> Memnon, c. 7, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1100"><a href="#FNanchor_1100"><span -class="label">[1100]</span></a> Memnon, c. 9; Strabo, xii. p. 542.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1101"><a href="#FNanchor_1101"><span -class="label">[1101]</span></a> Memnon, c. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1102"><a href="#FNanchor_1102"><span -class="label">[1102]</span></a> Memnon, c. 16. The inhabitants -of Byzantium also purchased for a considerable sum the important -position called the Ἱερὸν, at the entrance of the Euxine on the -Asiatic side (Polybius, iv. 50).</p> - -<p>These are rare examples, in ancient history, of cities acquiring -territory or dependencies <i>by purchase</i>. Acquisitions were often -made in this manner by the free German, Swiss, and Italian cities -of mediæval Europe; but as to the Hellenic cities, I have not had -occasion to record many such transactions in the course of this -history.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1103"><a href="#FNanchor_1103"><span -class="label">[1103]</span></a> Memnon, c. 13: compare Polyb. xviii. -34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1104"><a href="#FNanchor_1104"><span -class="label">[1104]</span></a> This is a remarkable observation made -by Memnon, c. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1105"><a href="#FNanchor_1105"><span -class="label">[1105]</span></a> See the statement of Polybius, xxii. -24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1106"><a href="#FNanchor_1106"><span -class="label">[1106]</span></a> Contrast the independent -and commanding position occupied by Byzantium in 399 -<small>B. C.</small>, acknowledging no superior except Sparta -(Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1)—with its condition in the third century -<small>B. C.</small>—harassed and pillaged almost to the -gates of the town by the neighboring Thracians and Gauls, and only -purchased immunity by continued money payments: see Polybius, iv. -45.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1107"><a href="#FNanchor_1107"><span -class="label">[1107]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 319. Philip of -Macedon defeated the Scythian prince Atheas or Ateas (about 340 -<small>B. C.</small>) somewhere between Mount Hæmus and the -Danube (Justin, ix. 2). But the relations of Ateas with the towns of -Istrus and Apollonia, which are said to have brought Philip into the -country, are very difficult to understand. It is most probable that -these cities invited Philip as their defender.</p> - -<p>In Inscription No. 2056 c. (in Boeckh’s Corp. Inscript. Græc. -part xi. p. 79), the five cities constituting the Pentapolis are -not clearly named. Boeckh supposes them to be Apollonia, Mesembria, -Odêssus, Kallatis, and Tomi; but Istrus seems more probable than -Tomi. Odêssus was on the site of the modern Varna where the -Inscription was found; greatly south of the modern town of Odessa, -which is on the site of another town <i>Ordêsus</i>.</p> - -<p>An Inscription (2056) immediately preceding the above, also -found at Odêssus, contains a vote of thanks and honors to a certain -citizen of Antioch, who resided with ... (name imperfect), king -of the Scythians and rendered great service to the Greeks by his -influence.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1108"><a href="#FNanchor_1108"><span -class="label">[1108]</span></a> Diodor. xix. 73; xx. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1109"><a href="#FNanchor_1109"><span -class="label">[1109]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 302-305; Pausanias, -i. 9, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1110"><a href="#FNanchor_1110"><span -class="label">[1110]</span></a> Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. -(Borysthenitica) p. 75, Reisk. εἶλον δὲ καὶ ταύτην (Olbia) Γέται, καὶ -τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἀριστέροις τοῦ Πόντου πόλεις, μέχρι Ἀπολλωνίας· -ὅθεν δὴ καὶ σφόδρα ταπεινὰ τὰ πράγματα κατέστη τῶν ταύτῃ Ἑλλήνων· τῶν -μὲν οὐκέτι συνοικισθεισῶν πόλεων, τῶν δὲ φαυλῶς, καὶ τῶν πλείστων -βαρβάρων εἰς αὐτὰς συῤῥεόντων.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1111"><a href="#FNanchor_1111"><span -class="label">[1111]</span></a> The picture drawn by Ovid, of his -situation as an exile at Tomi, can never fail to interest, from -the mere beauty and felicity of his expression; but it is not -less interesting, as a real description of Hellenism in its last -phase, degraded and overborne by adverse fates. The truth of Ovid’s -picture is fully borne out by the analogy of Olbia, presently to be -mentioned. His complaints run through the five books of the Tristia, -and the four books of Epistolæ ex Ponto (Trist. v. 10, 15).</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i-1">“Innumeræ circa gentes fera bella minantur,</p> -<p class="i2">Quæ sibi non rapto vivere turpe putant.</p> -<p class="i0">Nil extra tutum est: tumulus defenditur ægre</p> -<p class="i2">Mœnibus exiguis ingenioque soli.</p> -<p class="i0">Cum minime credas, ut avis, densissimus hostis</p> -<p class="i2">Advolat, et prædam vix bene visus agit.</p> -<p class="i0">Sæpe intra muros clausis venientia portis</p> -<p class="i2">Per medias legimus noxia tela vias.</p> -<p class="i0">Est igitur rarus, qui colere audeat, isque</p> -<p class="i2">Hac arat infelix, hac tenet arma manu.</p> -<p class="i0">Vix ope castelli defendimur: et tamen intus</p> -<p class="i2">Mista facit Græcis barbara turba metum.</p> -<p class="i0">Quippe simul nobis habitat discrimine nullo</p> -<p class="i2">Barbarus, et tecti plus quoque parte tenet.</p> -<p class="i0">Quos ut non timeas, possis odisse, videndo</p> -<p class="i2">Pellibus et longâ corpora tecta comâ.</p> -<p class="i0">Hos quoque, qui geniti Graiâ creduntur ab urbe,</p> -<p class="i2">Pro patrio cultu Persica bracca tegit,” etc.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="mt1">This is a specimen out of many others: compare Trist. -iii. 10, 53; iv. 1, 67; Epist. Pont. iii. 1.</p> - -<p>Ovid dwells especially upon the fact that there was more of -barbaric than of Hellenic speech at Tomi—“Graiaque quod Getico victa -loquela sono est” (Trist. v. 2, 68). Woollen clothing, and the -practice of spinning and weaving by the free women of the family, -were among the most familiar circumstances of Grecian life; the -absence of these feminine arts, and the use of skins or leather for -clothing, were notable departures from Grecian habits (Ex Ponto, iii. -8):—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i-1">“Vellera dura ferunt pecudes; et Palladis uti</p> -<p class="i2">Arte Tomitanæ non didicere nurus.</p> -<p class="i0">Femina pro lanâ Cerealia munera frangit,</p> -<p class="i2">Suppositoque gravem vertice portat aquam.”</p> -</div></div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1112"><a href="#FNanchor_1112"><span -class="label">[1112]</span></a> Herodot. iv. 16-18. The town was -called <i>Olbia</i> by its inhabitants, but <i>Borysthenes</i> usually by -foreigners; though it was not on the Borysthenes river (Dnieper), but -on the right bank of the Hypanis (Bug).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1113"><a href="#FNanchor_1113"><span -class="label">[1113]</span></a> Herodot. iv. 76-80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1114"><a href="#FNanchor_1114"><span -class="label">[1114]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 302: Skymnus Chius, -v. 112, who usually follows Ephorus.</p> - -<p>The rhetor Dion tells us (Orat. xxxvi. init.) that he went -to Olbia in order that he might <i>go through the Scythians -to the Getæ</i>. This shows that in his time (about <span -class="smcap">A. D.</span> 100) the Scythians must have been -between the Bug and Dniester—the Getæ nearer to the Danube—just -as they had been four centuries earlier. But many new hordes were -mingled with them.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1115"><a href="#FNanchor_1115"><span -class="label">[1115]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 296-304.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1116"><a href="#FNanchor_1116"><span -class="label">[1116]</span></a> This Inscription—No. 2058—in Boeckh’s -Inscr. Græc. part xi. p. 121 <i>seq.</i>—is among the most interesting -in that noble collection. It records a vote of public gratitude -and honor to a citizen of Olbia named Protogenes, and recites the -valuable services which he as well as his father had rendered to -the city. It thus describes the numerous situations of difficulty -and danger from which he had contributed to extricate them. A -vivid picture is presented to us of the distress of the city. The -introduction prefixed by Boeckh (p. 86-89) is also very instructive. -</p> - -<p>Olbia is often spoken of by the name of <i>Borysthenes</i>, which name -was given to it by foreigners, but not recognized by the citizens. -Nor was it even situated on the Borysthenes river; but on the right -or western bank of the Hypanis (Bug) river; not far from the modern -Oczakoff.</p> - -<p>The date of the above Inscription is not specified, and has -been differently determined by various critics. Niebuhr assigns it -(Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. in his Kleine Schriften, p. -387) to a time near the close of the second Punic war. Boeckh also -believes that it is not much after that epoch. The terror inspired -by the Gauls, even to other barbarians, appears to suit the second -century <small>B. C.</small> better than it suits a later -period.</p> - -<p>The Inscription No. 2059 attests the great number of strangers -resident at Olbia; strangers from eighteen different cities, of which -the most remote is Miletus, the mother-city of Olbia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1117"><a href="#FNanchor_1117"><span -class="label">[1117]</span></a> On one occasion, we know not when, -the citizens of Olbia are said to have been attacked by one Zopyrion, -and to have succeeded in resisting him only by emancipating their -slaves, and granting the citizenship to foreigners (Macrobius, -Saturnal. i. 11).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1118"><a href="#FNanchor_1118"><span -class="label">[1118]</span></a> Dion Chrys. (Or. xxxvi. p. 75), ἀεὶ -μὲν πολεμεῖται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ ἑάλωκε, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1119"><a href="#FNanchor_1119"><span -class="label">[1119]</span></a> Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. -(Borysthenit.) p. 75, 76, Reisk.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1120"><a href="#FNanchor_1120"><span -class="label">[1120]</span></a> See Boeckh’s Commentary on the -language and personal names of the Olbian Inscriptions, part xi. p. -108-116.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1121"><a href="#FNanchor_1121"><span -class="label">[1121]</span></a> Dion, Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.), p. -78, Reiske. ... καὶ τἄλλα μὲν οὐκέτι σαφῶς ἑλληνίζοντες, διὰ τὸ ἐν -μέσοις οἰκεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις, ὅμως τήν γε Ἰλιάδα ὀλίγου πάντες ἴσασιν -ἀπὸ στόματος. I translate the words ὀλίγου πάντες with some allowance -for rhetoric.</p> - -<p>The representation given by Dion of the youthful citizen of -Olbia—Kallistratus—with whom he conversed, is curious as a picture -of Greek manners in this remote land; a youth of eighteen years of -age, with genuine Ionic features, and conspicuous for his beauty -(εἶχε πολλοὺς ἐραστάς) a zealot for literature and philosophy, but -especially for Homer; clothed in the costume of the place, suited for -riding—the long leather trowsers, and short black cloak; constantly -on horseback for defence of the town, and celebrated as a warrior -even at that early age, having already killed or made prisoners -several Sarmatians (p. 77).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1122"><a href="#FNanchor_1122"><span -class="label">[1122]</span></a> See Inscriptions, Nos. 2076, 2077, -ap. Boeckh; and Arrian’s Periplus of the Euxine, ap. Geogr. Minor. p. -21, ed. Hudson.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1123"><a href="#FNanchor_1123"><span -class="label">[1123]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1124"><a href="#FNanchor_1124"><span -class="label">[1124]</span></a> Diodor. xii. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1125"><a href="#FNanchor_1125"><span -class="label">[1125]</span></a> See Mr. Clinton’s Appendix on the -Kings of Bosporus—Fast. Hellen. App. c. 13. p. 280. etc.; and -Boeckh’s Commentary on the same subject, Inscript. Græc. part xi. p. -91 <i>seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1126"><a href="#FNanchor_1126"><span -class="label">[1126]</span></a> Polybius (iv. 38) enumerates the -principal articles of this Pontic trade; among the exports τά τε -δέρματα καὶ τὸ τῶν εἰς τὰς δουλείας ἀγομένων σωμάτων πλῆθος, etc., -where Schweighäuser has altered <span class="gesperrt">δέρματα</span> -to <span class="gesperrt">θρέμματα</span> seemingly on the authority -of one MS. only. I doubt the propriety of this change, as well as -the facts of any large exportation of live cattle from the Pontus; -whereas the exportation of hides was considerable: see Strabo, xi. p. -493.</p> - -<p>The Scythian public slaves or policemen of Athens are well known. -Σκύθαινα also is the name of a female slave (Aristoph. Lysistr. 184). -Σκύθης, for the name of a slave, occurs as early as Theognis, v. 826. -</p> - -<p>Some of the salted preparations from the Pontus were -extravagantly dear; Cato complained of a κεράμιον Ποντικῶν ταρίχον as -sold for 300 drachmæ (Polyb. xxxi. 24).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1127"><a href="#FNanchor_1127"><span -class="label">[1127]</span></a> Harpokration and Photius, v. -Νυμφαῖον—from the ψηφίσματα collected by Kraterus. Compare Boeckh, in -the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p. -658.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1128"><a href="#FNanchor_1128"><span -class="label">[1128]</span></a> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 78. c. 57. -See my last preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxvii. p. 263.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1129"><a href="#FNanchor_1129"><span -class="label">[1129]</span></a> Lysias, pro Mantitheo, Or. xvi. s. -4; Isokrates (Trapezitic.), Or. xvii. s. 5. The young man, whose -case Isokrates sets forth, was sent to Athens by his father Sopæus, -a rich Pontic Greek (s. 52) much in the confidence of Satyrus. -Sopæus furnished his son with two ship-loads of corn, and with money -besides—and then despatched him to Athens ἅμα κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν καὶ κατὰ -θεωρίαν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1130"><a href="#FNanchor_1130"><span -class="label">[1130]</span></a> Isokrates, Trapez. s. 5, 6. Sopæus, -father of this pleader, had incurred the suspicions of Satyrus in the -Pontus, and had been arrested; upon which Satyrus sends to Athens to -seize the property of the son, to order him home,—and if he refused, -then to require the Athenians to deliver him up—ἐπιστέλλει δὲ τοῖς -ἐνθάδε ἐπιδημοῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου τά τε χρήματα παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ κομίσασθαι, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1131"><a href="#FNanchor_1131"><span -class="label">[1131]</span></a> Isokrates, Trapezit. s. 71. -Demosthenes also recognizes favors from Satyrus—καὶ αὐτὸς (Leukon) -καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι, etc. (adv. Leptin. p. 467).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1132"><a href="#FNanchor_1132"><span -class="label">[1132]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 467.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1133"><a href="#FNanchor_1133"><span -class="label">[1133]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 469.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1134"><a href="#FNanchor_1134"><span -class="label">[1134]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Phormion., p. 917; -Deinarchus adv. Demosth., p. 34. The name stands Berisades as -printed in the oration; but it is plain that Parisades is the person -designated. See Boeckh, Introd. ad Inscr. No. 2056, p. 92.</p> - -<p>Deinarchus avers, that Demosthenes received an annual present of -1000 modii of corn from Bosporus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1135"><a href="#FNanchor_1135"><span -class="label">[1135]</span></a> Demosthen. adv. Dionysodor. p. -1285.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1136"><a href="#FNanchor_1136"><span -class="label">[1136]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310, 311.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1137"><a href="#FNanchor_1137"><span -class="label">[1137]</span></a> See Inscript. Nos. 2117, 2118, 2119, -in Boeckh’s Collection, p. 156.</p> - -<p>In the Memorabilia of Xenophon (ii. 1, 10). Sokrates cites -the Scythians as an example of ruling people, and the Mæotæ as an -example of subjects. Probably this refers to the position of the -Bosporanic Greeks, who paid tribute to the Scythians, but ruled over -the Mæotæ. The name <i>Mæotæ</i> seems confined to tribes on the Asiatic -side of the Palus Mæotis; while the Scythians were on the European -side of that sea. Sokrates and the Athenians had good means of being -informed about the situation of the Bosporani and their neighbors on -both sides. See K. Neumann, die Hellenen im Skythenlande, b. ii. p. -216.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1138"><a href="#FNanchor_1138"><span -class="label">[1138]</span></a> This boundary is attested in another -Inscription No. 2104, of the same collection. Inscription No. 2103, -seems to indicate Arcadian mercenaries in the service of Leukon: -about the mercenaries, see Diodor. xx. 22.</p> - -<p>Parisades I. is said to have been worshipped as a god, after his -death (Strabo, vii. p. 310).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1139"><a href="#FNanchor_1139"><span -class="label">[1139]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 24 The scene of these -military operations (as far as we can pretend to make it out from -the brief and superficial narrative of Diodorus), seems to have been -on the European side of Bosporus; somewhere between the Borysthenes -river and the Isthmus of Perekop, in the territory called by -Herodotus <i>Hylæa</i>. This is Niebuhr’s opinion, which I think more -probable than that of Boeckh, who supposes the operations to have -occurred on the Asiatic territory of Bosporus. So far I concur with -Niebuhr; but his reasons for placing Dromichætes king of the Getæ -(the victor over Lysimachus), east of the Borysthenes, are noway -satisfactory.</p> - -<p>Compare Niebuhr’s Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. (in his -Kleine Schriften, p. 380). with Boeckh’s Commentary on the Sarmatian -Inscriptions, Corp. Ins. Græc. part xi. p. 83-103.</p> - -<p>The mention by Diodorus of a wooden fortress, surrounded by -morass and forest, is curious, and may be illustrated by the -description in Herodotus (iv. 108) of the city of the Budini. This -habit of building towns and fortifications of wood, prevailed among -the Slavonic population in Russia and Poland until far down in the -middle ages. See Paul Joseph Schaffarik, Slavische Alterhümer, in the -German translation of Wuttke, vol. i. ch. 10 p. 192; also K. Neumann, -Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1140"><a href="#FNanchor_1140"><span -class="label">[1140]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1141"><a href="#FNanchor_1141"><span -class="label">[1141]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1142"><a href="#FNanchor_1142"><span -class="label">[1142]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 100. Spartokus IV.—son of -Eumelus—is recognized in one Attic Inscription (No. 107), and various -Bosporanic (No. 2105, 2106, 2120) in Boeckh’s Collection. Parisades -II.—son of Spartokus—is recognized in another Bosporanic Inscription, -No. 2107—seemingly also in No. 2120 <i>b.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1143"><a href="#FNanchor_1143"><span -class="label">[1143]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310. Deinarchus -however calls Parisades, Satyrus, and Gorgippus, τοὺς ἐχθίστους -τύραννους (adv. Demosth. s. 44).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1144"><a href="#FNanchor_1144"><span -class="label">[1144]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310. οὐχ οἷός τε ὢν -ἀντέχειν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους, φόρον πραττομένους μείζω τοῦ πρότερον, -etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1145"><a href="#FNanchor_1145"><span -class="label">[1145]</span></a> Neumann, Die Hellenen im -Skythenlande, p. 503.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1146"><a href="#FNanchor_1146"><span -class="label">[1146]</span></a> An account of the recent discoveries -near Kertch or Pantikapæum, will be found in Dubois de Montpéreux, -Voyage dans le Caucase, vol. v. p. 135 <i>seqq.</i>; and in Neumann, Die -Hellenen im Skythenlande, pp. 483-533. The last-mentioned work is -peculiarly copious and instructive; relating what has been done since -Dubois’s travels, and containing abundant information derived from -the recent memoirs of the St. Petersburg Literary Societies.</p> - -<p>The local and special type, which shows itself so much on -these works of art, justifies the inference that they were not -brought from other Grecian cities, but executed by Grecian artists -resident at Pantikapæum (p. 507). Two marble statues, a man and -a woman, both larger than life, exhumed in 1850, are spoken of -with peculiar admiration (p. 491). Coins of the third and fourth -century <small>B. C.</small> have been found in several (p. -494, 495). A great number of the so-called Etruscan vases have also -been discovered, probably fabricated from a species of clay still -existing in the neighborhood: the figures on these vases are often -excellent, with designs and scenes of every description, religious, -festal, warlike, domestic (p. 522). Many of the sarcophagi are -richly ornamented with carvings, in wood, ivory, etc; some admirably -executed (p. 521).</p> - -<p>Unfortunately, the belief prevails, and has long prevailed, -among the neighboring population, that these tumuli contain hidden -treasures. One of the most striking among them—called the Kul-Obo—was -opened in 1830 by the Russian authorities. After great pains and -trouble, the means of entrance were discovered, and the interior -chamber was reached. It was the richest that had ever been opened; -being found to contain some splendid golden ornaments, as well as -many other relics. The Russian officers placed a guard to prevent -any one from entering it; but the cupidity of the population of -Kertch was so inflamed by the report of the expected treasure being -discovered, that they forced the guard, broke into the interior, and -pillaged most of the contents (p. 509). The Russian authorities have -been generally anxious for the preservation and gradual excavation of -these monuments, but have had to contend against repugnance and even -rapacity on the part of the people near.</p> - -<p>Dubois de Montpéreux gives an interesting description of the -opening of these tumuli near Kertch—especially of the Kul-Obo, the -richest of all, which he conceives to have belonged to one of the -Spartokid kings, and the decorations of which were the product of -Hellenic art:—</p> - -<p>“Si l’on a enterré (he observes) un roi entouré d’un luxe -Scythique, ce sont des Græcs et des artistes de cette nation qui ont -travaillé à ses funerailles” (Voyage autour du Caucase, pp. 195, 213, -227). Pantikapæum and Phanagoria (he says) “se reconnoissent de loin -à la foule de leurs tumulus” (p. 137).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1147"><a href="#FNanchor_1147"><span -class="label">[1147]</span></a> How marked that degradation was, -may be seen attested by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, De Antiquis -Oratoribus, pp. 445, 446, Reiske—ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν χρόνοις ἡ -μὲν ἀρχαία καὶ φιλόσοφος ῥητορικὴ προπηλακιζομένη καὶ δεινὰς ὕβρεις -ὑπομένουσα κατελύετο, ἀρξαμένη μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος -τελευτῆς ἐκπνεῖν καὶ μαραίνεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγον, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς -ἡλικίας μικροῦ δεήσασα εἰς τέλος ἠφανίσθαι. Compare Dionys. De -Composit. Verbor. p. 29, 30, Reisk.; and Westermann, Geschichte der -Griechischen Beredtsamkeit, s. 75-77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1148"><a href="#FNanchor_1148"><span -class="label">[1148]</span></a> Hom. Iliad, vi. 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p id="Footnote_1149"><a href="#FNanchor_1149"><span -class="label">[1149]</span></a> Hom. Odyss. xvii. 322.—</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<p class="i0">ἥμισυ γάρ τ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀποαίνυται εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς</p> -<p class="i0">ἀνέρος, εὖτ᾽ ἄν μιν κατὰ δούλιον ἦμαρ ἕλῃσιν.</p> -</div></div> - -</div> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap0" /> - - -<div class="chapter pt3" id="tnote"> -<div class="transnote"> - <p class="tnotetit">Transcriber's note</p> - <ul> - <li>The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed - in the public domain.</li> - - <li>Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the - book.</li> - - <li>Blank pages have been skipped.</li> - - <li>Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected, after - comparison with a later edition of this work. Greek text has also - been corrected after checking with this later edition and with - Perseus, when the reference was found.</li> - - <li>Original spelling, hyphenation and punctuation have been kept, - but variant spellings were made consistent when a predominant usage - was found.</li> - - <li>Nevetherless, no attempt has been made at normalizing proper - names (<i>i.e.</i> Agrianes and Agriânes, Onchestus and Onchêstus, - Megalêpolis and Megalê-Polis, Mantinea and Mantineia, Crête and - Krête, Phenicians and Phœnicians, etc.). The author established - at the beginning of the first volume of this work some rules of - transcription for proper names, but neither he nor his publisher - follow them consistently.</li> - - <li>In the Table of Contents, some page numbers have been emended - so that they refer to the actual pages where chapters begin and - end.</li> - - <li>Some maps are rotated for the benefit of e-readers, but enlarged - images of these maps, unavailable in e-readers, are in their - unrotated presentation.</li> - </ul> -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12), by -George Grote - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GREECE, VOLUME 12 *** - -***** This file should be named 60786-h.htm or 60786-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/7/8/60786/ - -Produced by Henry Flower, Ramon Pajares Box and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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